Graziano SavГ A Grammar of TsвЂ™amakko 2 Table of contents Acknowledgements Symbols and abbreviations List of tables Map 1. Introduction 1.1. The TsвЂ™amakko people 1.1.1. Previous studies on the TsвЂ™amakko people 1.2. The TsвЂ™amakko language 1.2.1. Classification 1.2.2. Previous studies on the TsвЂ™amakko language 1.2.3. Collection of data 2. Phonology 2.1. Consonants 2.1.1. Inventory of phonemes 2.1.2. Minimal pairs and distribution 2.2. Realisations of consonant phonemes 2.2.1. Final unreleased realisation 2.2.2. Glottal stop deletion 2.2.3. Trilled realisation 2.2.4. Apical realisation 2.2.5. Preglottalisation 2.2.6. Reduction to glottal stop and to Гё 2.2.7. Change in air-stream direction 2.2.8. Devoicing 2.2.9. The phoneme /пѓЂ/ 2.2.10. Affricate realisation of ejective 2.2.11. Affricate realisation of fricative 2.2.12. Fricative realisation of affricate ejective 2.2.13. The voiceless labial consonant /p/ 2.2.14. The geminate counterparts of /ЕЎ/ 2.3. Vowels 2.4. Tone 2.4.1. High tone (H) and Low tone (L) 2.4.2. The tonal system 2.4.3. Tone in basic nouns and other nominals 3 2.4.4. Nominal tone in suffixation and cliticisation 2.4.5. Tone in verbs 2.4.6. Tone in clitics, conjunctions, pronominal particles, locative pronoun and sentence marker 2.4.7. Tone vs. pitch accent 2.4.8. A note on tone marking 2.5. Syllables 2.5.1. Onset 2.5.2. Coda 2.5.3. Insertion of an epenthetic vowel as nucleus and degemination 2.5.4. Ambisyllabic geminate consonants 2.6. Consonant clusters 2.6.1. Consonant clusters in syllable sequences 2.6.2. Root internal cluster restrictions 2.6.3. Consonant sequences in words 2.7. Phonological rules 2.7.1. Voice assimilation 2.7.2. Devoicing 2.7.3. Phonation assimilation 2.7.4. Nasal assimilation 2.7.5. Vowel lengthening 2.7.6. Vowel deletion 2.7.7. Metathesis 2.7.8. Sibilant palatal harmony 3. Nominal morphology 3.1. Interaction between gender and number 3.2. Basic and derived form 3.3. Basic nouns 3.3.1. Nouns with two basic forms 3.4. Gender 3.4.1. Manifestation of gender 3.4.2. Gender suffixes 3.4.3. Semantic assignment of gender 3.4.4. Lack of congruence between semantic gender and gender suffixes 3.4.5. Feminine gender of loanwords 3.4.6. Gender of sex-inherent loanwords 3.4.7. Semantic gender of borrowed proper names 3.5. Number 3.5.1. Number derivation and gender 3.5.2. Number derivation suffixes 3.5.3. CVCC template Plurative formation 3.5.4. Derivational patterns 3.5.5. Noun lexemes with only derived forms (pattern g.) 3.5.6. Lexical number pairs 4 3.5.7. Derivation from non-basic units 3.5.8. Age grades, peoples and clans 3.5.9. The masculine kinship suffix -iy 3.6. Sub classes of nouns: Attributive nouns, adjectives and numerals 3.6.1. Attributive nouns 3.6.2. Adjectives 3.6.3. Numerals 3.7. The locative case suffixes 3.8. The Distal demonstrative suffixes 3.9. The proximal demonstrative/vocative tone morpheme 3.10. The definite suffix -se 4. Notes on syntax 4.1. The noun phrase 4.1.1. Noun phrases with attributive nouns and adjective as modifier 4.1.2. Noun phrases with numeral as modifier 4.1.3. Noun phrases with demonstrative as modifier 4.1.4. Noun phrases with possessive modifiers 4.1.5. Noun phrases with locative suffix as modifier 4.1.6. Noun phrases with definite as modifier 4.1.7. Noun phrases with вЂ�whose?вЂ™, вЂ�which one?вЂ™, or вЂ�differentвЂ™ as modifier 4.2. Relative clauses 4.3. Sequences of modifiers 4.4. The nominal sentence 4.5. The verbal sentence 4.5.1. The subject 4.5.2. The object 4.5.3. Noun phrases in adverbial position 188.8.131.52. =nu (вЂ�fromвЂ™) 184.108.40.206. =ma (вЂ�to/inвЂ™) 220.127.116.11. =yay (вЂ�withвЂ™) 18.104.22.168. The semantically empty clitic =y 4.5.4. Locative adverbials: the clitic =ta (вЂ�uponвЂ™) and the postposition na 4.6. Sentences conjunctions 4.7. The sentence marker ka 5. Pronouns 5.1. Pronoun series 5.2. The third person pronouns 5.3. The subject pronouns 5.4. The object pronouns 5.5. The pronominal particles 5.5.1. Definites 5 5.5.2. Demonstratives 5.5.3. Possessives 5.5.4. вЂ�whose?вЂ™-pronominals 5.5.5. вЂ�which one?вЂ™-pronominals 5.5.6. вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals 5.5.7. The pronominal particles and the relative clause 5.5.8. The pronominal particles in sentences with stative verbs 5.5.9. The pronominal particles in interrogative sentences 5.6. The third person locative pronoun na 5.6.1. na in locative function 5.6.2. na as bound space and directive pronoun 5.6.3. na as instrumental-comitative pronoun 5.6.4. na as dative pronoun 5.6.5. na without specific reference 5.6.6. na as locative relative pronoun 6. Verb inflection 6.1. Verb root and stem 6.2. Inflectional categories 6.3. Verb classes 6.4. Suffix sets 6.4.1. Set 1 6.4.2. Set 2 6.4.3. Set 3 6.4.4. Set 4: Consecutive paradigm 6.4.5. Set 5: Adjectival verbs 6.4.6. Imperative 6.4.7. Subject focus verbs 6.4.8. Overview of paradigms 6.5. Unmarked and Marked-Imperfective 6.5.1. Unmarked 6.5.2. Marked-Imperfective 6.5.3. Stative verbs 6.6. Future 6.6.1 Main Future and Subordinate Future 6.6.2. Main Future 6.6.3. Subordinate Future as focus form 6.6.4. Future in conditional and final sentences 6.7. Positive and Negative 6.7.1. Past Negative 6.7.2. Non-Past Negative 6.7.3. Future Negative 6.8. Mood: Jussive and Imperative 6.9. Consecutive 6.10 . Verb paradigms 6 7. Verb derivation 7.1. Derivational suffixes 7.2. Verbalisers 7.2.1. Causative verbalisers -as and -os 7.2.2. Middle verbalisers -aпѓ« and -oпѓ« 7.2.3. Verbaliser -om 7.2.4. Inceptive verbaliser -aw 7.3. Valency changing derivation suffixes 7.3.1. Causative -as and -is 7.3.2. Middle -aпѓ« 7.3.3. Passive -am 7.3.4. Inceptive -aw 7.3.5. Combination of derivational suffixes 7.3.6. Marginal unproductive suffix -aп‚є 7.4. Derivational stems 7.4.1. Punctual geminated stem 7.4.2. Iterative reduplicated stem 8. Other word classes 8.1. Adverbials 8.2. Relational nouns 8.3. Interrogatives 9. Texts 9.1. Maakke gelzakkilo Р‘aaka maakke garrilo 9.2. Maakke kulilatte Р‘aaka maakke garrilo 9.3. Maakke garrilo Р‘aaka maakke gubalatte 10. Glossaries 10.1. TsвЂ™amakko-English 10.2. English- TsвЂ™amakko References 7 Symbols and abbreviations 1 2 3 Adj Attr Backgr C Caus Com Cons Dat Def Def1 Def2 Def3 Diff Dir Dist Dist1 Dist2 F Fill Fut H Imp Impfv Inf Intr Juss L Lit Loc M Mid Neg NonPstNeg Obj P Pass Pl Poss Pron first person, kind of definite, kind of demonstrative second person, kind of definite, kind of demonstrative third person, kind of definite adjective, adjectival verb attributive noun background consonant causative comitative Consecutive verb, Consecutive conjunction dative nominal definite first kind of pronominal definite second kind of pronominal definite third kind of pronominal definite вЂ�differentвЂ™ pronominal suffix directive nominal Distal deixis first kind of pronominal Distal deixis second kind of pronominal Distal deixis feminine filling clitic future high tone Imperative Marked-Imperfective infinitive intransitive Jussive low tone literally locative masculine middle Negative Non-Past Negative object plural gender passive plural, Plurative possessive pronominal particle 8 Prox Prox1 Prox2 PstNeg Sb Sent Sth Sub Subj Sg Tr Unm V Voc = . nominal Proximal deixis first kind of pronominal Proximal deixis second kind of pronominal Proximal deixis Past Negative somebody sentence marker something subordinate subject singular, Singulative transitive Unmarked vowel vocative affix boundary clitic boundary separation of abbreviations fused or combined in one morpheme, syllable boundary 9 List of tables Table 1: Table 2: Table 3 Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Table 9: Table 10: Table 11: Table 12: Table 13: Table 14: Table 15: Table 16: Table 17: Table 18: Table 19: Table 20: Table 21: Table 22: Table 23: Table 24: Table 25: Table 26: Table 27: Table 28: Table 29: Table 30: Table 31: Table 32: Table 33: Table 34: Table 35: Table 36: Table 37: Table 38: Table 39: Table 40: Consonant phonemes and their realisations Grid of the consonant phonemes Geminated consonants /pp/, /ЕЎЕЎ/, /п‚єп‚є/, /п‚©п‚©/, /hh/, /cc/ and /пѓёпѓё/ Geminated consonants with one realisation Distribution of consonant phonemes Phonetic realisations of the voiceless labial consonant Dullay correspondences with TsвЂ™amakko cc Tone in Unmarked inflection Verb tone patterns Combinations of sonorants Sonorant-glottalic clusters Possible consonant clusters Gender suffixes and agreement Gender as expression of number derivation The number derivation suffixes Nominal number derivational patterns Patterns (g.1) and (g.2) Pronominal particles and definite suffix after head noun in relative clauses The subject and object personal pronouns The pronominal particles The personal possessive suffixes Syllabification of 1Sg, 2SgM and 2SgF dative pronouns Syllabification of 1Sg, 2SgM and 2SgF directive pronouns Haplology in 1Pl dative pronoun Full paradigms of the object pronouns in all possible syntactic functions The definites The demonstratives The possessives The вЂ�whose?вЂ™-pronominals The вЂ�which one?вЂ™-pronominals The вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals Locative pronoun with case clitics The verbal paradigms Difference between Unmarked A and Unmarked B Difference between Consecutive A and Consecutive B Difference between Imperative A and Imperative B Suffix sets Suffix sets 1 Suffix sets 2 Suffix sets 3 10 Table 41: Table 42: Table 43: Table 44: Table 45: Table 46: Suffix sets 4 Suffix sets 5 Overview of paradigms Verb derivation suffixes Verbaliser suffixes Distribution of -is and -as in similar phonological contexts 11 1. Introduction 1.1. The TsвЂ™amakko people The TsвЂ™amakko live in southwest Ethiopia, in the plain of the WeytвЂ™o River (Dullayko in TsвЂ™amakko) and on the edges of the mountains delimiting the plain. The territory, located between 5Лљ10вЂ™ and 5Лљ40вЂ™ north latitude, and 36Лљ40вЂ™ and 37Лљ05вЂ™ east longitude, is limited to the east by the WeytвЂ™o River, to the south by the Lake CвЂ™ew BahГЇr, to the north by the Maale highlands and to the west by the highlands separating the plain of the WeytвЂ™o from the plain of the Omo River. The administrative location is Bena-Tsamai Woreda, a district within the South Omo Zone, which is a section of the Ethiopian federal state вЂ�Southern Nations, Nationalities and PeoplesвЂ™. The 1994 Ethiopian Census (1996) gives the number of TsвЂ™amakko at 9.804. In Ethiopia the people and their language are known as Tsamai (Tsamay, Tzamai). Alternative spellings of вЂ�TsвЂ™amakkoвЂ™ are SвЂ™aamakko, Tsamako, Tsamakko, Samaco and Tamaha. The TsвЂ™amakko live in sixteen villages. The administrative and trading centre is the small town of WeytвЂ™o, which hosts a police office and a weekly open market (on Sunday). The development of WeytвЂ™o is linked to the creation of a large nearby cotton farm, the Birale Cotton Company. The farm is a reference point for those who reach the area, which is also known as Birale. No TsвЂ™amakko work on the plantation. The main economic and socially relevant activity is cattle keeping. Life develops around the social and cultural values related to cattle. Every homestead holds a more or less large herd of livestock. Chickens too are commonly bred. However, food production is based on agriculture. Cultivated crops are sorghum, maize and, to a lesser extent, beans and pumpkin. Edible leaves of trees, wild plants, and wild animals are also consumed. The TsвЂ™amakko are also specialised in bee-keeping, but most of the honey is sold. Eggs and fish are not part of the diet. The first represent marketable goods, the second is considered a taboo food. The TsвЂ™amakko territory is divided in dawle вЂ�lowlandвЂ™ and пЂїaЕЎЕЎe вЂ�highlandвЂ™. Most TsвЂ™amakko live in the lowland area, which is characterised by poor and uneven rainfall. The land is scarcely productive and is often affected by periods of drought. The climatic conditions limit the possibility of wealth and food accumulation. Therefore, the TsвЂ™amakko often have to face periods of food shortage. The climatic situation in the вЂ�highlandвЂ™, which is on the edge of surrounding mountains, is slightly better, but not good enough to prevent famine. 12 The neighbours of the TsвЂ™amakko are the Hamer and Banna, to the southwest and west, respectively, the Arbore to the south, the Dullay speaking peoples, such as KвЂ™erkвЂ™erte and Gawwada, to the east, and the Maale to the north. The hunter-gatherers Ongota live within the TsвЂ™amakko territory, on the left bank of the WeytвЂ™o. The relations of the TsвЂ™amakko with their neighbours are presently peaceful. In the past there have been tensions with the members of the Maale group. The Konso and the Borana, who are not geographically adjacent, but much larger peoples, used to organise hostile raids into the TsвЂ™amakko territory. With the exception of the Maale, the relations with the neighbours develop around trade, cattle-sharing and intermarriage. The TsвЂ™amakko have build up a particularly strong alliance with the Hamer and the Banna. These two people are called with a single name in TsвЂ™amakko, пЂїorgo, but the Hamer can be distinguished by the term пЂїamarko. They are seen as prestigious groups worth of imitation and they have a strong influence on TsвЂ™amakko life style. This influence is particularly evident in dressing, hairstyle and body ornaments. The TsвЂ™amakko often visit the Banna market in QГ¤y AfГ¤r and, more sporadically, the Hamer market in Dimeka. Several TsвЂ™amakko are bilingual in HamerBanna, a dialect cluster of the South Omotic language group. The TsвЂ™amakko language is part of the Dullay dialect cluster of Lowland East Cushitic. The linguistic relation of TsвЂ™amakko and the other Dullay languages is not paired by an ethnic relation. The other Dullay speakers are linked to the Konso, rather than to the Hamer and the Banna. This difference has a geographic basis. The TsвЂ™amakko are the only Dullay speakers who live in a lowland area and on the west bank of the WeytвЂ™o River. The other Dullay-speaking peoples are found in the largely unexplored mountainous area between the east bank of the WeytвЂ™o and the Konso highlands. The TsвЂ™amakko are the only people who have established fruitful relations with the Ongota, a tiny group of one hundred hunter-gatherers. The Ongota have a positive attitude towards the TsвЂ™amakko. Such attitude is so strong that they decided to abandon their traditional language and replace it with TsвЂ™amakko. The abandonment of the Ongota language is in its final stage. Only eight elders can speak it. The TsвЂ™amakko are divided in seven clans. Each one claims to trace back their origins from a neighbouring people, whose members migrated to the area where the TsвЂ™amakko presently reside. The members of a clan are considered brothers and sister and, therefore, cannot marry to each other. Children use пЂїabba вЂ�fatherвЂ™ and пЂїayya вЂ�motherвЂ™ for all the older people who have children. Grandparents are all called пЂїakka вЂ�grandfatherвЂ™ and пѓЂaabo вЂ�grandmotherвЂ™ by all members of the younger generations. The TsвЂ™amakko villages are not clan-based. People from different clans live in the same village. A council of elders administrates the village. They have a head 13 which calls for meetings in order to discuss matters concerning the community. The crucial moment in the life of a tsвЂ™amatakko вЂ�TsвЂ™amakko manвЂ™ or a tsвЂ™amatte вЂ�TsвЂ™amakko womanвЂ™ is the rite of passage called gore. Only after a person has passed this stage is he/she considered a full member of the society and receives the right to be treated as an adult and to get married. The gore also entails the introduction in the age-grade. Each one clusters individuals of two or three generation. Rituals establishing a new age-grade are performed approximately every forty years. Only the male individuals who belong to the senior age-grade may be part of the council of elders. The age grades are distinguished by six terms, which are attributed in sequence according to a fixed order. Individuals of the same age grade are expected to help each other in activities that must be carried out in a group, such as house building. This kind of meeting is called пЂїaylo. The arrangement of a wedding, including the calculation of bridewealth, must be negotiated with the family of the girl. In some cases a girl may inquire about the character and the value of a potential partner and decide to marry him or not. If she is willing to marry him, the couple secretly organises the вЂ�kidnappingвЂ™ of the girl. Afterwards the boy proposes the union to her parents, who will have the last word. A married woman carries two signs of her marital status. The first one, adopted from Hamer and Banna, is curly long hair smeared with butter and red sand. The second one is a skirt made of goatskin with a sort of long back tail touching the ground. This kind of skirt is so typically TsвЂ™amakko that the Dhaasanech, a people living farther southwest, call them вЂ�The Hamer with a tailвЂ™. Premarital sexual intercourse is allowed. After the wedding women cannot have sex with other men, while the husband can have other sexual partners and also other wives. Couples are mainly formed during dancing meetings (gibdo). A married man can take part in the dancing. Only unmarried women can join the dances. Two funeral rites are organised for a dead person: the burial and the reburial. The first one takes place soon after the death of a person. The second one, called gilo, is performed about ten years after the burial. It consists in digging out the bones of the dead person and burying them again in another place. The ritual is performed by the members of the family. The TsвЂ™amakko have a god, waпЂїko, who communicates with the people through the boп‚©olko, a leading spiritual figure that the TsвЂ™amakko share with the Arbore. The waпЂїko has an influence on peopleвЂ™s life, but is not the author of creation. The TsвЂ™amakko believe that, one day, the male and the female stars, takkaditto and пѓ°ezgitte created the world. They did it when they were standing on the same line in two opposite points of the sky. These two stars are visible and still create rain when they are in that position. This situation is highly desired, but rare. Usually, the two stars do not face each other because takkaditto gets out in the morning, crosses the sky, and 14 disappears in the evening, just before пѓ°ezgitte appears and goes along the same route. пѓ°ezgitte disappears in the morning, when takkaditto starts a new journey in the sky. 1.1.1. Previous studies on the TsвЂ™amakko people Ethnographic research on the TsвЂ™amakko is very scarce. The most active scholar is Melesse Getu, who has written the most complete description of TsвЂ™amakko so far available (Melesse Getu 1995), an article (Melesse 1997), and a PhD thesis. I had no chance to consult this last study. Pioneering studies include Da Casotto (1945), Jensen (1959), and Pauli (1959). Cerulli (1965) reports Da CasottoвЂ™s data. The anthropological part of Amborn, Minker and Sasse (1982) contains a good introduction to the culture of the Dullay speaking communities Harso and Dobase. 1.2. The TsвЂ™amakko language 1.2.1. Classification bago tsвЂ™amakkilo (вЂ�mouth of the TsвЂ™amakkoвЂ™), or simply TsвЂ™amakko, belongs to the Dullay cluster of Lowland East Cushitic (Tosco 2000). The relation between the Dullay languages is probably dialectal. This claim results from the comparative observation of the data available on these languages and is supposed by local opinion that TsвЂ™amakko is mutually intelligible with the other Dullay varieties. As stated in 1.1., the TsвЂ™amakko are geographically apart and ethnically different from the other Dullay-speaking peoples. This difference is also reflected in linguistic divergence in phonology and morphology, as well as lexicon (Hayward 1989:3, 47). 1.2.2. Previous studies on the TsвЂ™amakko language TsвЂ™amakko is one of the least known languages within East Cushitic. The few data that are available are contained in the following complete list: Da Trento (1941), Fleming (1964), Donham (1972), Amborn, Minker and Sasse (1982), Hayward (1989), Miyawaki (1990), Dinote and Siebert (1994), and SavГ (2002). Hayward (1989) is a comparative article containing the first phonological sketch and a few morphological and lexical elements of TsвЂ™amakko. Amborn, Minker and Sasse (1982) is the classic reference for the study of the Dullay languages and cultures (Harso and Dobase in particular). This study contains few and unsystematic morphological material on TsвЂ™amakko collected by the ethnologist Eike Haberland. SavГ (2002) offers new TsвЂ™amakko data in a discussion of the TsвЂ™amakko morphological borrowings in Ongota. The other contributions on the language consist of wordlists. Da Trento (1941) is a collection of a few words. Fleming (1964), Donham (1972) and Miyawaki (1990) are unpublished lists containing about 900 items. Dinote and Siebert (1994) is a 320-items wordlist of TsвЂ™amakko, Ongota, and Arbore. Although the words were carefully transcribed, no phonological analysis was attempted. 15 Besides Amborn, Minker and Sasse (1982), general sources on the Dullay languages are Black (1976), where this cluster is called вЂ�WerizoidвЂ™, and Hayward (1978), where the Dullay languages are called вЂ�Qawko languagesвЂ™. Neither of these works contains original data on TsвЂ™amakko. 1.2.3. Collection of data My fieldwork was carried out during four periods: in June-July 1999, August 2000, March-August 2001, and April-July 2003. I was always hosted by the family of Beze Laybo in the village of Luqa, in the northern part of the TsвЂ™amakko area. Beze and his cousin BaЕЎare Manka were my main informants. BezeвЂ™s brother Е elo Laybo, who is a local policeman, and Haylu, a local student, assisted me in a number of working sessions. The elicitation has been carried out using Amharic. Beze learned this language while trading. Bashare, Е elo and Haylu have learned it at school. Some stories were collected from Ankaso Manka, BashareвЂ™s brother. My corpus consists of about 60 hours of audio-recorded material, some video recordings, 2000 elicited sentences, 17 folktales, 16 non-literary texts about TsвЂ™amakko life and historical events, 5 riddles and songs. 16 2. Phonology 2.1. Consonants 2.1.1. Inventory of phonemes There are 29 consonant phonemes. Table 1 contains a list of the phonemes and their realisations. The defalt realisations are listed first in each row. The conditioned allophonic realisations are in brackets. The I.P.A signs, in the standard squared brackets, are used for the phonetic realisations. The conventional spelling applying in this grammar is used for the phonemes. The I.P.A. convention will also be used in the rest of the grammar when a more detailed phonetic transcription is needed. Table 1: Consonant phonemes and their realisations /p/ [p] ([ph] ([f] ([п‚ё] Voiceless bilabial pulmonic stop Voiceless aspirated bilabial pulmonic stop) Voiceless labiodental pulmonic fricative) Voiceless bilabial pulmonic stop) /b/ [b] Voiced bilabial pulmonic stop /t/ [t] Voiceless alveolar pulmonic stop /d/ [d] Voiced alveolar pulmonic stop /k/ [k] Voiceless velar pulmonic stop /g/ [g] Voiced velar pulmonic stop /пЂї/ [пЂї] Voiceless laryngeal pulmonic stop /s/ [s] Voiceless alveolar pulmonic fricative /z/ [z] Voiced alveolar pulmonic fricative 17 /ЕЎ/ [пЃ“] Voiceless palatal pulmonic fricative /Еѕ/ [пЃљ] ([dпЃљ] Voiced palatal pulmonic fricative Voiced palatal pulmonic affricate) /x/ [пЃ�] ([пЃ�пЂ©] Voiceless uvular pulmonic fricative Voiceless trilled pulmonic uvular fricative) /пѓ°/ [пѓ°] ([пѓ°пѓў] Voiceless pharyngeal pulmonic fricative Voiceless trilled pharyngeal pulmonic fricative) /пѓЂ/ [пѓЂ] ([пѓЂпЂї] Voiced pharyngeal pulmonic fricative Voiced glottalised pharyngeal pulmonic fricative) /h/ [h] Voiceless laryngeal pulmonic fricative /m/ [m] Voiced bilabial pulmonic nasal /n/ [n] [пЃЋ] Voiced alveolar pulmonic nasal Voiced velar pulmonic nasal /пѓё/ [пѓё] Voiced palatal pulmonic nasal /c/ [tпЃ“] Voiceless palatal pulmonic affricate /cвЂ™/ [tпЃ“вЂ™] Voiceless palatal ejective affricate /qвЂ™/ [qвЂ™] ([qxвЂ™] ([Е“ ] ([пѓЅ] Voiceless uvular ejective stop Voiceless uvular ejective affricate) Voiceless uvular implosive stop) Voiced uvular implosive stop) 18 /tsвЂ™/ [tsвЂ™] ([sвЂ™] Voiceless alveolar ejective affricate Voiceless alveolar ejective fricative) /п‚є/ [п‚є] ([п‚єп‚Ґ] Voiced bilabial implosive stop Voiceless bilabial implosive stop) /пѓ«/ [пѓ«в€ћ] ([пѓ«] Voiced apico-alveolar implosive stop Voiced alveolar implosive stop) /п‚©/ [п‚©] ([п‚©п‚Ґ] Voiced velar implosive stop Voiceless velar implosive stop) /w/ [w] Voiced bilabial pulmonic glide /y/ [j] Voiced palatal pulmonic glide /l/ [l] Voiced alveolar pulmonic lateral /r/ [r] Voiced alveolar pulmonic trill The phonemes can be clustered in classes that share the same phonological behaviour. A general binary division is between obstruents and nonobstruents. The obstruent phonemes include the stops /p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, /c/, /k/, /g/ and /пЂї/, the fricatives /s/, /z/, /ЕЎ/, /Еѕ/, /x/, /пѓ°/ and /h/, and the glottalic phonemes /п‚є/, /tsвЂ™/, /пѓ«/, /п‚©/, /qвЂ™/ and /пѓЂ/. The non-obstruent (or sonorant) phonemes include the glides /w/ and /y/, the nasals /m/, /n/ and /пѓё/, the lateral /l/ and the trill /r/. A special class is formed by the sibilant palatal phonemes /ЕЎ/, /Еѕ/ /c/ and /cвЂ™/ on the basis of a rule of sibilant palatal harmony (see 2.7.8.). Table 2 below indicates the parameter вЂ�type of articulationвЂ™ on the vertical axis and the parameter вЂ�place of articulationвЂ™ on the horizontal axis. The consonant phonemes are distributed in its cells. The left part of each column hosts the voiceless phonemes, the right part is occupied by the voiced phonemes. A wider cell in the column of the palatals isolates the palatal sibilants. 19 Table 2: Grid of the consonant phonemes Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Pharyng. Laryng. -v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v Obstruents Stops Fricatives Glottalic Nonobstruents Glides Lateral Trill Nasals p b t s п‚є tsвЂ™ w m d c z ЕЎ пѓ« cвЂ™ l r n k Еѕ g x п‚© qвЂ™ пѓ° пЂї пѓЂ h y (пѓё) All consonant phonemes also occur geminated (and phonetically long). The exceptions are the phonemes /пѓё/ and /c/, which only appear geminated. /пѓёпѓё/ is only attested in loanwords. /cc/ is only attested in lexical entries and has an historical correlation with /ЕЎЕЎ/ (see 2.2.14.). The occurrence or the shape of some geminated phonemes depends on their position within the stem or across morpheme boundaries. The sibilant /ЕЎ/, the laryngeal /h/ and the implosives /п‚©/ and /п‚є/ are never geminated in lexical entries but only across morpheme boundaries. Geminated /ЕЎЕЎ/ in lexical entry corresponds historically to /cc/ (see 2.2.14.). The realisation of geminated /p/ correlates with its position in the lexeme or in the morphological make up of the word (see 2.2.14.). See the following table: Table 3: Geminated consonants /pp/, /ЕЎЕЎ/, /п‚єп‚є/, /п‚©п‚©/, /hh/, /cc/ and /пѓёпѓё/ Within lexical entries Across morphological boundaries [f:] Voiceless long labiodental /pp/ [p:] Voiceless long bilabial pulmonic stop pulmonic stop ([ph:] Voiceless long aspirated bilabial pulmonic stop) /ЕЎЕЎ/ ------- /п‚єп‚є/ ------- [пЃ“:] Voiceless long palatal pulmonic fricative [п‚є:] Voiced long bilabial implosive stop 20 /п‚©п‚©/ ------- [п‚©:] Voiced long velar implosive stop /hh/ ------- [h:] Voiceless long laryngeal ricative /cc/ ------- [tпЃ“:] Voiceless long palatal pulmonic affricate /пѓёпѓё/ [пѓё:] Voiced lonc palatal pulmonic nasal ------- The other geminated consonants have the same realisation in lexical or grammatical context. They are listed in table 4: Table 4: Geminated consonants with one realisation Lexical and morphological context /bb/ [b:] Voiced long bilabial pulmonic stop /tt/ [t:] Voiceless long alveolar pulmonic stop /dd/ [d:] Voiced alveolar pulmonic stop /kk/ [k:] Voiceless long velar pulmonic stop /gg/ [g:] Voiced long velar pulmonic stop /пЂїпЂї/ [пЂї:] Long laryngeal pulmonic stop /ЕѕЕѕ/ [dпЃљ:] Voiced long palatal pulmonic affricate /ss/ [s:] Voiceless long alveolar fricative 21 /zz/ [z:] Voiced long alveolar fricative /xx/ [пЃ�:] Voiceless long uvular fricative /пѓ°пѓ°/ [пѓ°:] Voiceless long pharyngeal fricative /пѓЂпѓЂ/ [пѓЂ:] Voiced long pharyngeal fricative /mm/ [m:] Voiced long bilabial nasal /nn/ [n:] Voiced long alveolar nasal /qвЂ™qвЂ™/ [qвЂ™:] Voiceless long uvular ejective stop ([Е“:] Voiceless long uvular implosive stop) ([пѓЅ:] Voiced long uvular implosive stop) /cвЂ™cвЂ™/ [tпЃ“вЂ™] Voiceless long palatal ejective affricate /tsвЂ™tsвЂ™/ [tsвЂ™:] Voiceless long alveolar ejective affricate ([sвЂ™:] Voiceless long alveolar ejective fricative) /пѓ«пѓ«/ [пЂїпѓ«в€ћ:] Voiced long apical preglottalised alveolar stop /ww/ [w:] Voiced long bilabial glide /yy/ [j:] Voiced long palatal glide /ll/ [l:] Voiced long alveolar lateral /rr/ [r:] Voiced long alveolar trill 22 2.1.2. Minimal pairs and distribution The following lists show some (near) minimal pairs. The words are arranged in a way to demonstrate the phonological opposition between consonants that are phonetically reatively close. When possible, the phonemes concerned are compared in initial, intervocalic and final positions. Some of the words pairs oppose consonants differing in the voice parameter. They are /p/ and /b/, /t/ and /d/, /k/ and /g/, /s/ and /z/, /ЕЎ/ and /Еѕ/. Other pairs have been arranged according to the pulmonic or glottalic articulation of the phonemes in opposition. These pairs of words show the contrast between /b/ and /п‚є/, /d/ and /пѓ«/, /g/ and /п‚©/, /s/ and /tsвЂ™/. A group of pairs show phonological oppositions between phonemes articulated in the velar, uvular, pharyngeal and laryngeal areas of the oral cavity. These pairs are introduced because sounds of the posterior regions in several languages of the area sound particularly similar. Therefore, the determination of the phonemes and their allophonic realisations is not self-evident. The pairs are /п‚©/ and /qвЂ™/, /qвЂ™/ and /k/, /пѓЂ/ and /пЂї/, /h/ and /пѓ°/, /h/ and /x/, /x/ and /пѓ°/. TsвЂ™amakko is spoken in a linguistic area in which the realisation of posterior phonemes changes a lot from language to language. The contrasts in this area all involve at least two different points of articulation. The exceptions are the oppositions between /qвЂ™/ and /x/, a contrast of two uvular sounds, and between /пЂї/ and /h/, a contrast of two laryngeal sounds. Two last pairs differentiate non-obstruent sounds. They are /r/-/l/ and /l/-/n/, that in many languages represent a single phoneme. All the groups of pairs include contrasts of the geminated consonants. See the lists of pairs below: /p/ and /b/ palqвЂ™e poolo puпѓ«i broken piece of gourd cloud it flowered balqвЂ™is boolo buli make sprout! scrabble he separated daapakko пЂїiipe пЂїapo blind eyelashes steam dabakko kibe пѓЂaabo mouse dry season grandmother siippo sweat пЂїibbo riddle rap sleep! п‚©ab take! /t/ and /d/ tarbitto teerikko toollo kind of trumpet dust long walking stick darbe deli doolle drum he has sewn ox-hunch 23 tuuпѓ«e duubde buttock qвЂ™ato qвЂ™aata kaata piece of buffalo or hippo skin black spot on the skin trigger of firearm broken thing bado qвЂ™eeda keeda пЂїuttufo small pole in roof puddo hunger he is licking corridor between house and fence cotton pat vomit! bood dig! shoulders gacвЂ™cвЂ™e karre door garro kere kiili seat he helped gerпѓЂe gilo seke buke stick of roof wooden club segele пѓ«uge tef (Eragrostis abyssinica) ground squirrel (Xerus rutilus) thieves meeting for dead people grass of roof truth wakki speak once! Еѕaggi insert once! пЂїook wak change! speak! zoog Еѕag float! insert! /k/ and /g/ kacce /s/ and /z/ saqвЂ™i saarko he stored chief of village zaqвЂ™i zaalko sori soqвЂ™o he ran salt zoora zooп‚©o baasallo gaasse calabash used to pour пЂїazo water horns gazze пѓЂugis make drink! /ЕЎ/ and /Еѕ/ ЕЎaalko пЂїazaz he slaughtered hole made by water it is sweet parent-in-law brother shadow order! pool made of river water Еѕaalko вЂ�godmotherвЂ™ paЕЎo field maЕѕo cilindric bead пѓЂaЕЎЕЎe lots of grass пЂїaЕѕЕѕe smells gooЕЎ tend cattle! пЂїaЕѕaЕѕ order! 24 /b/ and /п‚є/ bado buli baalko hunger he separated flower of maize п‚єaпѓ«i п‚єuli п‚єalko he hid he jumped lowland plain qвЂ™abaпЂї listen! qвЂ™aп‚єa пѓЂaabo grandmother kaп‚єo instrument for cutting thorns sheep or goat hide kibbe dry seasons xiп‚єп‚єe lips п‚©ab take! there are no words with final /п‚є/ /d/ and /пѓ«/ dawle deeпѓ° doolle duuko lowland give! ox-hunch back пѓ«awri пѓ«eek пѓ«oollo пѓ«uge he has forbidden sharpen! leather mat truth boodas make dig! пЂїooпѓ«as make walk! booddo digging пЂїooпѓ«пѓ«o walking bood dig! пЂїooпѓ« /g/ and /п‚©/ gay gaare geeпѓЂi gilo gooпѓ° arrive! trees he belched meeting for people roar! gaage logi пЂїagi Еѕag п‚©ab п‚©aante п‚©eeпЂїi dead п‚©iile walk! take! udder he wants calabash for butter п‚©oh grow! small water tortoise he spoiled he uprooted insert! пЂїaaп‚©e boп‚©i пЂїaп‚©i laaп‚© birds he killed he stays turn! loggi he spoiled at once boп‚©п‚©i he killed at once Еѕug extract! nuп‚© have sex! chiefs of village stick of roof jewellery tsвЂ™aare tsвЂ™ekile tsвЂ™iire /s/ and /tsвЂ™/ saarre seke sire last drops of milk elbow male 25 basa he is doing qвЂ™etsвЂ™a he is cutting gisso mongoose sp. gitsвЂ™tsвЂ™o flea sp. bas do! qвЂ™atsвЂ™ bend arms and legs of the corpse! he looks alike take! chase! qвЂ™arara qвЂ™aw qвЂ™od it hurts chew! dig! пЂїaaп‚©i liп‚©i he went back home he went out baqвЂ™i ЕЎiqвЂ™i it melted he farted nuп‚©п‚©o having sex пѓ«ooqвЂ™qвЂ™o carrying shoulder nuп‚© have sex! пѓ«ooqвЂ™ carry on shoulders! /п‚©/ and /qвЂ™/ п‚©ara п‚©ab п‚©or /qвЂ™/ and /k/ qвЂ™aro qвЂ™eeda on the the side he is licking karo keeda qвЂ™ole qвЂ™ummi cattle he ate grains kole kumi dog corridor between house and fence they returned it is finished woqвЂ™qвЂ™e qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™e hot sun barks of tree пЂїokke kakko cubs kernel ЕѕoqвЂ™ ЕЎiqвЂ™ beat! fart! пЂїook пѓ«ik change! count! coffee lots of grass smoke he stays пЂїare пЂїaЕЎЕЎe пЂїarti пѓЂaagi they know highland you know he went back home boпѓЂe manure booпЂїe irrigation pond raпѓЂпѓЂo shot kaпЂїпЂїo getting up raпѓЂ shoot! kaпЂї get up! /пѓЂ/ and /пЂї/ пѓЂare пѓЂaЕЎЕЎe пѓЂarto пЂїaп‚©i 26 /h/ and /пѓ°/ halko old man пѓ°aarko hand ЕЎoohi he washed ЕЎooпѓ°i he urinated п‚©ohho growth goпѓ°пѓ°o roaring п‚©oh grow! gooпѓ° roar! old people xalle pigeon sp. п‚©ohi he grows cвЂ™oxi he milks п‚©ohho growing boxxakko pus п‚©oh grow! boox concimate! boiled beans give up! пѓ°aarke пѓ°ulli hands come in! cвЂ™oxi he milked ЕЎooпѓ°i he urinated maaxxe cвЂ™oxxo gourds milking laпѓ°пѓ°o goпѓ°пѓ°o bird sp. roaring boox concimate! ЕЎooпѓ° urinate! side belt for men they started singing xaro xarЕЎe xalle /h/ and /x/ halle /x/ and /пѓ°/ xarЕЎe xurri /qвЂ™/ and /x/ qвЂ™aro qвЂ™alЕЎe qвЂ™alle crocodile boiled beans pigeon sp. пѓ«ooqвЂ™i he carries shoulder qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™e barks of tree пЂїaxxe milk ЕѕoqвЂ™ beat! cвЂ™ox milk! on the muxi he cuts 27 /пЂї/ and /h/ пЂїalge пЂїaЕѕo leather sacs smell halko hacвЂ™anпѓ«e old man body scarification loпЂїo gaпЂїali cow he got married пЂїoholko пЂїahayte greedy milk and blood koпЂїпЂїo setting on (fire) п‚©ohho growing koпЂї set on (fire)! п‚©oh grow! /r/ and /l/ rap rooko sleep! las curved towards the loпЂїo head (horn) sell! cow tibire xare пЂїara пѓ°oro rod fish he knows inside part of a gourd tebele daale saala boolo iron arrow goats kind of trumpet scrabble sp. garro ground squirrel qвЂ™allo starting singing mur sor pay! run! bul kol separate! come back! kind of rifle it was hot shield nabale nuп‚©i nolo bealt of beads he had sex brain malali silitte zilanqвЂ™a пЂїoolaпѓ«i he is tired feather rainbow I spent time manaqвЂ™o ЕЎiininko пЂїinanko tsвЂ™onaqвЂ™o yoke butter boy bee tallaпѓ°o billayko tillile tree sp. knife bird sp. bannado пЂїinnakko kinnisa black scrabble flies pimple kiil help! ЕЎiin smear! /l/ and /n/ labale luп‚єi longo Table 5 contains words showing the phonemes in various positions, as well as in consonant clusters. In the words of the first column the phonemes are in initial position; in the second column they are in intervocalic position; the third column contains the geminated counterparts of the phonemes; in the fourth column they are in postconsonantal position; in the fifth column they 28 are in preconsonantal position; in the sixth, and last, column the phonemes are in final position. Discussion on the distribution of some phonemes follows the list of occurrences. Table 5: Distribution of consonant phonemes /p/ pari he died /b/ biye land /t/ tire liver /d/ daalte goat /k/ katte fire /g/ gaarko tree /пЂї/ пЂїingiye mother /s/ sinпѓ«e nose /z/ zaante branch /ЕЎ/ ЕЎaпѓЂalko older brother /Еѕ/ ЕѕiпЂїo food cвЂ™ipano boy siippo sweat Еѕumpo iron point bapko python rap sleep! qвЂ™abaпЂїi I heard пЂїibbo riddle пЂїerbo п‚©abdi male sheep you took tsвЂ™iib clean! bote pumpkin katte fire пЂїaanto now getko wooden seat pat womit! sido eyelashes middakko rope ganda neighbours ЕЎudni we dressed qвЂ™od dig! пѓ°eeko chest kallikko sun пѓ°aerko hand dвЂ™akЕЎe animal sp. пѓ«eek sharpen! zigammo length ЕЎiggire razor пЂїingiye mother cвЂ™egde blood Еѕug extract! booпЂїe irrigation pond ЕѕaпЂїпЂїarko rectus ------ пѓ«eпЂїse kidneys kiccaпѓЂ laugh! gasarko buffalo gassaпѓ«i I asked gawso chin bisko body las sell! пЂїazo younger brother gazze shadow gelzakko baboon пЂїuzge fire stones ------ пЂїoЕЎonko coldness пѓЂaЕЎЕЎe lots of grass пЂїawЕЎi It boiled пЂїiЕЎti she refused пЂїooЕЎ wipe! пЂїaЕѕo smell boЕѕЕѕe white clay пЂїalЕѕo walking stick ------ ------ 29 /c/ ------/x/ xumп‚єi all /пѓ°/ пѓ°ezge star /пѓЂ/ пѓЂare coffee /h/ hucci I fill up /п‚є/ п‚єalko lowland plain /tsвЂ™/ tsвЂ™onaqвЂ™o bee /пѓ«/ пѓ«oollo leather /cвЂ™/ cвЂ™ayde fence /п‚©/ п‚©inaпѓЂe rib /qвЂ™/ qвЂ™awko man /w/ waпЂїko god /y/ -----/r/ reento ------- picce curds ------- ------- ------- maaxatto gourd пЂїaxxe eyes borxo ember sooxmatte tree sp. cox milk! пЂїukaпѓ°e egg kaпѓ°пѓ°a it is hard worпѓ°anko war ЕЎumaпѓ°to sand salaпѓ° four biпѓЂa white leпѓЂo moon darпѓЂo ashes raпѓЂti you shoot raпѓЂ shoot! пЂїoholko greedy man п‚©ohho growing ------ п‚©ohti you grow goh grow! kaп‚єo luп‚єп‚єe sheep or feet goat hide gomп‚єo kraal ------ ----- mitsвЂ™o sorghum beer gitsвЂ™tsвЂ™o flea sp. qвЂ™antsвЂ™e thorn qвЂ™etsвЂ™ti you cut qвЂ™etsвЂ™ cut! qвЂ™ooпѓ«e snail muпѓ«пѓ«e пѓЂanпѓ«e handle of a water headrest ------- пЂїooпѓ« walk! qвЂ™aacвЂ™a charcoal gacвЂ™cвЂ™e tef kirincвЂ™e spur ------ ------ muп‚©aпѓЂte head nuп‚©п‚©o having sex maanп‚©o sorghum nuп‚©ti liп‚© you had get out! sex tsвЂ™eqвЂ™o firefly woqвЂ™qвЂ™e hot sun sonqвЂ™a loqвЂ™ti klind of you guitar swallowed loqвЂ™ swallow! gawaпѓЂko thunder qвЂ™awwo biting ------ gawso chin gallaw night ziya warrior qвЂ™ayya it is good ------ kaysa there mayyi kiss! пЂїure пЂїorro sawro darbe kibir 30 hippo /m/ manne house /n/ naпЂїпЂїa small child /пѓё/ -----/l/ lakki two wax forest dik dik drum dance! goomaro throat zammo honey garmo lion gomп‚єo kraal пЂїooxam exchange! zano street paannatte after пЂїawne cвЂ™ingo in the mosquito evening qвЂ™aan chew! ------ seпѓёпѓёo Monday ------ ------ ------ пЂїilmale tears пѓ«oollo gurlo leather mat cat пЂїilп‚©e teeth ЕЎal light (adj) The least frequent consonant phonemes are /пѓё/, /c/ and /h/. The first two only occur geminated and never as simple /пѓё/ and /c/. /пѓёпѓё/ is only attested in loanwords. /h/ appears in few roots and never in postconsonantal position. Also the sibilants /Еѕ/ and /cвЂ™/ appear in a particularly low number of roots and never occur in preconsonantal and final positions. The laryngeals and the glides do not appear in postconsonantal position. The implosive /пѓ«/ is not attested before consonants. /y/ and /пѓё/ are the only consonants that do not occur word initially. /y/ may, however, be the onset of a root medial or root final syllable. Even though the phoneme /z/ has not been included among the consonants occurring in word final position, it is attested word finally in пЂїazaz вЂ�order!вЂ™, which is the Imperative singular form of the verb of Amharic origin пЂїazaz- вЂ�to orderвЂ™. This verb has a free variant пЂїaЕѕaЕѕ-, which in the singular Imperative form, пЂїaЕѕaЕѕ вЂ�order!вЂ™ shows the only case of a final palatal fricative. The following section, 2.2., contains a discussion on the phonetic realisations of the consonant phonemes. 2.2. Realisations of consonant phonemes 2.2.1. Final unreleased realisation All stops and glottalised obstruents are partially released in word final position. The only exception is /p/, which appears as [f], in this position (see 2.2.13.): /b/ /t/ /d/ /k/ /g/ /пЂї/ /cвЂ™/ /tsвЂ™/ /пѓ«/ /п‚©/ /qвЂ™/ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ в†“ [bпЃј] [tпЃј] [dпЃј] [kпЃј] [gпЃј] [пЂїпЃј] [cвЂ™пЃј] [tsвЂ™пЃј] [пѓ«пЃј] [п‚©пЃј] [qвЂ™пЃј] / _# 31 See examples of final /b/, /п‚©/ and /tsвЂ™/: tsвЂ™iib [tsвЂ™i:bпЃј] meeп‚© [me:п‚©пЃј] tuutsвЂ™ [tu:tsвЂ™пЃј] clean! pour! push! 2.2.2. Glottal stop deletion The glottal stop may drop in medial position if followed and preceded by identical vowels. /пЂї/ optionally в†’ Гё between V1 V1 Example: loпЂїo [loo] cow 2.2.3. Trilled realisation The uvular fricative has a trilled articulation before high vowels. /x/ в†’ [пЃ�пЂ©] before V[high] Example: xiп‚єte [пЃ�пЂ©ipвЂ™te] lip The voiceless pharyngeal fricative may be pronounced with a particularly powerful airflow, which produces a trilling effect, probably of the epiglottis. /пѓ°/ (optionally) в†’ [пѓ°пѓўпѓІ] Example: пЂїukaпѓ°e [пЂїukaпѓ°пѓўe] eggs 2.2.4. Apical realisation The stricture point of the alveolar implosive /пѓ«/ is normally localised in the postalveolar region. The articulation is apical, and optionally laminal. /пѓ«/ [пѓ«в€ћ] [postalveolar] ~ [пѓ«пЂ¶] [postalveolar] Examples: пѓ«oollo пѓ«iim [пѓ«в€ћo:l:o] ~ [пѓ«пЂ¶o:l:o] [пѓ«в€ћiimпЃј ~ пѓ«пЂ¶iimпЃј] leather mat swim! 32 2.2.5. Preglottalisation When /пѓ«/ is geminated one clearly perceives a glottal stricture before the release of the stop, which is postalveolar and apical. /пѓ«пѓ«/ [пЂїdв€ћ:] [+postalveolar] Example: muпѓ«пѓ«e [muпЂїdв€ћ:e] handle of a headrest 2.2.6. Reduction to glottal stop and to zero A preceding /l/ may cause reduction of /пѓ«/ to glottal stop, or /пѓ«/ is assimilated to the preceding lateral /l/. The assimilation is probably favoured when the glottal stop resulting from the reduction of /пѓ«/ is found in postconsonantal position: /пѓ«/ (в†’) [пЂї](в†’) [l]/ l_ Example: gaalпѓ«awti [ga:lпЂїawti] or [gal:awti] she became pregnant 2.2.7. Change in air-stream direction The articulation of the uvular ejective /qвЂ™/ may be implosive. There are two implosive realisations, voiced and voiceless. /qвЂ™/ (optionally) в†’ [Лќ] ~[Е“] Example: qвЂ™eed [Е“e:dпЃј] lick! 2.2.8. Devoicing The glottalic /п‚©/ can be devoiced. /п‚©/ в†’ optionally [п‚©п‚Ґ] Example: пЂїilп‚©akko [пЂїilп‚©п‚Ґak:o] tooth 33 2.2.9. The phoneme /пѓЂ/ After the voiced pharyngeal fricative a glottal stop is often perceived, particularly in initial and geminated positions. /пѓЂ/ в†’ [пѓЂпЂї] /#_ /пѓЂпѓЂ/ в†’ [пѓЂ:пЂї] Example of initial /пѓЂ/: пѓЂarпѓ«o [пѓЂпЂїarпѓ«o] ox Example of geminated /пѓЂ/: zaпѓЂпѓЂe [zaпѓЂ:пЂїe] hearts 2.2.10. Affricate realisation of ejective The ejective /qвЂ™/ has an affricate as a free variant. /qвЂ™/ (optionally) в†’ [qпЃ�вЂ™] Example: qвЂ™opte [qпЃ�вЂ™ofte] cave 2.2.11. Affricate realisation of fricative /Еѕ/ appears as an affricate in postconsonantal and geminated positions. /Еѕ/ в†’ [dпЃљ] /C_ /ЕѕЕѕ/ в†’ [dпЃљ:] Example of /Еѕ/ in postconsonantal position: пЂїalЕѕo [пЂїaldпЃљo] walking stick Example of geminated /Еѕ/: boЕѕЕѕe [bodпЃљ:e] white clay 34 2.2.12. Fricative realisation of affricate ejective The ejective affricate /tsвЂ™/ has an ejective fricative as a free variant: /tsвЂ™/ (optionally) в†’ [sвЂ™] Examples: tsвЂ™onaqвЂ™o [sвЂ™onaqвЂ™o] bee 2.2.13. The voiceless labial consonant /p/ The voiceless labial consonant is characterised by ill-understood variations between stop and fricative word initially; it is realised as a stop after a nasal consonants and in lexical internal gemination; and it is realised as a labiodental or bilabial fricative after non-nasal consonants and in intervocalic, preconsonantal, and final positions. In the present discussion, the only voiceless labial consonant of the TsвЂ™amakko phoneme inventory is considered neutral to the phonological categories вЂ�stopвЂ™ and вЂ�fricativeвЂ™. In spite of this problem of classification, the symbol p will be used to indicate the phoneme in concern. Initial p Word initially, p appears as plain stop [p], aspirated stop [ph], bilabial fricative [п‚ё] or labiodental fricative [f]. The variations exist within the speech of the same speaker for the same words. In principle all variants are possible for all words. An example of a word with the complete allophonic variations of the initial p we have recorded is puddo вЂ�cottonвЂ™: [pud:o] ~ [phud:o] ~ [п‚ёud:o] ~ [fud:o] cotton Even though a careful analysis of the p-initial words has been carried out, it was not possible to establish restrictions on the variations of initial p. Intervocalic p In intervocalic position p appears as [f] or [п‚ё]. The example below shows the allophonic realisations of p in intervocalic position. In most cases both fricative variants are possible, as the word laapa вЂ�batвЂ™ shows: [la:п‚ёa] ~ [la:fa] bat When a mid round vowel precedes, [п‚ё] is the only possible realisation. See the only two examples in the corpus: [пЂїo:п‚ёe] wild pea [moп‚ёara] long pole of a plough 35 Some words have been recorded with [f] as the only realisation. See some examples: [tifa] [пЂїafo] [пЃ“arifo] [пЂїut:ufo] straight steam kind of rifle small pole in roof The last three examples show that the labiodental pronunciation is also possible before round vowels and that round vowels do not bring about the bilabial pronunciation. The word [fo:fis] вЂ�to blowвЂ™ always shows the realisation [f] in initial and medial position. [fo:fis] may be explained as the result of the reduplication of the phonetic onomatopoeic segment. Preconsonantal p p is normally realised as [f] in preconsonantal position. See the example below, in which p is in root final position preceded by the suffix вЂ“ti (second person feminine Unmarked): rap-ti [rafti] you slept Postconsonantal p p can only be preceded by an homorganic nasal, /r/ or /l/. If the preceding sonorant is the nasal /m/, p is represented by the aspirated [ph]. See below the example of p after nasal: [пЃљumpho] iron point If the preceding sonorant is /r/ or /l/, p appears as [f]. See the examples after /r/ and /l/: [cвЂ™irfa] [gilfa] braids bellows pump Final p p always appears as [f] in final position. See below the example of the pfinal verb rap вЂ�to sleepвЂ™ in Imperative singular conjugation: [raf] sleep! Geminated p As for the shape of p in geminated position, there is a difference between gemination within morphemes and gemination across morpheme boundaries related to grammatical rules. Root internally a geminated p normally appears as an aspirated bilabial stop [ph:]. See the following examples: 36 [пЂїuph:i] [пЂїuph:iti] [п‚©iiph:i] [п‚©iiph:iti] [buph:i] [buph:iti] [siph:o] [siph:aпѓ«:e] he blew you blew he went to sleep you went to sleep he starved you starved sweat lots of sweat p emerges as [ph:] or [f:] if geminated for grammatical reasons. The grammatical contexts are the formation of the past Negative verbal stems and the plural nominal derivation by gemination. In all these cases we can assume that there is an option between applying the gemination to the two main realisations, the stop or the fricative. In the formation of the Negative stem by gemination of the last root consonant, some verbs such as rap вЂ�to sleepвЂ™, tup вЂ�to spitвЂ™, biip вЂ�to eatвЂ™ show alternation between the two variants of geminated p. In the examples below the verbs are conjugated for the singular persons of the Unmarked and Past Negative paradigms. The inflection of the first person and third masculine singular person of the Unmarked is вЂ“i. The inflection of the second person and third feminine singular person of the Unmarked is вЂ“ti. When the roots in question are followed by вЂ“i the p is found in intervocalic position. When the вЂ“ti follows the p is found in preconsonantal position. In both cases its appearance as [f] is regular. As for the Negative paradigm, a single stem is used for all the singular persons. The singular Negative stem is formed by gemination of the last root consonant and the suffixation of the paradigm vowel вЂ“a. See the examples: 1Sg/3MSg Unmarked [bi:fi] he had a meal [rafi] he slept [tufi] he spit 2Sg/3FSg All singular persons Unmarked Past Negative [bi:fti] [bi:ph:a] ~ bi:f:a] you had a meal he did not have a meal [rafti] [raph:a] ~ [raf:a] you slept he did not sleep [tufti] [tuph:a] ~ [tuf:a] you spit he did not spit The gemination of p in the verb buup- вЂ�to blessвЂ™ is always based on the realisation [f]. The result is that its Negative stem shows only the realisation [f:] and never [ph:]. See the examples: 1Sg/3MSg Unmarked biipi [bi:fi] he had a meal 2Sg/3FSg Unmarked biipti [bi:fti] you had a meal All singular persons Past Negative biippa [bi:ph:a] ~ [bi:f:a] he did not have a meal 37 buufi [bu:fi] he blessed buupti [bu:fti] he blessed buuppa [bu:f:a] he did not bless A kind of plural derivation operates by gemination of the last noun root consonant. In addition, the plural derivation suffix вЂ“e is added. Our corpus provides only one example of a noun root ending in p, [kefo] вЂ�kind of rifleвЂ™, which is likely to be a loanword. The basic noun of this root shows the masculine gender suffix вЂ“o. The gemination of p in the plural form of this noun root is only realised as [f:], as the following example shows: [kefo] [kef:e] kind of rifle kind of rifle (pl) In the gemination process the input seems to be the phonetic realisation [f] or [p]. The geminated [p:] emerges when the phonetic entity [p] is taken as the unit of gemination. This happens exclusively in lexical context. Across morpheme boundaries the phonetic entity [f] may also optionally be taken as the unit of gemination and long [f:] may emerge. Since the long consonants [p:] and [f:] cannot be considered as the geminated occurrence of a phoneme /p/ or /f/, this is another indication of the impossibility to determine whether the underlying phoneme is a voiceless labial stop or fricative. As a conclusion, I prefer to analyse the voiceless labial consonant in TsвЂ™amakko as undetermined in its stricture parameter. In order to keep the transcription close to the actual pronunciation, p will be used in initial and postnasal positions and in root internal gemination; f will be used in intervocalic, preconsonantal, postconsonantal and final positions and in grammatical gemination. Table 6 presents a summary of the phonetic realisations of p, their conditions and the respective symbols used in the text: Table 6: Phonetic realisations of the voiceless labial consonant Initial Intervocalic Preconsonantal Postconsonantal (except after nasal) Postnasal Final Geminated [p], [ph], [п‚ё], [f] [f], [п‚ё] /V [round]_ [f], [п‚ё] /_CV [round] [f] [ph] [f] [ph:] within roots [f:] ~ [ph:] across morpheme boundaries 2.2.14. The geminate counterparts of /ЕЎ/ The palatal sibilant ЕЎ occurs geminated as ЕЎЕЎ [пЃ“:] only across morpheme boundaries. Two grammatical contexts in which ЕЎ appears geminated are 38 plural noun formation by gemination and punctual verbal derivation. In cases where the basic root with final /ЕЎ/ has been lost, the plural formation has /ЕЎЕЎ/, followed by the plural gender suffix вЂ“e (see 3.4.2.). See the examples below: пѓЂaЕЎ-ko biЕЎ-ko laЕЎ-ko пЂїiЕЎ-te (m) (m) (m) (f) пѓЂaЕЎ-ЕЎ-e biЕЎ-ЕЎ-e laЕЎ-ЕЎ-e пЂїiЕЎ-ЕЎ-e (p) (p) (p) (p) grass body kind of food rib Another context of gemination is the punctual derivation. In the example below the simple and derived stems the verbs are in the Unmarked conjugation. The person is in the 3SgM, marked by the suffix вЂ“i: пЂїooЕЎ-i he wiped пЂїooЕЎ-ЕЎ-i he wiped once taЕЎ-i he thatched taЕЎ-ЕЎ-i he made one thatching movement No ЕЎЕЎ is attested within lexical stems. In this position ЕЎЕЎ is represented by cc [tпЃ“:], which is a relic of a historical rule /ЕЎЕЎ/в†’[cc]. This rule is synchronically obliterated and only in lexical contexts some traces appear. Geminated ЕЎ is represented by cc in the verbal roots пЂїacc- вЂ�to goвЂ™, пЂїucc- вЂ�to fill up (tr.)вЂ™, kiccaпѓЂ- вЂ�to laughвЂ™ and qвЂ™aacc- вЂ�to openвЂ™, as well as in three nominal roots, kacc-e вЂ�shoulderвЂ™, picc-e вЂ�curdsвЂ™ and kallacc-o вЂ�rectusвЂ™, and the adverbial macce вЂ�alwaysвЂ™. Another root including cc is geecc-, which appears as the stem of the adjectives geeccakko вЂ�old (m)вЂ™, geeccatte вЂ�old (f)вЂ™ and geeccayke вЂ�old (p)вЂ™. The segment [cc] also occurs in the Amharic loanword bicca вЂ�only, aloneвЂ™. Another probable loanword of unclear origin is ЕЎicca вЂ�kind of rifleвЂ™. The word pacce вЂ�fieldsвЂ™, the plural counterpart of paЕЎo вЂ�fieldвЂ™, is the only example of cross boundary gemination in which cc appears instead of the regular ЕЎЕЎ. This is probably due to the fact that this plural noun is considered as a lexical and underived item (cf. 3.5.3.). The historical origin of cc from geminated ЕЎ is also indicated by the alternation of the two elements in the stems geeЕЎuw- вЂ�to become oldвЂ™ and geecc- вЂ�old personвЂ™. geeЕЎuw- is a verbal stem which shows a frozen inchoative suffix -uw; geecc- is an adjectival root. Our historical hypothesis gets support on comparative grounds. Most of the Dullay cognates of the TsвЂ™amakko roots containing cc show ЕЎ, including most of the lexemes for which synchronically there is no evidence for an origin in ЕЎ. The examples from the dialects Dobase, Harso and Gollango are extracted from Amborn, Minker and Sasse (1982). The Gawwada and Gorose correspondences have been provided by Tosco (p.c.). See table 7. 39 Table 7: Dullay correspondences with TsвЂ™amakko cc TsвЂ™amakko paЕЎo (m) pacce (pl) geeccakko (m) geeccatte (f) geeccayke (pl) geeЕЎuw пЂїacckiccaпЂї qвЂ™aacckacce (pl) kaccitte (f) Gawwada paЕЎo (m), paЕЎЕЎe (pl) Gollango gвЂ™eeЕЎakkГі (m), gвЂ™eeЕЎattГ© (f), gвЂ™eeЕЎawhe (pl) Gawwada geeЕЎakko (m), geeЕЎatte (f), geeЕЎawпѓ°e (pl) Gawwada geeЕЎuy Dobase, Gollango aЕЎЕЎGawwada Gollango kiЕЎaпѓЂHarso qвЂ™aaЕЎDobase Gawwada Harso heЕЎЕЎГ©, heЕЎГЎadвЂ™e (pl), Gorose heЕЎЕЎe heЕЎaпѓ«пѓ«e Gollango haЕЎitto Gawwada haЕЎЕЎe (pl) haЕЎЕЎitto (m) field fields old man old woman old people old man old woman old people to become old to go to laugh to open shoulder shoulders shoulder shoulders one shoulder shoulders one shoulder The relation between ЕЎ and cc that can be observed nowadays is problematic. Since cc is not the result of a synchronic phonological rule, it functions as an independent phonological element. This can be seen from the following contrasts with cc, that from the strictly synchronic phonological point of view must be taken as proof of phonemic opposition: пЂїacce picce pacce they go curds fields пѓЂaЕЎЕЎe biЕЎЕЎe laЕЎЕЎe lots of grass bodies kind of food (pl. of пѓЂaЕЎko вЂ�grassвЂ™) (pl. of biЕЎko вЂ�bodyвЂ™) (pl. of laЕЎko) The present description attributes phonemic status to cc. However, this conlusion contradicts the fact that all other geminated consonants, with the exception of /пѓёпѓё/, have single counterpart, while no element /c/ is attested in the language. 40 2.3. Vowels TsвЂ™amakko has 5 short and 5 long cardinal vowel phonemes. Our spelling conventions make use of the I.P.A. signs [i], [u], [e], [o], [a] for the short vowels. The doubling of the short vowels indicates vowel length. See the full inventory below: i e a o u ii ee uu oo aa See the following (near) minimal pairs: пѓ«ib buske berko nolo пЂїaп‚© to rain castrated (p.) raining season brain to be located пѓ«iim buuЕЎe beelko poolo пѓЂaag to swim beard cattle sharing cloud to go back home After the pharyngeal пѓЂ and пѓ° the mid-vowels back vowel o sounds more open than elsewhere. The long vowels never occur word finally. The only exception is shown by the interrogative word moo вЂ�what?вЂ™. 2.4. Tone 2.4.1 High tone (H) and Low tone (L) Two tones, High tone and Low tone, are distinguished in TsвЂ™amakko. Tone is associated with the short or long syllable vowel. High tone is marked by the acute accent Вґ and Low tone is marked by the grave accent `. The accents appear on the vowel symbols. Both symbols of long vowels are accented. On long vowels, high tone appears as a continued high pitch and low tone appears as a continued low pitch along the vowel. Only in two nouns the long vowel is pronounced with a raising pitch along. These cases are accounted for by analysing the long vowels as the sequence of two morae, the first one carrying low tone and the second one carrying high tone. The raising pitch is the tonal contour resulting from the low-high tonal sequence. See the nouns below: LHL LHL п‚©Г ГЎntГЁ udder lГ ГЎfГ bat sp. The analysis of long vowles as the sequence of two morae is limited to these marginal cases and will not be adopted for the rest of the long vowels because the establishment of vocalic morae is not functional to the general analysis of long vowels. 41 2.4.2. The tonal system The TsвЂ™amakko tonal system is functionally restricted. The following facts characterise the use of tone: - Two, or more, High tones must be part of a single string. - Tone is lexically determined in nominals and in verbs. - The vast majority of nominals show low tone on the final syllable and high tone on the preceding syllable(s). Other distributions of tone are exceptional. - Basic nouns are never distinguished only by tone. The only near minimal pair which deserves mention is shown below and includes one of the marginal nouns having a long vowel with rising pitch contour: LHL HL п‚©Г ГЎntГЁ udder gГЎГЎntГЁ woman - The tonal lexical distinction in verbs is only manifested in the inflectional suffixes of the Unmarked paradigm. - Tone has a role in grammar. - Every verbal paradigm is characterised by a tonal pattern. - Modal and aspectual opposition are often expressed only by tone. - One grammatical function is expressed only by tone in nominal morphology. - Tonal change in nouns occurs in one case of cliticisation. 2.4.3. Tone in basic nouns and other nominals The tone of most basic nouns, pronouns, adverbials and numerals is largerly predictable: the vast majority of them show low tone on the final syllable and high tone on the preceding syllable(s). Therefore the most common pattern in disyllabic nominals is HL and the most common pattern in trisyllabic nominals is HHL. A minority of disyllabic basic nouns shows the pattern LL and a minority of trisyllabic basic nouns show the patterns LHL. The distribution LLL is attested in one noun and one adverbial. Only two disyllabic nominals cannot be included in the patterns HL and LL. These are the basic nouns with bimoaic long vowels which have been mentioned in 2.4.1. There two numerals and one interrogative with a HH pattern. Examples of nominals with HL pattern: пЂїГЎylГІ working meeting пѓЂГЎrГЁ coffee пЂїГЎwnГЁ in the evening пЂїГsГЁ she 42 Examples of nouns with HHL tonal pattern: пѓЂГЎrrГЎfkГІ tongue xГbГrГЁ bat пѓ°ГЎbГєrГ wind пЂїГЎmmГЎkГЁ properly пЂїГєfГєnпѓ«ГЁ they Examples of nouns with LHL tonal pattern: пЂїГ¬rgГЎпѓЂГІ axe ЕЎГ¬nЕЎГЎllГЁ ants пЂїГ bГ©tГІ sorghum sp. Examples of nouns with LL pattern: bГ fkГІ python bГ¬yГЁ earth bГ ndГ fowlвЂ™s faeces пѓ«ГІГІllГІ leather mat пЂїГ Г gГЁ birds Below are the noun and the adverbial with LLL pattern: bГ lgГ¬ddГІ ostrich пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ together The two numerals and the interrogative with HH tonal distribution are the following: lГЎkkГ kГєnkГі пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ two ten who? 2.4.4. Nominal tone in suffixation and cliticisation With two exceptions, grammatical marking has no influence on the tonal pattern of nouns. The VCCV number derivation suffixes, e.g. вЂ“itt and -aпѓ«пѓ« (see 3.5.2.), the locative case suffixes (see 3.7.) and the Distal demonstrative suffixes (see 3.8.) carry high tone on the initial vowel and low tone on the final vowel. These suffixes replace the final vowel of basic nous (which, as explained in 3.4.2., is a gender suffix). See examples of suffixation: 43 kГЎrГІ ЕЎГ¬nЕЎГЎllГЁ bГ lgГ¬ddГІ dГєГєkГІ gГєbГЎlГЁ dale пѓ«ГІГІllГІ mГЎnnГЁ dog ants ostrich back rabbit goats leather mat house HL LHL LLL HL HHL HL LL kГЎr-ГttГІ ЕЎГ¬nЕЎГЎll-ГttГЁ bГ lgГ¬dd-ГЎпѓ«пѓ«ГЁ dГєГєk-ГlГІ gГєbГЎl-ГЎttГЁ dГЎГЎl-Г©tГЁ пѓ«ГІГІll-ГєssГ HL mГЎnn-ГssГ one dog one ant ostriches at the back by the rabbit by the goats that leather mat that house HHL LHHL LLHL HHL HHHL HHL LHL HHL The case clitics =nГ№ вЂ�fromвЂ™, =yГ y вЂ�withвЂ™ and =tГ вЂ�uponвЂ™ cause no change in the tone distribution of the noun they attach to. The nouns followed by the case clitic =mГ вЂ�to/inвЂ™ have high tone on the final vowel and low tone on the preceding vowels. See examples (for the lengthening of the first word vowel see 2.5.7.): zГпЂїtГЁ pot gГЎbГЎyГ market kГєttГєnkГІ mountain zГ¬Г¬пЂїtГ©=mГ gГ Г bГ yГЎ=mГ kГ№Г№ttГ№nkГі=mГ in the pot to the market on the mountain A morpheme used for proximal demonstrative and vocative is expressed by the tone distribution LH. As it happens with the nouns marked by =ma, nouns modified by this morpheme show high tone on the final vowel and low tone on the preceding vowels. The final high tone syllable vowel is most often rised: e becomes i and o becomes u. Nouns following this tone pattern may have proximal demonstrative or vocative meaning. See examples: gГ Г ntГ tГЁ bГ©Г©zГЁ woman.Prox/Voc.F PronF Beze.Poss This is BezeвЂ™s woman. [gГ ГЎntГЁ вЂ�womanвЂ™] пѓ«Г llГ ! children.Prox/Voc.P children! [пѓ«ГЎllГЁ вЂ�childrenвЂ™] This tonal morpheme also applies to some adverbials (see 8.1.) 2.4.5. Tone in verbs Tone is lexically determined in verbs. There are two classes of verbs, the High tone class (class A) and the Low tone class (class B). Most verbs, about 80%, belong to class A. In most situations lexical tone differences are neutralised. They are only manifested in the singular and first plural inflectional suffixes of the Unmarked paradigm (see 6.3. and 6.5.1.). The inflectional suffixes of these persons carry a High tone in Class A verbs and a Low tone in class B verbs. The tone of the Unmarked inflectional suffixes of 2 and 3 plural makes no distinction and it is always Low. See table 8. 44 Table 8: Tone in Unmarked inflection Class A verb пѓЂГ№g вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ 1Sg пѓЂГєg-Г 2Sg пѓЂГєg-dГ* 3SgM пѓЂГєg-Г 3SgF пѓЂГєg-dГ* 1Pl пѓЂГєg-nГ 2Pl пѓЂГєg-dГЁ* 3Pl пѓЂГєg-ГЁ Class B verb ЕѕГ¬пЂї вЂ�to eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂї-Г¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-Г¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГЁ ЕѕГпЂї-ГЁ (*As shown in 2.7.1. /t/в†’[d] after b, d and g Tone shows the highest functional load in verb morphology. It contributes to the syntactic and modal distinction of the verbal paradigms. The tone patterns depend on the numbers of syllables of the verb forms. Verbs based on CVC stems are predominantly disyllabic because their stem is in most of the cases followed by a suffix containing one vowel. In those cases in which the suffix has two vowels, the CVC verbs are trisyllabic and show a three-tone pattern. The patterns followed by CVC verbs are listed below along with the indication of the verb forms showing the patterns and relative examples: 45 Table 9: Verb tone patterns Pattern Verb forms H Imperative singular A Unmarked B Unmarked A (only 2 and 3 plural) HL Marked-Imperfective (only singular persons) Main Future (only singular persons) Unmarked A (except 2 and 3 plural) Subordinate Future (only 1Sg, 3SgM, 3Pl) Consecutive A and B (only singular persons) HH Non-Past Negative Past Negative (only singular persons) Future Negative (only 1Sg, 3SgM, 3Pl) Jussive Negative (only singular persons) Imperative plural A LH Imperative singular B Jussive (except 3SgF) Marked-Imperfective (only plural persons) HHL Main future (only plural persons) Consecutive A and B (only 2Sg, 3SgF, 1Pl and 2Pl) LHH Jussive (only 3SgF) Imperative plural B Subordinate future (only 2Sg, 3SgF, 1Pl and 2Pl) Past Negative HHH (only plural persons) Future Negative (only 2Sg, 3SgF, 1Pl and 2Pl) Jussive Negative (only 2Sg, 3SgF, 1Pl and 2Pl) Examples пѓЂГєg вЂ�drink!вЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїГ¬ вЂ�he ateвЂ™ пѓЂГєgdГЁ вЂ�you drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєgГ вЂ�I am drinkingвЂ™ пѓЂГєgnГ вЂ�I will drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєgГ вЂ�I drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєgnГ вЂ�I will drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєgГЎ (A) вЂ�and I drinkвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїГі (B) вЂ�and I eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїГ© вЂ�they do not eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїпЂїГЎ вЂ�he did not eatвЂ™ ЕѕГ¬пЂїnГ вЂ�I will not eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїГє вЂ�donвЂ™t let me eatвЂ™ пѓЂГ№gГЎ вЂ�drink (pl)!вЂ™ ЕѕГ¬пЂїГЎ вЂ�eat!вЂ™ пѓЂugnГЎ вЂ�letвЂ™s drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєgГЎnkГ¬ вЂ�we are drinkingвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїnГЎnkГ№ вЂ�you will drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєgГnkГ¬ (A) вЂ�and they drinkвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїГіnkГ¬ (B) вЂ�and they eatвЂ™ пѓЂГ№gГtГЎ вЂ�let her drinkвЂ™ ЕѕГ¬пЂїГnпѓ«ГЎ вЂ�eat (pl)вЂ™ пѓЂГєgnГnnГ вЂ�we will drinkвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїпЂїГЎnkГє вЂ�you did not eatвЂ™ ЕѕГ¬пЂїГntГ вЂ�she will not eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂїГєnkГє вЂ�do not eat (pl)!вЂ™ 46 Several verb forms are distinguished only by tonal change. This is the case for the forms of the Unmarked paradigm of class B and the forms of the Non-Past Negative paradigm. The first one shows high tone on the stem vowel only, while the second shows high tone on both the stem and the inflectional vowels. See the comparison below: ЕѕiпЂї вЂ�to eatвЂ™ Unmarked Non-Past Negative (HL) (HH) 1Sg ЕѕГпЂї-Г¬ ЕѕГпЂї-Г 2Sg ЕѕГпЂї-tГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ 3SgM ЕѕГпЂї-Г¬ ЕѕГпЂї-Г 3SgF ЕѕГпЂї-tГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ 1Pl ЕѕГпЂї-nГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ 2Pl ЕѕГпЂї-tГЁ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ© 3Pl ЕѕГпЂї-ГЁ ЕѕГпЂї-Г© The same tonal difference can be observed from the comparison between the second and the third persons plural of the Unmarked paradigm of class A and the Non-Past Negative. 2Pl 3Pl пѓЂГєg вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ Unmarked Non-Past Negative (HL) (HH) пѓЂГєg-dГЁ пѓЂГєg-dГ© пѓЂГєg-ГЁ пѓЂГєg-Г© Another tone difference appears when comparing the third plural persons just shown with their Jussive counterpart. The Jussive form differs in that it has a low tone on the stem vowel and a high tone on the inflectional vowel. 3Pl пѓЂГєg вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ Unmarked Non-Past (HL) Negative (HH) пѓЂГєg-ГЁ пѓЂГєg-Г© Jussive (LH) пѓЂГ№g-Г© See also the tonal difference between the HL pattern of the third plural Marked-Imperfective form and the LH pattern of the first singular Jussive form. пѓЂГєg вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ Marked-Imperf. Jussive 3Pl (HL) 1Sg (LH) пѓЂГєg-Г пѓЂГ№g-ГЎ 47 One more example of an exclusively tonal distinction is between the first plural Unmarked B, which has a HL pattern, and the first singular subordinate future, which has a HH pattern. Example: ЕѕiпЂї вЂ�to eatвЂ™ Unmarked Subord. Future 1Pl (HL) 2Pl (HH) ЕѕГпЂї-nГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ The same tone patterns that apply to CVC stem verbs can be considered valid for stems with more than one syllable. This is because all the syllables of the longer verbs have H or L tone depending on the tone of the corresponding verb form in CVC verbs. If the short vowel of the CVC verb form has H, all the syllables of the corresponding longer stems have H; if the CVC verb form has L, all the vowels of the corresponding longer stems have L. Verbs with more than one syllables in the stem are the disyllabic verbs with initial long vowel (CVVC) and plurisyllabic verbs. The stem of a plurisyllabic verb can be made up by a root or by the root plus derivational suffixes. The full verbal paradigms of verbs with CVC, CVVC, CVCVC and CVC-VC stems are presented in chapter 5. 2.4.6. Tone in clitics, conjunctions, pronominal particles, locative pronoun and sentence marker The case clitics =nГ№ вЂ�fromвЂ™, =yГ y вЂ�withвЂ™, =tГ вЂ�uponвЂ™ and =mГ вЂ�to/inвЂ™, the sentence conjunctions bГ and nГ , the sentence marker kГ , the pronominal particles kГІ (m), tГЁ (f) and kГЁ (p), the locative pronoun nГ and the homonymous locative clitic nГ have always low tone. The conjunctions пЂїГЎГЎkГ and yГЎГЎkГ , the pronominal words formed by the locative pronoun na and a clitic (see 5.6.) and those based on the pronominal particles (see 5.5.) follow the pattern HL. 2.4.7. Tone vs. pitch accent The distribution of high-pitched syllable vowels in TsвЂ™amakko is best accounted for in the context of a tonal system. However, as it happens in the Cushitic languages, the TsвЂ™amakko tonal system shows accentual features. There is a tendency to create one prominency in the attribution of one high pitch to the word. The tendency to prominency is manifest in the proximal demonstrative/vocative tone pattern and in the cliticisation of the clitic =mГ (to/in). In both cases the noun looses its tonal pattern and a High tone sits on the last vowel of the noun. Although this fact can be better accounted for within an accent theoretical background, an analysis as pitch-accent rather than restricted tone would not simplify the analysis and would make it difficult to justify the presence of words without accent and words with two or more accents. 48 Even though several words have more than one high pitched morae, one may note that they appear in a string along the word and attribute this fact to the tendency to create one prominence. Indeed, a string of High tone morae is never interrupted by one or more Low tone morae. However, in accentual languages, the accent appears in one syllable or mora in the word, unless a rule of accent spread is established. A rule of this kind can be established for most of the nominal and verbal forms. The rule says: if the final vowel is low pitched, all preceding vowels are high pitched. However, this rule does not work for all nominals and verbs and does not cover the cases in which the final vowel is high pitched. Our conclusion is that the (alleged) characteristics of accentual systems observable in TsвЂ™amakko do not render the TsвЂ™amakko system merely accentual. 2.4.8. A note on tone marking The analysis of tone has been limited to nominals, verbs and the elements described in 2.4.6. No conclusions could be reached on the tonal behaviour of the definite suffix -se and most of the interrogatives. Tone will only be marked on the nominals that do not show the HL and HHL tonal distribution. Tone in verbs will not be marked because it is always predictable from the paradigm they belong to (see 2.4.5.). The tonal characteristics of conjunctions, case clitics, locative pronoun, sentence marker and pronominal particles is also predictable on the basis of the information found in 2.4.6. A general rule is that all CV elements have low tone, while longer elements show the HL or HHL tonal distribution. 2.5. Syllables The onset and the coda of a TsвЂ™amakko syllable cannot be occupied by more than one consonantal segment. Any short or a long vowel is in the nucleus. The possible phonemic syllable types are: CV CVV CVC CVVC (open syllable with short vowel) (open syllable with long vowel) (closed syllable with short vowel) (closed syllable with long vowel) ka.ro poo.lo ziпЂї.te gaar.ko dog cloud pot tree 2.5.1. Onset Any consonants can be the onset of a syllable. The vowel initial syllables V, VV, VC and VVC appear only word initially. The presence of these syllable shows that the onset can be null if the syllable is in initial position. In these cases the universal rule of onset insertion applies. This rule prevents a syllable to begin with a vowel and has an optional application depending on the speed of speech. 49 The segment inserted as onset is the glottal stop пЂї. See the following examples of onset insertion: Insertion of Р‘ onset /i.nan.ko/ /aa.п‚©e/ /ay.ra/ /aal.lit.te/ /or.ro/ /ook/ [пЂїi.nan.ko] [пЂїaa.п‚©e] [пЂїay.ra] [пЂїaal.lit.te] [пЂїor.ro] [пЂїook] boy birds friend shin-bone forest change! If we take the word-initial glottal stop as an underlyingly present consonant that is optionally deleted, one may say that TsвЂ™amakko operates with four syllables CV, CVV, CVC and CVVC. 2.5.2. Coda All consonants can be the coda of a closed syllable. The only exception is cвЂ™, which is not attested as a coda. The sonorants /r/, /l/, /n/, /m/, /y/, /w/ are the coda of the vast majority of closed syllables. The preference for sonorants in coda position is connected to the restriction in consonant sequence at word-structure level. This is because the first element of a consonant cluster, which is most often sonorant, corresponds to the coda of a closed syllable (see 2.6.). 2.5.3. Insertion of an epenthetic vowel as nucleus and degemination In some verbal contexts, syllabic well-formedness requires the insertion of an epenthetic vowel, which takes the shape i. In nouns, syllabic wellformedness is achieved by degemination. Epenthetic insertion and degemination apply when three consonants come together or a cluster of two consonants appears stem finally. A cluster of three consonants is the result of the affixation of a consonant initial suffix to a CC final stem or, only in verbs, the affixation of a CC initial suffix. Two consonants appear stem finally in the Imperative singular form of class A verbs. If a consonant initial suffix is added to a stem without a final consonant cluster no cluster of three consonant is realised. See for example the form пѓЂugni вЂ�we drankвЂ™, which is made up by the verb stem пѓЂug-вЂ�to drinkвЂ™, followed by the first person plural suffix of the Unmarked paradigm вЂ“ni. Stems ending with geminated consonant can be basic or the result of punctual derivation by gemination of the last root consonant. An example is the verb with punctual derived stem пѓЂugg вЂ�sipвЂ™, derivation of пѓЂug-вЂ�to drinkвЂ™. The punctual stem followed by, for example, вЂ“ni gives *пѓЂuggni, which is a form with an unacceptable syllable structure. No correct syllabification is possible because the middle consonant of the three segment cluster ggn cannot be part of the preceding syllable, that would generate an unaccepted long coda, it cannot be syllabified as a separate syllable, because there are no C syllables in the language, and it cannot be considered as onset of a 50 following syllable together with n, because there are no syllables with a consonant cluster as onset. The problem is solved by adding an epenthetic vowel, which acts as the nucleus of a syllable having the stem-final consonant as onset. The verb form becomes пѓЂug.gi.ni. An example of CC initial suffix is вЂ“nti, the second person suffix of the Subordinate Future paradigm. This suffix is made up of the second person suffix of the Unmarked paradigm preceded by the future element n. When attached to a stem, the cluster nt needs to be separated the final stem consonant by the epenthetic i. The suffix therefore appears as вЂ“inti. See the suffix attached to the verb пѓЂug вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ and пѓЂugg вЂ�to sipвЂ™: пѓЂug- to drink пѓЂu.gin.ti you will drink пѓЂugg- to sip пѓЂug.gin.ti you will sip *пѓЂugnti *пѓЂuggnti No epenthesis is necessary in the suffixation of Subordinate Future suffix with simple initial consonant. It is the case of the third person masculine singular вЂ“ni. Also this suffix is composed by an Unmarked paradigm inflection, the third person masculine singular suffix вЂ“i, and the future marker n. See an example: пѓЂug- to drink пѓЂug.ni he will drink The Imperative singular form of verb class A coincides with the verb root. If the verb root is CC final, the form ends with a final consonant cluster. In order to solve the problem of syllabification caused by this cluster, an epenthetic vowel is added at the end of the stem/root. See for example: пѓ«awr- to forbid пѓ«aw.ri forbid! The same epenthesis appears in the Imperative singular form of the punctual derived stem of class A verbs, which is formed by gemination of the last root consonant. See the Imperative singular forms of the basic and the punctual stems of an A verb. basic punctual пѓЂugпѓЂugg- to drink to sip пѓЂug drink! пѓЂug.gi sip! Degemination works when a consonant initial suffix follows a nominal stem ending in long consonant. An example is the suffixation of the masculine Singulative suffixes -ko to the noun пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ вЂ�leather matвЂ™. The clustering of three consonants in *пѓ«oollko is avoided by degemination of the stem final l. The result is пѓ«ool-ko. 2.5.4. Ambisyllabic geminate consonants 51 All geminated consonants function as ambisyllabic segments and appear as the coda of a syllable and the onset of a following syllable. In syllabification geminates function the same way as consonant clusters. See 2.1.14 for the analysis of geminated /p/ and 2.2.15. For the analysis of geminated /ЕЎ/. 2.6. Consonant clusters 2.6.1. Consonant clusters in syllable sequences The clustering of consonants is partially restricted by the structure of the syllables. This is because a sequence of consonants is the consequence of the meeting of the coda of a closed syllable and the onset of the syllable that follows immediately. The coda of the syllable is the C1 of the cluster. The onset of the adjacent syllable is the C2 of the cluster. The restrictions determined by the internal structure of the syllables are: 1) Since coda and onset can be composed by a single consonant phoneme, no clusters of three or more consonants are possible. 2) Since the word initial and final syllables, like any other syllable, must have a vocalic nucleus after the consonantal onset, no initial or final consonant clusters are possible. 2.6.2. Root internal cluster restrictions The possibilities of consonant sequencing in root internal position are determined by cluster restrictions. The inventory of consonants that can form the second element of a consonant cluster is restricted. One notes the absence of /п‚©/, /пѓ°/, /x/, /d/, /пѓ«/, /Еѕ/, /z/, /h/, /пЂї/, and /w/ in this position. This restriction does not apply to the second element of geminate consonants. A number of consonants do not occur as the first element in root-internal consonant clusters: 1) /h/, /п‚є/, /пѓ«/, /п‚©/, /tsвЂ™/, /cвЂ™/, /qвЂ™/ and /пѓЂ/; 2) /b/ and /d/. This includes all glottalic phonemes and most voiced stops. The only exception to the last generalisation is the root cвЂ™egd-e вЂ�bloodвЂ™. 2.6.3. Consonant sequences in words Most of the consonant sequences in words show a sonorant C1 followed by either a sonorant or an obstruent. An obstruent C1 is always followed by another obstruent. Sequences of sonorants in consonant clusters When a sonorant follows a sonorant the following restrictions apply: -The nasals cannot precede any sonorant. 52 -The two glides are never in contact. -/r/ can be C1 only if /l/, /n/ or /m/ are C2. -A sonorant C2 can be only preceded by a sonorant C1. See some of the words showing a glide as C1. The clusters are wr, wl, wn and yr, yl: пѓ«awri вЂ�forbid!вЂ™; dawle вЂ�lowlandвЂ™; пЂїawne вЂ�in the eveningвЂ™ пЂїayra вЂ�friend; пЂїaylo вЂ�small hoeвЂ™ See examples of words showing /r/ as C1. The clusters are rl and rn: mirle вЂ�cheetahвЂ™; karna вЂ�hipвЂ™ The following table shows the combination of sonorant clusters : Table 10: Combinations of sonorants C1 w y r l n m C2 w ////////// - y r l n m ////////// - + + ////////// - + + + ///////// - + + ///////// - + + ///////// Sonorant-obstruent clusters A sonorant C1 is very commonly followed by an obstruent C2. Among the sonorants, /n/, /r/ and /l/ can precede a particularly wide range of C2вЂ™s. Among the phonemes with a common [+obstruent] feature, /k/, /g/, /t/, /d/, /s/ and /ЕЎ/ appear as C2 in a wider number of consonant combinations. Sonorant-glottalic clusters The alveolar sonorant /n/, /r/ or /l/ are the only consonants that appear before the implosives п‚є, пѓ«, and п‚© and the uvular ejective qвЂ™. The coronal ejectives /tsвЂ™/ and /cвЂ™/ are never preceded by the lateral sonorant /l/. The implosive п‚є in C2, is only attested after m, which is the realisation of /n/ after bilabial sound. The realisation of n before the velar п‚© is пЃЋ (see the following section Nasal-stop cluster). See examples with п‚є, пѓ«, п‚© and qвЂ™ as C2: 53 ЕЎamп‚є-o вЂ�childвЂ™ lanпѓ«-e вЂ�spleenвЂ™; пѓЂarпѓ«-o вЂ�oxвЂ™; golпѓ«-e вЂ�penisвЂ™ пѓЂaпЃЋп‚©-o вЂ�jawвЂ™; marп‚©-e вЂ�wrinkles of foreheadвЂ™; пЂїilп‚©-e вЂ�teethвЂ™ sonqвЂ™-a вЂ�sort of guitarвЂ™; turqвЂ™ayn-a вЂ�squirrel sp.вЂ™; palqвЂ™-e вЂ�broken piece of gourdвЂ™ See examples of coronal ejective as C2: qвЂ™antsвЂ™-e вЂ�thornвЂ™; martsвЂ™-a вЂ�young acaciaвЂ™; goncвЂ™-o вЂ�lower part of back boneвЂ™; qвЂ™urcвЂ™-o вЂ�central part of the stomachвЂ™ The situation of the sonorant-glottalic clusters is summarised in the following table: Table 11: Sonorant-glottalic clusters C1 n r l C2 пѓ« п‚© qвЂ™ tsвЂ™ cвЂ™ п‚є + + + + + + + + + + + - + + - + - Nasal-stop clusters The nasals n, m and пЃЋ in C1 position are homorganic to a stop C2. Preconsonantal nasals are considered realisation of a the nasal phoneme /n/. Examples of m before bilabial stop: Еѕumpo komba пЂїomп‚єo iron point necklace tree sp. Examples of пЃЋ before velar stop: kirriпЃЋko gataпЃЋko tail sixth month Examples of n before alveolar stop: lanпѓ«e kantale ganda spleen tree sp. neighbourhood 54 Clusters of obstruents In the cases in which C1 is an obstruent, the following C2 must also be an obstruent. A few additional combinations are allowed in some Amharic loanwords. The only examples attested are the clusters nz, found in ganzabu вЂ�moneyвЂ™; zm, found in mazmare вЂ�nailвЂ™; and st, found in lastige вЂ�plastic objectвЂ™. See below a table of all the attested combinations. The C1 are listed in the vertical axis and the C2 in the horizontal axis. On the axis, the phonemes are listed according to their clustering possibility, from the most common to the less common. Those scoring relatively high clustering possibilities are separated from the rest of the phonemes of the respective axis. Therefore the sonorants make a separate group in the C1 axis and the obstruents /t/, /k/, /d/, /g/, /s/ and /ЕЎ/ make a separate group on the C2 axis. The possible clusters are marked by + in the cell formed by the intersection of the two axis. The clusters attested only in loanwords are marked by В±. The impossible or unattested clusters are marked by a blank. The clustering of the same consonant is marked by a shaded cell. Table 12: Possible consonant clusters C2 в–є C1 в–ј r l n y w пЂї ЕЎ пѓ° m p s t z k x g t k d g s ЕЎ l b p пѓ« п‚© qвЂ™ tsвЂ™ cвЂ™ m n z Еѕ r пѓЂ п‚є пѓ° + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + В± + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + В± + + + + + + В± 55 2.7. Phonological rules 2.7.1. Voice assimilation The voiceless alveolar stop /t/ assimilates to the voicing of a preceding voiced pulmonic stop: /t/в†’[d] after /b/, /d/ or /g/ The assimilation can be observed in the suffixation of t-initial morphemes such as the suffix вЂ“ti of 2 Sg of the Unmarked paradigm. See the examples: cвЂ™ib-di Еѕag-di qвЂ™od-di you pierced you inserted you dug (*cвЂ™ib-ti) (*Еѕag-ti) (*qвЂ™od-ti) 2.7.2. Devoicing The implosives /п‚є/, /п‚©/ and /пѓ«/ have voiceless allophones before /t/. The first two appear as ejectives. The third one devoices and in addition looses glottalisation. /п‚є, п‚©, пѓ«/ в†’ [pвЂ™, kвЂ™, t] before /t/ See the example of noun root final /п‚є/ followed by the feminine suffix вЂ“te and the example of verb root final /п‚©/ followed by the suffix of 2Sg вЂ“ti of the Unmarked paradigm: qвЂ™aп‚є-te boп‚©-ti пЂїooпѓ«-ti [qвЂ™apвЂ™te] [bokвЂ™ti] [пЂїo:tti] leather sac you killed you walked The voiced nature of the phonemes /b/ and /z/ is apparent in gemination for Plurative derivation. The phonemes are devoiced when in contact with the voiceless velar k of the masculine derivation suffix -ko. The attested examples are: gubuz-z-e (pl) пѓЂarrab-b-e (pl) gubus-ko (m) пѓЂarraf-ko (m) thigh-bone tongue 2.7.3. Phonation assimilation The alveolar implosive looses the glottalisation following /n/: /пѓ«/ в†’ [t] before /t/ The assimilation works after the addition to a пѓ«-final verb roots of the вЂ“ni of 1Pl Unmarked paradigm. In the following examples the verb пЂїooпѓ«- вЂ�to walkвЂ™ is followed by -ni and by the suffix of 1Sg вЂ“i of the same Unmarked paradigm: 56 cf. пЂїooпѓ«-ni [пЂїo:nni] we walk пЂїooпѓ«-i [пЂїo:пѓ«i] I walk 2.7.4. Nasal assimilation An alveolar nasal assimilates its place of articulation to a following velar or bilabial. This rule is in accordance to the cluster restriction by which the nasals are followed only by homorganic stops (see Nasal-stop clusters under 2.6.3.). /n/ в†’ [пЃЋ] before /k/, /g/ or /п‚©/ /n/ в†’ [m] before /p/, /b/, /п‚є/ or /m/ In masculine derivation by means of the suffix вЂ“ko, the m geminated for plural derivation turns to пЃЋ (see 3.5.5.). Examples: kirriпЃЋ-ko (m) ЕЎiiniпЃЋ-ko (m) kirrim-m-e (pl) ЕЎiinim-m-e (pl) tail butter The first person verbal proclitic n= changes to m= before bilabial initial verbs (see 4.5.1.). Example: qвЂ™ayna ka m=bayy-ini tomorrow Sent 1=start-1SgSubFut I will start tomorrow. 2.7.5. Vowel lenghthening Nouns, pronouns and names followed by the case clitic =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™ lengthen the vowel of their initial syllable. See example of clitic following the noun manne вЂ�houseвЂ™ and the locative pronoun na: maanne=ma to the house naa=ma in it The initial syllable vowel of nouns showing the locative case suffix, may be optinally lengthened. paЕЎ-ilo ~ paaЕЎ-ilo in the field The lenghthening is regular in possessive constructions. Names in this position do not show the locative case, which is the common way to mark a possessor (see 3.7.): пѓ°aarko beeze BezeвЂ™s hand 2.7.6. Vowel deletion 57 The vowel of the second of a string of four open syllables is deleted. This happens because an initial open syllable cannot be followed by three open syllables and has to become close. The onset of the syllable that looses the nucleus becomes the coda of the initial closed syllable. In the following example, the verb gereпѓЂi вЂ�to stealвЂ™ appears in basic from and in middle derived form. The suffixation of the middle marker -aпѓ« results in the addition of a syllable and the deletion of the second syllable vowel e. ge.re.пѓЂi he has stolen ger.пѓЂa.пѓ«i he has stolen for his own advantage *gereпѓЂa.пѓ«i A rule of vowel deletion which is not morphological conditioned operates in the formation of plural forms having the CVC1C2 template. The deleted vowel is the second syllable vowel of the basic noun. See example: cвЂ™ifan-o (m) cвЂ™ifn-e (pl) unmarried boy 2.7.7. Metathesis Unaccepted consonant sequences which result from vowel deletion are affected by metathesis. In the following example metathesis works in order to solve the irregular sequence caused by syllabic vowel deletion. The context is the causative derivation of the verb kibir- by suffixation of вЂ“as (see 7.3.1.): ki.bi.ri he danced kir.ba.si he made dance *kib.ra.si In the example below, metathesis works in the context of the CVC1C2 plural formation by vowel deletion (see 3.5.3.) пЂїagil-e (m) пЂїalg-o (pl) *пЂїagl-o newborn calf 2.7.8. Sibilant palatal harmony The Omotic and Cushitic groups of languages often show a natural class of sibilant phonemes. The phonemes of this class are distinguished by the absence or presence of the [palatal] feature. There is a co-occurrence restriction affecting this class of phonemes: if two or more sibilants are found in a word all of them agree in palatalisation. In other words, all of them belong to the [+palatal] or [-palatal] set of sibilants. In TsвЂ™amakko, palatal harmony can be only observed in the behaviour of the Causative derivational suffix вЂ“Vs. The voiceless alveolar fricative /s/ of this suffix becomes palatal if the verbal stem contains a palatal sibilant of the group ЕЎ, Еѕ, c and cвЂ™. See the examples below: ЕЎukuy- to be scared ЕѕiпЂїto eat ЕЎukuy-aЕЎ ЕѕiпЂї-aЕЎ to scare to feed 58 пЂїucccвЂ™ur- to fill up to throw пЂїucc-aЕЎ cвЂ™ur-aЕЎ to make fill up to make throw See examples with non-palatal sibilants: baszaqвЂ™- to do to slaughter bas-as zaqвЂ™-as to make do to make slaughter From a phonetic point of view s, z, ЕЎ, Еѕ, cвЂ™ and tsвЂ™ are the candidate group of sibilants. If one limits oneself to the root, it is interesting to note that a sibilant is the exact copy of another sibilant. Therefore, a kind of root sibilant harmony extends to all the features of the sibilant and does not involve only the palatalisation feature. The examples, however, involve only s, z, ЕЎ and tsвЂ™, while there is no co-occurrence of two instances of Еѕ, c, cвЂ™ in a root. See the examples below: siis-e sass-abbe honey water scorpion sp. ziiz-a back-bone ЕЎaaЕЎ-e ЕЎinЕЎ-alle cloth covering the head of a groom ants tsвЂ™itsвЂ™tsвЂ™-o black bead The only example of a root with different sibilants is the probable borrowing ЕЎicca вЂ�kind of rifleвЂ™. However, according to the description in 2.2.15., cc may be considered the historical geminated counterpart of ЕЎ. 59 3. Nominal morphology Nouns can morphologically be recognised by their ability to express gender, number, and case. From a syntactic point of view, nouns can be the head of a noun phrase and the subject of a verb. There are groups of nouns with different syntactic and morphological behaviour. The attributive nouns, adjectives and numerals are treated in this chapter. The relational nouns are described in 8.2. There are two kinds of bound morphemes to the noun: suffixes and clitics. The suffixes are inflectional or derivational nominal markers that are attached to the noun stem. The stem may correspond to the simple root or may be made up of the root plus other suffixes. The clitics are a property of the noun phrase and appear at the right edge of the noun phrase. Their presence after a noun is therefore limited to those cases in which the final element of a phrase is represented by a noun. 3.1. Interaction between gender and number Gender and number in TsвЂ™amakko, as in the other Cushitic languages, show a great deal of interaction. The two categories must be distinguished because gender is a classificatory category, which includes nouns with common lexical or semantic characteristics reflected on agreeing words, while number is a grammatical category, which operates through derivational processes. Basic nouns are morphologically gender-specific but numberneutral. They become morphologically number-specific, i.e. singular or plural, after Singulative or Plurative derivation. Other manifestations of number are to be attributed to semantic factors. An overview of the interaction between gender and number focuses on the following points: - 90% of the basic nouns in TsвЂ™amakko are classified in the gender classes masculine (m) and feminine (f). Masculine nouns agree with third person masculine verbs and feminine nouns agree with third person feminine verbs. A third group of basic nouns, covering the remaining 10 %, has no masculine or feminine but plural agreement. They are associated to third person plural verbs and accordingly included in the gender class called plural (p). - The labels вЂ�masculineвЂ™, вЂ�feminineвЂ™ and вЂ�pluralвЂ™ are conventional and, according to normal procedure, have been established on the basis of the presence of inherently masculine, feminine and plural nouns in the gender classes and on the basis of the agreement with verbs. Therefore, the masculine class includes sex-inherent masculine nouns and a wider number of semantically undetermined nouns which agree with third person masculine verbs. The feminine class includes the sex-inherent feminine 60 nouns and a wider number of semantically undetermined nouns which agree with third person feminine verbs. The class labelled as вЂ�pluralвЂ™ includes nouns that can be considered inherently plural and one number-undetermined noun, all of which agree with third person plural verbs. Inherent plural nouns are those expressing a collective entity, such as names of peoples, mass nouns, nouns indicating entities perceived as a group, such as teeth, firestones and feathers, but also eggs, tears and flies. However, there are also mass and collective nouns with plural meaning that are found in the masculine and feminine classes. - The vast majority of the masculine and feminine nouns have the gender assigned arbitrarily. This means that only lexical considerations are taken into account in the inclusion of a noun in the gender categories. In other words, the fact that a noun is said to be вЂ�masculineвЂ™ means that it is formally and not semantically masculine. Gender is assigned semantically in sex-inherent masculine and feminine nouns. Semantic assignment of gender also applies to most of the plural gender nouns. - Every basic noun is followed by a gender sensitive suffix. The shape of the gender suffix normally reflects the gender of the noun. Lack of correspondence between gender of the noun and the shape of the suffix is possible if the noun has sex-determined meaning. The gender suffix that follows most of the masculine nouns is -o. Feminine nouns suffixes are -a and -e. A suffix -e also appears after most of the plural gender nouns. The situation is summarised in table 13. Table 13: Gender suffixes and agreement non-sex-inherent nouns sex-inherent nouns inherent pluralnouns suffix вЂ“o masculine agreement semantic agreement (mostly males) masculine agreement suffix вЂ“a feminine agreement semantic agreement (mostly females) feminine agreement suffix вЂ“e feminine plural agreement agreement semantic agreement (mostly females) plural agreement - The status of the basic nouns belonging to the plural class needs clarification. The term вЂ�plural genderвЂ™ distinguishes a class of basic nouns with plural agreement, as opposed to the basic nouns with masculine agreement and the basic nouns with feminine agreement. The gender suffix -e, which follows most of the plural basic nouns, does not indicate plurality and is not a plural number marker. It will be called вЂ�plural gender suffixвЂ™. The plurality of the plural gender nouns may be grammatically determined through pluralisation. It is therefore possible to talk about the 61 pluralisation of a plural gender noun. The suffixes which determine the plurality of a noun are called Plurative suffixes. - Most of the masculine and feminine basic nouns are only gender determined and they express no number. This also applies to one plural gender basic noun, while most of the basic nouns with plural agreement are sematically plural in number. Some masculine and feminine nouns referring to populations are also semantically plural. Therefore, a basic noun is either unspecified for number or semantically plural. It either expresses a numberunspecified reference to an entity, or it indicates plurality. - In the European languages an underived noun expresses singular number, unless it has a collective meaning. In TsвЂ™amakko, and in the languages of the area, the underived nouns are by default вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ in meaning. A semantically unspecified noun expresses a concept and not a number-specific entity and it is used whenever the number of an entity is not important in the communication or whenever its number is understood from the context. The unspecified number of the underived TsвЂ™amakko nouns can be explained looking at the sentences below: пЂїakk-o wor-aпѓ«пѓ«-ite пЂїaп‚©-i wild.animal-M forest-Pl-LocP be.located-3SgMUnm The wild animal lives in the forests. gerg-e пЂїaddis abeba пЂїaп‚©-ti Amhara-F Addis.Ababa be.located -3SgFUnm The Amharas live in Addis Ababa. mann-e garis-i house-P build-3SgMUnm He builds houses When uttering these sentences the speaker does not reveal if he or she is talking about one вЂ�wild animalвЂ™ or many вЂ�wild animalsвЂ™, one вЂ�AmharaвЂ™ or many вЂ�AmharaвЂ™sвЂ™ or one вЂ�houseвЂ™ or many вЂ�housesвЂ™. The speaker is expressing only concepts that are specified in terms of number by the context. In formal terms, the gender suffix of a noun root expresses an overt m, f or p gender, while number is unspecified and only vaguely understood. - Number determining morphemes are the Singulative and Plurative derivation suffixes, which appear before the gender suffix. Number derivation, like most derivational processes, does not apply regularly and not all the nouns may be derived to express singularity and plurality. Whenever either or both Singulative and plural number forms do not appear among the derived forms of a noun, the basic, underived, form is used instead of the missing derived form(s). For example, if a nominal lexeme has a derivation for plural but not for singular, the basic form is used to express singular in 62 place of the Singulative form. The basic noun in this context is still morphologically basic and it does not carry any number indication. Semantic plural nouns, most of which belong to the plural gender class, have inherently plural meaning and for this reason they are normally not derived for Plurative. In those cases in which Plurative derivation is possible, it indicates particularly high quantity. manne (p) вЂ�houseвЂ™ is the only plural gender noun that can only be derived for Plurative and has a basic form used in place of the Singulative form. - In some exceptional cases, a noun has two basic forms. One form has unspecified meaning and agrees with masculine, while the other form has plural meaning and shows a plural gender suffix. The passage from unspecified to plural is therefore indicated by change of gender suffix and is not due to a derivational process. - In formal terms, number derivation is an expression of gender. The number derivation suffixes indicate or stress the membership of a noun in one of the three gender classes. Singulative derivation is always masculine or feminine gender specific. Plurative derivation is always plural gender specific. - A derived noun showing a Singulative suffix may represent the unit for pluralisation. In this case the Singulative suffix looses its number property and the noun acquires plural meaning. The word shows only one gender suffix, which follows the last derivative element, and which expresses the gender of this last element. The most common Singulative suffixes -itt and -att have no own indication of gender. These suffixes are gender distinguished by means of the gender suffix вЂ“o (m) and вЂ“e (f). The gender suffix elides when followed by the Plurative suffixes and they do not manifest gender distinction. An example is the noun karitt-aпѓ«пѓ«-e вЂ�dogs/bitchesвЂ™, which can represent the pluralisation of either kar-itt-o вЂ�dogвЂ™ or kar-itt-e вЂ�bitchвЂ™. The Plurative derivation is realised by affixation of the pluralising suffix вЂ“aпѓ«пѓ« (followed by the plural gender suffix вЂ“e). See below the composition of the noun: karRoot вЂ�dogвЂ™ -itt Singulative derivation -aпѓ«пѓ« Plurative derivation -e plural gender suffix 3.2. Basic and derived form An underived noun is made up of a nominal plus a gender suffix. There are three gender suffixes: -o for masculine gender nouns, -e and -a for feminine gender nouns and вЂ“e for plural gender nouns. Their role as gender markers is described in 3.4.2. 63 With derived (non-basic) nouns we mean noun roots followed by number derivation suffixes. These suffixes can be attached to another number derivation suffix. The possible structures of a derived noun are exemplified below: Root (-number derivation) (-number derivation)-gender suffix An example of noun with a maximal number of suffixes is gurl-itt-aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ�male or female catsвЂ™ gurlRoot вЂ�catвЂ™ -itt Singulative derivation -aпѓ«пѓ« Plurative derivation -e plural gender suffix See 3.5.2. For an inventory of number derivation suffixes and 3.7. For a description of the locative case suffixes. 3.3. Basic nouns Most basic nouns are disyllabic. Their root have the shape CV(V)C(C)-. The majority of these disyllabic nouns have a short internal root vowel. See some examples of CVC-V and CVCC-V nouns: CVC-V CVCC-V bot-e fug-a пЂїaЕѕ-o mann-e fudd-o cвЂ™irf-a пЂїilп‚©-e (f) (f) (m) (p) (m) (f) (p) pumpkin blacksmith smell house cotton braid teeth See examples of the less common CVVC-V and CVVCC-V basic nouns: CVVC-V CVVCC-V пѓ°eek-o qвЂ™aacвЂ™-a diiп‚©-o пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ siipp-o пѓ°eesk-o maalk-a (m) (f) (m) (m) (m) (m) (f) chest charcoal gall bladder leather mat sweat women flute 64 Few nouns have three, four or five syllables. See examples: Еѕabbarn-a пѓЂaarmaпЂї-e dambalaпЂїпЂї-e micвЂ™angall-e (f) (f) (f) (f) belt with pockets plant sp. snake sp. arm bone The longest nouns are the result of reduplication. See two examples: kuttakutt-o dangadangacвЂ™cвЂ™-o (m) (m) small braid porcupine 3.3.1. Nouns with two basic forms Few nouns have two basic forms. The roots loпЂї- вЂ�cowвЂ™, пѓЂarпѓ«- вЂ�oxвЂ™, soggвЂ�magicianвЂ™ and пѓ°ark- вЂ�handвЂ™ can be followed both by the masculine gender suffixes вЂ“o and the plural gender suffix вЂ“e. The masculine gender form has unspecified meaning and the plural gender form has plural meaning. The plural form leпЂї-e вЂ�cowsвЂ™, which is the plural counterpart of loпЂї-o, shows irregular vowel harmony. However, this case could be seen as an instance of lexical (suppletive) plural (see 3.5.6.). See the examples: loпЂї-o leпЂї-e (m) (p) cow cows пѓЂarпѓ«-o пѓЂarпѓ«-e (f) (p) ox oxen sogg-o sogg-e (m) (p) magician magicians пѓ°ark-o пѓ°ark-e (m) (p) hand hands In one case two basic forms are used to express a distinction in sex. The root пЂїaz- can be the stem of a masculine and a feminine basic noun. пЂїaz-o пЂїaz-e (m) (f) younger brother younger sister 3.4. Gender 3.4.1. Manifestation of gender A classic definition states that вЂ�Genders are classes of nouns reflected in the behaviour of associated wordsвЂ™ (Hockett 1958: ). In TsвЂ™amakko the gender of a noun determines the shape of several elements associated with the noun. The shape of these elements reveals if the noun is masculine, feminine or plural. 65 The Unmarked paradigm verbs show the gender of the agreeing noun in their suffixes. The Unmarked verb suffix вЂ“i of the third singular masculine person indicates that the noun belongs to the masculine category. The Unmarked verb suffix вЂ“ti of third singular feminine person indicates that the noun is a member of the feminine category. If the verbal ending is вЂ“e, it means that the associated noun is plural in gender. Nouns with inherent masculine, feminine and plural meaning are marked with b. in the examples; the others with a. Masculine nouns a. darпѓЂ-o ashes-M b. ЕЎamп‚є-o child-M Feminine nouns a. layb-e cloth-F b. ЕЎitt-e girl-F Plural nouns a. mann-e house-P b. gor-e people-P biпѓЂ-i The ashes fell. fall-3SgMUnm ЕѕiпЂї-i The child ate. eat-3SgMUnm biпѓЂ-ti The cloth fell. fall-3SgFUnm ЕѕiпЂї-ti The girl ate. eat-3SgFUnm п‚©onпѓ«am-e The house broke. ЕѕiпЂї-e The people ate. break-3PlUnm eat-3PlUnm Adjectives also adapt their shapes to the gender of the associated noun. Masculine nouns require adjectives ending in -akko; feminine nouns require adjectives ending in -atte; plural nouns require adjectives ending in -ayke: Masculine nouns a. tooll-o walking.stick-M b. zooп‚©-o father.in.law-M Feminine nouns a. tunt-a hammer-F b. qвЂ™alat-e jackal-F Plural nouns a. sil-e feathers-P b. gor-e geecc-akko old walking stick old-AdjM qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-akko ugly father-in-law ugly-AdjM geecc-atte old hammer old-AdjF qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-atte ugly jackal ugly-AdjF geecc-ayke old feathers old-AdjP qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-ayke ugly people 66 people-P ugly-AdjP 3.4.2. Gender suffixes Every noun, derived and underived, ends in a gender suffix. The gender suffixes are reflections of gender rather than carriers of gender. This is in accordance with the fact that only very few nouns have the possibility of different gender suffixes with the same base, and that the suffix вЂ“e refers to both feminine and plural gender. The gender suffixes do not belong to the lexical entry. From the examples above it is possible to notice that masculine nouns end in the gender suffix -o, feminine nouns end in -e and -a, and plural nouns end in -e. See more examples below: Masculine nouns пЂїaylo вЂ�small hoeвЂ™; darпѓЂo вЂ�ashesвЂ™; duuko вЂ�backвЂ™; girЕЎo вЂ�porcupine sp.вЂ™; gurlo вЂ�wild catвЂ™; maanп‚©o вЂ�sorghumвЂ™; пѓЂaЕЎko вЂ�grassвЂ™; cвЂ™arro вЂ�grasshopperвЂ™; dawwo вЂ�snakeвЂ™; gazo вЂ�hairвЂ™; nolo brain; ЕЎumaпѓ°to вЂ�sandвЂ™;пѓЂarпѓ«itto вЂ�oxвЂ™, qвЂ™awko вЂ�manвЂ™; gaarko вЂ�treeвЂ™; maaxatto вЂ�calabashвЂ™; teerikko вЂ�dustвЂ™. Feminine nouns bГ¬yГЁ вЂ�earthвЂ™; daaЕѕimale вЂ�gingerвЂ™; game вЂ�maizeвЂ™; пЂїingiye вЂ�motherвЂ™; parЕЎe вЂ�beerвЂ™; xaaЕЎe вЂ�leafвЂ™; ЕЎitte вЂ�girlвЂ™; пЂїarritte вЂ�she-donkeyвЂ™; makkatte вЂ�ploughвЂ™; daalte вЂ�goatвЂ™; dalba вЂ�pondвЂ™; paana вЂ�footprintвЂ™; laaЕЎa вЂ�kind of breadвЂ™; martsвЂ™a вЂ�young acaciaвЂ™; mirЕѕa вЂ�kuduвЂ™; qвЂ™aacвЂ™a вЂ�charcoalвЂ™; qвЂ™awa вЂ�rifleвЂ™; sarba вЂ�calfвЂ™. Plural nouns пѓЂarпѓ«e вЂ�oxenвЂ™; manne вЂ�houseвЂ™; пѓЂanпѓ«e вЂ�waterвЂ™; punge вЂ�sheep without fat tailвЂ™; пЂїaxxe вЂ�milkвЂ™; пЂїukaпѓ°e вЂ�eggsвЂ™; пЂїaЕЎЕЎe вЂ�highlandвЂ™, пЂїilп‚©e вЂ�teethвЂ™, пЂїilmale вЂ�tearsвЂ™; пЂїuzge вЂ�firestonesвЂ™; пѓ«enge вЂ�neckвЂ™; kirde вЂ�testiclesвЂ™; marп‚©e вЂ�wrinkle of foreheadвЂ™, cвЂ™ifne вЂ�unmarried boysвЂ™, baartaпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ�hutsвЂ™; geerinne вЂ�house polesвЂ™; dabanne вЂ�miceвЂ™. One piece of evidence that the gender suffixes are not final vowels belonging to the root is the fact that no nouns end in a consonant, or in vowel u or i. All nouns end in o, e and a (see 3.4.5. for exceptions in borrowings). If the final segments of the TsвЂ™amakko nouns were part of the lexical entry one would expect there any of the five TsвЂ™amakko vowels u, i, o, e and a. A further proof that the final vowels are gender suffixes is their replacement with vowel initial suffixes such as the plural suffixes -aпѓ«пѓ«- and -ann, the Singulative suffix -itt and the Distal demonstrative suffixes вЂ“ussa (m) and -issa (f/p). However, this argument is not conclusive, as instead of morphological replacement these could be considered as cases of phonological coalescence or vowel deletion aiming to avoid an unaccepted vocalic cluster (see 2.6.3). The clusters in these cases would be composed by 67 the last vowel of the noun and the first vowel of the morphemes. I opt for an analysis of the final vowels as suffixes according to the statement at the beginning of this paragraph. See below some examples of replacement: Replacement of the masculine gender suffix -o: пѓ°aburk-o raandaпѓ°a пѓ°aburk-aпѓ«пѓ«-e raandaпѓ°anki пѓ°aburk-ussa raandaпѓ°a cold wind cold winds that cold wind п‚©annatt-o boп‚©ami п‚©annatt-aпѓ«пѓ«-e boп‚©ame п‚©annatt-ussa boп‚©ami The lizard has been killed. The lizards have been killed. That lizard has been killed. koЕЎ-o xinawa koЕЎ-aпѓ«пѓ«-e xinawanki koЕЎ-ussa xinawa The dung stinks. The dung stinks. That dung stinks. пѓЂarпѓ«-o ko biпѓЂa пѓЂarпѓ«-itt-o ko biпѓЂa пѓЂarпѓ«-ann-e ko biпѓЂanki пѓЂarпѓ«-ussa ko biпѓЂa white ox a white ox white oxen that white ox girЕЎ-o bodi girЕЎ-itt-o bodi girЕЎ-aпѓ«пѓ«-e bode girЕЎ-ussa bode The porcupine digs. One male porcupine digs. The porcupines digs. That porcupine digs. cвЂ™ifan-o gaпѓЂalna cвЂ™ifan-itt-o gaпѓЂalna cвЂ™ifan-itt-e gaпѓЂalnay cвЂ™ifn-e gaпѓЂalnanki cвЂ™ifan-ussa gaпѓЂalna The boy will marry One boy will marry One girl will marry The boys will marry That boy will marry Replacement of the feminine gender suffix вЂ“a: naпЂїпЂї-a п‚©ohti naпЂїпЂї-aпѓ«пѓ«e п‚©ohe naпЂїпЂї-issa п‚©ohti The small child grew. The small children grew. That small child grew. Еѕabbarn-a titta Еѕabbarn-aпѓ«пѓ«-e kitta Еѕabbarn-issa this belt these belts that belt 68 bГ ndГ xinaway bГ nd-ГЎпѓ«пѓ«-ГЁ xinawanki bГ nd-ГssГ xinaway The excrement of chicken stinks. The excrements of chicken stink. That excrement of chicken stinks. gand-a xafe gand-itt-o xafi gand-itt-e xafti The neighbours came. A male neighbour came. A female neighbour came. пѓ«ang-a taayu пѓ«ang-itt-e taayu пѓ«ang-aпѓ«пѓ«-e taani my uvula my uvula our uvulaвЂ™s laaf-a boп‚©anti laaf-itt-o boп‚©ami laaf-itt-e boп‚©anti laaf-aпѓ«пѓ«-e boп‚©ame laaf-issa boп‚©anti The bat has been killed. A male bat has been killed. A female bat has been killed. The bats have been killed. That bat has been killed. Replacement of the feminine/plural gender suffix вЂ“e: feminine nouns bГ¬y-ГЁ raandaпѓ°ay bГ¬y-ГЎпѓ«пѓ«-ГЁ raandaпѓ°anki bГ¬y-ГssГ raandaпѓ°ay cold soil cold soils that cold soil qвЂ™esk-e boп‚©anti qвЂ™esk-aпѓ«пѓ«-e boп‚©ame qвЂ™esk-issa boп‚©anti The louse has been killed. The lice have been killed. That louse has been killed. boпѓЂ-e xinaway boпѓЂ-aпѓ«пѓ«-e xinawanki boпѓЂ-issa xinaway The manure stinks. The manures stink. That manure stinks. kird-e pugaпѓ«e kird-itt-e pugatti kird-aпѓ«пѓ«-e pugaпѓ«e kird-issa pugatti The testicles swell. One testicle swell. The testicles swell. That testicle swell. пѓ°ezg-e liп‚©ti пѓ°ezg-itt-e liп‚©ti пѓ°ezg-aпѓ«пѓ«-e liп‚©e The star went out. The female star went out. The stars went out. пЂїooЕЎ-e boddi пЂїooЕЎ-itt-o bodi пЂїooЕЎ-itt-e boddi пЂїooЕЎ-aпѓ«пѓ«-e bode The fox digged. One male fox digged. One female fox digged. The foxes digged. 69 пЂїooЕЎ-issa boddi that fox digged plural nouns пѓЂarпѓ«-e pare пѓЂarпѓ«-ann-e pare пѓЂarпѓ«-itt-o pari The oxen died. The oxen died. One ox died. qвЂ™omayk-e ke qвЂ™ayyanki good shoes qвЂ™omayk-issa ke qвЂ™ayyanki those shoes are good пѓЂanпѓ«-e пЂїawЕЎanki пѓЂanпѓ«-itt-e пЂїawЕЎay The water boils. A little water boils. mann-e ke qвЂ™ayyanki mann-issa ke qвЂ™ayyanki good house that house is good пЂїilп‚©-e buпѓЂaпѓ«e пЂїilп‚©-akk-o buпѓЂaпѓ«i The teeth hurt. The tooth hurts. пЂїaxx-e pugame пЂїaxx-itt-e puganti The eyes swell. One eye swell. The example below shows the replacement of the gender suffix following a number derivational suffix by the masculine locative case suffix вЂ“il: kar-itt-o one male dog kar-itt-ilo by the male dog There are cases of lack of correspondence between gender and gender suffixes. These cases are linked to semantically masculine, feminine and plural determined nouns that are assigned to a gender according to their meaning despite their formal shape (see 3.4.3.and 3.4.4.). 3.4.3. Semantic assignment of gender Some nouns take the masculine, feminine and plural gender agreement according to some inherent gender characteristics of their meaning. Basic nouns such as вЂ�manвЂ™, вЂ�warriorвЂ™ and вЂ�sonвЂ™ are masculine, basic nouns such as вЂ�sisterвЂ™, вЂ�daughterвЂ™ and вЂ�grandmotherвЂ™ are feminine. Inherently plural basic nouns are collective names, such as names of peoples and nouns indicating entities that are thought in a group, such as teeth, feathers, firestones, flies, eggs and tears. Different from masculine and feminine nouns, semantically plural nouns are not automatically assigned to the plural gender class and not all semantically plural nouns are part of the plural gender class. Some of them are masculine or feminine. Semantic assignment of gender is in most cases reflected on the gender suffixes. The exceptions are accounted for in the following paragraph 3.4.4. 70 See a few examples of basic nouns showing a gender suffix which reflects their semantic gender: masculine qвЂ™awk-o пЂїinank-o ЕЎaпѓЂalk-o пЂїerb-o (m) (m) (m) (m) man boy older brother male sheep feminine gaant-e ЕЎitt-e пЂїalawt-e ЕѕaпЂї-a (f) (f) (f) (f) woman girl older sister wife of the вЂ�godmotherвЂ™ plural пЂїuzg-e sil-e пЂїilп‚©-e sir-e (p) (p) (p) (p) firestones feathers teeth ornamental objects 3.4.4. Lack of congruence between semantic gender and gender suffixes In some exceptional cases, the gender indicated by the agreeing elements is not reflected in the gender suffix: sex-inherent nouns with feminine gender can irregularly end in вЂ“o; sex-inherent nouns with masculine gender and agreement can irregularly end in вЂ“e or вЂ“a and inherently plural gender nouns can end in вЂ“o and вЂ“a. I regard these cases as instances of semantic gender agreements with lack of congruence between the semantic gender of the noun and the gender suffix. Thus, as a rule, agreement is formal, but for sex-inherent and plural-inherent nouns the agreement is semantic. For most sex-inherent nouns and plural-inherent nouns formal and semantic agreement cannot be distinguished. It is only in these exceptional cases that we can see semantic agreement at work. See the examples: loпЂї-o par-ay cow.F-M die-3SgFImpfv sobor-e пѓ«abaпѓ«-i The castrated calf disappeared. ziy-a xaf-i The warrior came. warrior.M-F come-3SgMUnm пЂїadd-a geecc-akko uncle.M-F old-AdjM пЂїorg-o xaf-e castrated.calf.M-F The cow is dying. disappear -3SgMUnm old uncle The Bannas came. 71 banna.P-M come-3PlUnm пѓ°eesk-o xaf-e women.P-M The women came. come-3PlUnm There are also original TsвЂ™amakko proper names whose gender agreement pattern depends on the sex of the person to which it is given. Here too some names end with the вЂ�wrongвЂ™ gender suffix. See some example of names and agreements: masculine names Beze BaЕЎare Tasama feminine names пЂїakkorro пЂїaylo пЂїoyto Beze mirЕѕa raпѓЂ-i Beze kudu shoot-3SgMUnm Beze shot a kudu. пЂїakkorro naпЂїпЂїa пЂїakkorro пЂїabun-ay small.child rock-3SgFImpfv пЂїakkorro is rocking the child. Some of these names also appear as ordinary nouns with the gender as expected because of the suffix. For example Beze means вЂ�light at sun setвЂ™ and пЂїakkorro is etymologically a compound of пЂїakko вЂ�wild animalвЂ™ and пЂїorro вЂ�forestвЂ™. The probable original meaning was вЂ�animal of the forestвЂ™. When these nouns are used as proper names, their gender changes according to semantic factors. Proper names with irregular suffixes and no meaning in TsвЂ™amakko are borrowings. Therefore, they are treated in 3.4.5. In derived forms no semantic agreement takes place. For example, пѓ°eeskatto, the derived Singulative form of пѓ°eesko вЂ�womenвЂ™ takes a masculine derivation suffix and agrees with masculine. See the example: пѓ°eesk-att-o women-Sg-M xaf-i come-3SgMUnm One woman came. 3.4.5. Feminine gender of loanwords All loanwords that are not sex-inherent are categorised by default as feminine and have feminine agreement. In such cases one of the feminine suffixes -e and вЂ“a is suffixed, or the word remains unchanged, and therefore lacks morphological gender marking. One remarks that final вЂ“o and вЂ“u, 72 which would obviously too much resemble the masculine suffix вЂ“o are always replaced by the suffix -e. Examples: The Amharic word silk вЂ�telephoneвЂ™ appears as silke. silk-e garn-ay telephone-F be.useful-3SgFImpfv The telephone is useful. The Amharic tep вЂ�tapeвЂ™ became tebba and acquired the meaning вЂ�tape recorder, radioвЂ™. tebb-a п‚©onпѓ«an-ti radio-F brake-3SgFUnm The radio broke. Loans originally ending in u follow the general pattern by replacing this vowel with вЂ“e. For example, the Amharic пЂїaysuzu вЂ�truckвЂ™ is realised as пЂїaysuze. пЂїaysuz-e zow-ti truck-F go-3SgFUnm The truck went. Several loanwords have no feminine gender suffix. They appear with the original final segment, e.g. kilaaЕЎ Kalashnikov (Amharic kГЇlaaЕЎ вЂ�kalashnikovвЂ™) batteri torch (Amharic batteri вЂ�torchвЂ™) batteri biпѓЂ-ti torch.F fall-3SgFUnm The torch fell. 3.4.6. Gender of sex-inherent loanwords Borrowed sex-inherent nouns in TsвЂ™amakko get semantic gender agreement like any sex-distinguishable noun (see 3.4.3.). Irrespective whether they are feminine or not they receive the feminine suffix вЂ“e, just like most other loanwords. The result is that a noun with masculine agreement may end in a feminine marker, as shown in the following example: ЕЎuume chief (Amharic ЕЎum вЂ�chiefвЂ™) ЕЎuum-e xaf-i chief.M-F come-3SgMUnm The chief came. 73 This is an indication that the gender suffixes are not the carriers of gender because the suffix вЂ“e is automatically attached to loanwords without regard of the gender. Thus, it seems that gender assignment only takes place on a formal basis with non-sex nouns and on a semantic basis with sex-inherent nouns. 3.4.7. Semantic gender of borrowed proper names The following proper names are probably borrowings because no meaning can be reconstructed from their structure. These names do not change their final vowel, as it happens with some of the borrowed nouns (see 3.4.6.). Since they are inherently sex determined, they take semantic gender regardless of their shape (cf. 3.4.5.): masculine names пЂїolle BaЕЎare BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala Tasama feminine names пЂїoyto Bedo Balo See below the example of the masculine name BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala: BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala (Amharic bГ¤qqГ¤l вЂ�to sproutвЂ™) baqвЂ™qвЂ™ala Еѕinka=ma zow-i BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala.M Jinka=to/in go-3SgMUnm BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala went to Jinka. The feminine names ending in -o are irregular because this ending is never retained during the borrowing process with normal nouns (see 3.4.5). 3.5. Number 3.5.1. Number derivation and gender Morphological number can be determined by derivational processes. The number derivation process implies the use of Singulative and Plurative suffixes. Plurative derivation can be also achieved by two kinds of non-suffixal processes (see 3.5.3.). There is a relation between number derivation and gender. According to their agreement, nouns derived for number are classified in one of the three gender classes established for the basic nouns. This means that both basic and derived nouns can formally be distributed in the three gender classes. Basic and derived nouns differ in the relation with number. While basic nouns are not number-determined, every derived m, f or p noun is always number-specific in meaning, i.e., either singular or plural. Moreover, number distribution is restricted in derived nouns. Masculine and feminine gender derived nouns are always singular and never plural. Plural gender derived 74 nouns are always plural and never singular. The situation is schematised in table 14: Table 14: Relation between gender and number вЂ�GenderвЂ™ вЂ�NumberвЂ™ Underived nouns m f p Unspecified Derived nouns m f p singular singular plural 3.5.2. Number derivation suffixes The number derivation suffixes are morphemes that specify the number of a noun and indicate its gender. Every derivation suffix is followed by a gender suffix that reflects the gender of the derived noun. The Singulative suffixes impose masculine and feminine gender. There are masculine Singulative and feminine Singulative suffixes. The plural derivation suffixes impose plural gender. In formal terms, a noun showing a derivation suffix changes or confirms the gender of its basic form. For example, a masculine Singulative suffix attached to a masculine basic noun indicates the singularity of the noun it attaches to and confirms its membership in the masculine class. The plural derivation of the same masculine noun implies the changing of its gender to the plural class. Plural basic nouns must change its gender to masculine or feminine when derived for Singulative. The choice between the two gender depends on the noun. Normally, masculine and feminine basic nouns do not change their gender in Singulative derivation. Masculine Singulative suffixes attach to masculine basic nouns and feminine Singulative suffixes attach to feminine basic nouns. But there are exceptions. Most of the sex-inherent masculine and feminine basic nouns can show both masculine and feminine Singulative derivation. Singulative and Plurative derivation are not obligatory. If the number of the noun is understood from the context no number derivation is used and the noun appears in the basic form. Grammatical number provides a stronger sense of singularity or plurality as compared to context-attributed number. The nominal lexemes differ in the extension of their derivational possibilities giving raise to derivational patterns. These patterns are described in 3.5.4. The number derivation suffixes have the structures -C and -VCC. They are: Singulative masculine -k, -akk, -ikk, (followed by the masculine gender suffix -o) and Singulative feminine -t, (followed by feminine gender suffix -e). The only Singulative derivation suffixes that fail to express gender distinction are вЂ“itt and -att. These suffixes can follow either masculine or feminine nouns and can be followed by either the masculine suffix вЂ“o or the feminine suffix вЂ“e. The Plurative suffixes are: -n, -aпѓ«пѓ«, -ann, -inn. The Plurative suffixes are always followed by the plural gender suffix -e. 75 Henceforth the suffixes will be shown with the following gender suffix. The suffixes are presented in table 15: Table 15: The number derivation suffixes Singulative M and F -itt-o (m) -itt-e (f) -att-o (m) -att-e (f) Singulative M Singulative F -k-o -t-e -akk-o -ikk-o Plurative -aпѓ«пѓ«-e -ann-e -inn-e -n-e The Singulative masculine suffix -att-o is scarcely productive. The Plurative suffix -n-e only appears in cases of derivation from lost units. Another important limitation is that feminine Singulative derivation suffixes are always followed by the gender suffix -e and never вЂ“a. The examples below show nouns with Singulative masculine, Singulative feminine and Plurative number derivation suffixes: masculine nouns with masculine Singulative suffixes garm-itt-o (m) вЂ�one male lionвЂ™ (from garm-o (m) вЂ�lionвЂ™) пѓ°eesk-att-o (m) вЂ�one womanвЂ™ (from пѓ°eesk-o (p) вЂ�womenвЂ™) пЂїol-ko (m) вЂ�one thingвЂ™ (from пЂїol-a (f) вЂ�thingвЂ™) пЂїilп‚©-akk-o (m) вЂ�one toothвЂ™ (from пЂїilп‚©-e (p) вЂ�teethвЂ™) gontor-ikk-o (m) вЂ�one elandвЂ™ (from gontor-e (f) вЂ�elandвЂ™) пЂїatsвЂ™tsвЂ™-ikk-o (m) вЂ�white stoneвЂ™ (from a lost unit, which is also attested in Plurative form пЂїatsвЂ™tsвЂ™-inn-e (p) вЂ�white stonesвЂ™) feminine nouns with feminine Singulative suffixes пЂїarr-itt-e (f) вЂ�one she-donkeyвЂ™ (from пЂїarr-e (f) вЂ�donkeyвЂ™) пЂїinn-att-e (f) вЂ�one spiderвЂ™ (from пЂїinn-e (f) вЂ�spiderвЂ™) maar-t-e (f) вЂ�one female calfвЂ™ (maar-e (p) вЂ�female calvesвЂ™) plural nouns with Plurative suffixes goll-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) вЂ�riversвЂ™ (from goll-e (f) вЂ�riverвЂ™) пѓЂerb-ann-e (p) вЂ�male sheepsвЂ™ (from пѓЂerb-o (m) вЂ�male sheepвЂ™) bayЕЎ-inn-e (p) вЂ�woundsвЂ™ (from bayЕЎ-e (p) вЂ�woundвЂ™) пЂїorgay-n-e (p) вЂ�male goatsвЂ™ (from a lost unit, which is also attested in Singulative form пЂїorgay-k-o (m) вЂ�white stonesвЂ™) 76 3.5.3. CVCC template Plurative formation A group of nouns are derived for Plurative by transformation to a CVCCtemplate. The Plurative stem is directly followed by the plural gender suffix вЂ“e. Insertion into the template is reached by gemination of the last consonant of CVC- roots or deletion of the second root vowel of CVCVC- roots. For the phenomena of change ЕЎ в†’ cc and n в†’ mm, and metathesis affecting some Plurative nouns see 2.2.15, 2.7.4. and 2.7.7. respectively: CVC bot-e kef-o paЕЎ-o в†’ в†’ в†’ в†’ CVC1C1 bot-t-e pumpkin kef-f-e kind of rifle pac-c-e field zan-o в†’ zam-m-e street CVCVC cвЂ™ifan-o tebel-e cвЂ™aqвЂ™al-e пЂїagile в†’ в†’ в†’ в†’ CVC1C2 cвЂ™ifn-e unmarried guy telb-e iron arrow cвЂ™alq-e wasted stalk of sorghum в†’ пЂїalgo newborn calf 3.5.4. Derivational patterns As common in derivation, the number derivation suffixes are not evenly productive. The amount of number derived nouns in one lexeme varies from lexeme to lexeme. The speakers know the derived forms of each noun and its derivational property. A lexeme can have many, some or none of the derivational options. A lexeme shows a full set of derivations when it is derived with a masculine Singulative, a feminine Singulative and a Plurative derivation suffixes (or Plurative template). If a Singulative or a Plurative form is missing, the number-unspecific basic form is used in place of the missing derived form. If the noun is not derived at all, it only appears in the basic form. The nominal number derivation is structured in patterns. Each noun takes derived forms that can be ordered in a derivational pattern. The lexemes can be clustered according to the derivational pattern they belong to. The patterns are shown in table 16. A lexeme may express вЂ�singularвЂ™ and вЂ�pluralвЂ™ by Singulative and Plurative derived forms. It is the case of patterns (a) and (b). The patterns with partial number derivation are (c), (d), (e) and (f). The basic form of the lexemes following pattern (c) and (d), i.e. those without Plurative derivation, will replace the missing Plurative form. If a noun follows pattern (e), i.e. it has only a Plurative derived form, its basic form will be used in those context in which a Singulative noun is expected. If a lexeme has no derivations, the basic form will be used in all contexts. It is the case of pattern (f). Most of the cases of patters (a) and (c) involve sex-distinguishable nouns, which can have both masculine and feminine Singulative derivation. 77 Table 16. Nominal number derivational patterns (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) Underived Basic вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ Derived Singulative вЂ�singularвЂ™ (2 forms: masculine and feminine) вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ вЂ�singularвЂ™ (1 form: masculine or feminine) вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ вЂ�singularвЂ™ (used in place of the (2 forms: masculine and missing Plurative form) feminine) вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ вЂ�singularвЂ™ (used in place of the (1 form: masculine or missing Plurative form) feminine) вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ ----(used in place of the missing Singulative form) вЂ�unspecifiedвЂ™ ----(used in place of the missing Singulative and Plurative forms) Plurative вЂ�pluralвЂ™ вЂ�pluralвЂ™ --------вЂ�pluralвЂ™ ----- The Plurative forms of uncountable nouns imply high quantity. Their Singulative forms imply low quantity. For example, gam-m-e, the pluralized form of the noun gam-e (f) вЂ�maizeвЂ™, indicates a great amount of maize. The noun has two Singulative forms gam-itt-o and gam-itt-e, both meaning вЂ�little quantity of maizeвЂ™. The Plurative derivation of basic nouns that are already inherently вЂ�pluralвЂ™ is not commonly attested. Whenever it is realised it indicates a particularly high quantity. For example, the basic noun пЂїinnakk-o (p) means вЂ�fliesвЂ™. Its pluralized form пЂїinnakk-aпѓ«пѓ«-e indicates a considerably high number of flies. In the rest of this paragraph we show examples of derived nouns. They are ordered according to their derivational pattern. Recurrent combinations of kinds of derivations exist within one lexeme in some of the patterns. Pattern (a). The nouns with the fullest derivation possibilities represent pattern (a). From the lists the nouns appear in the basic form as well as in Singulative masculine, Singulative feminine and Plurative forms. Most of the sex-distinguished nouns belong to this pattern. Most of the Singulative derivations are formed with the Singulative suffix вЂ“itt. The gender distinction is given by the gender suffix. Few nouns are not gender distinguished. The semantic difference between the two Singulative 78 derivations of these nouns is not clear. The plurals are formed by suffixation of -aпѓ«пѓ« or transformation to CVCC template. See examples: gurl-o (m) cat пЂїilaaЕЎ-e (f) bushpig пѓЂanпѓ«-e (p) water kar-o (m) dog gam-e (f) maize пЂїagil-e (f) newborn calf cвЂ™ifan-o (m) unmarried person qвЂ™ol-e (f) cattle пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ (m) leather mat gurl-itt-o gurl-itt-e пЂїilaaЕЎ-itt-o пЂїilaaЕЎ-itt-e пѓЂanпѓ«-itt-o пѓЂanпѓ«-itt-e (m) (f) (m) (f) (m) (f) kar-itt-o kar-itt-e gam-itt-o gam-itt-e пЂїagil-itt-o пЂїagil-itt-e cвЂ™ifan-itt-o cвЂ™ifan-itt-e (m) (f) (m) (f) (m) (f) (m) (f) qвЂ™ol-k-o qвЂ™ol-t-e пѓ«ГІГІl-k-ГІ пѓ«ГІГІl-t-ГЁ (m) (f) (m) (f) gurl-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) пЂїilaaЕЎ-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) пѓЂanпѓ«aпѓ«пѓ«e (p) kar-r-e (p) gam-m-e (p) пЂїalg-o (p) cвЂ™ifn-e (p) qвЂ™ol-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) пѓ«ГІГІll-ГЎпѓ«пѓ«-ГЁ (p) Pattern (b). This pattern includes nouns with basic, Singulative and Plurative forms. There are no particular correlations between the kinds of Singulative and Plurative derivations. See examples: пЂїayl-o пЂїerb-o ziy-a fung-e (m) (m) (m) (p) baant-e bayЕЎ-e пЂїukaпѓ°-e пЂїilmal-e пЂїaxx-e пЂїinn-e пЂїilп‚©-e (f) (p) (p) (p) (p) (f) (p) small hoe male sheep warrior tailless sheep bow wounds eggs tears eyes spider teeth пЂїayl-itt-o пЂїerb-itt-o ziy-itt-o fung-itt-o (m) (m) (m) (m) пЂїayl-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїerb-ann-e ziy-aпѓ«пѓ«-e fung-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) (p) (p) (p) baant-itt-e bayЕЎ-itt-e пЂїukaпѓ°-itt-e пЂїilmal-itt-e пЂїaxx-itt-e пЂїinn-att-e пЂїilп‚©-akk-o (f) (f) (f) (f) (f) (f) (m) baant-aпѓ«пѓ«-e bayЕЎ-inn-e пЂїukaпѓ°aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїilmal-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїaxx-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїinn-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїilп‚©-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) Pattern (c). This pattern includes nouns with a basic form and both masculine and feminine Singulative derivation. All of them are derived by means of the suffix вЂ“itt followed by the gender suffix вЂ“o (m) and вЂ“e (f). Many of the nouns of this group are sex distinguished. No Plurative derivation is possible. See examples: 79 gaark-o (m) clan/ members of a clan morqвЂ™-o (m) age grade 1/ members of age grade 1 pug-a (f) wild cat gerg-e (f) Amhara people zool-e (f) stalk of sorghum kayk-o (p) bridegrooms kays-e (p) poor people gaark-itt-o gaark-itt-e morqвЂ™-itt-o morqвЂ™-itt-e (m) (f) (m) (f) fug-itt-o fug-itt-e gerg-itt-o gerg-itt-e zool-itt-o zool-itt-e (m) (f) (m) (f) (m) (f) kayk-itt-o kayk-itt-e kays-itt-o kays-itt-e (m) (f) (m) (f) Pattern (d). A group of nouns has a basic form, one Singulative form, and no Plurative derivation. The Singulative derivation is masculine or feminine. Many show the Singulative suffix вЂ“itt. The Singulative masculine nouns are also derived with the suffixes вЂ“k and вЂ“ikk. The Singulative feminine nouns are also derived with the suffixes вЂ“t, and вЂ“att. Sex inherent masculine nouns have a masculine derivation. Sex-inherent feminine nouns have a feminine derivation. If the basic form is semantically plural, the noun has no unspecified form. See examples: gaaп‚єot-e goontor-e sir-e pugg-o (f) (f) (p) (m) пЂїill-e gaar-e maar-e (f) (p) (p) bushbuck eland ornaments calf from unnatural birth top of the house trees female calves gaaп‚єot-k-o goontor-ikk-o sir-att-e pugg-itt-o (m) (m) (f) (m) пЂїill-itt-e gaar-k-o maar-t-e (f) (m) (f) Pattern (e). It is made up of nouns with basic form and Plurative derivation. Probably, the Singulative derivation of some of these nouns has not been recorded but may be it exists. Most of the lexemes are derived for Plurative by means of affixation of -aпѓ«пѓ«-e. Three nouns, two of which are probably loanwords, show the suffix вЂ“ann-e. A group of lexemes is derived for Plurative by transformation to the template CVCC-. Most of them are derived by gemination of the last root consonant. See some examples below: пЂїikkitt-o пЂїert-o пЂїerr-o cвЂ™ark-e (m) (m) (m) (f) sound, voice gum rain dew пЂїikkitt-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїert-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїerr-aпѓ«пѓ«-e cвЂ™ark-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) (p) (p) (p) 80 gacвЂ™cвЂ™-e пЂїankars-a mann-e gayt-e waЕЎtir-e baalЕѕig-e пЂїaЕѕ-o bag-o gaz-o ker-e kib-e qвЂ™ar-e tebel-e cвЂ™aqвЂ™al-e (f) (f) (p) (f) (f) (f) (m) (m) (m) (f) (f) (f) (f) (f) tef stick with ironed point house fire stick kind of rifle kind of rifle smell mouth hair seat dry season border iron arrow wasted stalk of sorghum gacвЂ™cвЂ™-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїankars-aпѓ«пѓ«-e mann-aпѓ«пѓ«-e gayt-ann-e waЕЎtir-ann-e baalЕѕig-ann-e пЂїaЕѕ-Еѕ-e bag-g-e gaz-z-e ker-r-e kib-b-e qвЂ™ar-r-e telb-e cвЂ™alqвЂ™-e (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) (p) Pattern (f): This group consists of nouns for which there is only the basic form and no derived forms have been attested. sarabe zilanqвЂ™a (f) (f) corpse rainbow 3.5.5. Noun lexemes with only derived forms (pattern g.) There exist a number of exceptional nouns that only occur in derived forms and have no number-unpecified basic form. All these nouns have a Plurative derivation and one of both Singulative derivations. The Singulative form is used in citation. The pattern followed by these nouns is pattern g. A distinction will be made between nouns with Plurative derivation by means of Plurative derivation suffixes (g.1) and nouns with Plurative derivation by consonant gemination or vowel deletion (g.2). The situation is summarized below: Table 17: Patterns (g.1) and (g.2) (g.1) (g.2) Underived ----------- Singulative 1: m or f 1: m or f Plurative p (suffixal derivation) p (CVCC derivation) In (g.1) nouns there is a correlation between Singulative and Plurative suffix derivations. The combinations are recurrent within one lexeme. The Plurative derivation by CVCC transformation of (g.2) nouns correlates with any Singulative form of the noun. Pattern (g.1) (suffixal Plurative derivation) The nouns without base form and with a suffix as Plurative derivation always have a masculine Singulative form. If the masculine Singulative suffix is вЂ“akk-o the Plurative suffix is вЂ“ann-e. Nouns with masculine Singulative suffixes вЂ“ikk-o pattern have a plural derivation in вЂ“inn-e. See examples: 81 пЂїinп‚©ir-akk-o пЂїinп‚©ir-ann-e (m) (p) clitoris clitorises boxx-akk-o boxx-ann-e (m) (p) pus lots of pus dab-akk-o dab-ann-e (m) (p) mouse mice пѓ°anЕЎal-akk-o пѓ°anЕЎal-ann-e (m) (p) cooked flour lots of cooked flour karkar-akk-o karkar-ann-e (m) (p) warthog warthogs mid-ikk-o mid-inn-e (m) (p) lower grind stone lower grind stones пЂїatsвЂ™tsвЂ™-ikk-o пЂїatsвЂ™tsвЂ™-inn-e (m) (p) white stone white stones Three more lexemes are derived for Plurative with the suffixвЂ“ne. See the examples: пЂїorgay-k-o пЂїorgay-n-e (m) (p) male goat male goats billay-k-o billay-n-e (m) (p) knife knives laпѓЂ-akk-o laпѓЂ-n-e (m) (p) plain without trees plains without trees The only noun with a feminine Singulative form is mirmaпѓЂ-att-e вЂ�intestineвЂ™. See example: mirmaпѓЂ-att-e mirmaпѓЂ-ann-e (f) (p) intestine intestines Pattern (g.2) (CVCC template Plurative derivation) Some nouns without a basic form are derived for Singulative by means of masculine and/or feminine Singulative suffixes, while their Plurative form is the result of gemination of the last root consonant or deletion of the second 82 root vowel, due to the adjustment to the CVCC Plurative template (see 3.5.3.). The combinations of CVCC- Plurative noun and Singulative derived noun could be included in pattern (b) (basic form/Singulative form). The pluralised noun could actually be a basic form made up by a CVCC- root and a gender suffix. Indeed there are several basic nouns with CVCC-V structure. The Singulative derived form can show any Singulative suffix. In the case of nouns with consonant initial Singulative suffixes, this analysis would be very well possible, as the differences in stem shape (Singulative CVCVC- Plurative CVC1C2- and Singulative CVC- Plurative CVC1C1) can be accounted for by syllable reshaping in order to avoid a sequence of three consonants (see 2.6.1.). Such an analysis does not explain the cases of suffixation of vowel initial Singulative suffixes, such as вЂ“akk and вЂ“itt, to a hypothesised CVC1C1 basic root. (Nouns with CVC1C2 plural are irrelevant because all of them correspond to Singulative with вЂ“CV suffixes). As the suffixation of the -VCC suffixes does not result in a cluster of three consonants, a basic stem CVC1C1- should remain as such. Instead, the stems of Singulative derived nouns with -VCC suffixes also appear as CVC-. That gemination and vowel deletion are Plurative derivational rules is also clear from the combinations of a basic noun and a CVCC- pluralised noun that represent pattern (e) (see the pattern under 3.5.4). There is no reason to assume that this pattern is made up of basic CVCC-V nouns with plural agreement and meaning and CVC-V or CVCVC-V nouns derived respectively by de-gemination and vowel insertion. Pattern (g) has the same kind of Plurative formation as some of the nouns of pattern (d). The difference lies in the fact that the nouns of pattern (e) have an attested basic form and no Singulative derivation, while the nouns of pattern (g) have no basic form and an attested Singulative derivation. Concluding, I consider it appropriate to establish a pattern, pattern (g.2), for those lexemes derived for Singulative by suffixation and for Plurative by transformation to the template CVCC-. Below are examples of nouns with Plurative form by gemination belonging to pattern (g.2) (for the cases of nasal assimilation and methatesis see 2.7.4. and 2.7.7. respectively): 83 CVC1C2 Plurative пЂїawal-k-o пЂїawl-e (m) (p) tombstone tombstones gibil-k-o gibl-e (m) (p) knee knees xoxon-k-o xoxm-e (m) (p) hole holes garaпѓЂ-t-e garпѓЂ-e (f) (p) belly bellies пЂїagal-t-e пЂїalg-e (f) (p) leather sac leather sac CVC1C1 Plurative gubus-k-o gubuz-z-e (m) (p) thigh bone thigh bones ЕЎiinin-k-o ЕЎiinim-m-e (m) (p) butter butter maax-k-o maax-x-e (m) (p) bead beads maax-att-o maax-x-e (m) (p) gourd gourds qвЂ™ot-akk-o qвЂ™ot-t-e (m) (p) finger, claw fingers, claws пѓЂeem-t-e пѓЂem-m-e (f) (p) sheep sheep (pl) пЂїalaw-t-e пЂїalaw-w-e (f) (p) older sister older sisters gaan-t-e gaan-n-e (f) (p) woman women madday-itt-e madday-y-e (f) (p) temple temples 84 tsвЂ™iy-itt-e tsвЂ™iy-y-e (f) (p) bullet bullets 3.5.6. Lexical number pairs The plural counterpart of the following four nouns is a basic plural noun: qвЂ™awko gore (m) (p) man people пЂїinanko пѓ«alle (m) (p) boy children ЕЎitte (f) пЂїekaпѓ«пѓ«e (p) girl girls gaante пѓ°eesko woman women (f) (p) The plural noun пѓ°eesko вЂ�womenвЂ™ can be derived for Singulative with the masculine Singulative suffix вЂ“att-o. In spite of the feminine inherent characteristic of this noun, the agreement of the Singulative form is masculine. See example: пѓ°eesko пѓ°eeskatto (p) (m) women one woman The case of loпЂїo вЂ�cowвЂ™/ leпЂїe вЂ�cowsвЂ™ is not treated as an instance of lexical plural, but as one of a double basic lexeme with the plural meaning form affected by irregular vowel harmony (see 3.3.1.) 3.5.7. Derivation from non-basic units Plurative from lost unit. The noun biЕЎko вЂ�bodyвЂ™, an ancient Singulative which was reinterpreted as a basic noun, forms the Plurative by gemination on the basis of a lost unit. The masculine and feminine derivations are based on the attested basic form. See example: biЕЎk-o biЕЎk-itt-o biЕЎk-itt-e biЕЎ-ЕЎ-e (m) (m) (f) (p) body one body one body bodies Plurative from derived Singulative unit. A Plurative derivation suffix can be attached to a derived masculine or feminine form. This happens with sex-distinguished nouns. The Plurative form *baakkaпѓ«пѓ«e of the feminine noun baakko вЂ�cows without milkвЂ™ is not attested. A Plurative form by 85 suffixation of -aпѓ«пѓ« is possible, however, from the Singulative derived form baakkitte. See example below: baakk-o baakk-itt-e baakk-itt-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (f) (f) (p) cow without milk one cow without milk cows without milk Also the basic plural noun sil-e вЂ�feathersвЂ™ has a вЂ�pluralвЂ™ meaning. The Plurative derivation is based on the Singulative feminine derivation sil-itt-e вЂ�one featherвЂ™: sil-e sil-itt-e sil-itt-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) (f) (p) feathers one feather many feathers The noun пѓ°abur-a вЂ�windвЂ™ is a general feminine noun. It changes gender in the Singulative derivation becoming пѓ°abur-k-o. The Plurative derivation пѓ°abur-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e is based on the masculine Singulative derivation: пѓ°abur-a пѓ°abur-k-o пѓ°abur-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (f) (m) (p) wind wind winds Plurative from Plurative. A noun derived for Plurative can be the base for Plurative derivation. The secondary Plurative derivation conveys a greater sense of plurality. The noun maЕѕЕѕe вЂ�cylindrical beadsвЂ™ is the Plurative form of the masculine basic noun maЕѕo. It can be derived for Plurative again by suffixation of -aпѓ«пѓ«. See example: maЕѕ-o maЕѕ-Еѕ-e maЕѕ-Еѕ-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (m) (p) (p) cylindrical bead cylindrical beads lots of cylindrical beads The noun qвЂ™omayke вЂ�sandalsвЂ™ is the Plurative counterpart of the feminine noun with lost basic form qвЂ™omatte. It can be the unit for a secondary Plurative derivation. See example: qвЂ™om-att-e qвЂ™om-ayk-e qвЂ™om-ayk-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (f) (p) (p) sandal sandals lots of sandals 3.5.8. Age grades, peoples and clans The terms indicating some peoples and the age grades which operate in the TsвЂ™amakko social structure follow a particular kind of number derivation. In the derivation of these words, the element t appears in the base of masculine and feminine Singulative forms. This is probably a reflex of the Cushitic suffix *вЂ“atu, which distinguished names of people. 86 With the exception of the name for age grade 1, the number-unspecified form for the age grade terms is always masculine and shows the suffix вЂ“k-o. The form with plural meaning is based on this masculine form. The masculine Singulative suffix is always вЂ“akk-o. The feminine Singulative suffix is always вЂ“itt-e. The term for age grade 1 morqвЂ™o is exceptional. It is derived as a noun of pattern (c) (cf. 3.5.4.). See examples: loobar-k-o loobar-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e loobar-t-akk-o loobar-t-itt-e (m) (p) (m) (f) age grade 2 members of age grade 2 male member of age grade 2 female member of age grade 2 bilbil-k-o bilbil-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e bilbil-t-akk-o bilbil-t-itt-e (m) (p) (m) (f) age grade 3 members of age grade 3 male member of age grade 3 female member of age grade 3 nelbas-k-o nelbas-k-aпѓ«пѓ«e nelbas-t-akk-o nelbas-t-itt-e (m) (p) (m) (f) age grade 4 members of age grade 4 male member of age grade 4 female member of age grade 4 gurmal-k-o gurmal-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e gurmal-t-akk-o gurmal-t-itt-e (m) (p) (m) (f) age grade 5 members of age grade 5 male member of age grade 5 female member of age grade 5 baasar-k-o baasar-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e baasar-t-akk-o baasar-t-itt-e (m) (p) (m) (f) age grade 6 member of age grade 6 male member of age grade 6 female member of age grade 6 The name indicating the alliance between the clans пЂїozbikko and пЂїalgakko follow the same pattern binnas-k-o binnas-k-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (m) (p) binnas-t-akk-o (m) binnas-t-itt-e (f) пЂїozb-ikk-o and пЂїalgakko alliance members of пЂїozb-ikk-o and пЂїalgakko alliance male member of пЂїozb-ikk-o and пЂїalgakko alliance female member of пЂїozb-ikk-o and пЂїalgakko alliance The names of some ethnic groups have a basic number-unspecified form which is also used for plural. The agreement of the basic form can be masculine, feminine or plural. No Plurative derivation is possible. 87 biral-e biral-t-akk-o biral-t-itt-e (f) (m) (f) Birale people Birale man Birale woman пѓЂaal-e пѓЂaal-t-akko пѓЂaal-t-itt-e (f) (m) (f) Gawwada people Gawwada man Gawwada woman murris-o murris-t-akko murris-t-itt-e (p) (m) (f) Mursi people Mursi man Mursi woman пѓЂaar-e пѓЂaar-t-akko пѓЂaar-t-itt-e (p) (m) (f) Ari people Ari man Ari woman The number-unspecified term with feminine agreement gitam-a, indicating the outcast group of blacksmiths, is treated as an ethnic term. It differs in the fact that it can be derived for Plurative on the base of the basic form: gitam-a gitam-aпѓ«пѓ«e gitan-t-akko gitan-t-itt-e (f) (p) (m) (f) blacksmith blacksmiths male blacksmith female blacksmith The clan names form a group of their own in terms of their derivational characteristics. The base of the terms is lost. The reference form is masculine and shows the suffix вЂ“ikk-o or вЂ“akk-o. The feminine derivation is formed on the basis of the lost basic form. In other words the feminine suffix, which is either вЂ“itt-e or вЂ“att-e, replaces the masculine suffixes. In particular вЂ“itt-e replaces вЂ“ikk-o and вЂ“att-e replaces вЂ“akk-o. The masculine form is made by suffixation of вЂ“akk-o to the lost unit characterised by the element вЂ“it or вЂ“at, rather than simply -t. The first appears if the general form shows вЂ“ikk-o. The second appears if the general form shows вЂ“akk-o. See examples: пЂїozb-ikk-o пЂїozb-itt-e пЂїozb-it-akk-o (m) (f) (m) пЂїozbikko clan пЂїozbikko woman пЂїozbikko man пЂїizm-akk-o пЂїizm-att-e пЂїizm-at-akk-o (m) (f) (m) пЂїizmakko clan пЂїizmakko woman пЂїizmakko man reeg-akk-o reeg-att-e (m) (f) Reegakko clan Reegakko woman 88 reeg-at-akk-o (m) Reegakko man пѓЂeel-akk-o пѓЂeel-att-e пѓЂeel-at-akk-o (m) (f) (m) пѓЂeelakko clan пѓЂeelakko woman пѓЂeelakko man пЂїalg-akk-o пЂїalg-att-e пЂїalg-at-akk-o (m) (f) (m) пЂїalgakko clan пЂїalgakko woman пЂїalgakko man The autonym term of the TsвЂ™amakko has the same derivational characteristics as the clan terms. See example: tsвЂ™am-akk-o tsвЂ™am-att-e tsвЂ™am-at-akk-o (m) (f) (m) TsвЂ™amakko people TsвЂ™amakko woman TsвЂ™amakko man The clan terms baritto and пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o have a slightly divergent behaviour. The first has a general form in вЂ“itt-o. The second shows an unique suffix -aпѓ«пѓ«-o. The root extension making up the base of masculine derivation is вЂ“it for baritto and вЂ“at for пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o. See examples: bar-itt-o bar-itt-e bar-it-akk-o (m) (f) (m) Baritto clan Baritto woman Baritto man пѓЂam-aпѓ«пѓ«-o пѓЂam-at-akk-o пѓЂam-at-itt-e (m) (f) (m) пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o clan пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o woman пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o man 3.5.9. The masculine kinship suffix -iy A masculine gender suffix -iy may follow masculine kinship nouns. The Plurative suffix is always вЂ“aпѓ«пѓ«e. No Singulative derivation is attested. The kinship suffix has no Singulative meaning. пЂїabb-a пЂїadd-a пЂїakk-a mogg-o (m) (m) (m) (m) пЂїabb-iy-o пЂїadd-iy-o пЂїakk-iy-o mogg-iy-o (m) (m) (m) (m) пЂїabb-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїadd-aпѓ«пѓ«-e пЂїakk-aпѓ«пѓ«-e mogg-aпѓ«пѓ«-e (p) (p) (p) (p) father brother grandfather child named after вЂ�godfatherвЂ™ 3.6. Sub-classes of nouns: Attributive nouns, adjectives and numerals Attributive nouns, adjectives and numerals are sub-classes of nouns with attributive properties. The morphology of most of the attributive nouns is very similar to the morphology of the ordinary nouns, while adjectives employ a distinctive morphology. Attributive nouns are closer to ordinary nouns than adjectives because they show ordinary nominal derivational 89 suffixes and patterns. Adjectives, on the other hand, have a morphological behaviour not attested in nominal derivation. Attributive nouns and adjectives are ordered in patterns made up of forms agreeing in gender and number with a head noun. This is also valid for the numeral вЂ�oneвЂ™. The other numerals are invariable. From the syntactic point of view, attributive nouns and adjectives differ from nouns in that they cannot appear as subject. Numerals, on the other hand, can take subject position. The nouns belonging to these nominal sub-classes do not show the locative suffixes -ilo, -atte and вЂ“ete in modifying position. These suffixes must appear whenever an ordinary noun is used as modifier (see 3.7. 4.1.4. and 4.1.5.). 3.6.1. Attributive nouns Each lexeme of the attributive nouns takes specific forms agreeing in gender with a basic or derived head noun. The head noun may be basic or derived. Some of the exponents of the attributive nouns are homophonous to the number derivation suffixes of ordinary nouns. The attributive nouns qвЂ™awt-o вЂ�newвЂ™ and dagg-o вЂ�young (people)вЂ™ are made of a base agreeing with plural, and derived forms agreeing with masculine and feminine respectively. See the examples: plural qвЂ™awt-o dagg-o masculine qвЂ™awt-itto dagg-itto feminine qвЂ™awt-itte dagg-itte new young (person) One may note that in the basic form the gender suffix is вЂ“o in spite of the plural agreement. The forms of the attributive noun for вЂ�orphanвЂ™, built on the stem qвЂ™awwaпѓ«-, make use of the highly productive nominal derivational suffixes -itto (m), -itte (f) and -aпѓ«пѓ«e (p). masculine qвЂ™awwaпѓ«-itto feminine qвЂ™awwaпѓ«-itte plural qвЂ™awwaпѓ«-aпѓ«пѓ«e orphan Some attributive nouns have more than one basic form and one Plurative form. The attributive noun lexeme fakal- вЂ�cleverвЂ™ is attested in a basic form showing вЂ“a, fakal-a, appearing in combination with a masculine head; a basic form in вЂ“e, fakal-e, appearing in combination with a feminine head; and fakal-aпѓ«пѓ«e agreeing with plural head. masculine pakal-a feminine pakal-e plural pakal-aпѓ«пѓ«e clever 90 The attributive nouns kamur вЂ�richвЂ™ and baxxar вЂ�beautifulвЂ™ have a masculine agreement form showing вЂ“ko, a feminine agreement marker showing вЂ“te and a plural agreement form showing gemination of the last root consonant. masculine kamur-ko baxxar-ko feminine kamur-te baxxar-te plural kamur-r-e baxxar-r-e rich beautiful Several attributive nouns have two forms: a basic form, agreeing with masculine and feminine heads, and a Plurative form with the ending -aпѓ«пѓ«e, which agrees with plural heads. Attributive nouns with this pattern are numerically predominant. See three examples: masculine/feminine ЕЎilЕЎilk-o zarg-e warkat-a plural ЕЎilЕЎilk-aпѓ«пѓ«e zarg-aпѓ«пѓ«e warkat-aпѓ«пѓ«e smooth spotted left The attributive noun gaal-e вЂ�difficultвЂ™ may appear in the basic form or as gaal-atte. The form gaal-e appears with any head noun. The form gaalatte agrees with feminine head nouns. There is therefore an overlapping expression of agreement with feminine nouns. any gender gaal-e feminine gaal-atte difficult There are two attributive nouns meaning вЂ�sterileвЂ™, one used for men and the other for women. Both attributive nouns have a plural agreement form with CVC1C2 template and a form agreeing with masculine or feminine, depending on their inherent gender. The inherently masculine attributive noun has the suffix вЂ“ko while the inherently feminine attributive noun has the suffix вЂ“te: masculine busuk-ko plural busk-e sterile (man) feminine meken-te plural mekn-e sterile (woman) The attributive noun sobor вЂ�castrated (cattle)вЂ™ has the masculine basic forms sobor-e and sobor-itto. Plural agreement is expressed by the CVCC form sorb-e. masculine sobor-e sobor-itto plural sorb-e castrated (cattle) 91 The ordinary nouns gaante, geЕЎante, both meaning вЂ�female personвЂ™, and tsвЂ™iirakko вЂ�male personвЂ™, behave like attributive nouns when defining or confiming the sex of living beings. Examples: п‚©annatt-o gaan-t-e lizard-M woman-Sg-F female lizard lukkal-e geЕЎan-t-e chicken-F woman-Sg-F hen (female chicken) lukkal-e tsвЂ™iir-akk-o chicken-F man-Sg-M cock (male chicken) пЂїorg-itt-o tsвЂ™iir-akk-o dookko Banna.P-Sg-M man-Sg-M one.M one Banna man The plural counterparts of these nouns are used with the same aim. The plural form of tsiirakko is tsiire, which represents its derivational base. The Plurative form of gaante is gaanne and the Plurative form of geЕЎante is geЕЎanne. Another term for woman, пѓ°eesko, has no attributive role. See examples of modification of the head noun gore вЂ�peopleвЂ™: gor-e tsвЂ™iir-e people-P men-P men (male people) gor-e geЕЎan-n-e people-P woman-Pl-P women (female people) gor-e gaan-n-e people-P woman-Pl-P women (female people) There are some invariable attributive nouns. xumп‚єi вЂ�allвЂ™ is the only (attributive) noun ending in -i. The following is an exhaustive list: пЂїayyakko mume waana qвЂ™amme xumп‚єi meelo many entire different bad all fresh (milk) 92 пЂїaberro lukkurro sour (milk) curved towards the head (of horns) The invariable attributive nouns meelo вЂ�fresh (milk)вЂ™, пЂїaberro вЂ�sour (milk)вЂ™ and lukkurro вЂ�curved towards the head (of horn)вЂ™ are restricted in application to one particular noun. The first two can only modify the noun пЂїaxxe (p) вЂ�milkвЂ™. lukkurro applies only to gaassakko вЂ�hornвЂ™ (m) and gaasse (p) вЂ�hornsвЂ™. пЂїaxx-e meelo milk-P fresh.Attr fresh milk пЂїaxx-e пЂїaberro milk-P sour.Attr sour milk gaass-akk-o lukkurro horn-Sg-M curved.towards.the.head.Attr horn curved towards the head gaass-e lukkurro horn-P curved.towards.the.head.Attr horns curved towards the head These adjectives with restricted application end in the nominal masculine marker -o, in spite of the fact that they modify plural nouns. 3.6.2. Adjectives Adjectives form a small category of eleven nouns. It also includes a productive derivation: The adjectives are derived by the suffixes -akk-o (masculine agreement), -att-e (feminine agreement) and -ayk-e (plural agreement). The suffixes used in adjectival agreement can historically be analysed as the combination of an inchoative verbal marker вЂ“ay, which is sporadically attested synchronically, and the pronominal particles ko (m), te (f) or ke (p) (cf. 5.6). The adjectives express an abnormal, often detrimental negative human property, as shown in the following exhaustive list: masculine daaf-akko toonn-akko mukkan-akko qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-akko zaar-akko пѓ°ey-akko feminine daaf-atte toonn-atte mukkan-atte qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-atte zaar-atte пѓ°ey-atte plural daaf-ayke toonn-ayke mukkan-ayke qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-ayke zaar-ayke пѓ°ey-ayke blind hump having a short limb ugly mad widow and orphan 93 geecc-akko пѓЂarr-akko gaalпѓ«-akko п‚©insel-akko cвЂ™ubbol-akko geecc-atte пѓЂarr-atte gaalпѓ«-atte п‚©insel-atte cвЂ™ubbol-atte geecc-ayke пѓЂarr-ayke gaalпѓ«-ayke п‚©insel-ayke cвЂ™ubbol-ayke old white (hair, fur) pregnant begging unappreciated (person) The root of some adjectives appears as a verbal stem: daaf-akko zaar-akko geecc-akko gaalпѓ«-akko blind mad old pregnant п‚©insel-akko begging daafzaar-awgeeЕЎ-uwgaalпѓ«awп‚©ins-aпѓ«- to be blind to get mad to be old to become pregnant to beg The masculine form gaalпѓ«-akko вЂ�pregnantвЂ™ is used for grammatical agreement. It qualifies, for example, the masculine noun пѓ°eesk-atto (m) вЂ�a womanвЂ™, which is the Singulative form of the basic plural noun пѓ°eesk-o вЂ�womenвЂ™. The adjectival agreement pattern is productive after derived stems showing the morpheme вЂ“(V)l, which is used for the derivation of adjectives from nominal roots. See some examples: пЂїuskakk-o (m) dirt пЂїuskakk-ol-akko пЂїuskakk-ol-atte пЂїuskakk-ol-ayke dirty buuЕЎe (f) beard buuЕЎ-ol-akko buuЕЎ-ol-atte buuЕЎ-ol-ayke bearded baay-a (f) hair of chest baay-al-akko baay-al-atte baay-al-ayke having hair on the chest The adjectives cвЂ™ubbol-akko вЂ�unappreciatedвЂ™, п‚©insel-akko вЂ�beggingвЂ™ and qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-akko вЂ�uglyвЂ™ have absorbed the adjectiviser in the stem: masculine cвЂ™ubbol-akko п‚©insel-akko qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-akko feminine cвЂ™ubbol-atte п‚©insel-atte qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-atte plural cвЂ™ubbol-ayke п‚©insel-ayke qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl-ayke unappreciated begging ugly The lexeme qвЂ™ancвЂ™arl- вЂ�uglyвЂ™ has an alternative plural agreement form qвЂ™ancвЂ™arre. This form seems to result from the gemination of r, which is the last consonant of the unattested stem *qвЂ™ancвЂ™ar. 94 The suffixes that characterise the adjectival derivation are homophonouns to number derivation suffixes attested in ordinary nouns. The masculine and feminine agreement suffixes вЂ“akk-o and вЂ“att-e play a role in nominal derivation and can be recognised in several stems. However, no ordinary nominal lexeme has both of them among its derivational possibilities. The masculine suffix вЂ“akk-o is found in about 20 nouns, most of which belong to the derivational pattern (g) (lexemes without base form with a Singulative masculine and a Plurative derived form). Within this pattern, the masculine nouns in вЂ“akk-o match with Plurative forms in вЂ“anne. The only exceptions are qвЂ™ot-akk-o вЂ�fingerвЂ™ and qвЂ™ob-akk-o вЂ�nailвЂ™, which correspond to the geminated Plurative form qвЂ™ot-t-e вЂ�fingersвЂ™ and qвЂ™ob-b-e вЂ�nailsвЂ™ respectively. Two of the nouns in вЂ“akk-o are the result of derivation from a basic form. They are пЂїuzg-akk-o вЂ�firestoneвЂ™, derivation of пЂїuzg-e вЂ�firestonesвЂ™, and пЂїilп‚©-akk-o вЂ�toothвЂ™ derived from пЂїilп‚©-e вЂ�teethвЂ™. A third one is a noun with attributive value: tsвЂ™iir-akk-o вЂ�manвЂ™ derived from tsвЂ™iir-e вЂ�menвЂ™. The feminine suffix -att-e is attested in the five nouns mirmaпѓЂ-att-e вЂ�gutвЂ™, qвЂ™om-att-e вЂ�sandalsвЂ™, sir-att-e вЂ�jewelвЂ™, пЂїinn-att-e вЂ�spiderвЂ™. and qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™-att-e вЂ�barkвЂ™, and in the feminine agreement form of the attributive noun gaal-e вЂ�difficultвЂ™: gaal-att-e. mirmaпѓЂ-att-e вЂ�gutвЂ™ is the only feminine noun corresponding to a Plurative form in вЂ“ann-e: mirmaпѓЂ-ann-e вЂ�gutsвЂ™. sir-att-e вЂ�jewelвЂ™, пЂїinn-att-e вЂ�spiderвЂ™ and qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™-att-e вЂ�barkвЂ™ are derived from basic forms. These forms are respectively sir-e вЂ�jewelsвЂ™, пЂїinn-e вЂ�spiderвЂ™ and qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™-e вЂ�barksвЂ™. The suffix вЂ“ayk-e is shown only in the noun qвЂ™om-ayk-e (p) вЂ�sandalsвЂ™, which is combined to another adjective-like form qвЂ™om-att-e (f) вЂ�sandalвЂ™. 3.6.3. Numerals Numerals are mostly found in modifying function, following the head noun, but they are also attested in subject, predicate and adverbial positions. The bases are twenty and ten. Higher bases, such as one hundred and one thousand, are borrowed from Amharic. The numeral вЂ�oneвЂ™ is the only numeral that shows gender distinction. The forms are: dookko (m), dootte (f), dookke (p). The other numerals are invariable. In modifying position the three forms agree in gender with the head noun. When the plural dookke modifies a plural gender noun with plural meaning, it does not indicate an individual entity but one group of entities, such as пЂїuzge вЂ�three firestonesвЂ™. See examples: пѓЂarпѓ«-o dookko ox-M one.M qвЂ™awk-o=nu n-deeпѓ°-i man-M=from 1-give-3SgMUnm I gave one ox to the man. qвЂ™aw-a dootte пЂїaп‚©-ay rifle-F one.F be.located-3SgFImpfv 95 There is a rifle. пЂїufo mann-e dookke garis-ne=nu house-P one.P п‚©eeпѓЂ-a build-3PlSubFut=from 3SgMSubj want-3SgMImpfv He wants that they build a house. пЂїuzg-e dookke n-п‚©eeпѓЂ-i firestones-P one.P 1-want-1SgUnm I want three firestones. Gender distinction in subject position has not been recorded for the plural form. See examples or the masculine and feminine forms: пЂїardulum-anki=nnay dookko ni race-3PlImpfv=Backgr one.M par-i Loc.3 die-3SgMUnm While they were racing one of them died. guuyu dootte пѓ«al-ti today one.F give.birth-3SgFUnm Today someone gave birth. In adverbial position, the numeral вЂ�oneвЂ™ appears invariably in its masculine form dookko. In the following sentences it is repeated with the meaning вЂ�one by oneвЂ™ or вЂ�individuallyвЂ™: qвЂ™aacвЂ™cвЂ™-e=ma dookko dookko baпѓ«пѓ«am-inki bush-P=to/in one.M one.M hide.oneself-3PlConsA One by one they hid thesemlves in the bush. See below a list of numerals form вЂ�1вЂ™ to вЂ�10вЂ™: dookko (m), dootte (f), dookke (p) lГЎkkГ zeeпѓ° salaпѓ° xobin tabben taпѓ°пѓ°an sezzen gollan kГєnkГі 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 The numbers from вЂ�11вЂ™ to вЂ�19вЂ™ are expressed by the combination of kГєnkГі вЂ�tenвЂ™ and the unit. The unit вЂ�oneвЂ™ appears as dookko. See the list below: 96 kГєnkГі dookko kГєnkГі lГЎkkГ kГєnkГі zeeпѓ° kГєnkГі salaпѓ° kГєnkГі xobin kГєnkГі tabben kГєnkГі sezzen kГєnkГі taпѓ°пѓ°an kГєnkГі gollan 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 The iteration of the numeral used in adverbial function is attested also for numbers above one. See examples: xobin xobin пѓЂakkaпѓ«-inki five five sit.down-3PlConsA They sit in groups of five. baal-inn-e tabben tabben qвЂ™etsвЂ™-inki pole-Pl-P six six cut-3Pl-ConsA They cut the poles in groups of five. вЂ�TwentyвЂ™ is the base for the numbers from twenty onwards. The concept is metaphorically expressed by the noun phrase qвЂ™awko mume вЂ�an entire personвЂ™, who is the holder of twenty digits. The units are counted in bago вЂ�mouthвЂ™ and are joined to the ventigisimal base by the Consecutive conjunction ba. For example, вЂ�21вЂ™ is expressed by qвЂ™awko mume ba bago dookko вЂ�one entire person and one mouthвЂ™, вЂ�30вЂ™ is expressed by qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі вЂ�one entire person and ten mouthsвЂ™ and вЂ�39вЂ™ by qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі gollan вЂ�one entire person and eleven mouthsвЂ™. See a reduced list of numerals from 20 to 39: qвЂ™awko mume qвЂ™awko mume ba bago dookko qвЂ™awko mume ba bago lГЎkkГ qвЂ™awko mume ba bago zeeпѓ° qвЂ™awko mume ba bago salaпѓ° 20 21 22 23 24 qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі dookko qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі lГЎkkГ qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі zeeпѓ° qвЂ™awko mume ba bago kГєnkГі salaпѓ° 30 31 32 33 34 The multiples of twenty are expressed by an exponent after the base expressed by qвЂ™awko or gore вЂ�peopleвЂ™. This option has to do with the fact that in a numeral phrase having a number higher than one as modifier the head noun may be singular or plural (see 4.1.2). The element mume is omitted. Therefore, 40 corresponds to qвЂ™awko (or gore) lГЎkkГ вЂ�two peopleвЂ™; 97 60 corresponds to qвЂ™awko (or gore) zeeпѓ° вЂ�three peopleвЂ™, and so on. See a short list of the multiples of 20: qвЂ™awko (or gore) lГЎkkГ qвЂ™awko (or gore) zeeпѓ° qвЂ™awko (or gore) salaпѓ° qвЂ™awko (or gore) xobin qвЂ™awko (or gore) tabben forty sixty eighty one hundred one hundred and twenty See two numerals higher then 39 attested in the corpus: qвЂ™awko lГЎkkГ ba bago kГєnkГі salaпѓ° qвЂ™awko tabben ba bago kГєnkГі fifty four one hundred and thirty There is a difference in arithmetic function between the juxtaposition kГєnkГі lГЎkkГ вЂ�twelveвЂ™ and the juxtaposition qвЂ™awko lГЎkkГ (20x2) вЂ�fortyвЂ™. The first one express the addition 10+2, while the second one expresses the multiplication 10x2. An alternative system is used for counting money. It is a decimal system based on the word bonde вЂ�tenвЂ™, most probably a borrowed term widespread with the same meaning among people speaking South Omotic and Surmic languages. In isolation, this word means вЂ�ten birrвЂ™ (birr is the name of he Ethiopian currency), but is also possible to specify bonde dootte, which often appears as bondootte вЂ�ten birrвЂ™, or to explicitly mention the word birre вЂ�birrвЂ™. The units are still counted in bago вЂ�mouthвЂ™. Therefore, вЂ�twenty two birrвЂ™ is expressed with (birre) bonde lГЎkkГ ba bago lГЎkkГ. The money counting system includes the Amharic terms mato вЂ�one hundredвЂ™ (from the Amharic mГЇto вЂ�one hundredвЂ™) and ЕЎi вЂ�one thousandвЂ™ (from the Amharic ЕЎi вЂ�one thousandвЂ™). 3.7. The locative case suffixes The locative case suffixes are general location markers. There are used to mark a locative adverbial noun in sentences and as possessive modification in noun phrases. These suffixes are gender sensitive like the number suffixes. The masculine suffix is вЂ“il (in some cases вЂ“ul), the feminine suffix is -att, the plural suffix is вЂ“et (in some cases вЂ“it). Each locative suffix is followed by the respective gender suffix. Therefore, the three suffixes will be henceforth transcribed as -ilo, -atte and -ete. The range of the locative meaning expressed by the locative case suffixes includes positions that we would translate as вЂ�inвЂ™, вЂ�onвЂ™, вЂ�fromвЂ™, вЂ�ontoвЂ™ etc. 98 These English prepositions are only approximations that occur in translation. The suffix indicates a very general sense of location. The details of the location are inferred from other words in the sentence, in particular the verbs, and from the context, that is the story or the observation of the real world. Below are examples of locative nouns marked by the locative case suffixes: General location manne (p) вЂ�houseвЂ™ in: zow ba mann-ete пѓ°ull-a go. SgImpA Cons house-LocP enter-2SgConsA Go and enter the house. пЂїalga (f) вЂ�bedвЂ™ in: пЂїinank-o пЂїalg-atte пЂїooпѓ«-i boy-M bed-LocF walk-3SgMUnm The boy walks on the bed. paЕЎo (m) вЂ�fieldвЂ™ in: qвЂ™awk-o paЕЎ-ilo man-M liп‚©-i field-LocM go.out-3SgMUnm The man goes out of the field. Ground, surface zano (m) вЂ�streetвЂ™ in: zan-ilo makin-a пЂїaп‚©-a street-LocM car-F be.located-3SgMImpfv The car is on the street. Bounded space katte (f) вЂ�fireвЂ™ in: пЂїatsвЂ™tsвЂ™-ikk-o biпѓЂ-a stone.sp.-Sg-M п‚©abb-a=bba katt-atte be.white-3SgMAdj take-SgImpB=Cons fire-LocF пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ«-i put -SgImp Take a white Р‘atsвЂ™tsвЂ™ikko stone and put into the fire. All possessors expressed by nouns are marked as locatives by the locative suffixes. The locative suffixes do not appear if the possessor is indicated by a name (see 4.1.4.). Examples: qвЂ™awko (m) вЂ�manвЂ™ in: пЂїarr-e qвЂ™awk-ilo 99 donkey-F man-LocM donkey of the man gosinп‚©oп‚єo (m) вЂ�lizardвЂ™ in: maanп‚©-o gosingoп‚є-ilo пЂїawЕЎ-i sorghum-M lizard-LocM ripen-3SgMUnm The sorghum of the lizard ripened. пЂїerbo (m) вЂ�male sheepвЂ™ in: duub-d-e пЂїerb-ilo tail-Sg-F male.sheep-LocM tail of male sheep пѓ°ezgitte (f) вЂ�starвЂ™ in: kammakk-o пѓ°ezg-itt-atte light-M star-Sg-LocF star light пѓЂarпѓ«e (p) вЂ�oxenвЂ™ in: пЂїabb-a пѓЂarпѓ«-ete father.M-F ox-LocP owner of oxen пЂїarre (f) вЂ�donkeyвЂ™ in: cвЂ™aaqвЂ™-e пЂїarr-atte faeces-F donkey-LocF faeces of donkey ЕЎayna (f) вЂ�pumpвЂ™ and dalba (f) вЂ�pondвЂ™ in: пЂїolk-o-se пЂїano пѓЂanпѓ«-e ЕЎayn-atte thing-M-Def 1SgSubj ka пЂїano water-P пѓ«ab-i=nu pump-LocF fail-3SgMUnm=from пѓЂanпѓ«-e dalb-atte пѓЂug-i Sent 1SgSubj water-P pond-LocF drink-3SgMUnm Since I failed (to collect) the water of the pump, I drink the water of the pond. baaya (f) вЂ�hair of chestвЂ™ in: gaz-o baay-atte hair-M hair.of.chest-LocF hair of the chest 100 gaarma (f) вЂ�brave personвЂ™ in: пЂїingiy-e gaarm-atte пЂїasa sukkan-ti mother-F brave.person-LocF so roll.down-3SgFUnm The mother of the brave one rolls down in this way (Extracted from the tale: вЂ�The squirrel and the BaboonвЂ™) A locative noun in modifying position in a noun phrase may also have attributive meaning (see 4.1.4). See, for example: mann-e пѓЂaЕЎk-ilo house-P grass-LocM grass house With the verbal complement of kiy- вЂ�to sayвЂ™ the locative case suffix indicates the addressee: kulile вЂ�guinea fowlвЂ™ in: пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ raf-anki garr-o together sleep-3PlImpfv kulil-atte пЂїasa squirrel-M guinea.fowl-LocF so kiy-i say-3SgMUnm The squirrel said this (litt: вЂ�soвЂ™) to the guinea fowl: вЂ�We will sleep togetherвЂ™. The locative case indicates the base of comparison. See for example game (f) вЂ�maizeвЂ™ in: maanп‚©-o likke gam-atte gura ko sorghum-M exactly maize-LocF like qвЂ™ayy-a PronM be.good-3SgMAdj Sorghum is exactly as good as maize. 3.8. The Distal demonstrative suffixes The Distal demonstrative suffixes вЂ“ussa (m) and вЂ“issa (f/p) are attached to the stem of the noun and replace the gender suffix. They are exclusively used for pointing to elements that are far from the speakers. baasall-ussa calabash.for.water-DistM that man gaant-issa woman.F-DistF/P that woman 101 gor-issa people.P-DistF/P those people See 4.1.3. and 5.5.2. For a description of pronominal Distal demonstratives. The function of these demonstratives is not limited to pointing, as is the case of the Distal demonstrative suffix. 3.9. The proximal demonstrative/vocative tone morpheme The description of the tonal morpheme used for proximal demonstrative and vocative is found within the discussion on nominal tone in suffixation and clitisation (see 2.4.4.). 3.10. The definite suffix вЂ“se A noun can be defined by suffixation of the definite suffix вЂ“se. This is the only suffix that follows the case suffix. It has anaphoric function and is mainly used to mark heads modified by relative clauses or locative nouns (see 4.1.4. and 4.2.). Examples: пЂїerr-o-se пѓ«ib-i rain-M-Def rain-3SgMUnm The rain fell. loпЂї-o-se [пѓ«al-ti] par-ti cow.F-M-Def give.birth-3SgFUnm die-3SgFUnm The cow that gave birth died. ЕЎamп‚є-o-se gudurk-ilo child-M-Def hyena-LocM the child of the hyena 102 4. Notes on syntax 4.1. The noun phrase A noun phrase is minimally made up of a head noun. Modifying suffixes and modifiers follow the head noun. The suffixes are divided into those that attach to the head noun and those that attach to pronominal particles. The modifiers are attributive nouns, adjectives, locative nouns, the locative case suffix, definitives, demonstratives, possessives, вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals, вЂ�whichвЂ™-pronominals, вЂ�whoseвЂ™-pronominals, and adverbials. See the follwing noun phrase structures: Noun phrase with an attributive modifier: head noun + attributive noun Noun phrase with an adjectival modifier: head noun + adjective Noun phrase with a definite modifier: head noun + definite suffix head noun + pron-definite suffix Noun phrase with a demonstrative modifier: head noun + demonstrative suffix head noun + pron-demonstrative suffix Noun phrase with a possessive modifier: head noun + pron-possessive suffix Noun phrase with a locative noun modifier: head noun + noun-locative case suffix Noun phrase with a вЂ�differentвЂ™ modifier: head noun + pron-вЂ�differentвЂ™ suffix Noun phrase with a вЂ�which?вЂ™ modifier: head noun + pron-вЂ�whichвЂ™ suffix Noun phrase with a вЂ�whose?вЂ™ modifier: head noun + pron-вЂ�whoseвЂ™ suffix Noun phrase with a locative modifier: head noun + locative case suffix 103 The Distal demostrative suffix, the locative suffixes and the definite suffix -se, as well as attributive nouns, adjectives and numerals are described in the chapter on nominal morphology (chapter 3). The modifiers that attach to the particles of pronominal origin are characterised by the presence of a pronominal particle, which refers to the head noun and agrees with it in gender. Some pronominal modifiers, under certain conditions, may appear suffixed to the head noun. Most of the pronominal modifiers can also take head noun position. The pronominal modifiers are described in section 5.5. and its sub-sections. 4.1.1. Noun phrases with attributive nouns and adjective as modifier TsвЂ™amakko has a lexical category adjective. Attributive modification in a noun phrase is mainly expressed by two sub-categories of nouns called attributive nouns and adjectives (see 3.6.). Also ordinary nouns modified with locative suffixes may be used attributively (see 3.7., 4.1.4. and 4.1.5.). The attributive nouns and the adjectives agree in gender with the head noun according to their derivational possibilities. The agreement of an attributive noun with the head noun depends on the derivation pattern followed by each attributive noun, which may distinguish from one to three forms (see 3.6.1.) For example, the attributive noun пѓ«aggo (p) shows three forms, one agreeing with masculine head nouns, one with feminine head nouns and one with plural head nouns. See examples: пѓ«all-e dagg-o children-P young-AttrP young children as in: пѓ«all-e dagg-o sek-e Еѕaginki children-P young-AttrP sticks.of.roof-P insert-3PlConsA Young children inserted the sticks of the roof. See also: пЂїinank-o dagg-itto boy-M young-AttrM young boy ЕЎitt-e dagg-itte girl-F young-AttrF young girl 104 The agreement expressed by the attributive noun bile вЂ�otherвЂ™ in modifying context is limited to two forms. One appears in combination with masculine and feminine head nouns, and the other one with plural head nouns. See example: ЕѕiпЂї-o bil-e food-M other-AttrM/F other food as in: пЂїufo ЕѕiпЂї-пЂї-o bil-e 3SgMSubj food-M cвЂ™igaпѓ«-i=kka other-AttrM/F love-3SgMNonPstNeg=Sent He does not like other food. See also: layb-e bil-e cloth-F other-AttrM/F other cloth пѓ°eesk-o bil-aпѓ«пѓ«e women.P-M other-AttrP other women An adjectival modifier is characterised by the regular gender agreement of the adjective with the head noun. The agreement is shown by the derivational suffixes: -akko (m), -atte (f) and вЂ“ayke (p). See an example of an adjectival phrases with geecc-atte вЂ�old female beingвЂ™: loпЂї-o geecc-atte cow.F-M old-AdjF old cow as in: loпЂї-o geecc-atte=nu gomп‚є-o cвЂ™aaп‚є-a cow.F-M old-AdjF=from kraal-M build.a.fence-PlImpA Build a kraal for an old cow! See also: qвЂ™awk-o geecc-akko man-M old-AdjM old man gor-e geecc-ayke 105 people-P old-AdjP old people Adjectival verbs are modifiers that appear as the predicate of subject relative clauses having the head noun as subject. Verbs with stative meaning may also appear as modifier in the same relative syntactic context (see 6.4.5. and 6.5.3.). 4.1.2. Noun phrases with numeral as modifier For the gender agreement expressed by the numeral вЂ�oneвЂ™ see 3.6.3. In most cases the head noun modified by numbers higher than вЂ�oneвЂ™ is specially marked as Plurative. Examples: пѓЂarпѓ«-ann-e lГЎkkГ ox-Pl-P two two oxen dal-e qвЂ™awk-o mume goats-P man-M entire twenty goats The modified noun may appear in its basic form. See examples: пЂїinank-o dookko boy-M one boy one.M gulm-a salaпѓ° beer.calabash-F four four beer calabashes The head noun is singular also if it is a loanword, such as qвЂ™ane вЂ�dayвЂ™ from Amharic qГ¤n вЂ�dayвЂ™. qвЂ™an-e salaпѓ° raf-inki day-F sleep-3PlConsA four He slept four days. Numerals may modify a pronoun. пЂїufo dookko qвЂ™artsвЂ™eta zeeпѓ° ka 3SgMSubj one.M bag.F cвЂ™an-o three Sent load-3SgMConsB He has loaded alone three bags. пЂїufunпѓ«e lГЎkkГ kol-e 3PlSubj two пЂїelle пЂїorпѓ°am-inki return-3PlUnm each.other fight-3PlConsA The two of them have fought again. 106 A numeral can modify an attributive phrase. пЂїorg-ayn-e busk-e male.goat-Pl.P castrated-AttrP xobin five five castrated male goats Numeral phrases are used as unit of measurement. They appear as complex modifiers of a head noun referring to the measured entity. Both the modifiers and the measured element are not in plural form. In following example duuko kГєnkГі, a noun phrase meaning вЂ�ten backsвЂ™, is a unit measuring the amount of dry grass that can be carried on the back: rocвЂ™ant-e duuk-o kГєnkГі dry.grass-F back-M ten ten вЂ�backsвЂ™ of dry grass 4.1.3. Noun phrases with demonstrative as modifier In demonstrative noun phrases, the head noun is followed by a demonstrative modifier. There are two Proximal and two Distal demonstrative modifiers. The Proximal modifiers are the pronominal demonstratives kutta/titta/kitta and kusi/tisi/kisi. The two series differ in that the first one is only used for pointing. Both pronominals may occur in head noun position (cf. 4.6.1.). See examples: Head noun + kutta пѓЂarпѓ«o kutta ox.M PronM.Dist21 this ox If the head noun ends in ko, te or ke, the pronominal particles may replace these endings. See example: qвЂ™aw-kutta man-PronM.Prox1 This man [qвЂ™awko вЂ�manвЂ™] Head noun + tisi gaan-t-e tisi woman.F PronF.Prox2 this woman 107 The Distal demonstrative modifiers are the suffixes вЂ“issa (m)/-ussa (f/p), and the pronominal demonstratives kotta/tetta/ketta. The suffixes -issa (m)/-ussa (f/p) are only used for pointing. The Distal pronominal demonstratives also appear in head noun position. The Distal demonstrative kussa is also attested in this position, but only in very few examples (cf. 4.6.1.). See examples: Head noun + -issa mann-issa house.P-DistF/P that house Head noun + kotta gaar-ko kotta tree.M PronM.Dist1 that tree In addition to these modifiers, one should mention the use of a tonal morpheme with proximal demonstrative and vocative meaning (see 2.4.4. and 3.9.). 4.1.4. Noun phrases with possessive as modifiers Possessive modification may by expressed by possessive pronouns or nouns modified by a locative case suffix, and names in possessive form. Head noun + possessive pronouns Possessive pronouns are made up of a pronominal particle and a personal possessive suffix (see 5.5.3.). See an example of noun phrase with possessive pronoun: daal-t-e taayu goat-Sg-F PronF.1SgPoss my goat Head noun + noun + locative suffix Nouns modified by a locative suffix may function as possessive modifiers of a head noun. The head noun is optionally followed by the definite suffix вЂ“se (see 4.3.) or one of the pronominal definites kosse (m), tesse (f) or kesse (p). See two examples of head noun modified by a locative noun with possessive meaning: пѓ°aark-o qвЂ™awk-ilo hand-M man-LocM the hand of the man 108 ЕЎamb-o-se gudurk-ilo child-M-Def hyena-LocM the child of the hyena gor-e kesse saabank-ilo people-P PronP.Def3 neighbouring.field-LocM The people of the neighbouring fields as in: gor-e kesse saabank-ilo booпѓ°-e people-P PronP.Def3 neighbouring field-LocM sow-3PlUnm The people of the neighbouring fields have sown. The locative noun may be used as attributive modifier (see 3.7. and 4.1.1.). See an example: пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ-se toont-atte skin.mat-M-Def poison-LocF poisoned leather mat as in: пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ-se skin.mat-Def toont-atte=ma sor-i poison-LocF=to/in run-3SgMUnm He run towards the poisoned leather mat. Head noun + name in possessive form A name can play the role of possessor. In this case its initial vowel is lenghthened. See example: пЂїarr-e baaЕЎare donkey-f baЕЎare.Poss BaЕЎareвЂ™s donkey 4.1.5. Noun phrases with locative suffix as modifier A head noun may be modified by a locative case suffix. The meaning of the modifier is general locative if the modified noun is in adverbial position (see 4.5.5.). See an example: paЕЎ-ilo field-LocM in the field as in: 109 пЂїaп‚©-i paЕЎ-ilo field-LocM be.located-3SgMUnm He is in the field. As seen in 4.1.4. the nouns modified by locative suffixes have possessive or attributive meaning when in modifying position. 4.1.6. Noun phrases with definite as modifier Definite noun phrases are composed of a head noun and a definite modifier. Definite modifiers are the nominal suffix вЂ“se (Def1, cf. 3.8.) and the pronominal definites consisting of the pronominal particles and the definite elements -пЂїa, -s(s)a or вЂ“sse (cf. 4.6.1.). The pronominal definites are not attested in head noun position. One remarks the strange fact that these pronominal definite noun phrases, with the exception of those showing вЂ“sse, must be followed by a clitic. See examples: Head noun-se пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ-se cвЂ™aldax-a leather.mat-M-Def be.soft.3SgMAdj the soft leather mat Head noun + teпЂїa gaan-t-e teпЂїa=y woman-Sg-F PronF.Def1=Fill the woman Head noun + ke(s)sa maanп‚©-aпѓ«пѓ«-e kessa=y sorghum-Pl-P PronP.Def3=Fill the sorghum plants Head noun + kesse gor-e kesse people-P PronP.Def3 the people 4.1.7. Noun phrases with вЂ�whose?вЂ™, вЂ�which one?вЂ™, or вЂ�differentвЂ™ as modifier These noun phrases consist of a head noun followed by the pronominal particles and the elements -aпѓ°a вЂ�whose?вЂ™, -nпѓ«a вЂ�which one?вЂ™, and -п‚єa 110 вЂ�differentвЂ™. The вЂ�whose?вЂ™-noun phrase and the вЂ�differentвЂ™-noun phrase must be followed by a clitic (see 5.5.4. and 5.5.6.) Head noun + taпѓ°a пЂїingiy-e taпѓ°a=kka mother-Sg-F PronF.who=Sent whose mother? Head noun + tinпѓ«a пѓ°ez-itte tinпѓ«a root-F PronF.which which root? Head noun + tiп‚єa gaan-t-e tiп‚єa=y woman-Sg-F PronF.diff=Fill a different woman 4.2. Relative clauses A relative clause is a modifying clause following a head noun or a pronominal particle. When the head noun is not present, the pronominal particles act as relative pronouns. In this function they appear as a head noun incorporating the relativiser. Examples: ko PronM [gaan-t-e ЕѕoqвЂ™-i] woman-Sg-F beat-3SgMUnm the one who bit the woman пЂїawЕЎ-a=kka, ripen-PstNeg=Sent ko [laxx-a] PronM be.unripe-3SgMAdj It did not cook, it is raw (litt: вЂ�It is the one which is rawвЂ™). ko PronM [qвЂ™ayy-a] ki liп‚©п‚©-a be.good-3SgMAdj Sent.3 go.out-3SgMImpfv Something nice comes out (litt: вЂ�It is the nice one that comes outвЂ™). When a nominal head is present, it must be followed by a definite suffix вЂ“se or a pronominal particle. The head of subject relative clauses in subject position may be followed by one of the pronominal definites kosse, tesse or kesse. The use of pronominal particles is excluded when the head noun is the object of both the relative clause and the matrix clause and if the subject relative clause is in syntactic positions other than subject and object. In these contexts only вЂ“se may follow the head noun. The distribution of pronominal 111 particles and a definite suffix after the head noun in relative clauses is summarised in the following table: Table 18: Pronominal particles and definite suffix after head noun in relative clauses Relative clause в†’ Matrix clause в†“ Subject Object Other positions Subject Object pron or вЂ“se or pron-sse pron or вЂ“se -se pron or -se -se ---- Relative clauses in non-subject position are followed by elements such as the sentence marker ka, the case clitics or the conjunctions. In some cases, the whole relative clause may be recalled by the locative pronoun na or by pronominals based on it. See examples: Subject relative clause in subject position with -se: qвЂ™awk-o-se xaf-i man-M-Def come.3SgMUnm the man who came as in: qвЂ™awk-o-se xaf-i man-M-Def ЕЎaпѓЂal-k-o kaayu come.3SgMUnm brother-Sg-M PronM.1SgPoss The man who came is my brother. loпЂї-o-se [пѓ«al-ti] cow.F-M-Def par-ti give.birth-3SgFUnm die-3SgFUnm The cow that gave birth died. Subject relative clause in subject position with kesse: gor-e kesse qвЂ™aru [bukaп‚є-e] people-P PronP.Def3 place gather-3PlUnm the people who gathered earlier as in: gor-e kesse qвЂ™aru [bukaп‚є-e] people-P PronP.Def3 place пЂїise=ma bГ¬y-ГЁ gather-3PlUnm 3SgF=Dir earth-F laaп‚©-e turn-3PlUnm The people who gathered earlier turned the earth on her. 112 Subject relative clauses in subject position with pronominal particle: gor-e ke [waпЂїk-o wuyy-am-es-aпѓ«-anki] people-P PronP god-M ki call-Pass-Caus-Mid-3PlImpfv Sent.3 naa=ma пЂїacc-anki Loc=to/in go-3PlImpfv The people who pray (lett: make call from themselves) to god go to her. Subject relative clause in object position with -se: qвЂ™awk-o-se [пЂїogoy-a] man-M-Def ka пЂїano пЂїar-a come-3SgMImpfv Sent 1SgSubj know-1SgImpfv I know the man who is coming. Subject relative clause in object position with pronominal particle: qвЂ™awk-o ko man-M [woЕѕЕѕ-a goпѓ«пѓ«-a] пЂїar-a ka PronM work-F do-3SgMImpfv Sent know-1SgImpfv I know somebody who works. Object relative clause in subject position with -se: qвЂ™awk-o-se [пЂїano man-M-Def ЕѕoqвЂ™-i] mann-e 1SgSubj beat-1SgMUnm house-P пЂїakim-atte=ma zey-i doctor-LocF=to/in go3-3SgMUnm The man I bit went to the hospital. Object relative clause in subject position with pronominal particle: lukkal-itt-o ko п‚©ayy-i [qвЂ™aro zaqвЂ™-nini] chicken-Sg-M PronM side slaugher-1PlSubFut remained-3SgMUnm The chicken that we would have slaughtered before remained (alive). Object relative clause in object position with -se: ЕѕiпЂї-o-se food-M-Def [пЂїise gaпЂї-ti] ka пЂїi=nnu 3SgFSubj prepare-3SgFUnm Sent 1Sg=Dat ЕЎeeп‚©-a bring-SgImpB Bring me the food she prepared. Subject relative clause in locative position with -se: 113 пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ-se [cвЂ™aldax-a]=ma toont-e goпѓ«пѓ«-i skin.mat-M-Def be.soft-3SgMAdj=to/in poison-F do-3SgMUnm He put poison on the soft leather mat. The following example of a subject relative clause in locative position shows how to ask for a name. There is a location represented by a subject relative clause headed by qвЂ™awk-o вЂ�manвЂ™, followed by -se, and a located element maпѓЂko вЂ�nameвЂ™. The locative pronominal na=ta which appears in the main sentence refers to the location. qвЂ™awk-o-se [geeray man-M-Def пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ max-xe gassaпѓ«-i] yesterday bead-P maпѓЂ-ko ask-3SgMUnm name-M na=ta Loc=Loc who What is the name of the man who asked for beads yesterday? The following is a similar example. The head noun is in an instrumental element: [na=kka=ya пЂїilп‚©-e mucвЂ™cвЂ™-i] gaar-k-o-se tree-Sg-M-Def Loc=Sent=with teeth-P brush-3SgMUnm nay maпѓЂ-ko Backgr name-M пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ who What is the name of the tree with which one brushes oneвЂ™s teeth? Locative relative clause in locative position with -se пЂїayk-o-se [boп‚©ol-ko na=ta place-M-Def king-M пЂїaп‚©-i]=ma Loc-Loc be.located-3Sg.M=to/in ЕЎeeп‚©onki bring-3PlConsB They have brought it to the place in which the king lived. The pronominal particles may not appear if the head noun has one of the homohponouns endings ko, te or ke. See examples: пЂїinank-o [gereпѓЂ-i] boy-M ЕЎab-am-i steal-3SgMUnm tie-Pass-3SgMUnm The boy that has stolen has been arrested. пЂїinank-o [takk-a] boy-M пЂїin=nu пѓ°aalt-e deeпѓ°-i be.small-3SgMAdj 1Sg=Dat cup-F The small boy gave me the cup. (litt: вЂ�The boy who is small gave me the cupвЂ™). give-3SgMUnm 114 пЂїalaw-t-e qвЂ™awk-o [пЂїarпѓ«-ann-e salaпѓ° ЕЎeeп‚©-i] man-M ox-Pl-P taayu ka four bring-3SgMUnm sister-Sg-F gaпѓЂal-na PronF.1SgPoss Sent marry-3SgMMainFut The man who brought four oxen will marry my sister. [lakkay пѓ«al-ti] gaan-t-e woman-Sg-F twins пЂїalaw-t-e taayu give-birth-3SgFUnm sister-Sg-F PronF.1SgPoss The woman who gave birth to twins is my sister. gaan-t-e soпЂї-att-e [biЕЎ-k-o п‚©ab-a] ki woman-Sg-F magician-Sg-F body-Sg-M take-3SgMFocImpfv Sent.3 пЂїaп‚©-a be.located-3SgMFocImpfv There is a woman magician that reads (takes) the body. Adjectival verbs such as пѓ«amm вЂ�be bigвЂ™, takk вЂ�be smallвЂ™, zigam вЂ�be longвЂ™, пѓЂiпѓ«пѓ« вЂ�be redвЂ™ etc. are inflected attributive elements that form subject relative clauses. Relative clauses formed by verbal adjectives can be interpreted as sentences with verbal adjectives as predicate (see 6.4.5.). qвЂ™awko [пѓ«amm-a] man.M be.big-3SgMAdj big man (or вЂ�The man is bigвЂ™. Litt: вЂ�the man who is bigвЂ™). пѓЂanпѓ«-e ke [пѓ«amm-a] water-P PronP be.big-3SgMAdj пЂїato te lots of water (or вЂ�The water is a lotвЂ™. Litt: вЂ�The water which is bigвЂ™). [пѓ«amm-ay] 2SgSubj PronF be.big-2SgFAdj You (f) are big (or вЂ�You (f) are the big oneвЂ™. Litt: вЂ�You, who are bigвЂ™). zan-o kutta ko street-M PronM.Prox1 PronM [zigam-a] be.long-3SgMAdj This long road (or вЂ�This road is longвЂ™. Litt: вЂ�This road, which is longвЂ™). 4.3. Sequences of modifiers Two modifiers, the second of which is not an attributive noun, an adjective or a numeral, are coordinated by a pronominal particle. In the following example with a Proximal demonstrative and a possessive name, the second is 115 preceded by a pronominal particle, while in simple possessive phrases it is not preceded by a pronominal particle: Head noun + Prox. demonstrative + pronom. particle + nominal possessive gaan-t-e titta te baaЕЎare woman-Sg-F PronF.Prox1 PronF BaЕЎare.Poss This is BaЕЎareвЂ™s wife. The вЂ�which?вЂ™ modifier always takes the last position in a string of modifiers. See for example the following complex noun phrase: Head noun + demonstrative + relative verb + вЂ�whichвЂ™ qвЂ™aw-kutta xoris-a kunп‚©a? man-PronM.Prox1 snore-3SgMImpfv PronM.which Who is this snoring person. The head noun of a locative noun in possessive mofigying position or a subject relative clause is often modified by the definite suffix вЂ“se or the definite pronominals kosse, tesse or kesse. See 3.7., 4.1.4., 4.1.6. and 5.5.1. When functioning as possessive modifier, a noun shows the locative suffix (see 3.7. and 4.1.4.) . However, it carries no locative suffix if it is further modified. In the following example the noun qвЂ™awko вЂ�manвЂ™ functions as modifier of the head noun manne вЂ�houseвЂ™ and is further modified by a relative clause: Head noun-se + nominal possessive-se + relative clause mann-e-se qвЂ™awk-o-se [qвЂ™om-ayk-e soп‚©-a] house-P-Def man-M-Def sandal-Pl-P read.shoes-3SgMImpfv The house of the man who reads the shows (i.e. who foresees the future). as in: mann-e-se qвЂ™awk-o-se [qвЂ™om-ayk-e soп‚©-a]=ma house-P-Def man-M-Def gass-o=nu sandal-Pl-P read.shoes-3SgMImpfv kaпЂї-i asking-M=from get up-3SgMUnm He left to ask something at the house of the man who reads the shoes. In a sequence of two nominal locatives the head noun is followed by вЂ“se. The first modifier also act as the head noun of the second modifier, but it 116 shows no definite article. Moreover, it carries no locative suffix, which normally appears in locative noun modifiers. : Head noun-se + nominal possessive + nominal possessive xoxon-k-o-se mann-e gudurk-ilo hole-Sg-M-Def house-P hyena-LocM The hole in the house of the hyena as in: xoxon-k-o-se mann-e gudurk-ilo=ma hole-Sg-M-Def house-P hyena-LocM=to/in Loc-with пѓ°ull-i na=ya enter-3SgMUnm He entered in the hole which was in the house of the hyena. In a sequence of a nominal possessive and a pronominal possessive, the nominal possessive does not show any marking such as a pronominal particle: the whole complex is followed by the clitic ta вЂ�uponвЂ™ (see 4.5.4.). Example: mann-e пЂїaz-o house-P kaayu=ta younger.brother-M PronM.1SgPoss=Upon my younger brotherвЂ™s house See below two more possible sequences of modifiers: Head noun + personal pronoun + attributive noun mann-e kuusunпѓ«e house-P qвЂ™awt-itte PronP.3PlPoss new-AttrF their new house as in: mann-e kuusunпѓ«e house-P qвЂ™awt-itte=nu kune=ka gaar-e PronP.3PlPoss new-AttrF=from 2Pl=Obj qвЂ™etsвЂ™tsвЂ™-o п‚©eeпѓЂ-e cutting-M tree-P want-3PlUnm They want you to cut wood for their new house. The agreement of the plural gender noun manne вЂ�houseвЂ™ with the feminine form qвЂ™awtitte вЂ�newвЂ™ is based on wrong interpretation of manne as a basic feminine noun (See 3.6.). 117 Head noun + attributive nouns + demonstrative + relative пѓЂarпѓ«-o bus-ukko ox-M kotta пѓ«amm-a castrated-AttrM PronM.Dist1 be.big-3SgMAdj that big castrated ox as in: пѓЂarпѓ«-o bus-ukko ox-M kotta пѓ«amm-a ka castrated-AttrM PronM.Dist1 be.big-3SgMAdj Sent п‚©ab-a take-1SgJuss Let me take that big castrated ox. The pronominal particles play a role in noun phrases with locative noun as possessive modifier if the modifying noun refers to a previously modified head noun. In this context these particles appear as resumptive pronouns taking up an earlier head. See the following two examples: cвЂ™aqвЂ™-e kulil-atte maanп‚©-o ke garr-ulo faeces-P guinea-fowl-LocF sorghum-M PronP squirrel-LocM пѓЂaЕЎ-k-o grass-Sg-M The faeces of the guinea fowl were sorghum, those of the squirrel grass. kirrin-k-o kaaki tail-Sg-M ki пЂїaaka ko PronM.2SgFPoss and пѓ°egg-ini пЂїabba=yay PronM father.M=with Sent.3 play-1SgMSubFut Let me play with your tail and my fatherвЂ™s tail. Two or more noun phrases are joined by the conjunction пЂїaaka. пЂїano пѓЂanпѓ«-e пЂїaaka пЂїaxx-e reek-i 1SgSubj water-P and milk-P mix-1SgUnm I mixed water and milk. 4.4.The nominal sentence Nominal sentences follow the order subject - predicate. The subject may be a simple or modified noun, a name or a pronoun. It may appear equated to the predicate or located/possessed by the predicate. Equational predicates may be attributive nouns and demonstrative pronominals. Locative predicates are nouns marked by the locative suffix or names or noun phrases followed by the case clitic =ta. They may also indicate a possessor, as is the case with the locative case suffix (see 3.7., 4.1.4, and 4.1.6.). Their locative meaning may be specified by a relational noun or an adverbial in relational function. 118 Example of a nominal sentence with attributive noun as equated predicate: garr-o baxan-itto squirrel-M smart-AttrM The squirrel is smart. Examples of a nominal sentence with demonstrative pronominal as equated predicate: maakk-e gubal-atte ketta=y tale-P rabbit-LocF PronP.Dist1=Fill That was the tale of the rabbit. пѓ°ez-itte te root-F [gar-nay] titta PronF be.useful-3SgFMainFut PronF.Prox1 The useful root is this one. Example of a nominal sentence with locative noun as locative predicate: ЕЎamп‚є-o laпѓЂakk-ilo child-M field-LocM The child is in the field. Example of a nominal sentence with locative noun followed by an adverbial in relational function as locative predicate: ЕЎamп‚є-o mann-ite child-M пЂїinna house-LocP on The child is on the house. Example of a nominal sentence with locative noun followed by relational noun as locative predicate: ziпЂї-te katt-atte sabb-ete pot-F fire-LocF top-LocF The pot is on the fire. The attributive noun ЕЎal вЂ�lightвЂ™ only appears as predicate and must be associated to the verb пЂїaп‚© вЂ�to be locatedвЂ™, which has normally a locative or existential meaning: gaan-t-e ЕЎal пЂїaп‚©-ay woman-Sg-F light.Attr be.located-3SgFImpfv The woman is light. Locative nominal sentences may optionally use the verb пЂїaп‚© вЂ�to be locatedвЂ™. 119 See examples: beze paЕЎ-ilo пЂїaп‚©-a Beze.M field-LocM be.located-3SgMImpfv Beze is in the field. qвЂ™om-ayk-e dunk-atte gid-atte shoe-Pl-P tent-LocF пЂїaп‚©-e inside-LocF be.located-3PlUnm The shoes are in the tent. A locative predicate may appear in topicalised position on the left of the subject. When the constituents of a locative nominal sentence are inverted the verb пЂїaп‚© must appear. п‚©il-atte qвЂ™awk-o пЂїaп‚©-a gid-atte butter.calabash-LocF inside-LocF man-M be.located-3SgMImpfv In the butter calabash there is a person. beze=ta bayЕЎ-itt-e пЂїaп‚©-a Beze=Upon wound-Sg-F be.located-3SgMFocImpfv Bezi has a wound. The kind of possessive clauses that in many European languages would be translated with the verb вЂ�to haveвЂ™, is expressed by a вЂ�locativeвЂ™ construction Noun-Loc пЂїaп‚©- вЂ�to be locatedвЂ™. The possessor is the location and it is marked by the proper locative suffix. The possessed is the located element: loпЂї-ilo пѓЂaп‚єn-e meпЂї пЂїaп‚©-a ke cow.F-LocM breast-P how.many PronP be.located-3SgMFocImpfv How many breasts does a cow have? loпЂї-ilo пЂїaп‚єn-e salaпѓ° ke cow.F-LocM breast-P four пЂїaп‚©-a PronP be.located-3SgMFocImpfv A cow has four breasts. If the subject is modified a pronominal particle agreeing in gender with the subject must appear. See the following examples: gaan-t-e titta te baaЕЎare woman-Sg-F PronF.Prox1 PronF BaЕЎare.Poss This is BaЕЎareвЂ™s wife. пѓ«eng-e kaayu ke neck-P PronP.1SgPoss PronP My neck is big. [пѓ«amm-a] be.big-3SgMAdj 120 пЂїarr-e titta te qвЂ™awk-o kutta=nnay donkey-F PronF.Prox1 PronF man-M PronM.Prox1=Loc This donkey belongs to this man. пѓЂanпѓ«-e ketta=y water-P ke tsвЂ™eeggay PronP.Dist1=Fill PronP TsвЂ™eggay.Poss This water belongs to SвЂ™eggay. 4.5. The verbal sentence Verbal sentences have a verb as their predicate. Information on subject, aspect, mood and negation are indicated in the verbal form. A verb may constitute a sentence on its own. Lexical subject, object, adverbials, and nouns, noun phrases phrases and verbs in adverbial position may also appear as constituents. In a neutral sentence the subject takes the leftmost position, while the object precedes the verb. Adverbials appear between subject and object. Some adverbials, such as qвЂ™arra and qвЂ™arratte вЂ�beforeвЂ™, are characterised by their preverbal or initial postion (see 8.1.). A sentence may also include the sentence marker ka. In neutral sentences it appears in preverbal position. It may follow pragmatically marked elements (see 4.7.). 4.5.1. The subject The lexical subject may be represented by a simple or modified noun, a subject pronoun, a name or one of the pronominals based on a pronominal particle described in 5.5. Among these, only the definite pronominals cannot appear in subject position. The subject pronouns are mainly used for anaphoric or contrastive purposes. See an example of anaphoric use of the the third person singular masculine subject pronoun пЂїufo вЂ�heвЂ™, which in the example refers to the squirrel, i.e. garro: garr-o kulul-atte kiy-a nay squirrel-M guinea.fowl-LocF say-3SgMImpfv berk-o xaf-na rainy.season-M come-3SgMMainFut Cons granary-M eat-1PlConsB пЂїaanto waпЂїпЂї-e now пЂїufo ba Backgr door-o ЕѕiпЂї-onki ЕѕiпЂї-nini vegetables-P eat-1PlSubFut door-o ka qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi ki 3SgMSubj granary-M Sent time all ЕѕiпЂї-a Sent.3 eat-3SgMImpfv The squirrel said to the guinea fowl вЂ�When the rainy season comes we eat the (sorghum of the) granary. Now, letвЂ™s eat vegetablesвЂ™. He was always eating the (sorghum of the) granary. 121 See an example of contrast between пЂїano вЂ�IвЂ™ and пЂїato вЂ�you (sg)вЂ™ (the third person masculine form of the verb associated to пЂїato вЂ�you (sg)вЂ™ indicates that this subject is in focus (see 6.4.7.)): пЂїabb-a пЂїano пЂїint-aw-i=kka father.M-F 1SgSubj in.front.of-Incep-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent пЂїato пЂїint-aw-u kiy-i 2SgSubj in.front.of -Incep-3SgMFocConsA ЕЎamп‚є-o say-3SgMUnm child-M вЂ�Father, I do not go first, you go firstвЂ™ the child said. Below is an example of possessive pronominal in subject position: kaayu ka пѓ«al-i PronM.1SgPoss Sent give.birth-3SgMUnm Mine gave birth. In the example below, the subject пѓЂanпѓ«e (p) is used in order to express selective focus. The subject is in focus, as shown by its association to a third person masculine singular form rather then to a third person plural form: katt-e ka fire-F moo boп‚©-i bay-i yaaka Sent what kill-3SgMUnm say-3SgMUnm when пѓЂanпѓ«-e boп‚©-i water-P kill-3SgMFocUnm If someone sais вЂ�Who killed the fire?вЂ™ (the answer is) the water killed it. TsвЂ™amakko has only traces of the preverbal subject elements which are attested in the Dullay dialects. They are the first person n and the third person i. Both of them occur in preverbal position. However, the marker n is attached to the verb, while the marker i attaches to the case clitic ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™, the adverbial пЂїasa вЂ�soвЂ™, and the sentence marker ka when these occur in preverbal position. It replaces the final a of these elements. Both subject markers are used irregularly. See examples: qвЂ™awk-o=nu daal-te n=deeпѓ°-i man-M=from goat-F 1=give-1SgUnm I gave a goat to the man. luqвЂ™a ka gellekworra n=gay-ni LuqвЂ™a Sent day.before.yesterday 1-arrive-1PlUnm We arrived in Luqa the day before yesterday. ЕЎaпѓЂalk-o=yay gaabay-a=mi zey-i older.brother-M=with market-F=to/in.3 go-3SgMUnm He went to the market with the brother. 122 пЂїato maanп‚©-o raw-i kulil-atte 2SgMSubj sorghum-M finish-3SgMUnm guinea.fowl-LocF пЂїas-i kiy-i so-3 say-3SgMUnm вЂ�You finished the sorghumвЂ™, so he said to the guinea fowl. max-x-e xumп‚є-i ki bead-Pl-P all.Attr lass-i Sent.3 sell-3SgMUnm He sold all the beads. 4.5.2. The object Objects represented by modified nouns, names and object pronouns are normally followed by the sentence marker ka. The sentence marker appears cliticised to the pronouns. See the following examples: mann-issa ka n-garis-i house-DistF/P Sent 1-build-1SgUnm I have built that house. bulo ka Bulo n-tsвЂ™ib-i Sent 1-wash-1SgUnm I washed Bulo. пЂїufo пЂїee=ka tamaris-a 3SgMSubj 1Sg=Obj teach-3SgMImpfv He is teaching me. This marker cannot be considered an object marker because it appears irregularly after simple nouns and may follow elements covering other syntactic roles. It is ultimately analysed as a sentence marker. A discussion on the presence of the sentence marker after an object is found in 4.7. 4.5.3. Noun phrases in adverbial position The syntactic role of noun phrases in adverbial position is marked by case clitics. These clitics follow and determine the noun phrase. All the case clitics have the shape CV except for the comitative =yay. The final y may be connected to the semantically empty clitic =y which is characterised by irregular behaviour. This clitic does not appear if the comitative clitic follows an object pronoun (see 22.214.171.124. and 5.4.). The clitic =ma has an influence on the tonal structure of the noun it follows: High tone takes position on the final syllable of the noun and all preceding syllables take low tone. Moreover, the initial vowel of the marked noun is lenghthened. In our transcription the clitics are separated from the noun phrase by the equal sign =. See a list of case clitics and examples: 123 From To/Into With Upon =nu =ma =yay =ta qвЂ™ГЎwko=nu qвЂ™awkГі=ma qвЂ™ГЎwko=yay qвЂ™ГЎwko=ta from the man towards the man with the man upon the man The role of the case clitic =ta is described in the section on locative adverbials (see 4.5.5.). 126.96.36.199. =nu (вЂ�fromвЂ™) The case clitic =nu indicates directed events. Its exact interpretation depends from the context. The clitic has two basic functions. With movement verbs, =nu expresses an ablative action (вЂ�fromвЂ™). In this case, the element marked by =nu is always inanimate. In other contexts, =nu is used as a marker of affectedness of the element by the action (вЂ�for, concerningвЂ™). These elements are normally animate, but this is not obligatorily the case. In addition to these two basic functions, some metaphorical extensions occur, such as the use of =nu in order to mark the base in a comparative clause. The clitic is glossed вЂ�fromвЂ™ for practical reasons and because the gloss recalls one of the possible meanings emerging from the interpretation of the clitic. Therefore, this label is not meant to indicate the final value of the clitic. Non-movement verbs In a non-movement context, the entity modified by =nu is the element affected by the action. Example with beze=nu вЂ�from BezeвЂ™ and Р‘ooЕЎ вЂ�to wipe, shaveвЂ™ пЂїano beze=nu gaz-o пЂїooЕЎ-i 1SgSubj Beze=from hair-M shave-3.Sg.Unm I have shaved Beze. Example withР‘abba kaayu=nu вЂ�for my fatherвЂ™ and qodas вЂ�to ploughвЂ™ baЕЎare пЂїabba kaayu=nu paЕЎ-o BaЕЎare father PronM.1SgMPoss=from field-M qвЂ™od-as-i plough-Caus1-3SgMUnm BaЕЎare ploughed the field to the benefit of my father. Example with boвЂ«Щ‰вЂ¬olko=nu вЂ�for the kingвЂ™ and cвЂ™ox вЂ�to milkвЂ™ boп‚©ol-k-o=nu qвЂ™ol-e cвЂ™ox-inпѓ«a king-Sg-M=from cattle-P milk-PlurImpB Milk the cattle on behalf of the king! Example with maare=nu вЂ�for the heifersвЂ™ and dayy вЂ�to getвЂ™ maar-e=nu пѓЂaЕЎ-k-o dayy-e heifer-P=from grass-Sg-M get-3PlUnm 124 They got grass for the female calves. In the examples below, extracted from folktales, the beneficiary is a personified animal: Example with garro=nu вЂ�for the squirrelвЂ™ and kubb вЂ�to pour grainsвЂ™ booraпѓ°-o kubb-i garr-o=nu seeds-M pour.grains-3SgMUnm squirrel-M=from He put the the seeds (in the cup) for the squirrel. Example with Р‘arrafko=nu вЂ�for the elephantвЂ™ and goЕЎ вЂ�to tend cattleвЂ™ garr-o пЂїarraf-k-o=nu leпЂї-e goЕЎ-i squirrel-M elephant-Sg-M=from cows-P tend-3SgMUnm The squirrel tended cattle for the elephant. In one attested case the action is to the detriment of the marked element. In the example below, also extracted from a folktale, the omitted subject, which in the story is the squirrel, acts in order to create the condition to accuse the guinea fowl. The action of placing his faeces by the guinea fowl goes to the detriment of the guinea fowl (see the text вЂ�The Squirrel and the Guinea fowlвЂ™). Example with kulile=nu вЂ�to the Guinea fowlвЂ™ and saqвЂ™ вЂ�placeвЂ™ cвЂ™aqвЂ™-e kuusu ka kulile=nu saqвЂ™-o faeces PronP.3SgMPoss Sent guinea.fowl=from place-3SgMConsB He placed his faeces to the guinea fowl. If the case clitic =nu modifies a human and the non-movement verb indicates projection, =nu marks a recipient or receiver. See examples with the verbs ЕЎeeп‚© вЂ�to bringвЂ™ deeпѓ° вЂ�to giveвЂ™, and gaaпѓ° вЂ�to tellвЂ™, gassaпѓ« вЂ�to askвЂ™, mur вЂ�to payвЂ™. Example with gaante=nu вЂ�to the womanвЂ™ and ЕЎeeвЂ«вЂ� Щ‰вЂ¬bringвЂ™ laabl-e gaan-t-e=nu ЕЎeeп‚©-i cloth-F woman-Sg-F=from bring-1SgUnm I brought the cloth to the woman. Example with Р‘inanko kaayu takka=nu вЂ�to my small boyвЂ™and deeбў вЂ�giveвЂ™ пЂїinank-o kaayu takk-a=nu ka boy-M PronM.1SgPoss be.small-3SgAdj=from Sent n=deeпѓ°-i 1=give-1SgUnm I gave it to my small boy. Example with qвЂ™awko=nu вЂ�to the manвЂ™ and gaaбў вЂ�tellвЂ™ wor-e qвЂ™awk-o=nu gaaпѓ°-i news-F man-M=from tell-3SgMUnm 125 He told the news to the man. Example with qawko=nu вЂ�to the manвЂ™ and gassaХЅ вЂ�askвЂ™ qвЂ™awk-o=nu gassaпѓ«-i man-M=from ask-3SgMUnm He asked the man. Example with qawko=nu вЂ�to the manвЂ™ and mur вЂ�payвЂ™ qвЂ™awk-o=nu mur-i man-M=from pay-3SgMUnm He paid the man. Since the verb qвЂ™abaпЂї вЂ�to hearвЂ™ indicates projection towards the subject, in the sentences with this verb =nu is ablative: пЂїatunпѓ«e=kka пЂїabb-ay-o=nu 2PlSubj=Sent qвЂ™abaпЂї-te=kka father-Sg-M=from hear-2PlNonPstNeg=Sent You do not listen to your father. When =nu marks an inanimate, this entity may appear as the final result of the action. This is shows by the following example. In the first one the people assemble and cut (the wood) in order to build the house wall, korkoro, which is marked by =nu: Example with korkoro=nu вЂ�for the house wallвЂ™ and пЂїergaпѓ« вЂ�to assembleвЂ™ korkor-o=nu gor-e пЂїergaпѓ«-e qвЂ™etsвЂ™-inki house.wall-M=from people-P assemble-3PlUnm cut-3PlConsA The people assembled and cut (wood) for (building) the wall of the house. In the second example, the sentence asserts that the root is necessary in order to produce the marked element, i.e. пѓ«eeЕЎo вЂ�medicinesвЂ™: Example with ХЅeeЕЎo=nu вЂ�for the medicineвЂ™ and geУ™as вЂ�to be necessaryвЂ™ пѓ«eeЕЎ-o=nu пѓ°ezz-itt-e geпѓЂas-a medicine-M=from root-Sg-F be.necessary-3SgMFocImpfv The root is necessary for (making) medicines. Verbs of movement and inanimates If the verb expresses movement, the marked element is always inanimate It marks the location from which the subject creates distance. Examples of verbs of movement are xaf вЂ�comeвЂ™ and kol вЂ�returnвЂ™. When associated to an element marked by =nu, this element indicates the origin of the movement: 126 Example with manne Beze=nu вЂ�from BezeвЂ™s houseвЂ™ and xaf вЂ�comeвЂ™ mann-e beze=nu xaf-i house-P Beze=from come-1SgUnm I came from BezeвЂ™s house. Example with Jinka=nu вЂ�from JinkaвЂ™ and kol вЂ�returnвЂ™ Еѕinka=nu kol-i Jinka=from return-1SgUnm I returned from Jinka. The fact that these verbs can be associated to a destination, marked by the clitic =ma вЂ�toвЂ™, proves that the interpreted meaning вЂ�fromвЂ™ is not inherent in the verbs. Example with LuuqвЂ™a=ma вЂ�to LuqaвЂ™ and xaf вЂ�comeвЂ™ tsвЂ™eggay LuuqвЂ™a=ma xaf-i TsвЂ™eggay LuqвЂ™a=ma come-3SgMUnm TsвЂ™eggay came to Luqa. Example with Addis Ababa=ma вЂ�to Addis AbabaвЂ™ and kol вЂ�returnвЂ™ Addis Ababa=ma kol-i nay tsвЂ™eggay=ta Addis Ababa=to/in return-3SgMUnm Backgr tsвЂ™eggay=upon bay-i=nay say-3SgMUnm=Backgr When he returned to Addis Ababa he said to TsвЂ™eggayвЂ¦ In consideration of this use of =nu with inanimates, the noun phrase mann-e Beeze вЂ�BezeвЂ™s houseвЂ™ contained in the following sentence might represent not the origin of the movement but the entity the subject works for. mann-e beeze=nu house-P or xaf-i Beze.Poss=from come-1Sg.M.Prf I came from BezeвЂ™s house. I came for (working on) BezeвЂ™s house. An animate never appears as the location from which the movement is realised. A sentence such as вЂ�he came from the manвЂ™ demands the general locative case suffix -ilo after вЂ�manвЂ™ (see. A head marked by =nu unequivocally represents an origin if the verb implicitly indicates motion вЂ�fromвЂ™. See below the example with the verb Еѕug вЂ�take outвЂ™: 127 Example with mann-e=nu вЂ�from the houseвЂ™ and Еѕug вЂ�take outвЂ™ пЂїano billay-k-o mann-e=nu Еѕug-i 1SgSubj knife-Sg-M house-P=from take.out-1SgUnm I took out the knife from the house. Comparative context The clitic =nu indicates the base in a comparative sentence. The other element of the comparison is the subject of a stative, adjectival or middle verb. It can also be the subject of a nominal sentence: baqвЂ™qвЂ™ala miЕЎa=nu qвЂ™arra ki BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala MiЕЎa=from before пѓ«al-aпѓ«-i Sent.3 give.birth-Mid-3SgMUnm BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala was born before MiЕЎa. mann-e kaayu house-P пѓ«amm-a mann-e kaako=nu ke PronP.1SgPoss house-P PronP.2SgPoss=from PronP be.big-3SgMFocAdj My house is bigger than your house. luqвЂ™a qвЂ™eyпЂїafer=nu пѓ«efo LuqвЂ™a QГ¤y AfГ¤r=from close LuqвЂ™a is close to QГ¤y AfГ¤r. 188.8.131.52. =ma (вЂ�to/inвЂ™) The case clitics =ma has two basic meanings: Movement towards and bounded space. Movement towards Example with maanne=ma вЂ�towards the houseвЂ™ and zow вЂ�to goвЂ™ пЂїufo maann-e=ma zow-i 3SgMSubj house-P=to/in go-3SgMUnm He went home. Example with dalissa kaysa=ma вЂ�towards those goatsвЂ™ and sor вЂ�to runвЂ™ dal-issa kaysa=ma sor goat.DistM/P there=to/in run.SgImpA Run towards those goats! Bounded space Example with бўaalte=ma вЂ�in the calabashвЂ™ and У™aqвЂ™ вЂ�to be leftвЂ™ saan-k-o takk-a пѓ°aalt-e=ma пѓЂaqвЂ™-i meat-Sg-M be.small-3SgMAdj calabash-F=to/in be.left-3SgMUnm Some meat was left in the calabash. Example with kuttonko=ma вЂ�to the mountainвЂ™ and kaХЅХЅ вЂ�to descendвЂ™ qвЂ™aw-k-o kuutton-k-o=ma kaпѓ«пѓ«-a 128 man-Sg-M mountain-Sg-M=to/in descend-3SgMImpfv A man is going down the mountain. Example with Р‘akko=ma вЂ�at the wild animalвЂ™ and вЂ«Щ‰вЂ¬abaХЅ вЂ�to takeвЂ™ qвЂ™aw-a пЂїaakk-o=ma п‚©abaпѓ«-a rifle-F wild.animal-M=to/in take-PlImpA Aim the rifles at the animal! When it follows a verbal nouns, the clitic =ma indicates a prolonged activity. пЂїooпѓ«пѓ«-o=ma nagay-i walking-M=to/in spend.the.day-1SgUnm I spent the day walking. 184.108.40.206. =yay (вЂ�withвЂ™) The case clitic =yay means вЂ�withвЂ™. The marked element is interpreted as comitative or instrumental. comitative Example with ЕЎaУ™alko=yay вЂ�with the brotherвЂ™ and zow вЂ�to goвЂ™ ЕЎaпѓЂal-k-o=yay gaabay-a=ma zey-i brother-Sg-M=with market-F=to/In go-3SgUnm He went to the market with his brother. Instrumental Example with Р‘Г¬rgГЎУ™ГІ=yay вЂ�with the axeвЂ™ and qвЂ™aqвЂ™ вЂ�to cutвЂ™ пЂїГ¬rgГЎпѓЂ-ГІ =yay gaar-ko n=qвЂ™aqвЂ™-i axe-M=with tree-M 1=cut-1SgUnm I cut a tree with the axe. пѓ°ez-itt-e boytakk-ilo=yay moo goпѓ«пѓ«-ini root-Sg-F boytakko-LocM=with what do-1SgSubFut What will I do with the root of the boytakko tree? Animates can be interpreted as comitative or instrumental elements. In the example below the cows, leпЂїe, accompany the subject: leпЂї-e=yay kaпЂїпЂї-i cows-P=with stand up-3SgMUnm He left with the cows. In the following example, extracted from a folktale, the subject uses the hyena gudurko to bury someone (it is the squirrel, who ties together the tails of the hyena and the corpse of the lion and makes the hyena run up to the lionвЂ™s grave): 129 gudur-k-o=yay may-u hyena-Sg-M=with bury-3SgMConsA He buried him using the hyena. 220.127.116.11. The semantically empty clitic =y The clitic =y is an ill-understood element. It is glossed вЂ�FillвЂ™ because it fills the space left empty by a case clitics in the context of the pronominals described in 5.5. and sub-sections. In the example below it follows the demonstrative kitta in the nouns phrase пѓ«alle kitta вЂ�these childrenвЂ™: пѓ«all-e kitta=y baamb-a=ma zow children-P PronP.Prox1=Fill pump-F=to/in go.SgImpA Go to the pump with these children! The final element of the comitative clitic =yay may be connected to this semantically empty clitic (see 18.104.22.168.). Note that the comitative clitic shows no final y after pronouns, but it may also appear as =yay when it attaches to the locative postposition na (see 4.5.4.). The clitic =y may also be detected in nay, which is an alternative form of the sentence backgrounder na and the homophonous locative pronoun (see 4.6. and 5.6.). The semantically empty clitic is not glossed when it appears in yay and nay. 4.5.4. Locative adverbials: the clitic =ta and the postposition na Simple nouns in locative adverbial position are marked by a nominal gender suffix. Modified nouns, pronouns, names and interrogatives in adverbial positions are marked by the clitic =ta вЂ�uponвЂ™ or may be followed by the locative postposition na. Elements referring to animates appear as possessors. See examples of sentences with locative adverbials marked by the clitic =ta: qвЂ™aw-a dootte пЂїaп‚©-a mann-e kaayu=ta house-P PronP.1SgPoss=upon rifle one.F be.located-3SgMImpfv In my house there is a rifle. mago=ta qвЂ™ane salaпѓ° raf-inki Mago.park=upon day.F four sleep-3PlConsA They slept for four days in the Mago park. beze=ta пЂїayra lГЎkkГ пЂїaп‚©-a Beze=upon peer.friend.M two be.located-3SgMImpfv Beze has two peer friends. пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ=ta ki bayЕЎ-itt-e пЂїaп‚©-ti пѓ°aark-ilo who=upon Sent.3 wound-Sg-F be.located-3SgFUnm hand-LocM Who has a wound on his hand? 130 The postposition na may appear as nay or may be followed by the clitic =ta вЂ�uponвЂ™. Under the shape nay it may cliticise and geminate its initial consonant. In the following examples the postposition follows nouns marked by the locative suffixes or the clitic =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™: warЕѕ-e ЕѕaпѓЂпѓЂar-k-ilo na пѓ°ull-iti spear-F rectum-Sg-LocM Loc enter-3SgFUnm The spear entered there, in the rectum. kiirrin-k-o=ma na пѓ«abb-iti tail-Sg-M=to/in Loc cling-3SgFUnm She clung there, on the tail. пЂїita deemitte=ma na п‚єull-iti kinn-e ear.of.cattle-F away middle=to/in Loc jump-3SgFUnm The ear of the cattle jumped to the middle. In the following examples na marks the interrogative element пЂїakka вЂ�whereвЂ™: пЂїakka na baпЂїпЂїay-ini? where Loc carry-1SgSubFut Where shall I carry it? gaar-ko пЂїakka na qвЂ™etsвЂ™-i tree-M where пЂїar-i=kka Loc cut-1SgUnm know-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent I do not know how to cut wood. With the verb deeпѓ° вЂ�giveвЂ™ the pronoun na is interpreted as a dative marker, following the interrogative word пЂїaпѓ°пѓ°a вЂ�who?вЂ™: warЕѕ-e пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ spear-F who na deeпѓ°-ti пЂїallo? Loc give-2SgUnm Allo To whom did you give the spear, Allo? na appears as nay (or =nnay) after noun phrases with a locative noun or a locative name as modifier. In most of the cases the modifiers appears as a possessor. пѓЂanпѓ«-e пЂїaka katt-e bГ¬y-ГЁ qвЂ™awk-ilo nay worпѓ°ank-o water-P and fire-F land-F man-LocM Loc war-M cвЂ™ib-e pierce-3PlUnm Water and fire started a war in the manвЂ™s land. 131 gaar-k-o bilbilk-ilo nay maпѓЂk-o пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ tree-Sg-M Bilbilko-LocM Loc name-M who What is the name of the tree of the Bilbilko clan? mann-e pawlos baart-e пЂїaka mann-e sвЂ™eggay nay house-P Pawlos hut-F and house-P SвЂ™eggay Loc ЕЎaark-ilo middle-LocM PawlosвЂ™ house is between the hut and SвЂ™eggayвЂ™s house. mann-e tsвЂ™eggay mann-e pawlos nay duk-ilo house-P tsвЂ™eggay house-P Pawlos Loc back-LocM TsвЂ™eggayвЂ™s house is behind PawlosвЂ™ house. zan-o mann-e beze пЂїaka пЂїallo=nnay ЕЎaark-ilo road-M house-P Beze and Allo=Loc middle-LocM The road is between the house of Bezi and Allo. qвЂ™awk-o-se saabank-ilo=nnay maпѓЂk-o na=ta gosingoп‚є-o man-M-Def1 parallel.field-LocM=Loc name-M Loc=Loc chameleon-M The name of the person of the parallel field is chameleon. nay may also follow other kinds of noun phrases. In the first of the following examples, the modifier is a demonstrative. In the second one it is the proximal demonstrative/vocative tonal morpheme: пЂїarr-e titta te qвЂ™awk-o kutta=nnay donkey-F F.this Fcon manM PronM.Prox1=Loc This donkey belongs to this man. пЂїottakk-o boп‚©-ni lГІпЂї-Гі=nnay cow.Prox/Voc.F-M=Loc cub-M kill-1SgSubFut I will kill the calf of this cow. na is followed by =ta вЂ�uponвЂ™ when it refers to a relational noun or a simple noun followed by the sentence marker ka. See examples: bork-ilo gid-atte na=ta max-xe belly-LocM interior-LocF Loc=Loc calabash-P In her belly there were calabashes. naпЂїa ka na=ta muduпѓЂпѓЂo na пѓ°aпѓ«пѓ«-i ba baby Sent Loc=Loc pointed iron Loc add-3SgFConsA Cons loqвЂ™-i swallow-3SgFConsA She inserted the pointed iron into the baby and swallowed him . 132 In the following example na=ta looks like a partitive marker: dookko na=ta one.M ko пЂїekke zigam-a Loc=Loc PronM very tall-3SgMAdj One of them is very tall. The particle na in isolation may also function as time backgrounding marker. This function can be considered a metaphorical extension of its locative meaning. The background elements provide information about the time setting of the main action. Time information backgrounded by na is provided by an advebial noun phrase. See the following three examples: Example with samminte paann-atte вЂ�week afterвЂ™ and na samminte paann-atte na Еѕinka n=zow-ni week footprint-LocF Loc Jinka 1=go-1Sg SubFut Next week I will go to Jinka. Example with gize tetta вЂ�that timeвЂ™ and na gize tetta=nna garo bГ¬y-ГЁ taani=ma tsвЂ™eggaye time PronF.Dist1=Loc side land-F PronF.1PlPoss=to/in TsвЂ™eggaye salaпѓ° ki kol-i four Sent.3 return-1SgUnm Since that time SвЂ™eggaye came back three times to our land. Example with gellenko qaratta вЂ�three days agoвЂ™ and nay gellenko qвЂ™aratte=nnay Еѕiinka=ma n=zow-i three.days before=Loc Jinka=to/in 1=go-3SgMUnm Three days ago I went to Jinka. Sentences are backgrounded by the homonymous conjunction na, which is described in the following section (4.6.). The postposition na is found as part of adverbial words. See some examples below. See 8.1. For details on the adverbials: пЂїassanna pann-atte so.Loc ba пЂїufunпѓ«e xumп‚єi пѓЂakkaпѓ«-e footprint-LocF 3PlSubj пѓЂar-e пѓЂug-e all sit-3PlUnm Cons coffee-F drink.3PlUnm After that (moment),all of them sat down and drank coffee. пЂїise пѓ«al-ti yaaka пЂїaysana gar-o 2SgFSubj give.birth-3SgFUnm when пЂїinank-o=yay kol-u boy-M=with then.Loc side-M return-3SgMCons When she gives birth then he will come back here with the boy. 133 пѓ°ayna beze=ta bayЕЎ-itt-e пЂїaп‚©-a here.Loc Bez2=upon wound-Sg-F be.located-3SgMImpfv Bezi has a wound here. пЂїanto пѓ°ayna now пЂїaп‚©-i here.Loc be.located-3SgMUnm Now I live here. пЂїaysana liп‚©-ti=kka fromthere.Loc go.out-2SgMNonPstNeg=Sent You will not go out from there. 4.6. Sentence conjunctions There is no morphological marking of subordination. Relatives may be joined by the pronominal particles, as shown in 4.5. Two sentences may be joined by ba, yaaka and na. These conjunctions normally appear between the two sentences, however, ba and na can also follow the subject of the second sentence. When they follow the verb these two conjunctions may appear with geminated initial consonant. In this case they are cliticised to the verb. na often attracts the empty clitic =y. One of the two adjoined sentences, most often the subordinate one, contains the sentence marker ka in preverbal position. The sentence marker does not appear in relatives. The verbs following ba express the consequence of what is described in the preceding sentence. For this reason, the conjunction is glossed вЂ�ConsвЂ™. In most of the cases the verb following ba is in the Consecutive form (cf. 5.6). See example: пѓЂanпѓ«-ete liп‚©-ti ba gaama=ma water-LocP get.out-3SgMUnm Cons shore=to/in пѓЂakkaпѓ«-i sit.down-3SgFConsA He got out the water and sat on the shore. The adjunct yaaka in most of the cases links two sentences, the first of which describes the temporal or conditional setting of the following one. See examples: пЂїano ka n-booпѓ°-i yaaka maanп‚©-o 1SgSubj Sent 1-sow-1SgUnm when If I sow may the sorghum grow. пЂїato ka ЕѕiпЂї-пЂї-o gaпЂїпЂї-a 2SgSubj Foc food-M ЕѕiпЂїпЂї-anki=kka eat-1PlPstNeg=Sent п‚©oh-a sorghum-M grow-3SgMJuss yaaka prepare-3SgMPstNeg when 134 If you did not prepare food we would not eat. пЂїerr-o ki пѓ«ib-i yaaka makin-a rain-M Sent.3 rain-3SgMUnm when car-F zaarb-iti=kka pass-3SgFNonPstNeg=Sent If the rain falls the cars do not pass. The sentences preceding na in most of the cases provide scope or background: gor-e пѓ«amm-a ke ki mann-e tsвЂ™eeggay=ma people-P PronP be.many-3SgM Sent.3 house-P пЂїogoy-a na rabbaЕЎ-e TsвЂ™eggay.Poss= to/in goпѓ«пѓ«-e come-3SgMImpfv Background disturbing-F do-3PlUnm or Many people go to SвЂ™eggayвЂ™s house and disturb. Many people go to SвЂ™eggayвЂ™s house in order to disturb. makina=yay xaf-fa=nnay car.F=with leonЕЎina=yay come-3SgM.NegPst=Backgr bus.F=with xaf-i come-3SgMUnm or He did not come by car and be came by bus. He did not come by car, but by bus. na has backgrounding function. It indicates the temporal, conditional or circumstantial setting of the following sentence. Examples of temporal setting пЂїano qвЂ™awk-o daпЂїad-a 1SgSubj man-M nay wait-1SgImpfv Backgr while I was waiting for the manвЂ¦ bolп‚©-om-i nay become.king-Pass-3SgMUnm Backgr having become kingвЂ¦ пЂїawne bГ¬y-ГЁ goon-ti lukkal-itto ka chicken-M na Sent evening land-F get dark-3SgFUnm Backgr zaqвЂ™-anki slaughter-1PlImpfv When it became dark in the evening, we slaughtered a cock. naa=ma kalikk-o пѓ°aпѓ«пѓ«-i booпѓ°-i nay sow-1SgUnm Backgr Loc=Dir sun-M add-3SgMUnm 135 While I was sowing the sun went down. пЂїine ЕѕiпЂї-пЂї-o ЕѕiпЂї-ni 1PlSubj food-M na ka пЂїatunпѓ«e xaf-te eat-1PlUnm Backgr Sent youPl come-2PlUnm You came after we ate. gabay-a пЂїogoy-na na qвЂ™eyпЂїafer=ma zow-ni market-F come-3SgMMainFut Backgr QвЂ™Г¤y AfГ¤r=to/in go-1SgSubFut When the market (day) comes I will go to QГ¤y AfГ¤r. kup bay-iti kup nay garaпѓЂ-t-e na=ta п‚єoпЂї-ti say-3SgFUnm Loc belly-Sg-F Loc=Loc blast-3SgFUnm She bent and her belly blasted. Examples of circumstantial setting пЂїerr-o-se пѓ«ib-i na kaпЂїпЂї-iti dor-o rain-M-Def1 rain-3SgMUnm Backgr stand up-2SgUnm granary-M bod-na dig-1PlJuss Since it is raining, get up and letвЂ™s collect some grains from the granary. bГ¬y-ГЁ wor-aпѓ«пѓ«-ite na xoris-i=kka na land-F forest-P-LocP Loc snore-3SgMNonPstNeg=Sent Backgr qвЂ™aw-kutta xoris-a kunп‚©a? man-PronM.Prox1 snore-3SgMImpfv M PronM.which Nobody snores in the forest, so who is this man who is snoring? koleпЂїaka tiir-a again nay kotta na par-i run-3SgMImpfv Backgr PronM.Dist1 Loc die-3SgMUnm This one run again and died there. Examples of conditional setting пЂїakka пЂїato пЂїogoy-inti where ka пЂїar-ni nay 2SgSubj come-2SgSubFut Sent know-1SgSubFut Backgr parЕЎ-e ku=nnu gonn-anki beer-F 2SgM=Dat brew-1Pl-MFut If I had known you came we would have prepared beer for you. qвЂ™aru qвЂ™aw-a ЕЎeeп‚©-i side rifle-F nay gasar-k-o ka bring-1SgUnm Backgr buffalo-Sg-M Sent raпЂї-na shoot-1PlImpfv If I had brought a rifle we would have shot the buffalo. пЂїise пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ=ma пѓЂakkat-ti nay galla na=ta 2SgFSubj skin.mat-M=to/in sit-3SgFUnm Backgr down Loc=Loc 136 xoxon-k-o пЂїaп‚©-a hole-Sg-M be.located-3SgMImpfv She sat on the leather mat. Below it there was a hole. na often follows the verbs bay or kay, both meaning вЂ�to sayвЂ™. The first one introduces or closes direct speech, while the second one is found only at the beginning of direct speech: Example of bay вЂ�to sayвЂ™ after direct speech пЂїano saan-k-o ЕѕiпЂї-ni bay-i nay 1SgSubj meat-Sg-M eat-1SgSubFut say-1SgUnm Backgr I said: вЂ�I will eat meatвЂ™. Example of bay вЂ�to sayвЂ™ before direct speech bay-i nay garr-o moo koo say-3Sg.Unm Backgr squirrel-M what 2SgM.Obj day-i get-3SgMUnm He said: вЂ�Squirrel, what happened to you?вЂ™ Example of kay вЂ�to sayвЂ™ before direct speech пЂїato kay-a nay пЂїerr-o пѓ«ib-na ba 2SgSubj say-3SgImpfv Backgr rain-M rain-3SgMMainFut Cons dor-o ЕѕiпЂї-onki granary eat-3PlConsB You said: вЂ�When it rains we will eat the (grains of the) granaryвЂ™. 4.7. The sentence marker ka The sentence marker ka may follow a topicalised sentence constituent. The third person subject i may attach to ka, which appears as ki. In the example below, the topicalised element is the object: liqвЂ™amber-a gor-e ka chief.M-F buskaп‚є-i people Sent gather.Caus-3SgMUnm The chief brought the people together. maax-x-e xumп‚єi ki bead-Pl-P all lass-i Sent.3 sell-3SgMUnm He sold all the beads. tsвЂ™eggay пѓЂaп‚єn-e TsвЂ™eggay пЂїingiy-atte ki ЕЎur-i breast.Pl-P mother-LocF Sent.3 suck-1SgUnm TsвЂ™eggay sucks the motherвЂ™s breast. 137 Here is an example of adverbial in sentence followed by ki: pawlos tsвЂ™eggay=nu qвЂ™arra ki Pawlos TsвЂ™eggay=from before Pawlos arrived before TsвЂ™eggay. xaf-i Sent.3 come-3SgMUnm 138 5. Pronouns 5.1. Pronoun series There are subject pronouns, object pronouns and pronominal particles. The subject pronouns are independent. The object pronouns also appear in isolation, but most often they attract the sentence marker ka (see 4.7.). This element is glossed вЂ�objвЂ™ when cliticised to an object pronoun. The pronominal particles represent and agree in gender with modified heads. They appear in isolation if the modification is expressed by a relative clause. They are also attested in sentences with stative verbs and in interrogative sentences. In most cases they are fused to modifying suffixes with which they form a group of pronominals (see 5.5). The object pronouns also occur in other syntactic functions. They play the roles of datives, directives, comitatives, and locatives. Each role is indicated by a case clitic, which is bound to the right of the pronoun. The case clitic =nu вЂ�fromвЂ™ follows the datives, the clitic =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™ follows the directives (but it also indicates bound location); the clitic =ya вЂ�withвЂ™ follows the comitatives; locatives are followed by the clitic =ta вЂ�uponвЂ™. Before a clitic, the object pronouns keep the shape they have in isolation. However, the datives show some phonological change (see 5.4.). The case clitics are also used to indicate noun phrases in adverbial position (see 4.5.3.). A series or personal elements to be mentioned here is the personal possessive suffixes. They form possessive pronominals with the pronominal particles and share structural similarities with the pronouns. Another pronominal element with a more limited application is the invariable third person locative pronoun na. It is treated in section 5.7. (see also 5.2). The subject and object pronouns are shown in table 19. The pronominal particles are shown in table 20. The personal possessive suffixes are shown in table 21. The tables are followed by some comments: 139 Table 19: The subject and object personal pronouns 1Sg 1Pl 2SgM 2SgF 2Pl 3SgM 3SgF 3Pl Subject пЂїano пЂїine пЂїato пЂїato пЂїatunпѓ«e пЂїufo пЂїise пЂїufunпѓ«e object пЂїee пЂїine koo kee kune пЂїufo пЂїise пЂїufunпѓ«e Table 20: The pronominal particles m f p ko/ku ke/ki te/ti Table 21: The personal possessive suffixes 1Sg 2SgM 2SgF 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl -aayu -aako -aaki -uusu -iisi -aani -aakunпѓ«e -uusunпѓ«e The Subject series is the only one that fails to distinguish gender in the second singular person. вЂў The Subject and Object series share the pronouns indicating the person external to the speech act. These are the third person pronouns пЂїufo (3SgM), пЂїise (3SgF) and пЂїufunпѓ«e (3P) (see 5.2.). вЂў The third persons Possessive suffixes are distinguished by an element s. Their possessive vocalic marker appears as ii in the 3SgF -iisi and uu in the 3SgM -uusu and 3Pl -uusunпѓ«e, which is a plural form derived from the 3SgM вЂ“uusu. The difference in the initial possessive marker is due to assimilation of aa to the final vowel of the third person Possessive suffixes. The assimilation is realised through s. The third feminine singular -iisi shows ii because of assimilation to the final vowel i, the third masculine singular -uusu show uu because of assimilation to the final vowel u. The 140 third person plural -uusunпѓ«e also shows uu because it is derived from the third person singular masculine by suffixation of -unпѓ«e. вЂў A second person marker k is shared by the Object pronouns and the Possessive suffixes. вЂў All pronominal series show the derivation of the second and third person plural pronouns from their singular masculine counterpart. The plural derivational marker is -unпѓ«e except for the second plural object pronoun, that shows вЂ“ne (kune). This pronoun is also exceptional because it is based on the dative form of the second person singular masculine object pronoun, i.e. ku. The singular and plural forms of the first persons are independent from each other. вЂў Masculine/feminine gender distinction can be expressed by vocalic alternation along the front/back parameter. It is the case of the second persons singular possesive suffixes -aaku (m) and -aaki (f) and the third persons singular possessive suffixes -uusu (m) and -iisi (f), where the alternation is masculine u /feminine i (the initial long vowels are assimilated to the gender markers). Another case is the difference between the second person masculine object pronoun koo and the second person feminine object pronoun kee, which show an alternation masculine oo/feminine ee. The shape of the final vocalic element of some other pronouns is reminiscent of the nominal gender suffixes -o (masculine), -e (feminine and plural). The plural pronouns end in e, the third person masculine Subject pronoun пЂїufo ends in o, the third person feminine Subject pronoun пЂїise ends in e. 5.2. The third person pronouns The use of the third person pronouns is limited to human referents. However, the reference to human third persons may also be made by means of the generic locative pronoun na (see 5.6.). This pronoun is not used as subject or object. It may appear in place of the third person object pronoun in dative position before the clitic =nnu, in directive position before the clitic =ma, in comitative position before the clitic =ya, and in locative position before the clitic =ta. Among the forms of na, those indicative of dative and directive function, respectively nu=nnu/ni=nnu and naa=ma, are the most used for human reference. This is particularly true for the indication of the masculine and feminine singular persons. The dative nu=nnu/ni=nnu seems to be taking over the role played by the object third person pronouns in dative position. This form is structurally exceptional because it contains a masculine or feminine vowel gender marker: u (masculine and plural) or i (feminine). These vocalic elements appear directly before the clitic =nnu and replace the final vowel a of na. Therefore there are two dative forms for the third person locative pronouns: nu=nnu (m and p) and ni=nnu (f). The use of na for comitative feminine and plural human third person is not attested. 141 The following examples show the use of the third person pronouns. The sentences with the pronouns in dative, directive, comitative and locative positions are compared with sentences showing the third person locative pronoun na in the relevant position: Example with 3SgM in Subject function пЂїufo mann-e garis-i 3SgMSubj house-P build-3SgMUnm He built a house. Example with 3SgF in object function (in isolation) пЂїusk-akk-o пЂїise boп‚©-i dirt-Sg-M 3SgF.Obj kill-3SgMUnm The dirt killed her. Example with 3SgF in object function (bound to =ka) пЂїise=ka п‚©eeпѓЂ-i 3SgF=Obj want-1SgUnm I want her. Example with 3SgM in dative function пЂїufo=nu gaaпѓ°-oy 3SgM=Dat tell-3SgMConsB and he told himвЂ¦ Compare with nu=nnu in the following example: nu=nnu layb-e rakk-i LocM/P=Dat cloth-F hang-3SgMUnm He hung the cloth for him. Example with 3SgF in dative function пЂїise=nu пѓЂanпѓ«-e ЕЎeeп‚©-e 3SgF=Dat water-P bring-3PlUnm They brought water to her. Compare with ni=nnu in the following example: ni=nnu xoxon-k-o qвЂ™od-onki LocF=Dat hole-Sg-M dig-3PlConsB ....and they dug a hole for her 142 Example with 3Pl in dative function пЂїufunпѓ«e=nu пѓ«eeЕЎ-o bitam-i 3Pl=Dat medicine-M buy-3SgMUnm He bought medicines for them. Compare with nu=nnu in the following example: пЂїalle пЂїaaka baЕЎare zey-inki Alle and nu=nnu ba maanп‚©-o Bashare go-3PlUnm Cons sorghum-M пЂїiпЂїas-u LocM/P=Dat show=3SgMConsA Alle and Bashare went and he showed the sorghum to them. Example with 3SgM in directive/bound locative function пЂїufo=ma пЂїogoy-i 3SgM=Dir come-3SgMUnm He arrived to him. Compare with naa=ma in the following example: gaarro=ma gerпѓЂ-int-e naa=ma пѓЂarmat-ti squirrel=to/in steal-Nom-F Loc=Dir appear-3SgFUnm The squirrel was clearly guilty of stealing. (litt: вЂ�The stealing appeared on him, on the squirrelвЂ™.) Example with 3SgF in directive/bound locative function gaar-k-o пЂїise=ma biпѓЂ-i tree-Sg-M 3SgF=Dir fall-3SgMUnm A tree fell on her. Compare with naa=ma in the following example: gaan-t-e bolп‚©om-i tannu gor-e woman-Sg-F become.king-3SgMUnm then wuyyamesaпѓ«-anki ki make.call-3PlImpfv ki waпЂїko people.P Sent-3 god naa=ma пЂїacc-anki Sent-3 Loc=Dir go-3PlImpfv A woman became king and then the people who wanted to communicate with God were going to her. Example with 3SgPl in directive/bound locative function ЕЎukuy-i ba пЂїufunпѓ«e=ma sor-u be.scared-3SgM Cons 3Pl=Dir run-3SgMConsA He got scared and ran to them. Compare with naa=ma in the following example: 143 naa=ma zey-i Loc=Dir go-3SgMUnm He went to them. Example with 3Pl in comitative function пЂїufo=ya nassan-na 3SgM=Com rest-1SgMainFut I will rest with him. Compare with naa=ma in the following example: saar-k-o naпЂїa=kka, soпЂїakko=kka na=ya chief-Sg-M alone=Sent magician=Sent пЂїaп‚©-i Loc=with be.located-3SgMUnm The chief is not alone, the magician is with him. Example with 3SgF in comitative function пЂїise=ya nassan-na 3SgM=Com rest-1SgMainFut I will rest with her. Example with 3Pl in comitative function пЂїufunпѓ«e=ya biif-i 3Pl=Com have.a.meal-3SgMUnm He ate with them. Example with 3SgM in locative function пЂїufo=ta пЂїarпѓ«-o baпЂїate 3SgM=Loc ox-M there.is.not He does not have a ox. (Litt: вЂ�A ox is not by him.вЂ™) Compare with na=ta in the following example: nu=nnu ki leпЂї-e goЕЎ-a ba na=ta LocM/P=Dat Sent-3 cows-P tend-3SgMImpfv Cons Loc=Loc galla ki пЂїaп‚©-a down Sent-3 be.located-3SgMImpfv He was tending the cows for him and was living by him. Example with 3SgF in locative function пЂїise=ta kiy-i 3SgF=Loc say-3SgMUnm He said to her. Compare with na=ta in the following example: 144 na=ta kiy-i Loc=Loc say-3SgMUnm He said to her. Example with 3Pl in locative function пЂїinank-o пЂїufunпѓ«e=ta buпѓЂaпѓ«-i boy-M 3Pl=Loc get sick-3SgMUnm Their boy got sick. (Litt: вЂ�The boy got sick to them.вЂ™) Compare with na=ta in the following example: пЂїeed-aпѓ«пѓ«e zigg-umma пЂїayyakko пЂїaп‚©-a friend-Pl tall-3PlAdj dookko na=ta one.M many be.located-3SgImpfv пЂїekke zigam-a ko Loc=Loc PronM very tall-3SgMAdj I have many tall friends. One of them (litt: in them) in very tall. 5.3. The subject pronouns See some examples of sentences showing the Subject pronouns: пЂїano soqвЂ™-o п‚©oпѓ«пѓ«-i 1SgSubj salt-M add-1SgUnm I added salt. пЂїato ЕЎitte пѓ«al-ti 2SgSubj girl.F give.birth-2SgFUnm You gave birth to a girl. пЂїatunпѓ«e qвЂ™awk-o ЕЎukuyaЕЎ-te 2PlSubj man-M scare-2PlUnm You (p) scared the man. The grammatical subject pronouns are facultative in a sentence. Sentences without subject pronoun, or without an explicit subject, are correct. The following examples show the same sentences with and without subject pronouns: пЂїano пЂїГ¬rgГЎпѓЂ-ГІ =ka пѓ«eek-i 1SgSubj axe-M=Sent sharpen-1SgUnm I have sharpened the axe. пЂїГ¬rgГЎпѓЂ-ГІ =ka пѓ«eek-i axe-M=Sent sharpen-1SgUnm I have sharpened the axe. 145 пЂїato пЂїine=ya nassan-nay 2SgSubj 1Pl=Com rest-2SgMainFut You will rest with us. пЂїine=ya nassan-nay 1Pl=Com rest-2SgMainFut You will rest with us. пЂїufo ЕЎukuy-i ba kee=ma sor-u 3SgSubj be.scared-3SgMUnm Cons 2SgF=Dir run-3SgMConsA He got scared and run towards you. ЕЎukuy-i ba kee=ma sor-u be.scared-3SgMUnm Cons 2SgF=Dir run-3SgMConsA He got scared and run towards you. пЂїufunпѓ«e luqвЂ™a=ma gellekworra gay-e 3PlSubj Luqa=to/in day.before arrive-3PlUnm The day before yesterday they arrived in Luqa. luqвЂ™a=ma gellekworra gay-e Luqa=to/in day.before arrive-2PlUnm The day before yesterday they arrived in Luqa. The subject pronouns contribute to pragmatic interpretation. For example, they appear to stress a contrast with another subject or to focus on a selected subject. In the following sentence, extracted form the folktale вЂ�The squirrel and the korkiЕЎa get marriedвЂ™, the first person singular subject pronoun пЂїano, referring to the squirrel, appears to stress a contrast with the korkiЕЎa, which is the subject of the previous Imperative verb п‚©abb-a, вЂ�take!вЂ™: naпЂї-a п‚©abb-a=bba baby-F take-SgImpB=Cons пЂїinda пЂїano Excl zow-na ba 1SgSubj go-1SgMainFut na=ta gassaпѓ«-a=y Cons Loc=Loc ask-1Sg ConsA=Fill Take the baby. I will go and ask him. The following sentence, extracted from the folktale вЂ�The squirrel and the guinea fowlвЂ™, shows another example of this contrast. The third person singular subject pronoun пЂїise, is used to stress the reference to the guinea fowl in opposition the subject of the previous sentence, i.e. garro вЂ�squirrelвЂ™: 146 garr-o bukkis-aпѓ«пѓ«-e boqвЂ™qвЂ™-o squirrel-M den-P-Pl пЂїise koпЂїu katt-e naa=ma stop.hole-3SgMConsB fire-F Loc=Dir gidatte riir-ay light-3SgMCons 3SgFSubj inside shout-3SgFImpfv The squirrel stopped the dens and lighted fire in them. She was screaming inside. From the same folktale has been extracted a sentence showing the selective pragmatic property of the subject pronouns. The second person subject pronouns пЂїato is used to select the participant that is accused to have eaten the grains: door-o ЕѕiпЂїaпѓ«-i granary-M be.eaten-3SgMUnm пЂїato door-o ЕѕiпЂї-ti kulul-e bay-ti 2SgSubj granary-M eat-2SgUnm guinea.fowl-F say-3SgFUnm garr-ulo squirrel-LocM The grains of the silo were eaten. вЂ�You ate the grains of the siloвЂ™ said the guinea fowl to the squirrel. The first persons can be optionally indexed on the verb with the proclitic n= (m= before bilabial) with no further pronominal indication of the subject. The first personal proclitic is a relic of the preverbal person markers that still function in the other Dullay dialects (Amborn, Minker and Sasse 1982, Hayward 1989). Examples: Еѕinka=ma n=zey-i Jinka=to/in 1=go-1SgUnm I went to Jinka. qвЂ™ayna ka m=bayy-ini tomorrow Sent 1=start-1SgSubFut I will start tomorrow. dal-a пЂїaka n=dayy-inini newborn.calf-F where 1=get-1PlSubFut Where will we get a newborn calf? boп‚©ol-t-e ka mala m=bas-inini queen-Sg-F Sent how 1=do-1PlSubFut What shall we do with the queen? 5.4. The object pronouns A single pronominal series is used in object, comitative, directive, locative and dative position. 147 In order to mark their role as dative, the object pronouns take the dative clitic =nu/=nnu. This clitic is =nnu after the object pronouns of first person singular (1Sg), first person plural (1Pl), second person singular masculine (2SgM) and second person singular feminine (2SgF). TsвЂ™amakko is exceptional in the Dullay context in using =nu or =nnu according to the person. The other Dullay dialects described by Amborn, Minkel and Sasse (1982) show only nu for the whole dative series. However, they report the free alternation nu~nnu of the ablative clitic attached to the noun phrase. In the context of a noun phrase, also in TsвЂ™amakko the clitic nu can be interpreted as indicator of ablative function (see 22.214.171.124.), but no gemination of initial n is attested. The dative forms of the object pronouns of first person singular (1Sg), first person plural (1Pl), second person singular masculine (2SgM) and second person singular feminine (2SgF) are affected by morphologically conditioned changes. These changes can be accounted for as the effect of the cliticisation of =nnu. Two kinds of processes occur. One is haplology and affects the first person plural пЂїine. The dative from of this pronoun is пЂїi=nnu, and not the expected *пЂїine=nnu. The other process is vowel shortening and raising and affects the first person singular пЂїee, the second person singular masculine koo and the second person singular feminine kee. The result is that the long mid front vowel ee of the first person singular and the second person singular feminine becomes i; the long mid back vowel oo which appears in the second person singular masculine becomes u. Therefore the objects pronouns пЂїee (1Sg), kee (2SgF) and koo (2SfM) in dative position appear respectively пЂїi=nnu, ki=nnu and ku=nnu. With the cliticisation of =nnu the vocalic elements of the pronouns пЂїee, koo and kee are located in a closed syllable. This position conditions their short and raised realisation, which remains invariable if any other clitic is attached. See below the syllabification of the word made up of the object pronouns in question and =nnu: Table 22: Syllabification of 1Sg, 2SgM and 2SgF dative pronouns 1Sg 2SgM 2SgF *пЂїee=nnu *koo=nnu *kee=nnu *пЂїeen.nu *koon.nu *keen.nu пЂїin.nu kun.nu kin.nu When they appear bound to any other clitic, all of which have a CV structure, the vocalic elements of these pronouns are found in open syllable and no shortening and raising occurs. See below the syllabification of the words made up of the object pronouns in question and the directive clitic =ma, which is taken as representative of the CV clitics: 148 Table 23: Syllabification of 1Sg, 2SgM and 2SgF directive pronouns 1Sg пЂїee=ma пЂїee.ma 2SgM koo=ma koo.ma 2SgF kee=ma kee.ma The change affecting пЂїine in dative position, is also due to the contact with =nnu. The clitic causes the haplology of the final syllable ne. The reduction process can be exemplified as follows: Table 24: Haplology in 1Pl dative pronoun 1Pl regular form пЂїine Cliticisation of =nnu *пЂїine=nnu Reduction пЂїi=nnu Even though they are the outcome of two different processes, the dative forms of the first singular and first plural object pronouns are identical, i.e. пЂїinnu. Paradigmatic levelling is likely to have played a role in achieving a situation in which one form expresses first person singular and the first person plural object pronouns. See the column вЂ�dativesвЂ™ in table 25. This table contains the paradigms of the object pronouns in isolation and as complement of the case clitics (see 4.5.3. For a description of the semantic properties of the case clitics): Table 25: Full paradigms of the object pronouns in all possible syntactic functions 1Sg 2SgM 2SgF 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Object in isolation пЂїee koo kee пЂїufo пЂїise пЂїine kune пЂїufunпѓ«e Object =ka пЂїee=ka koo=ka kee=ka пЂїufo=ka пЂїise=ka пЂїine=ka kune=ka пЂїufunпѓ«e=ka Datives =nu/=nnu пЂїi=nnu ku=nnu ki=nnu пЂїufo=nu пЂїise=nu пЂїi=nnu kune=nu пЂїufunпѓ«e=nu 1Sg 2SgM 2SgF 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Comitative =ya пЂїee=ya koo=ya kee=ya пЂїufo=ya пЂїise=ya пЂїine=ya kune=ya пЂїufunпѓ«e=ya Directive =ma пЂїee=ma koo=ma kee=ma пЂїufo=ma пЂїise=ma пЂїine=ma kune=ma пЂїufunпѓ«e=ma Locative =ta пЂїee=ta koo=ta kee=ta пЂїufo=ta пЂїise=ta пЂїine=ta kune= ta пЂїufunпѓ«e=ta 149 The Comitative clitic does not take the semantically empty clitic =y (see 4.5.3. and 126.96.36.199.). See below an example with the modified noun ЕЎaпѓЂal-k-uusu followed by =yay: gabaya=ma ЕЎaпѓЂal-k-uusu=yay ki zey-i market.F=to/in brother-Sg-3SgMPoss=with Sent-3 go-3SgMUnm He went to the market with his brother. See some examples of the object pronoun: Example in object position (in isolation) пЂїoЕЎonk-o пЂїee boп‚©-i coldness-M 1Sg.Obj kill-3SgMUnm The dirt killed me. Example in object position (=ka) пЂїoЕЎonk-o пЂїee=ka boп‚©-i coldness-M 1Sg=Obj kill-3SgMUnm The dirt killed me. Example in dative position (=nu) пЂїi=nnu wak-i 1Sg=Dat speak-3SgMUnm He spoke to me. пѓЂarпѓ«o ki=nnu ox.M laaп‚©-i 2SgF=Dat turn-1SgUnm I returned to ox to you (f). Examples in comitative position (=ya) koo=ya nassan-n-a 2SgMSg=Com rest-MFut-1Sg I will rest with you. Examples in directive position (=ma) gaar-k-o kune=ma biпѓЂ-i tree-Sg-M 2Pl=Dir fall-3SgMUnm The tree fell towards you (p). Examples in locative position (bound to =ta) luп‚є-п‚є-e пЂїee=ta lГЎkkГ foot-Pl-P 1Sg=Loc two I have two legs (litt: two legs are on me). 5.5. The pronominal particles The main function of the pronominal particles ko (m), te (f), and ke (p) and ku (m), ti (f), and ki (p) is to replace or refer to modified head nouns. These 150 particles agree in gender with the head they represent. They are used obligatorily in certain kinds of noun phrases and appear sporadically in relative clauses. These particles also have resumptive function (see 4.3.). The pronominal particles are obligatory whenever the modification is expressed by possessive suffixes, demonstrative suffixes, definite suffixes, the вЂ�differentвЂ™ suffix, the вЂ�which?вЂ™ suffix and the вЂ�whose?вЂ™ suffix. Pronominal particles and suffixed modifiers form pronominal words in which the pronominal particles are the stem and indicate the relation with the head noun. These pronominals are classified as definites, demonstratives, вЂ�differentвЂ™ -pronominals, вЂ�whichвЂ™ -pronominals, possessives, and вЂ�whoseвЂ™-pronominals. The particles appear optionally when the modifier is a relative clause. They are not used with nominal modifiers such as attributive nouns, adjectives, numerals and possessive nouns followed by the locative case suffix. These particles can take head, predicative and modifying position in most of the syntactic contexts in which they appear. The exceptions are indicated in the following sub-sections. When the pronominal particles are in modifying positions they refer to the head noun. No other head noun is expressed if the particles act as head or predicate. The two sets of pronominal particles are semantically and syntactically the same, but differ in the way they are distributed. Each set is associated to certain kinds of modifiers. Only the demonstrative suffix -tta appears with both sets, but with two different meanings. Besides being used in isolation in genitive noun phrases and relative clauses, the pronominal particles ko (m), te (f), and ke (p) combine with the definite suffixes -пЂїa, -s(s)a and -sse in the formation of the definite pronominals and with вЂ“tta in the formation of Distal demonstratives. The pronominal particles of set ku (m), ti (f), and ki (p) form Proximal demonstrative pronominals with the suffixes вЂ“tta, вЂ“si, and combine with the вЂ�differentвЂ™ suffix -п‚єa, and the вЂ�which?вЂ™ suffix -nпѓ«a. Moreover, the masculine particle ku is attested in few examples with the Distal nominal suffix вЂ“ssa in the formation of a rarely used Distal demonstrative. When the modification is represented by a relative clause the pronominal particles appear in isolation as relativisers. Only the ko (m), te (f), and ke (p) set is used, while ku (m), ti (f) and ki (p) are never attested as independent words. It is not possible to establish which pronominal particles appear with possessives and вЂ�whoseвЂ™-pronominals. This is because the vowel of the particles is deleted before vowel initial suffixes, such as the possessive suffixes and the вЂ�whoseвЂ™ suffix. See examples: 151 Example with kuusu (ko + -uusu вЂ�hisвЂ™) пѓЂarпѓ«-o kuusu ox.M-M PronM.1SgPoss my ox Example with kaбўбўa (ko + -aбўбўa вЂ�whoseвЂ™) пѓЂarпѓ«-o kutta kaпѓ°пѓ°a=y ox.M-M PronM.Prox1 PronM.whose=Fill Whose ox is this? In fast speech, the pronominal particles may appear bound directly to the noun if the possessives and the demonstratives with -tta are suffixed to head nouns ending in ko, te or ke. See examples: Example with ЕЎaУ™al-k-o (m) вЂ�brotherвЂ™ and kuusu вЂ�hisвЂ™ gabay-a=ma ЕЎaпѓЂal-kuusu=yay ki zey-i market-F=to/in brother-PronM.3SgMPoss=with Sent3 go-3SgMUnm He goes to the market with his brother. Example with Р‘alaw-t-e (f) вЂ�sisterвЂ™ and taayu вЂ�myвЂ™ пЂїalaw-taayu ka n=kaпЂїпЂїis-i sister-PronF.1SgPoss Sent 1=let.get.up-1SgUnm I woke up my sister. Example with bukkis-att-e (f) вЂ�denвЂ™ and taayu вЂ�myвЂ™ bukkis-at-taayu den-Sg-PronF.1SgPoss my den Example with gaaбў-k-o (m) вЂ�stoneвЂ™ and kotta вЂ�that (m)вЂ™ zow ba gaaпѓ°-kotta ka п‚©abb-a go.SgImpA Cons stone-PronM.Dist1 Sent take-SgImpB Go and take that stone. Example with gaan-t-e (f) вЂ�womanвЂ™ and tetta вЂ�that (f)вЂ™ gaan-tetta paЕЎ-o boox-aпѓ«-ay woman-PronF.Dist1 field-M sow-Mid-3SgFImpfv That woman is sowing the field. Example with qвЂ™aw-ko (m) вЂ�womanвЂ™ and kutta вЂ�this (m)вЂ™ qвЂ™aw-kutta max-x-e bitman-ni kiy-i Man-PronM.Prox1 bead-Pl-P buy-3SgMSubFut say-3SgMUnm This man said, вЂ�I will buy beadsвЂ™. Example with qвЂ™om-ayke (p) вЂ�shoesвЂ™ and kitta вЂ�this (p)вЂ™ qвЂ™om-ay-kitta 152 shoe-Pl-PronP.Prox1 these shoes 5.5.1. Definites In a definite phrase the pronominal particles combine with three kinds of definite markers: -пЂїa, -(s)sa, and вЂ“sse. These suffixes only appear attached to a pronominal particle. The first suffix is related to a spatial adverbial element пЂїa (see 8.1.). The definite suffix вЂ“sa (or вЂ“ssa) is probably related to the nominal Distal demonstrative suffix вЂ“ssa (see 3.8.). The pronominal definite suffix -sse is connected with the nominal definite suffix -se (see 3.10). The three series of definite pronominals resulting from the association of the definite suffixes with the pronominal particles are used for anaphoric and referential purposes. They do not differ in use and meaning. There is a strange difference from the point of view of the relation with case clitics. The suffixes -пЂїa and -(s)sa are always followed either by a case clitic or by the semantically empty clitic =y. The suffix вЂ“sse is never followed by a clitic. This means that when the definite noun phrase is modified by a case clitic, the suffix вЂ“sse is not used. The definites with вЂ“sse have the specific function to mark a head noun modified by a locative noun or a relative clause (see 3.7., 4.1.4. and 4.2.). The definites are only used in modification. They are not attested in head and predicative positions. This happens because a definite head noun must be expressed. If the head noun is understood, a demonstrative pronoun would be used. See the table 24 of definites below: Table 26: The definites m koпЂїa f teпЂїa p keпЂїa kosa ~ kossa tesa ~ tessa kesa ~kessa kosse tesse kesse See examples of definites with -пЂїa suffix: qвЂ™awk-o koпЂїa=y man.M-M PronM.Def1=Fill the man пЂїomп‚є-o koпЂїa=ka garr-o ЕѕiпѓЂ-a пЂїomп‚єo tree-M PronM.Def1=Obj squirrel-M eat-3SgMImpfv fug-am-u fill-Pass-3SgMConsA He filled himself eating (the fruits of) the Р‘omХ»o tree. 153 qвЂ™awk-o koпЂїa=kka wuyyi man.M-M PronM.Def1=Sent call.SgImpA Call also the man. gaan-te teпЂїa=y man.F-F PronF.Def1=Fill the woman wars-a teпЂїa=ka kibir-ni warsa-dance.F PronF.Def1=Obj dance-1PlUnm We danced the warsa dance. gur-a laaп‚©-anki, gura-dance.F turn-1PlImpfv gura teпЂїa=kka kibir-anki gura-dance PronF.Def1=Sent dance-1PlImpfv We started the gura dance and danced also the gura dance. gaan-t-e teпЂїa=nnu ЕЎeeп‚©-a woman-Sg-F PronF.Def1=from bring.SgImpB Bring it to the woman. gor-e keпЂїa=y people-P PronP.Def1=Fill the people пЂїomп‚є-aпѓ«пѓ«e keпЂїa=kka пЂїomп‚єo-tree-P PronP.Def1=Sent Also the omХ»o trees. gor-e keпЂїa=mma zow people.P-P PronP.Def1=to/in go-SgImpA Go to the people. See examples of definites with вЂ“s(s)a suffix: paЕЎ-o kosa=y garr-ulo пЂїawЕЎ-a=kka field-M PronM.Def3=Fill squirrel-LocM ripen-3SgMPstNeg=Sent The field of the squirrel did not produce. salliss-o kosa=kka zeпѓ° kibir-u sallisso-dance-M PronM.Def3=Sent three dance-3SgMConsA boп‚©-u kill-3SgMConsA He danced the sallisso dance three times and finished it. 154 wars-a tesa=kka kibir-anki warsa-dance-F PronF.Def3=Sent dance-1PlImpfv We danced the warsa dance. пЂїawЕЎ-e manп‚©-aпѓ«пѓ«e kessa=y sorghum-P PronP.Def2=Fill ripen-3PlUnm The sorgum ripened. See examples of definites with -sse suffix: qвЂ™awko kosse man.M paЕЎ-o=ma zey-i PronM.Def3 field-M=to/in go-3SgMUnm The man went to the field. пЂїise tesse gor-e 2SgFSubj PronF.Def3 people-P ЕѕiпЂї-ti eat-3SgFUnm She eats people. ЕЎaw-w-e kesse qвЂ™arra Еѕag-i beehive-Pl-P PronP.Def3 before insert-3SgMUnm first, he put the beehives inside. 5.5.2. Demonstratives The pronominal particles combine with the demonstrative suffixes вЂ“tta, -si and -ssa in the formation of demonstrative pronominals. The first suffix is reminiscent of the case clitic =ta вЂ�uponвЂ™. The suffix -si is probably related to the nominal definite suffix -se and the pronominal definite suffix -sse. The suffix -ssa is related to the Distal demonstrative suffixes -ussa (m) and -issa (f/p), which are used in noun modification, and to the definite element вЂ“ssa which is part of a pronominal definite (see 3.8. and 5.5.1.). Both sets of pronominal particles appear with the suffix вЂ“tta. The resulting suffixes have opposite meaning: kutta, titta and kitta are Proximal demonstratives; kotta, tetta and ketta are Distal demonstratives. The suffix вЂ“si forms with ku, ti and ki a second set of Proximal demonstratives. A rarely attested Distal demonstrative suffix is kussa. It is made up of the masculine pronominal particle ku and the nominal Distal demonstrative suffix -ssa. The demonstratives are mainly used in pointing, but they may also have anaphoric and referential function. In pointing to close elements, the Proximal demonstratives kutta, titta and kitta are preferred to the Proximal demonstratives kusi, tisi and kisi. In pointing to far elements, the Distal demonstratives kotta, tetta and ketta are much more widely used than the Distal demonstrative kussa. A head noun modified for Distal demonstrative is more commonly followed by the suffixes вЂ“ussa (m) or -issa (f/p) rather than by Distal demonstrative pronominals. 155 The demonstratives can take modifying, head and predicate position, but there are some exceptions. The Distal series kotta, tetta and ketta is rare in predicate position, while the Distal kussa is only attested as a head. See the table 27 of demonstratives: Table 27: The demonstratives m f p Proximal kutta titta kitta Proximal kusi tisi kisi Distal kotta tetta ketta Distal kussa ------- Examples of Proximal demonstratives kutta, titta and kitta. Modifying position laпѓЂ-akko kutta=ka field-M qвЂ™od-as-i PronM.Prox1=Obj dig-Caus-3SgMUnm He ploughed this field. пѓ°aalt-e titta=y cup-F te takk-ay PronF.Prox1=Fill PronF be.small-3SgFAdj This cup is small. пѓЂanпѓ«-e kitta=y water-P k-uusu PronP.Prox1=Fill PronP-3SgMPoss This cup is small. Head position kutta maaxx-e bitam-i PronM.Prox1 beads-P buy-3SgMUnm This one buys beads. kutta=y пЂїorgo=nu ki xaf-i PronM.Prox1=Fill banna=from Sent-3 come-3SgMUnm This one comes from Banna. Predicate position пѓ°ez-itte te root-F garn-ay titta PronF be.useful-3SgFMainFut PronF.Prox1 The useful root is this one. Examples of Proximal demonstrative kusi, tisi and kisi. 156 Modifying position qвЂ™awk-o kusi=kka man-M max-xe bitam-i PronM.Prox2=Sent bead-P buy-3SgMUnm Also this man bought beads. gor-e kisi people.P-P PronP.Prox2 these people. Head position kusi пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ PronM.Prox2 who пЂїano kusi PronM.Prox2 1SgSubj Who is this? This is me. tisi пЂїee=ta пЂїaafaпѓ«-e PronF.Prox2 1Sg=Loc dinner-F This is my dinner. Examples of Distal demonstratives kotta, tetta and ketta. Modifying position bolt-e tetta=kka garaпѓЂ-t-e=ma biпѓЂ-ti drop-F PronF.Dist1=Sent belly-Sg-F=to/in fall-3SgFUnm That drop fell on the belly. пЂїombot-ann-e ketta ka xumп‚єi raaw-i bucket.for.milk-Pl-P PronP.Dist1 Sent all finish-3SgMUnm He finished all those buckets of milk. Head position kotta пЂїol-a ЕѕiпѓЂ-a PronM.Dist1 thing-F eat.3SgMImpfv That one is eating something. пѓ°otol-ay buпѓЂпѓЂaпѓ«-i kiy-ti=ba tetta be.sick-1SgUnm say-3SgFUnm=and PronF.Dist1 shiver-3SgFImpfv She said вЂ�I am sickвЂ™ and she (litt.: that one) was shivering. Predicate position maakk-e garr-ilo tale-P пЂїaaka maakk-e gubal-atte squirrel-LocM and tale-P rabbit-LocF ketta=y PronP.Dist1=Fill That was the tale of the squirrel and the rabbit. The Distal demonstrative kussa is only attested in the following examples. The second one is strange because it shows two Distal demonstratives: 157 kussa mo? PronM.Dist2 what What is that? kussa kotta ka пЂїano пЂїar-a PronM.Dist2 PronM.Dist1 Sent 1SgSubj know-1SgMImpfv I know that one. 5.5.3. Possessives The possessives consist of pronominal particles and possessive suffixes (see 4.1.4.). The following table shows them in combination with the masculine, feminine and plural pronominal particles: Table 28: The possessives 1Sg 2SgM 2SgF 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl m kaayu kaako kaaki kuusu kiisi kaani kaakunпѓ«e kuusunпѓ«e f taayu taako taaki tuusu tiisi taani taakunпѓ«e tuusunпѓ«e p kaayu kaako kaaki kuusu kiisi kaani kaakunпѓ«e kuusunпѓ«e See examples of possessives: Modifying position пѓЂarпѓ«-o kaayu ox-M пѓ«amm-a PronM.1SgPoss be.big-3SgMAdj My ox is big. daal-t-e taakunпѓ«e par-ti goat-Sg-F PronF.2PlPoss die-3SgFUnm Your (P) goat died. luп‚є-п‚єe kaaki feet-P xinaw-anki PronP.2SgFPoss stink-3PlImpfv Your (f) feet stink Head position kaayu ka пѓ«al-i PronM.1SgPoss Sent give.birth-3SgMUnm Mine gave birth (referred to a ox. Extracted from the folktale вЂ�The Squirrel and the RabbitвЂ™). 158 Predicative position ЕѕiпЂї-o kutta пЂїayid-i=nu kaayu food-M PronM.Prox1 PronM.1SgPoss be.Sub-3SgM=from deeпѓ°-i=kka give-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent Since this food is mine, I do not give it. In the following example, the first person possessive pronoun, taako вЂ�yourвЂ™, is in modifying position, while the second one, taayu вЂ�myвЂ™ is in predicative position (for the use of te before Adjectival verbs see 5.5.7.): loпЂї-o taako п‚©umm-ay te cow-F PronF.2SgMPoss PronF be.black-3SgFAdj taayu te biпѓЂ-ay PronF.1SgPoss PronF be.white-3SgFAdj Your cow is black, mine is white. 5.5.4. вЂ�whose?вЂ™-pronominals In the вЂ�whose?вЂ™ interrogative phrase the pronominal particles are used in connection to the suffix -aпѓ°пѓ°a вЂ�whose?вЂ™. This suffix is clearly related to the interrogative word пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ вЂ�who?вЂ™ (see 8.3.). The вЂ�whose?вЂ™ pronominal series are shown in the following table: Table 29: The вЂ�whose?вЂ™-pronominals m f p kaпѓ°пѓ°a taпѓ°пѓ°a kaпѓ°пѓ°a The вЂ�whoseвЂ™ pronominals only occur in modifying position. The semantically empty clitic =y must follow the вЂ�whoseвЂ™-pronoun if no other clitic or particle appears. In the first of the examples below, the вЂ�whose?вЂ™ pronoun is followed by the sentence marker =kka. In the other examples, in the absence of another clitic, this place is occupied by =y. Note that the вЂ�whoseвЂ™-pronominals take the last position in a series of modifiers. See examples of вЂ�whoseвЂ™-pronominals: пЂїingiy-e taпѓ°пѓ°a=kka haЕЎ haЕЎ пЂїasa sukkam-nay mother-F PronF.whose=Sent haЕЎ xaЕЎ so roll down-3SgFMainFut Whose mother will roll down making the sound of leaves? пѓЂarпѓ«-o kutta ox-M kaпѓ°пѓ°a=y PronM.Prox1 PronM.whose=Fill Whose ox is this one? 159 loпЂї-o-se biпѓЂ-ay cow.F-M-Def be.white-3SgFAdj PronF.whose=Fill taпѓ°пѓ°a=y Whose is the white cow? mann-e kitta house-P kaпѓ°пѓ°a=y PronP.Prox1 PronP-whose=Fill Whose house is this one? 5.5.5. вЂ�which one?вЂ™-pronominals The pronominal particles combine with the interrogative element -nпѓ«a. The result is a series of pronominals meaning вЂ�which one?вЂ™. Like the вЂ�whoseвЂ™ pronominal, these interrogative words only appear as part of the modification and take the last position in a series of modifiers. The вЂ�which oneвЂ™- pronominals are shown in the following table: Table 30: The вЂ�which one?вЂ™-pronominals m f p kunпѓ«a tinпѓ«a kinпѓ«a See examples of вЂ�which one?вЂ™ pronominals: qвЂ™awk-o kunпѓ«a? man-M PronM.Mwhich Which man? qвЂ™aw-kutta xoris-a kunпѓ«a? man-PronM.Prox1 snore-3SgMImpfv PronM.which Which one is the man who is snoring? пѓ°ez-itte tinпѓ«a root-F ki garn-a PronF.which Sent-3 be.useful-3SgMImpfv Which root is useful? gor-e kinпѓ«a ki xaf-i people-P PronP.which Sent-3 come-3SgMUnm Which people came? 5.5.6. вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals The вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals are made up of the pronominal particle and the suffix -п‚єa вЂ�differentвЂ™. Within the relevant nouns phrase these pronominals take modifying and head positions. See in table 31 the вЂ�differentвЂ™pronominals: 160 Table 31: The вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals m f p kuп‚єa tiп‚єa kiп‚єa These pronominals are always followed by a clitic. See examples of вЂ�differentвЂ™-pronominals: Modifying position qвЂ™awk-o kuп‚єa=y man-M PronM.Diff=Fill a different man gaan-t-e tiп‚єa=y woman-Sg-F PronF-Diff=Fill a different woman gor-e kiп‚єa=y kibir-ko ka boп‚©-e people-P PronP.Diff=Fill dance-M Sent kill-3PlUnm Other people ended the dancing. Head position kiп‚єa ka bitam-i=kka PronP.Diff Sent buy-3SgMNonPstNeg=Sent I do not buy different ones. 5.5.7. The pronominal particles and the relative clause The pronominal particles could be taken to be relative pronouns, but we analyse them parallel to the same particles in other situations of noun phrase internal modification. They may modify or replace the head of subject relative clauses, incorporating the relativiser, or may refer to the head in subject and object relative clauses. Their use and distribution in relative clauses is described in 4.2. 5.5.8. The pronominal particles in sentences with stative verbs Sentences formed by stative verbs may contain pronominal particles. The verb of the following examples, zoor вЂ�sweetвЂ™, is a stative verb which normally follows the imperfective inflection: pappaya likke papaya.F muz-atte gura te exactly banana-LocF as zoor-ay PronF be.sweet-3SgFImpfv The papaya is as sweet as the banana. The following sentence shows the verb gaalпѓ«aw вЂ�be pregnantвЂ™ in Unmarked reduced subject focus form (see 6.4.7). See example: 161 пЂїine ke gaalпѓ«aw-i 1PlSubj PronP be.pregnant-3SgMFoc.Unm We are pregnant The adjectival verb qвЂ™ay- вЂ�be goodвЂ™ in the following sentence represents the stem of an Unmarked verb. пѓ°ez-itte gaark-ulo te root-F tree-LocM qвЂ™ay-ti PronF be.good-3SgFUnm The root of the tree is good. 5.5.9. The pronominal particles in interrogative sentences The pronominal particles optionally appear in interrogative sentences containing mala вЂ�how?вЂ™. See two examples with pronominal particles: parЕЎ-e gaan-te=nu beer-F пЂїaп‚©-ay deeпѓ°-ti te mala woman-F=from give-2SgUnm PronF how be.located-3SgFImpfv How is the beer you gave to the woman? пЂїinank-Гє na пѓ°alt-e deeпѓ°-ti ko mala boy-M.Prag Loc calabash cup-F give-2SgUnm PronM how How is the boy you gave the calabash cup to? The second example above is also attested without pronominal particle: пЂїinank-Гє na пѓ°alt-e deeпѓ°-ti mala boy-M.Prag Loc calabash cup-F give-2SgUnm how How is the boy you gave the calabash cup to? 5.6. The third person locative pronoun na (Loc) The third person locative pronoun na may appear in isolation with generic locative function or as complement of the clitics =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™=ya вЂ�withвЂ™, and =ta вЂ�uponвЂ™. It is also used as a third person dative pronoun; in this case it is bound to the dative clitic =nnu and the na changes to nu if it refers to a masculine or plural element or to ni if it refers to a feminine element. The masculine and plural locative pronoun in dative position appears as nunnu and the feminine one appears as ninnu. No *nannu is therefore attested. The elements u and i are masculine/feminine gender markers that play a certain role in the indication of gender in the pronominal series and the personal possessive suffixes (see 5.1.). The locative pronoun na is never followed by the sentence marker ka, which often follows pronouns playing the role of object (see 5.4.). When combined to =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™, the pronoun appears as naa. When bound to the locative pronoun, the clitic =ya вЂ�withвЂ™ may appear 162 as =yay, which is the shape of the comitative clitic after nominal phrase (see 188.8.131.52.). Table 32 shows the locative pronoun in connection to the clitics: Table 32: Locative pronoun with case clitics =ma =ya =ta =nu 3 masculine naa=ma na=ya(y) na=ta nu=nnu 3 feminine naa=ma na=ya(y) na=ta ni=nnu 3 plural naa=ma na=ya(y) na=ta nu=nnu The locative pronoun differs from the third person object pronoun in that it may refer to human as well as non-human entities, while the object pronouns are limited to human entities. Whenever the reference is to a human being, the cliticised forms of the locative pronoun na may appear instead of the third person object pronouns. In particular, the dative forms nu=nnu and ni=nnu in most of the attested cases replace the object third person pronouns followed by =nu (see 5.2.). 5.6.1. na in locative function The pronounn na has the function of a locative pronoun referring to a known or undetermined element. Since the pronoun appears before the verb, it may also be interpreted as a locative semantic extension of the verb. In the following sentence, na refers to a previously mentioned calabash: пЂїaxx-e na huccaпѓ«-u milk-P Loc pour-3SgConsA He poured milk in it. The locative element referred to by na in the sentence below is a rifle, which appears at the beginning of a preceding sentence: tsвЂ™iy-itt-e na пЂїaп‚©-a bullet-Sg-F Loc be.located-3SgImpfv There is a bullet. In the following example, the first na, after boota вЂ�placeвЂ™, refers to a previously mentioned truck, while the second na refers to the town in which the Subject had to remain: boota na baпЂї kiy-i ba na п‚©ay-onki place.F Loc there.is.not say-3Sg.Unm Cons Loc remain-1PlConsB He said that there was no place and we remained there. 163 See another example with reference to reedio вЂ�radioвЂ™: reedio пЂїekke woЕѕЕѕaпѓ«-inti radio.F very dingay qвЂ™awto na Еѕag-di work-3SgFSubFut battery.F new Loc insert-2SgUnm The radio will work better if you put new batteries in it. The referred location may be expressed by an adverbial phrase, such as пЂїula guddo вЂ�down thereвЂ™ in the following example: пЂїula guddo garm-o na kiy-i there down lion-M Loc say-3SgMUnm He said: there is a lion over there. The locative pronoun in locative function may be followed by the case clitic =ta. na=ta in the following example refers to a previously mentioned fire: пѓЂarпѓ«-o naпЂї-itt-o cвЂ™ib-a=bba ox-M na=ta Еѕag-a baby-Sg-M pierce-SgImpB=Cons Loc=Loc insert-SgImpB Kill a male calf and put it in it. Below are two more examples of na=ta in locative pronominal function: nu=nnu ki leпЂї-e goЕЎ-a ba na=ta LocM/P=from Sent-3 cow-P tend-3SgMImpfv Cons Loc=Loc galla ki пЂїaп‚©-a down Sent-3 be.located-3SgMImpfv He tended the cows for him and lived by him. bannad-ilo gaan-te na=ta beetle-LocM woman ki пЂїaп‚©-ay Loc=Loc Sent-3 be.located-3SgFImpfv The beetle used to have a wife. With the verb Еѕug вЂ�take outвЂ™ na=ta appears as an ablative pronoun. See example: пѓЂarпѓ«o zaqвЂ™-o ox slaughter-3SgMConsB ba mooro na=ta Cons fat Еѕug-u take out-3SgMConsA He slaughtered a ox and added the fat on it. Loc=Loc 164 With the verb bay- вЂ�sayвЂ™ na=ta appears as an object pronoun. See example: booпѓ°-nanki na=ta sow-1PlJuss bay-i Loc=Loc say-3SgMUnm He said to him, вЂ�letвЂ™s sow!вЂ™ 5.6.2. na as bound space and directive pronoun When used as bound space or directive pronoun, na is followed by the case clitic =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™ In the following example, naa=ma is a bound space pronoun referring to the holes: xoxm-e bod-o ba bal-inn-e naa=ma Еѕag-u holes-P dig-3SgMConsB Cons pole-Pl-P Loc=Dir insert-3SgMConsA He dug a hole and put the poles in it. Below is an example of naa=ma as directive pronoun. The referred entity is a female human: naa=ma пЂїacc-anki Loc=Dir go-3PlImpfv They go to her. 5.6.3. na as instrumental-comitative pronoun na is followed by the comitative case clitic =ya (or =yay) вЂ�withвЂ™ when it acts as an instrumental-comitative pronoun. See examples: qвЂ™awa ka=kka пЂїee=ta п‚©abb-u=bba pawlos rifle.F Sentj=Sent 1Sg=Loc take-3SgConsA=Cons Pawlos na=yay liп‚©-u Loc=Com turn-3SgConsA He took the rifle from me and turned towards Pawlos holding it. saark-o naпЂїa=kka, soпЂїakko=kka na=ya chief-M пЂїaп‚©-i alone=Sent magician=Sent Loc=Com be.located-3SgMUnm The chief is not alone, the magician is with him. qвЂ™awko пЂїi=nnu gaar-e qвЂ™etsвЂ™-na ba man me=from wood-P cut-3SgMMainFut Loc=Com mann-e na=yay Cons house-P п‚©eeпѓЂ-i gaпЂїпЂї-a ka prepare-1SgMJuss Sent want-1SgUnm I want someone to cut wood for me so that I will prepare the house with it. 165 5.6.4. na as dative pronoun The shape of the locative pronoun na in dative position is discussed in sections 5.1. and 5.6. See some examples below: Examples with nu=nnu titta=ka nu=nnu deeпѓ° this=Obj LocM/P=Dat giveImpSgA Give this to him! woЕѕЕѕa ka work пЂїato nu=nnu Sent 2SgSubj goпѓ«пѓ«-i LocM/P=Dat do.3SgMUnm 2SgMUnm You will do the work for him. Example with ni=nnu titta=ka ni=nnu deeпѓ° this=Obj LocF=Dat giveImpSgA Give this to her! 5.6.5. na without specific reference In the following example, the entity referred by na is uspecified. titta ka this na bitam-ni kiп‚єa ka Sent Loc buy-1SgSubFut PronM.different Sent bitam-i=kka buy-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent I will buy this one, I will not buy another one. cox-an-nanki пЂїaxx-e na milk-Mid-1PlMainFut biif-anki milk-P Loc have.a.meal-1PlImpfv LetвЂ™s milk and drink the milk as a meal. As shown by the following examples, when referring to an unspecified entity, the locative pronoun may be followed by =ma: daal-t-e dootte na пѓ°aпѓ«пѓ«-i goat-Sg-F one.F Loc add-1SgUnm I added one goat daal-t-e dootte naa=ma пѓ°aпѓ«пѓ«-i goat-Sg-F one.F I added one goat Loc=Dir add-1SgUnm 166 5.6.6. na as locative relative pronoun A specific function of the pronoun na is locative relative pronoun. If associated to the verb вЂ�to giveвЂ™ it has dative function. It can also be used as comitative relative pronoun followed by the clitic =ya вЂ�withвЂ™. When it refers to a bound location or a destination it is followed by the clitic =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™ or the clitic =ta. Its position in the relative sentence is after the noun phrase it recalls, but this is not always true. Example of na in relative locative function: пЂїawko [na пѓЂanпѓ«-e пѓЂugg-i]=ma=kka place Loc water-P xaf-o drink-3SgM=to/in=Sent come-3SgMConsB He came to the place where he was drinking the water. пЂїano пЂїawk-o [na 1SgSubj place-M gor-e garm-o boп‚©-e]=mma Loc people-P lion-M kill-3PlUnm=to/in n-zey-i 1-go-1SgUnm I went to the place where the people killed the lion. пЂїano bГ¬y-ГЁ [na пѓ«al-aпѓ«-i]=ma n-zow-ni 1SgSubj land-F Loc give.birth-Mid.1SgUnm=to/in 1-go-1SgSubFut I went to the place where I was born. Example of na in relative dative function: пЂїinank-o [na пѓ°alt-e deeпѓ°-ti] boy-M Loc cup-F mala? give-2SgUnm how How is the boy to whom you gave the calabash? Example with na=ya in relative comitative function: пЂїola [na=yay may-i] na ki daп‚є-i thing Loc=Com bury-3Sg Loc Sent-3 miss-3SgMUnm He missed something with which he could bury him. Example with naa=ma in relative bound locative function: пЂїawk-o [naa=ma mann-e gaпЂїпЂї-inini] ka garis-ini place 1PlSubFut Loc=Dir house-P prepare-1PSubFut Sent make- We will work on the place where we will prepare the house. In the following example, the locative pronoun, followed by the locative clitic =ta does not appear after the element it recalls. 167 Example of na=ta in relative locative function: пЂїayk-o-se boп‚©ol-k-o [na=ta пЂїaп‚©-i]=ma place-M-Def king-Sg-M Loc=Loc be.located-3SgMUnm=to/in ЕЎeeп‚©-onki bring-3PlConsB They brought it to the place in which the king lived. 168 6. Verb inflection 6.1. Verb root and stem The most common verb root structures are CVC- and CVCC-. Longer roots are less frequent and have the structure CVCVC- or CVCCVC-. Very few roots have a CVCCVCVC- structure. An example is пЂїardulum- вЂ�to raceвЂ™. In stem formation the verb root is immediately followed by one or more derivational suffixes. Stems can also be derived by gemination of the last root consonant or by reduplication of part of the root. Inflectional suffixes appear as the last element of a verb word. The distributional order of verb root and suffixes is summarised below: Verb stem-Derivational Suffixes-Inflectional Suffix 6.2. Inflectional categories The expression of inflectional categories in TsвЂ™amakko verbs is exclusively suffixal. The inflectional verbal suffixes are portemanteau morphemes conveying grammatical information on the subject and the situation expressed in the verb. Subject indexing categories are: -Person (1st, 2nd and 3rd) -Number (singular and plural) -Gender (for third person singular) The intersection of the subject indexing categories makes the following distinctions: 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl 169 The paradigms are shown in the following table: Table 33: The verbal paradigms -Unmarked (Unm) -Marked-Imperfective (Impfv) -Past Negative (PstNeg) -Main Future (MainFut) -Future Negative (FutNeg) -Jussive Positive (Juss) -Jussive Negative (JussNeg) -Consecutive (Cons) -Non Past Negative (NonPstNeg) -Subordinate Future (SFut) -Imperative Positive (Imp) A discussion on the tonal properties of the verb paradigms can be found in paragraph 2.4.5. of the chapter on Phonology. The full verb paradigms are given at the end of the present chapter. 6.3. Verb classes There are two lexically based verb classes: class A and class B. No semantic factors have been found to correlate with this lexical classification. Verbs of class A are numerically predominant and represent about 80% of the verbal lexemes. The distinction between the two verb classes is manifested in the paradigms Unmarked, Consecutive and Imperative Positive. The difference in the Unmarked paradigm is tonal. The verbs of class A carry high tone on the paradigm vowel of all the persons except 2Pl and 3Pl, while verbs of class B have low tone Unmarked inflectional suffixes and high tone on all preceding vowels. See below the difference between the verb of class A пѓЂug-вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ and the verb of class B ЕѕiпЂї- вЂ�to eatвЂ™: Table 34: Difference between Unmarked A and Unmarked B Unmarked A вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ 1Sg пѓЂГєg-Г 2Sg пѓЂГєg-dГ* 3SgM пѓЂГєg-Г 3SgF пѓЂГєg-dГ 1Pl пѓЂГєg-nГ 2Pl пѓЂГєg-dГЁ 3Pl пѓЂГєg-ГЁ Unmarked B вЂ�to eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂї-Г¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-Г¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ¬ ЕѕГпЂї-tГЁ ЕѕГпЂї-ГЁ 170 *The /t/ regularly changes to [d] after voiced plosives. In the Consecutive the difference lies in the shape of the suffixes. See in table 35 the comparison of the same two verbs: Table 35: Difference between Consecutive A and Consecutive B Consecutive A вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ 1Sg пѓЂГєg-ГЎ 2Sg пѓЂГєg-ГЎy 3SgM пѓЂГєg-Гє 3SgF пѓЂГєg-Г 1Pl пѓЂГєg-ГЎnki 2Pl пѓЂГєg-ГЎnku 3Pl пѓЂГєg-Гnki Consecutive B вЂ�to eatвЂ™ ЕѕГпЂї-Гі ЕѕГпЂї-Гіy ЕѕГпЂї-Гі ЕѕГпЂї-Гіy ЕѕГпЂї-Гіnki ЕѕГпЂї-Гіnku ЕѕГпЂї-Гіnki The singular of the Imperative A corresponds to the simple verb root while the plural shows high tone on the suffix -ГЎ. The singular of Imperative B is inflected by -ГЎ while the plural has a suffix -inпѓ«ГЎ, as shown in table 36: Table 36: Difference between Imperative A and Imperative B 2Sg 2Pl Imperative A вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ пѓЂГєg пѓЂug-ГЎ Imperative B вЂ�to eatвЂ™ ЕѕiпЂї-ГЎ ЕѕiпЂї-inпѓ«ГЎ 6.4. Suffix sets The subject-indexing suffixes can be grouped in the four sets shown in table 37. The V indicates a vowel that is established by the paradigm and characterises the whole paradigm. This vowel in the paradigms of set 1 is either i or a. The paradigms following set 2 have either a or o. The paradigms following set 3 have either a or u. Set 4 is limited to Consecutive verbs of class A and is the only set that shows no regular paradigm vowel. Set 5 is limited to adjectival verbs. Table 37: Suffix sets 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl Set 1 (V=a/i) -V -tV -V -tV -nV Set 2 (V=a/o) -V -Vy -V -Vy -Vnki Set 3 (V=a/u) -V -V -V -V -Vnki Set 4 Set 5 -ГЎ -ГЎy -Гє -Г -ГЎnki -ГЎ -ГЎy -ГЎ -ГЎy -Гєmma 171 2Pl 3Pl -te -e -Vnku -Vnki -Vnku -Vnki -ГЎnku -Гnki -Гєmma -Гєmma 6.4.1. Set 1 The paradigms belonging to set 1 are Unmarked, Non-Past Negative, Subordinate Future, Future Negative and Jussive positive and are shown in table 38. All of them except the Jussive have the same inflectional suffixes based on the vowel i. The Jussive is different in that the paradigm vowel is вЂ“a and is not inflected for the second person. The future suffixes are preceded by the future marker вЂ“n. The i appearing in initial position in some of the suffixes is epenthetic. All Unmarked B suffixes carry low tone. All inherent vowels of the Subordinate Future, Negative and Jussive paradigms carry high tone. The Unmarked series for verbs class A shows high tone vowels in all persons except 2Pl and 3Pl Table 38 : Suffix sets 1 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Unm. B -i -ti -i -ti -ni -te -e Unm. A -Г -tГ -Г -tГ -nГ -te -e SFut -ni -inti -ni -inti -inni -inte -ne N-Pst Neg. -Г -tГ -Г -tГ -nГ -tГ© -Г© Fut.Neg. -nГ -intГ -nГ -intГ -innГ -intГ© -nГ© Juss. -ГЎ ---ГЎ -tГЎ -nГЎ ---Г© 6.4.2. Set 2 The paradigms belonging to set 2 are Marked-Imperfective, Main Future and Consecutive B (the structure of Consecutive A is discussed in 6.4.4.). The paradigm vowel of the Imperfective and the Main Future is -a. The Main Future shows the future marker -n. The vowels of the Marked-Imperfective suffixes and Main Future carru low tone. The tone of the paradigm vowel вЂ“Гі of the Consecutive B is high, while the final vowels of the plural persons carry low tone. See the paradigms in table 39 below: Table 39: Suffix sets 2 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl Marked-Imperf. -a -ay -a -ay -anki Main Future -na -nay -na -nay -nanki Consecutive B -Гі -Гіy -Гі -Гіy -Гіnki 172 2Pl 3Pl -anku -anki -nanku -nanki -Гіnku -Гіnki 6.4.3. Set 3 The paradigms belonging to set 3 are Past Negative, and Jussive Negative. The Past Negative has a paradigm vowel -a. The Jussive Negative has a paradigm vowel -u. All the vowels of any suffix carry high tone in both paradigms See the two paradigms in table 40 below: Table 40 : Suffix sets 3 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Past Negative -ГЎ -ГЎ -ГЎ -ГЎ -ГЎnkГ -ГЎnkГє -ГЎnkГ Jussive Negative -Гє -Гє -Гє -Гє -ГєnkГ -ГєnkГє -ГєnkГ 6.4.4. Set 4: Consecutive paradigm Set 4 has only one member, the Consecutive paradigm of class A verbs. This set is closer to the set 2 and 3 in that the paradigm vowels are followed and not preceded by other segments in complex suffixes. However, it differs from set 2 because no y appears in the 3SgF and it differs from set 3 because the 2Sg suffix has a y. The suffix set 4 has no homogeneous paradigm vowel. All vowels, except the final vowels of the plural persons, carry high tone. See the paradigm Consecutive A below: Table 41: Suffix sets 4 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Set 4 -ГЎ -ГЎy -Гє -Г -ГЎnki -ГЎnku -Гnki 6.4.5. Set 5: Adjectival verbs The paradigm of the adjectival verbs shows suffix set 5. The tone is high for all the vowels except for the final a of the plural persons suffixes of set 5, which carries low tone. Set 5 distinguishes the adjectival verbs from the stative verbs used as adjectival modifiers, which are inflected according to the Marked-Imperfective paradigm. See the suffix set 5 in table 42, which is followed by a list of adjectival verbs: 173 Table 42: Suffix set 5 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Set 5 -ГЎ -ГЎy -ГЎ -ГЎy -Гєmma -Гєmma -Гєmma Most adjectival verbs denote permanent state. Two semantic groups can be isolated: basic colours and size adjectival verbs. A third group includes verbal adjectival verbs denoting general physical quality. Below is a complete list of adjectival verbs: Colors biпѓЂпѓЂiпѓ«пѓ«п‚©ummlaxx- to be white to be red to be black to be unripe Size пѓ«ammgaarmtakkzigammaangaпЂї- to be big to be enormous to be small to be long to be short Physical quality raandaпѓ°reЕЎaпѓЂkaпѓ°пѓ°xampaпЂїcвЂ™aldax- to be cold to be light to be hard to be soft to be soft Others cвЂ™aп‚єgoobqвЂ™ayy- to be wet to be fertile to be good An adjectival verb may appear in predicative position or in attributive position. In the second case it forms a subject relative clause (cf. 4.1.2.). When in attributive position, the subject is often in focus position and the verb appears in the third singular masculine form for all persons (see 6.4.7.). 174 qвЂ™awko пѓ«amm-a man.M big-3SgMAdj big man (litt: вЂ�the man who is bigвЂ™) gor-e kaxx-a people-P be.strong-3SgMFocAdj strong people (litt: вЂ�the people who are strongвЂ™) Not all the permanent states are indicated with an adjectival verb. вЂ�To be hotвЂ™, for example, has a stative verbal root luп‚є- (see 6.5.3.). 6.4.6. Imperative The only paradigm that does not fit in the suffix sets is the Imperative. This paradigm expresses the inflectional difference between class A verbs and class B verbs (see 6.3.): 2Sg 2Pl Imperative A -Гё -ГЎ Imperative B -ГЎ -inпѓ«ГЎ 6.4.7. Subject focus verbs The Unmarked, Marked-Imperfective, Adjectival and Consecutive verbs associated to a subject in focus neutralise person distinction and all the subject persons are indexed with the third person masculine singular suffix. See an example of plural subject in focus with reduced Unmarked verb: пѓЂanпѓ«-e пЂїaaka katt-e duul-i water-P and fire-F go.to.war-3SgMFoc.Unm The water and the fire went to war. 6.4.8. Overview of paradigms The distribution of the paradigms in the three sets with details on the suffixes is summarised in table 43: Table 43: Overview of paradigms Set 1 Unmarked B -(t/n)i -(t)e Set2 Imperfective -a(y~nki~nku) Set3 Past Negative -ГЎ(nkГ~nkГє) Unmarked A -(t/n)Г -(t)e Main future -na(y~nki~nku) Jussive Negative -Гє(nkГ~nkГє) Unmarked Neg/ -(t/n)Г -(t)Г© Consecutive B -Гі(y~nki~nku) Set4 Adjectival verbs -a(y) -umma 175 Subordinate future -(i)n(t/n)-i -(i)n(t)-e Future Negative -(i)n(t/n)-Г -(i)n(t)-Г© Jussive -(t/n)-ГЎ -Г© 6.5.Unmarked and Marked-Imperfective The main declarative paradigms are the Unmarked and the Marked-Imperfective. There is no complementary distribution in the division of the aspectual sphere between the Unmarked and the Marked-Imperfective paradigm. The only paradigm that provides a formal expression within the aspectual sphere is the Marked-Imperfective, which describes imperfective situations. The Unmarked form covers the whole aspectual sphere. It can be used to describe perfective and imperfective situations. In other words, it is not a Perfective form. Even though the Unmarked is not a formal expression of perfective it is the only paradigm to be used in perfective situations. The reason for this is accidental: there is no alternative to the Unmarked paradigm. The Unmarked verbs are in most of the cases translated with English Past tense verbs. The following example is taken from the folktale вЂ�The elephant and the squirrelвЂ™. The background setting is expressed by the verb goЕЎ- вЂ�to tendвЂ™. In this role it has Unmarked form and imperfective context. The verb пѓ«al- вЂ�to give birthвЂ™ is also in Unmarked form. It indicates the action inserted in the background situation and it is taken as a temporal whole. In other words it has perfective context: garr-o пѓЂarraf-ko=nu leпЂїe goЕЎ-i squirrel-M elephant-M=from cows-P tend-3SgMUnm пЂїarraf-ko=nu leпЂїe goЕЎ-i пЂїa=nnay loпЂї-o elephant-M=from cows.P tend-3SgMUnm=Backgr cow.F-M пѓ«al-i give.birth-3SgMUnm The squirrel tended the cows for the elephant. While he was tending the cows for the elephant a cow gave birth. 176 The Unmarked can be used in imperfective contexts. As the Marked-Imperfective is explicitly imperfective, imperfective situations can therefore be expressed by both paradigms. This in shown by the following examples: пЂїaanto ЕЎamп‚є-o п‚єul-i now child-M jump-3SgMUnm The child is jumping now. пЂїaanto ЕЎamп‚є-o п‚єula now child-M jump-3SgMImpfv The child is jumping now. Informants attributed the same progressive value to the two verbal forms shown above. The verbs of the two sentences below describe habitual events/situations. The first sentence shows an Unmarked verb. The second shows two MarkedImperfective verbs: пѓЂarraf-ko=nu garr-o leпЂї-e goЕЎ-i squirrel-M elephant-M=from cows-P tend-3SgMUnm The squirrel used to tend the cows for the elephant. gor-e ki waпЂїk-o wuyyamesaпѓ«-anki ki people-P Sent-3 god-M naa=ma make.call-3.PlImpfv Sent-3 Loc=Dir пЂїacc-anki go-3.PlImpfv The people who prayed to god used to go to him. Compare also: пЂїinank-o пЂїaanto daale goЕЎ-i boy-M now goats tend-3SgMUnm Now the boy is tending the goats. пЂїoЕЎonk-o пЂїee=ka boп‚©-a coldness-M 1Sg=Obj kill-3SgMImpfv The coldness is killing me. пЂїerr-o pool-o=yay пѓ«ib-i rain-M cloud-M=with fall rain-3SgMUnm The rain falls from the clouds. hayna guddo ki so up zey-i kallikk-o liп‚©п‚©-a Sent-3 go-3SgMUnm sun-M go.out-3SgMImpfv When it (the moon) goes up in this way the sun goes out. 177 These overlaps of the Unmarked and the Marked-Imperfective in imperfective contexts prove that the opposition between the Unmarked and the Marked-Imperfective paradigms is not in the aspectual sphere. The reason behind the choice between them must reside in some other dimension. This dimension could not be determined in the context of the present study. 6.5.1. Unmarked The Unmarked paradigm does not attribute a specific aspectual value to a process or a state. This paradigm is used to express a verbal concept in any aspectual and temporal situation. Examples: Perfective context Unmarked verbs may express an action that occupies a point in time and is not seen as a process. In the examples below, the Unmarked forms of the verb xaf- вЂ�to comeвЂ™ describe that the subject arrived at a certain point, while someone else was involved in a durative action: пЂїise пЂїine ЕѕiпЂї-a=nnay xaf-ni 3SgFSubj eat-3SgFImpfv=Backgr 1PlSubj come-1PlUnm We arrived while she was eating. пЂїine maaxx-ete wag-a wak-anki=nnay baqвЂ™qвЂ™ala 1PlSubj good-LocP price-F talk-1.PImpfv=Backgr Baqqala guddo=nu tirmatt-o xaf-i up=from running-M come-3SgMUnm While we were talking about the price of the objects Baqqala arrived running. The Unmarked verb ЕЎiggaroЕЎ-i вЂ�he stopped (tr.)вЂ™ in the example below indicates an abrupt event: while the subject was driving, he stopped the car. See example: makin-a gor-a car-F gor-a drive-3SgMImpfv drive-3SgMImpfv nay Backgr makin-a ЕЎiggaroЕЎ-i car-F stop-3SgMUnm While he was driving and driving he stopped the car. Also the Unmarked verb kiy-ti вЂ�she saidвЂ™ appearing in the example below, shows no internal development: 178 п‚©iif-ay buпѓЂaпѓ«-i kiy-ti sleep-3SgFImpfv be.sick-1SgUnm say-3SgFUnm While she was sleeping she said вЂ�I am sickвЂ™. Perfect context The following example shows the verbs xaf- вЂ�comeвЂ™, gar- вЂ�be madeвЂ™, gaпѓЂвЂ�to cookвЂ™ in the Unmarked form, indicating completed actions: gudur-k-o xaf-i ba looпЂї-o-se=ma hyena-Sg-M come-3SgMUnm Cons cow.F-M-Def=to/in daпЂїaпѓ«-a naпЂїa wait-3SgMImpfv Cont The hyena arrived to the cow and waited for the cow. (From the folktale вЂ�The elephant and the squirrel). ЕѕiпЂї-o ki eat-M Sent-3 be.made-3SgMUnm when gar-i yaaka ЕѕiпЂї-nanki eat-1PlMFut We will eat when the food is ready. ЕѕiпЂї-o-se eat-M-Def пЂїise gaпЂї-ti ka пЂїin=nu 3SgFSubj prepare-3SgFUnm Sentj 1Sg=Dat ЕЎeeп‚©-a bring-SgImpB Bring me the food she prepared. Concomitant context In the example below, the action of the Unmarked verbs zow-i вЂ�he was goingвЂ™ and qвЂ™omm-i вЂ�he was eating grainвЂ™ are performed along the same time line: zow-i yaaka qвЂ™omm-i go-3SgMImpfv when eat.grains-3SgMUnm While he was going he ate the grains. Habitual context The action of the verb пѓЂug- in the example below is habitual: пЂїulde qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi weytsвЂ™o=ta Ulde.M time all WeytвЂ™o=upon xoronko пѓЂug-i honey.mead drink-3SgMUnm Ulde in WeytвЂ™o always drinks tej. Progressive context The Unmarked is also used with ongoing events. This is shown in the examples below by the verb goпѓ«пѓ«- вЂ�to doвЂ™ and raf- вЂ�sleepingвЂ™: moo goпѓ«пѓ«-iti 179 what do-3SgFUnm What is she doing? пЂїaanto пЂїise now raf-ti 3SgFSubj sleep-3SgFUnm She is sleeping now. Future context The Unmarked is also used for future situations. Its presence in the future context is quite infrequent because of the existence of the proper future paradigms (see 6.6.). In the example below the verb wal- has an Unmarked form and indicates a future action: baqвЂ™qвЂ™ala пЂїakim-itt-o goпѓ«пѓ«-i baqqala paЕЎ-o yaaka doctor-Sg-M do-3SgMUnm when пѓ«aпЂїt-e ka wal-i field-M watching.F Sent forget-3SgMUnm When Baqqala becomes a doctor he will forget how to watch the field. The Unmarked paradigm may also express an order. See example: пЂїee=ta maп‚©п‚©-iti 1Sg=Loc leave-2SgUnm Get away from me! пЂїammake bay-iti perfect say-2SgUnm Say that correctly! пЂїinda muunt-o пЂїeem-ni exhort sky-M look at-1PlUnm Come one letвЂ™s look at the sky. 6.5.2. Marked-Imperfective The Marked-Imperfective stresses the internal temporal development of a process or a state. No reference is made to the beginning and the end of the action. The most common meanings of the Marked-Imperfective are durative, habitual and concomitant. The relative time in which the situation is realised is not indicated and is determined by the context. The use of the Marked-Imperfective paradigms is shown in the sentences below. Durative The Marked-Imperfective is used to indicate that a situation holds along a certain span of time. In the first two examples below the forms daпѓЂaпѓ«-a вЂ�he was waitingвЂ™ and пЂїogoy-a вЂ�he was comingвЂ™ are set in the past. daпѓЂaпѓ«-a вЂ�he 180 was waitingвЂ™ is followed by the continuative marker naпѓЂa, which can optionally follow a durative verb. daпЂїaпѓ«-a naпЂїa ba wait-3SgMImpfv Cont daпЂїaпѓ«-a naпЂїa ba Cons wait-3SgMImpfv Cont Cons gallawo raf-i night sleep-3SgMUnm He was waiting and waiting until at night he fell asleep. faann-atte пЂїogoy-a gelzakk-o garr-ulo baboon-M squirrel-LocM after-LocF garr-o zow-i=nay come-3SgMImpfv gelzakk-o xaf-i squirrel-M go-3SgMUnm=Backgr baboon-M come-3SgMUnm The baboon was going behind the squirrel. When the squirrel left the baboon arrived. In the following examples the situation described by Marked-Imperfective verb ximbaпѓ«-a holds during the time of speech. пЂїaanto pool-o now the ximbaпѓ«-a cloud-M be.visible-3SgMImpfv Now the cloud is visible. Habitual The Marked-Imperfective forms fugaпѓ«-ay вЂ�you are satiatedвЂ™, пЂїacc-a вЂ�he goesвЂ™ and luп‚єas-a вЂ�it burnsвЂ™ in the three examples below indicate situations occurring habitually: пЂїato moo ЕѕiпЂї-ti ba qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi ka 2SgSubj what eat-2SgUnm Cons time all Sent pugaпѓ«-ay be.satiated-2SgImpfv What do you eat to be always satiated? пЂїallo qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi gabaya=ma Allo time all пЂїacc-a market.F=to/in go-3SgMImpfv Allo goes always to the market. kaallikk-o luп‚єas-a sun-M burn-3SgMImpfv The sun burns. Concomitant The situations indicated by the Marked-Imperfective verbs tiir-a вЂ�he was runningвЂ™, goЕЎ-a вЂ�I was tendingвЂ™, пѓЂag-anki they wereвЂ™ far-ay вЂ�she was dyingвЂ™ and пѓ°otol-ay вЂ�she was shiveringвЂ™ in the five examples below are concomintant to other events. See examples: 181 tiir-a nay kotta=na par-i nay run-3SgMImpfv Backgr PronM.Dist1=Loc die-3SgMUnm Backgr That one died while he was running. maar-te ka goЕЎ-a gur-i female calf.F-F Sent tend-3SgMImpfv mate-3SgFConsA woqвЂ™oЕЎ-i be.pregnant-3SgFCons пѓ«al-i give.birth-3SgFCons While I was tending the female calf, she mated, became pregnant and gave birth. пЂїaп‚©-anki=nnay ЕѕiпЂїt-ilo garm-o gaar-ko=ma eating-Loc be.located-3PlImpfv=Backgr lion-M kaпѓ«пѓ«-i ba пЂїufunпѓ«e=ka пЂїiпЂї-u climb-3SgMUnm Cons 3Pl=Obj tree-M=to/in see-3SgMCons While they where eating the lion climbed on a tree and saw them. far-ay die-3SgFImpfv yaaka пЂїufo=kka when sor-i 3SgMSubj=Sent run-3SgMUnm While she was dying he run away. ba tetta пѓ°otol-ay buпѓЂпѓЂaпѓ«-i kiy-ti be.sick-1SgUnm say-3SgFUnm Cons PronF.Dist1 shiver-3SgFImpfv While she was shivering she said вЂ�I am sickвЂ™. Future context The Marked-Imperfective has been found in future contexts only once in the corpus. See the example below: пЂїato moo goпѓ«пѓ«-ay 2SgSubj what do-2SgImpfv What will you do? 6.5.3. Stative verbs In many languages, stative verbs such as вЂ�knowвЂ™, вЂ�thinkвЂ™ and вЂ�loveвЂ™ are not inflected with an imperfective paradigm as the stativity of these verbs cannot be described in their internal development (Comrie 1976: 35). In TsвЂ™amakko this holds true only for the verb п‚©eeпѓЂ- вЂ�to wantвЂ™, which is inflected only in the Unmarked. A group of stative verbs can be inflected both in Unmarked and Marked-Imperfective. See a list below: Unm. Impfv. to think пЂїekkesaпѓ«-i пЂїekkesaпѓ«-a to look at пЂїeem-i пЂїeem-a to like cвЂ™igaпѓ«-i cвЂ™igaпѓ«-a to know пЂїar-i пЂїar-a to forget wal-i wal-a 182 Other qualitative verbs have the Marked-Imperfective paradigm as the only possible option. They are listed below. The list is followed by some example sentences: 3SgM luп‚є-a maqвЂ™al-a zoor-a xinaw-a 3Pl luп‚є-anki maqвЂ™al-anki zoor-anki xinaw-anki to be hot to be salty to be sweet to stink gaar-e luп‚є-anki wood-P be.hot-3PlImpfv The wood is hot. saan-k-o maqвЂ™al-a meat-Sg-M be.salty-1SgMImpfv The meat is salty. muuz-e zoor-ay banana-F be.sweet-3SgFImpfv The banana is sweet. These sentences may also be interpreted as subject relative clauses, in which the stative verb appears as an adjectival modifier. They can be therefore translated as вЂ�hot woodвЂ™, вЂ�salty meatвЂ™ and вЂ�sweet bananaвЂ™ respectively (cf 4.1.1.). 6.6. Future 6.6.1 Main Future and Subordinate Future Future is morphologically expressed by the suffix вЂ“n attached to the root or the stem and followed by the suffixes that are formally identical to those of the Unmarked and the Marked-Imperfective paradigms. Therefore there are two paradigms expressing future, and only future, actions. Note, however, that the two future paradigms do not indicate Unmarked and Marked-Imperfective situations in the future. The opposition is between a main and subordinate clauses. The Main Future has the inflectional endings of the Marked-Imperfective. The Subordinate Future has the inflectional endings of the Unmarked. The Subordinate Future is the inflection for a subordinate future verb. Moreover, the Subordinate Future has focusing function in main clauses (see 6.6.3). 6.6.2. Main Future The Main Future appears only in main sentences and has a basic future meaning. It is commonly used in order to express intention, will, order and exhortation. The following declarative sentences provide examples: 183 geeray zow-e=bba qвЂ™ayna yesterday go-3PlUnm=Cons kol-nanki tomorrow return-3PlMainFut They went yesterday and will come back tomorrow. пЂїano zow-na ba 1SgSubj go-1SgMainFut na=ta gassaпѓ«-a Cons Loc=Loc ask-1SgImpfv I will go and ask him. пѓЂanпѓ«-ete пѓЂardulum-nanki gid-atte water-LocP inside-LocF race-1PlMainFut LetвЂ™s make a race in the water. kaпЂїпЂї-i leпЂї-e cвЂ™ox-nanki get up-SgImpA cows-P milk-1PlMainFut Get up! LetвЂ™s milk the cows. In main sentences, also the Subordinate Future form can appear. The Subordinate Future paradigm has the same basic future meaning and modal uses of the Main Future. пЂїano buпѓЂaпѓ«-i 1SgSubj be.sick-1SgUnm пЂїakima=ma zow-ni ba Cons doctor.M=to/in go-1SgSubFut Since I am sick I will go to the doctor. qвЂ™awk-o kotta=y max-x-e bitman-ni man-M bead-Pl-P buy-1SgSubFut say-3SgMUnm PronM.Dist1=Fill kiy-i This man said вЂ�I will buy beadsвЂ™. kirrin-ko kaaki tail-M пѓ°egg-ini пЂїaaka ko PronM.2SgFPoss and пЂїabba=yay ki PronM father=within Sent-3 play-1SgSubFut I will play with your tail and my fatherвЂ™s tail. maar-e=nu=kka п‚©omп‚є-o female calves-P=from=Sent kraal-M п‚©aпѓЂпѓЂ-inini prepare-1PlSubFut We will prepare a kraal for the female calves. gabaya пЂїogoy-nay na qвЂ™eyпЂїafer=ma zow-ni market.F come-3SgFMainFut Loc3 QГ¤y AfГ¤r=to/in go-1SgSubFut When the market (day) comes I will go to QГ¤y AfГ¤r. The semantic difference between the Main and the Subordinate Future in main clauses is not always evident, but has probably to do with the focussing property of the Subordinate Future. Those cases in which the Subordinate Future clearly functions as focus marker give support to this hypothesis. 184 6.6.3. Subordinate Future as focus form There are cases in which the Subordinate Future appears as constituent focus marker or expresses evidentiality. This is shown in the following examples. The first example is taken from the folktale вЂ�The Squirrel and the BaboonвЂ™. The two characters decide to kill their mothers by putting them in a bag and throwing them from a hill. Before doing so they guess about what sound their mothers will produce while rolling down. There are two options: вЂ�haЕЎ haЕЎвЂ™ and вЂ�kuh kuhвЂ™. The element focussed by the Subordinate Future, e.g. вЂ�kuh kuhвЂ™, is the selected option. See example: пЂїingiy-e taпѓ°пѓ°a=kka haЕЎ haЕЎ пЂїasa sukkam-nay mother-F whose=SenthaЕЎ haЕЎ пЂїingiy-e t-aayu mother-F PronF-1SgPoss so roll-3SgFMainFut kuh kuh kuh kuh пЂїasa sukkam-inti so roll-3SgFSubFut Whose mother will roll down making a hash hash-like sound? My mother will roll down so making a kuh kuh-like sound. The following example is extracted from the folktale вЂ�The Squirrel and the Guinea fowlвЂ™. The squirrel proposes to his friend not to eat the stored grains until the following rainy season. He has to propose to eat another kind of food. He selects waпѓЂпѓЂe вЂ�beansвЂ™. The Subordinate Future form of the verb focuses on the selected item. See example: ber-ko xaf-na ba dor-o rainy.season-M come-3SgMMainFut Cons granary-M ЕѕiпЂї-onki=ye eat-1SgCons=Emph пЂїanto ЕѕiпЂї-ni=kka now waпѓЂпѓЂ-e ЕѕiпЂї-nini. eat-1PlFutNeg=Sent beans-P eat-1PlSubFut When the rainy season comes we will eat from the granary Let us not eat from it now, let us eat beans. Content questions make use of an interrogative element. These interrogative elements represent the pivots of the question and are pragmatically marked by the Subordinate Future. This paradigm has therefore a distinctive function to mark the wh-word as the focus element of a future content questions. Below are examples of future content interrogative sentences. The focused wh-words are found immediately before the Subordinate Future verb. They are in italics in the translation: 185 bara zoy-inti when go-2SgSubFut When will you go? пѓ°ez-itt-e boytakk-ilo=yay moo goпѓ«пѓ«-ini star-Sg-F boytakko-LocM=with what do-3SgSubFut What will he do with the root of the boytakko-tree? boп‚©ol-t-e ka mala m=bas-inini queen-Sg-F Sent how 1=do-1PlSubFut What shall we with to the queen? dal-a пЂїaka n=dayy-inini newbornFutcalf-F where 1=get-1PlSubFut Where will we get a newborn calf? The focus expressed by the Subordinate Future may enhance evidentiality. This is shown by native speaker judgements concerning sentences that, on first sight, seem to be neutral in meaning. This will be shown by the analyses of the yes/no question вЂ�Will he come tomorrow?вЂ™ and the related answer вЂ�He will come tomorrowвЂ™. They are made up of the same elements. Their intonations differ in that the questions risen their pitch sentence finally. Compare the two questions: qвЂ™ayna пЂїogoy-na? tomorrow come-3SgMMainFut Will he come tomorrow? and qвЂ™ayna пЂїogoy-ni? tomorrow come-3SgMSubFut Will he come tomorrow? The question is presented with a Subordinate Future verb if the person who answers is supposed to be informed and can answer correctly. The first question, with Main Future verb, has no special implication. Who utters this question just wonders and does not expect a precise answer. The answer вЂ�He will come tomorrowвЂ™ can also be formulated with both verb forms: qвЂ™ayna пЂїogoy-na tomorrow come-3SgMMainFut He will come tomorrow. qвЂ™ayna пЂїogoy-ni 186 tomorrow come-3SgMSubFut He will come tomorrow. The second answer, with a Subordinate Future verb, is used if one is really sure that the event, his arrival tomorrow in this case, will happen. The first one, with a Main Future, is a more general statement. It does not imply that the event will surely happen. The Subordinate Future can express focus. It is used to focus an element of the sentence. The focus element is the one selected among a limited or unlimited group. Moreover, this paradigm indicates the focussed status of interrogative elements in content questions. Evidentiality is enhanced by the sentence focus and the Subordinate Future has also an evidential role. This property has been suggested by the speakers and resulted from the comparison with the Main Future. It was not possible to determine all the contexts in which the Subordinate Future stresses evidentiality. 6.6.4. Future in conditional and final sentences This Future paradigm is labelled Subordinate because it is used in semantically conditional or final sentences. A future main sentence has a Subordinate Future verb if it indicates the necessary condition for the realization of a coordinated sentence or indicates for which purpose the action of the coordinated sentence is performed. See the examples below: пЂїufunпѓ«e qвЂ™ayy-ine=nu 3PlSubj ЕЎitt-o ЕЎiinam-e be.good-3PlSubFut=from cream-M smear.to.oneself-3PlUnm They smeared cream over themselves to look nice. ЕѕiпЂї-o gaпЂї-inti food-M prepare-3SgFSubFut fire-F katt-e koпЂї-itГЎ light-3SgFJuss Light the fire so that she will cook. пЂїine qвЂ™awa ЕЎeeп‚©-ni 1PlSubj rifle-F nay gasar-ko ka bring-1PlSubFut Backgr buffalo-M Sent raпЂї-nanki shoot-1PlMainFut If I bring a rifle we will shoot the buffalo. 6.7. Positive and Negative There are several main Negative declarative paradigms. They are distinguished in the tense dimension between Past and Non-Past. A Future Negative paradigm is made up of the Non-Past Negative and the future marker вЂ“n. Formally, the Negative paradigms are not linked directly to the positive paradigms and semantically do not reflect the values of the positive 187 paradigms. The Past Negative describes past situations and Non-Past Negative describes present and future situations. They are used with no reference to the aspectual development of the event. See, for examples the two sentences below. Both contain a Past Negative verb and are set in the past. In the first sentence the verb describes a habitual negative event. In the second sentence the aspectual value of the Negative verb is perfect. luqвЂ™a=ta пѓЂakkaпѓ«пѓ«-o cвЂ™igaпѓ«пѓ«-a=kka luqa=upon sitting-M love-3SgMPstNeg=Sent He did not like staying in Luqa. пЂїinank-o-se=nnay buпѓЂпѓЂ-o boy-M-Def=Loc waan-na=kka disease-M heal-3SgMPstNeg=Sent The disease of the boy did not heal. The Negative verbs are followed by the Sentence marker =kka when occurring in a main clause. They are followed by a conjunction in dependent clauses. 6.7.1. Past Negative The Past Negative negates situations that occurred before the time of speech. Examples: ЕЎiinin-k-o ЕЎeeп‚©at-ti butter-Sg-M bring-2SgUnm Did you bring the butter? ЕЎeeп‚©aпѓ«-пѓ«a=kka bring-1SgPstNeg=Sent I did not bring it. geeray пЂїerr-o пѓ«ib-ba=kka ba makin-a yesterday rain-M rain-3SgMPstNeg=Sent Cons car-F zaarb-i pass-3SgFConsA Since it did not rain yesterday the cars passed. The Past Negative is the only Negative paradigm that can be subordinated by the temporal conjunction yaaka вЂ�whenвЂ™: пЂїerr-o ki пѓ«ib-ba rain-M Sent-3 rain-3SgMPstNeg yaaka makin-a zaarb-ay when car-F When it does not rain the cars pass. pass-3SgFImpfv 188 6.7.2. Non-Past Negative The Non-Past Negative paradigm is used for situations occurring at the time of speech, habitual situations and future situations. See two examples of Non-Past Negative forms in habitual context: пЂїatunпѓ«e=kka пЂїabbay=nu пЂїol-a 2PlSubj=Sent father=from qвЂ™abaпЂї-te=kka thing-F hear-2PlNonPstNeg=Sent You do not listen to your father. пЂїilmal-e kaaki tears-P ka пЂїemm-o п‚©eeпѓЂ-i=kka PronP.2SgFPoss Sent seeing-M want-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent I do not want to see your tears. The Non-Past Negative verbs of the following two examples are set in the Future: titta ka na bitam-ni kiп‚єa=ka PronF.Prox1 Sent Loc buy-1SgSubFut PronM.different=Sent bitam-i=kka buy-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent I will buy this, I will not buy another one. kaayu пЂїayiпѓ«-i=nu ЕѕiпЂї-o kutta food-M PronM.Prox1 PronM.1SgPoss be.Sub-3SgMUnm=from deeпѓ°-i=kka give-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent Since this food is mine I will not give it. The stative verb п‚©eeпѓЂ- вЂ�to wantвЂ™ cannot be inflected for Past Negative. The only possible Negative form is Non-Past Negative. This is used even referring to past situations. Example: пЂїano п‚©eeпѓЂ-Г=kka 1SgSubj want-1SgNonPstNeg=Sent I do not want. 6.7.3. Future Negative The Future Negative applies only to situations occurring after the time of speech. пЂїine 1PlSubj guuyu ЕѕiпЂї-o gaпЂї-ni today prepare-1PlNonPstNeg when food-M ЕѕiпЂї-ni=kka eat-1PlFutNeg=Sent If we do not cook today we will not eat. yaaka 189 6.8. Mood: Jussive and Imperative Orders are expressed by the Jussive and the Imperative paradigms. The Jussive is used for first and third persons. Orders addressed to a second person have an Imperative form. Examples of Jussive: naпЂї-a пЂїabun-ГЎ baby-F rock-1SgJuss Let me rock the baby. пЂїogoy-Г© kiy-i come-3PlJuss say-3SgMUnm He said вЂ�let them comeвЂ™. The Imperative manifests the verb class distinction. The Imperative of class A shows the verb stem without suffixes in the singular. In case of stem final double consonants an epenthetic вЂ“i is added. The plural of class A shows the suffix вЂ“ГЎ. See examples of class A Imperative forms: singular п‚єul loqвЂ™ xur beerri пЂїuppi zaarbi plural п‚єulГЎ loqвЂ™ГЎ xurГЎ beerrГЎ пЂїuppГЎ zaarbГЎ Jump! Swallow! Give up! Touch! Whistle! Pass! Class B Imperative forms show a suffix -ГЎ in the singular and a suffix -inпѓ«ГЎ in the plural. See examples: singular ЕѕiпЂїГЎ cвЂ™oxГЎ zaqвЂ™ГЎ plural ЕѕiпЂїinпѓ«ГЎ cвЂ™oxinпѓ«ГЎ zaqвЂ™inпѓ«ГЎ Eat! Swallow! Slaughter! With negations the Jussive paradigm is used for all the persons. The verb form is preceded by the Negative element пЂїГnnu See the whole paradigm of the verb zow- вЂ�goвЂ™: 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl пЂїГnnu zow-Гє пЂїГnnu zow-Гє пЂїГnnu zow-Гє пЂїГnnu zow-Гє пЂїГnnu zow-Гєnki пЂїГnnu zow-Гєnku пЂїГnnu zow-Гєnki Do not let me go. Do not go. Do not let him go. Do not let her go. Do not let us go. Do not go. Do not let them go. 190 6.9. Consecutive The binary verb class distinction is manifested in the morphology of the Consecutive. There are two Consecutive inflectional series, one for each verb class (See 6.3.). The Consecutive is an a-temporal paradigm. A Consecutive verb appears both as the last element in a sequence of sentences and as a converb preceding another verb. In the following example a Consecutive is the last of a series of verbs: пЂїano boп‚©-i na=ta kiy-i ba zow-u 1SgSubj kill-3SgMUnm Loc=Loc say-3SgMUnm Cons go-3SgMConsA He said вЂ�I killed herвЂ™ and left. In the following example a Consecutive verb precedes a final Consecutive verb: bukkis-aпѓ«пѓ«-e boqвЂ™qвЂ™-u katt-e naa=ma den-Pl-P fire-F close-3SgMConsA Loc=Dir koпЂї-u light-3SgMConsA He closed the dens and set fire in it. (From the tale вЂ�The squirrel and the guinea fowlвЂ™). The following string of verbs is made up of Consecutive verbs preceding other Consecutives verbs. Only the last Consecutive verb precedes a final Unmarked verb. booraпѓ°-o nu=nnu seed-M kubb-i kaпЂїпЂї-u LocM/P=Dat pour grains-3SgFConsA pacc-e=ma zow-u booпѓ°t-e=nu get up-3SgMConsA zow-u ba field-P=to/in go-3SgMConsA sowing-F=From go-3SgMConsA Cons zann-o qвЂ™omm-o ba raaw-i street-M eat.grains-3SgMConsB Cons finish-3SgMUnm She poured the seeds for him, he left, he went to the fields and on the road while he was going to sow he ate and finished them. 6.10. Verb paradigms CVC stem: пѓЂug (A) вЂ�to drinkвЂ™ and ЕѕiпЂї (B) вЂ�to eatвЂ™ Positive paradigms Unm A 1Sg пѓЂГєg-Г 2Sg пѓЂГєg-dГ 3SgM пѓЂГєg-Г 3SgF пѓЂГєg-dГ 1Pl пѓЂГєg-nГ Unm B ЕѕГпЂї-i ЕѕГпЂї-ti ЕѕГпЂї-i ЕѕГпЂї-ti ЕѕГпЂї-ni Marked Impfv пѓЂГєg-a ЕѕГпЂї-a пѓЂГєg-ay ЕѕГпЂї-ay пѓЂГєg-a ЕѕГпЂї-a пѓЂГєg-ay ЕѕГпЂї-ay пѓЂГєg-ГЎnki ЕѕГпЂї-anki 191 2Pl 3Pl пѓЂГєg-de пѓЂГєg-e 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Main Future пѓЂГєg-na ЕѕГпЂї-na пѓЂГєg-nay ЕѕГпЂї-nay пѓЂГєg-na ЕѕГпЂї-na пѓЂГєg-nay ЕѕГпЂї-nay пѓЂГєg-nГЎnki ЕѕГпЂї-nГЎnki пѓЂГєg-nГЎnku ЕѕГпЂї-nГЎnku пѓЂГєg-nГЎnki ЕѕГпЂї-nГЎnki 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Jussive пѓЂug-ГЎ ЕѕiпЂї-ГЎ ------пѓЂug-ГЎ ЕѕiпЂї-ГЎ пѓЂug-ГtГЎ ЕѕiпЂї-ГtГЎ пѓЂug-nГЎ ЕѕiпЂї-nГЎ ------пѓЂug-Г© ЕѕiпЂї-Г© 2Sg 3Pl Imp. A пѓЂГєgпѓЂug-ГЎ ЕѕГпЂї-te ЕѕГпЂї-e Future Negative пѓЂug-nГ ЕѕiпЂї-nГ пѓЂug-ГntГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ пѓЂug-nГ ЕѕiпЂї-nГ пѓЂug-ГntГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ пѓЂug-ГnnГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГnnГ пѓЂug-ГntГ© ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ© пѓЂug-nГ© ЕѕiпЂї-nГ© ЕѕГпЂї-anku ЕѕГпЂї-anki Subordinate Future пѓЂГєg-nГ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ пѓЂГєg-ГntГ ЕѕГпЂї-ГntГ пѓЂГєg-nГ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ пѓЂГєg-ГntГ ЕѕГпЂї-ГntГ пѓЂГєg-nГnnГ ЕѕГпЂї-nГnnГ пѓЂГєg-ГntГ© ЕѕГпЂї-ГntГ© пѓЂГєg-nГ© ЕѕГпЂї-nГ© Cons A пѓЂГєg-ГЎ пѓЂГєg-ГЎy пѓЂГєg-Гє пѓЂГєg-Г пѓЂГєg-ГЎnki пѓЂГєg-ГЎnku пѓЂГєg-Гnki Cons B ЕѕГпЂї-Гі ЕѕГпЂї-Гіy ЕѕГпЂї-Гі ЕѕГпЂї-Гіy ЕѕГпЂї-Гіnki ЕѕГпЂї-Гіnku ЕѕГпЂї-Гіnki Imp. B ЕѕiпЂї-ГЎ ЕѕiпЂї-Гnпѓ«ГЎ Negative paradigms Non-Past Neg. 1Sg пѓЂГєg-Г ЕѕГпЂї-Г 2Sg пѓЂГєg-tГ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ 3SgM пѓЂГєg-Г ЕѕГпЂї-Г 3SgF пѓЂГєg-tГ ЕѕГпЂї-tГ 1Pl пѓЂГєg-nГ ЕѕГпЂї-nГ 2Pl пѓЂГєg-tГ© ЕѕГпЂї-tГ© 3Pl пѓЂГєg-Г© ЕѕГпЂї-Г© 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl пѓЂГєg-ГЎnku пѓЂГєg-ГЎnki Past Neg. пѓЂГєgg-ГЎ ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пѓЂГєgg-ГЎ ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пѓЂГєgg-ГЎ ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пѓЂГєgg-ГЎ ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пѓЂГєgg-ГЎnkГ ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎnkГ пѓЂГєgg-ГЎnkГє ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎnkГє пѓЂГєgg-ГЎnkГє ЕѕГпЂїпЂї-ГЎnkГє Jussive Negative (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-ГєnkГ (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-ГєnkГ (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-ГєnkГє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-ГєnkГє (пЂїГnnu) пѓЂГєg-ГєnkГ (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГпЂї-ГєnkГ 192 CVVC stem: пЂїooy- (A) вЂ�to cryвЂ™ and bood- (B) вЂ�to digвЂ™ Positive paradigms Unm. A 1Sg пЂїГіГіy-Г 2Sg пЂїГіГіy-tГ 3SgM пЂїГіГіy-Г 3SgF пЂїГіГіy-tГ 1Pl пЂїГіГіy-nГ 2Pl пЂїГіГіy-te 3Pl пЂїГіГіy-e Unm. B bГіГіd-i bГіГіd-ti bГіГіd-i bГіГіd-ti bГіГіd-ni bГіГіd-te bГіГіd-e 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Main Future пЂїГіГіy-na bГіГіd-na пЂїГіГіy-nay bГіГіd-nay пЂїГіГіy-na bГіГіd-na пЂїГіГіy-nay bГіГіd-nay пЂїГіГіy-nГЎnki bГіГіd-nГЎnki пЂїГіГіy-nГЎnku bГіГіd-nГЎnku пЂїГіГіy-nГЎnki bГіГіd-nГЎnki 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Jussive пЂїooy-ГЎ bood-ГЎ ------пЂїooy-ГЎ bood-ГЎ пЂїooy-ГtГЎ bood-ГtГЎ пЂїooy-nГЎ bood-nГЎ ------пЂїooy-Г© bood-Г© 2Sg 2Pl Imp. A Imp. B пЂїГіГіy bood-ГЎ пЂїooy-ГЎ bood-Гnпѓ«ГЎ Negative paradigms Non-Past Negative 1Sg пЂїГіГіy-Г bГіГіd-Г 2Sg пЂїГіГіy-tГ bГіГіd-tГ 3SgM пЂїГіГіy-Г bГіГіd-Г 3SgF пЂїГіГіy-tГ bГіГіd-tГ 1Pl пЂїГіГіy-nГ bГіГіd-nГ 2Pl пЂїГіГіy-tГ© bГіГіd-tГ© 3Pl пЂїГіГіy-Г© bГіГіd-Г© 1Sg 2Sg Marked Imperf. пЂїГіГіy-a bГіГіd-a пЂїГіГіy-ay bГіГіd-ay пЂїГіГіy-a bГіГіd-a пЂїГіГіy-ay bГіГіd-ay пЂїГіГіy-ГЎnki bГіГіd-anki пЂїГіГіy-ГЎnku bГіГіd-anku пЂїГіГіy-ГЎnki bГіГіd-anki Subordinate Future пЂїГіГіy-nГ bГіГіd-nГ пЂїГіГіy-ГntГ bГіГіd-ГntГ пЂїГіГіy-nГ bГіГіd-nГ пЂїГіГіy-ГntГ bГіГіd-ГntГ пЂїГіГіy-nГnnГ bГіГіd-nГnnГ пЂїГіГіy-ГntГ© bГіГіd-ГntГ© пЂїГіГіy-nГ© bГіГіd-nГ© Cons. A пЂїГіГіy-ГЎ пЂїГіГіy-ГЎy пЂїГіГіy-Гє пЂїГіГіy-Г пЂїГіГіy-ГЎnki пЂїГіГіy-ГЎnku пЂїГіГіy-Гnki Cons. B bГіГіd-Гі bГіГіd-Гіy bГіГіd-Гі bГіГіd-Гіy bГіГіd-Гіnki bГіГіd-Гіnku bГіГіd-Гіnki Past Negative пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎ bГіГіdd-ГЎ пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎ bГіГіdd-ГЎ пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎ bГіГіdd-ГЎ пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎ bГіГіdd-ГЎ пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎnkГ bГіГіdd-ГЎnkГ пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎnkГє bГіГіdd-ГЎnkГє пЂїГіГіyy-ГЎnkГє bГіГіdd-ГЎnkГє Future Negative Jussive Negative ЕѕiпЂї-nГ ЕѕiпЂї-nГ (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-Гє (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-Гє ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-Гє (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-Гє 193 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl ЕѕiпЂї-nГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГnnГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ© ЕѕiпЂї-nГ© ЕѕiпЂї-nГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГnnГ ЕѕiпЂї-ГntГ© ЕѕiпЂї-nГ© (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-ГєnkГ (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-ГєnkГє (пЂїГnnu) ГіГіy-ГєnkГ (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-Гє (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-Гє (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-ГєnkГ (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-ГєnkГє (пЂїГnnu) bГіГіd-ГєnkГ CVCVC stem: qвЂ™abaпЂї- (A) вЂ�to hearвЂ™ and пЂїabun- (B) вЂ�to rockвЂ™ Positive paradigms Unm. A 1Sg qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Г 2Sg qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-tГ 3SgM qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Г 3SgF qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-tГ 1Pl qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГ 2Pl qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-te 3Pl qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-e 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Unm. B пЂїГЎbГєn-i пЂїГЎbГєn-ti пЂїГЎbГєn-ti пЂїГЎbГєn-i пЂїГЎbГєn-ni пЂїГЎbГєn-te пЂїГЎbГєn-e Main Future qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-na пЂїГЎbГєn-na qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nay пЂїГЎbГєn-nay qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-na пЂїГЎbГєn-na qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nay пЂїГЎbГєn-nay qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГЎnki пЂїГЎbГєn-nГЎnki qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГЎnku пЂїГЎbГєn-nГЎnku qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГЎnki пЂїГЎbГєn-nГЎnki 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl 2Sg 2Pl Jussive qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГЎ пЂїabun-ГЎ ------qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГЎ пЂїabun-ГЎ qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГtГЎ пЂїabun-ГtГЎ qвЂ™abaпЂї-nГЎ пЂїabun-nГЎ ------qвЂ™abaпЂї-Г© пЂїabun-Г© Imper. A qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГЎ Imper. B пЂїabun-ГЎ пЂїabun-Гnпѓ«ГЎ Marked Imperf. qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-a пЂїГЎbГєn-a qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ay пЂїГЎbГєn-ay qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-a пЂїГЎbГєn-a qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ay пЂїГЎbГєn-ay qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎnki пЂїГЎbГєn-ГЎnki qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎnku пЂїГЎbГєn-ГЎnku qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎnki пЂїГЎbГєn-ГЎnki Subordinate Future qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГ пЂїГЎbГєn-nГ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГntГ пЂїГЎbГєn-ГntГ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГ пЂїГЎbГєn-nГ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГntГ пЂїГЎbГєn-ГntГ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГnnГ пЂїГЎbГєn-nГnnГ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГntГ© пЂїГЎbГєn-ГntГ© пЂїГЎbГєn-nГ© qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГ© Cons. A qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎy qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гє qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Г qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎnki qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-ГЎnku qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гnki Cons. B пЂїГЎbГєn-Гі пЂїГЎbГєn-Гіy пЂїГЎbГєn-Гі пЂїГЎbГєn-Гіy пЂїГЎbГєn-Гіnki пЂїГЎbГєn-Гіnku пЂїГЎbГєn-Гіnki 194 Negative paradigms Non-Past Negative 1Sg qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Г пЂїГЎbГєn-Г 2Sg qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-tГ пЂїГЎbГєn-tГ 3SgM qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Г пЂїГЎbГєn-Г 3SgF qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-tГ пЂїГЎbГєn-tГ 1Pl qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-nГ пЂїГЎbГєn-nГ 2Pl qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-tГ© пЂїГЎbГєn-tГ© 3Pl qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Г© пЂїГЎbГєn-Г© Past Negative qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎ пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎnkГ пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎnkГ qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎnkГє пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎnkГє qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂїпЂї-ГЎnkГє пЂїГЎbГєnn-ГЎnkГє 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Future Negative qвЂ™abaпЂї-nГ пЂїabun-nГ qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГntГ пЂїabun-ГntГ qвЂ™abaпЂї-nГ пЂїabun-nГ qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГntГ пЂїabun-ГntГ qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГnnГ пЂїabun-ГnnГ qвЂ™abaпЂї-ГntГ пЂїabun-ГntГ qвЂ™abaпЂї-nГ пЂїabun-nГ 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Jussive Negative (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гє (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гє (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гє (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гє (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гє (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гєnki (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гєnki (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гєnku (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гєnku (пЂїГnnu) qвЂ™ГЎbГЎпЂї-Гєnki (пЂїГnnu) пЂїГЎbГєn-Гєnki CVC-VC stem: kaпЂї-is- (A) вЂ�to make stand upвЂ™ and ЕѕoqвЂ™-am- (B) вЂ�to be beatenвЂ™ Positive paradigms Unm. A 1Sg kГЎпЂї-Гs-Г kГЎпЂї-Гs-tГ 2Sg 3SgM kГЎпЂї-Гs-Г 3SgF kГЎпЂї-Гs-tГ 1Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГ 2Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-te 3Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-e 1Sg 2Sg Main future kГЎпЂї-Гs-na kГЎпЂї-Гs-nay Unm. B ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-i ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎn-ti ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-i ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎn-ti ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ni ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎn-te ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-e ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-na ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nay Marked Imperf. kГЎпЂї-Гs-a ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-a kГЎпЂї-Гs-ay ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ay kГЎпЂї-Гs-a ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-a kГЎпЂї-Гs-ay ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ay kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎnki ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎnki kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎnku ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎnku kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎnki ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎnki Subordinate future kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГ kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГntГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ГntГ 195 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-na kГЎпЂї-Гs-nay kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГЎnki kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГЎnku kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГЎnki ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-na ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nay ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГЎnki ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГЎnku ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГЎnki kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГ kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГntГ kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГnnГ kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГntГ© kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГ© ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ГntГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГnnГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-ГntГ© ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГ© Cons. A kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎ kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎy kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гє kГЎпЂї-Гs-Г kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎnki kГЎпЂї-Гs-ГЎnku kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гnki Cons. B ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гі ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гіy ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гі ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гіy ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гіnki ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гіnku ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гіnki 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Jussive kaпЂї-is-ГЎ ---kaпЂї-is-ГЎ kaпЂї-is-ГtГЎ kaпЂї-is-nГЎ ---kaпЂї-is-Г© ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГЎ ---ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГЎ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГtГЎ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-nГЎ ---ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-Г© 2Sg 2Pl Imper. A kГЎпЂї-Гs kaпЂї-is-ГЎ Imper. B ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГЎ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-Гnпѓ«ГЎ Negative paradigms Non-Past Negative 1Sg kГЎпЂї-Гs-Г ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Г 2Sg kГЎпЂї-Гs-tГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-tГ 3SgM kГЎпЂї-Гs-Г ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Г 3SgF kГЎпЂї-Гs-tГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-tГ 1Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-nГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-nГ 2Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-tГ© ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-tГ© 3Pl kГЎпЂї-Гs-Г© ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Г© Past Negative kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎ ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎ kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎ ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎ ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎ kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎ kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎ ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎ kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎnkГ ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎnkГ kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎnkГє ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎnkГє kГЎпЂїпЂї-Гs-ГЎnkГє ЕѕГіqвЂ™qвЂ™-ГЎm-ГЎnkГє 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Future Negative kaпЂї-is-nГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-nГ kaпЂї-is-ГntГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГntГ kaпЂї-is-nГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-nГ kaпЂї-is-ГntГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГntГ kaпЂї-is-ГnnГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГnnГ kaпЂї-is-ГntГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-ГntГ kaпЂї-is-nГ ЕѕoqвЂ™-am-nГ 1Sg 2Sg 3SgM 3SgF 1Pl 2Pl 3Pl Future Negative (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гє (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гє (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гє (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гє (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гє (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гєnki (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гєnki (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гєnku (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гєnku (пЂїГnnu) kГЎпЂї-Гs-Гєnki (пЂїГnnu) ЕѕГіqвЂ™-ГЎm-Гєnki 196 7. Verb derivation An inflected stem can be basic or derived. A basic stem corresponds to the verb root. A derived stem is a root with derivational suffixes or subject to the derivational process of gemination or reduplication. Derivational affixes can follow a derived geminated or reduplicated stem. They can also follow each other in fixed combinations. 7.1. Derivational suffixes The derivational suffixes are Causative, Middle, Passive and Inceptive. There are suffixes that modify the valency of verbal roots (see 7.3), and suffixes that verbalise non-verbal roots (the verbalisers are described in 7.2.). All derivational suffixes have a VC structure. The consonant characterises the derivation: s expresses the Causative; пѓ« the Middle, m the Passive and w the Inceptive. The vocalic element in the valency modifying suffixes is predominantly a. It may appear as o in the Causative, the Middle and the Passive. A second Causative suffix shows a vocalic element i. The vocalic elements a or o are also used in the Causative verbalisers and the Middle verbalisers. The only inceptive verbaliser has a and the only Passive verbaliser has o. See table 44: Table 44: Verb derivation suffixes Causative 1 Causative 2 Middle Passive Inceptive -as -is -aпѓ« -am -aw Assimilation to radical o -os ---oпѓ« -om --- Verbalisers -as, -os ---aпѓ«, -oпѓ« -om -aw The s of the Causative suffixes changes to ЕЎ if the root contains a palatal sibilant (see 2.7.8.). Some of the variants with o can be explained by a kind of irregular vowel harmony with the root vowel o. This is only attested with verbs ending with qвЂ™, h or п‚©. One remarks that with consonants having the same place of articulation, such as x, and пЂї this assimilation is not attested. Moreover, the consonants qвЂ™, h or п‚© cannot be clustered in the phonological class of glottalised because of the presence of h, which is not glottalised. It is therefore difficult to establishing a natural class of consonants that allow for o-perseveration. 197 All the derivational suffixes of the verb loqвЂ™ show o as vocalic element. See example: loqвЂ™ swallow loqвЂ™-os make swallow loqвЂ™-oпѓ« swallow loqвЂ™-om be swallowed There are few more examples of this kind of assimilation. See a complete list below: boqвЂ™- to cut off boп‚©- to kill ЕѕoqвЂ™- to beat ЕЎooh- to wash boqвЂ™-os to make cut off boп‚©-os to make kill ЕѕoqвЂ™-oпѓ« to be beaten ЕЎooh-oпѓ« to wash oneself ЕЎooh-om to wash oneself ЕѕoqвЂ™om to have diarrhoea roqвЂ™om to wrinkle Harmony of o through a consonant is realised only in verbal derivation and it is not a regular process. For example, the derived affixes of the verb loп‚© вЂ�to spoilвЂ™ show a and not o. The derived forms of this verb are loп‚©-as (Causative), loп‚©-aпѓ« (Middle) and loп‚©-am (Passive). The verb ЕѕooqвЂ™ вЂ�to grindвЂ™ is derived for Causative and Middle. The suffixes of these derivations appear as вЂ“aЕЎ and -aпѓ« respectively. ЕЎooh-aпѓ« and ЕЎooh-oпѓ« are both accepted as middle forms of the verb ЕЎooh- вЂ�to washвЂ™. However, the Passive derivation of the verb boп‚©, which as been listed above, is not boп‚©-om but boп‚©-am. Assimilation is realised in the Causative derivation of the lexeme, boп‚©-os, and not in the Passive derivation boп‚©-am. This is the only case of a lexeme with assimilation in one derived form and not in another. Not all the cases of vowel o in the derivational suffixes can be accounted for by assimilation to the root vowel. See the examples: Еѕag kaпѓ°пѓ° ЕЎiggar to insert to be hard to stop Еѕag-oпѓ« kaпѓ°пѓ°-os ЕЎiggar-oЕЎ to insert for oneself to make hard to stop sb. The causative verb ЕЎiggar-oЕЎ alternates freely with the form ЕЎiggar-iЕЎ. Despite the phonological observations, the presence of o in the derivational suffixes is ultimately considered lexical. There is a series of verbalisers characterized by the vowel o: вЂ“os, -oпѓ« and вЂ“om. This vocalic element probably resulted from the merger of the inceptive verbaliser вЂ“aw and the derivational suffixes (See 7.2.). 198 7.2. Verbalisers The series of verbalisers is made up of the Causative вЂ“as and вЂ“os, the Middle -aпѓ« and -oпѓ«, the Passive вЂ“om and the Inceptive -aw. They follow the meaning of the verbal derivational suffixes: вЂ“as and вЂ“os have similar causative pattern meaning of the Causative suffixes вЂ“as and вЂ“is; -aпѓ« and вЂ“oпѓ« have the same middle meaning of the Middle suffix вЂ“aпѓ«; вЂ“om has the same passive meaning of the Passive suffix вЂ“am; вЂ“aw has the same inceptive meaning of the Inceptive suffix вЂ“aw. Derived Causative, Middle and Passive verbs can therefore have either a verbal or a nominal root. The verbalisers in o are probably historically derived from the Inceptive suffix -aw followed by the derivational suffixes -as/-is, -aпѓ« and -am. The vocalic element o results from the merge of -aw and the vowel of the derivational suffixes. See the table below: Table 45: Verbaliser suffixes -aw +-as/-is -aw +-aпѓ« -aw +-am -os -oпѓ« -om The verbalisers are normally attached to the stem of the noun. They take the place of the gender suffix of the noun. See for example пЂїuskakkoпѓ« вЂ�to be dirtyвЂ™, the middle verbalised form of the noun пЂїuskakko вЂ�dirtвЂ™: пЂїuskakk-o (m) dirt пЂїuskakk-oпѓ« to be dirty In some cases the verbaliser attaches to adjectival stems. See, for example, zaar-oпѓ« вЂ�to get madвЂ™, which is based on the stem zaar вЂ�madвЂ™: *zaar zaar-akko (m) zaar-atte (f) zaar-ayke (p) mad mad mad zaar-oпѓ« to get mad 7.2.1. Causative verbalisers вЂ“as and -os The causative verbalisers вЂ“as and вЂ“os have a limited application. The first -as is attested in the verbalisation of the nominal root bayЕЎ-e (p) вЂ�woundsвЂ™: bayЕЎ-e (p) wounds bayЕЎ-aЕЎ to wound moo koo=ka bayЕЎ-aЕЎ-i what 2SgM=Obj wound-Caus1-3SgMUnm What wounded you? 199 вЂ“os is attested in the verbalisation of an unattested stem *boп‚©ol related to the derived nouns boп‚©ol-ko вЂ�kingвЂ™ and boп‚©ol-te вЂ�queenвЂ™. The meaning is causative: boп‚©ol-ko (m) boп‚©ol-te (f) king queen bolп‚©-os to elect as king 7.2.2. Middle verbalisers -aпѓ« and -oпѓ« Nouns can become verbs by suffixation of the Middle verbaliser -aпѓ« and -oпѓ«. The verbs convey meanings related to body and mind, which is characteristic of the middle. The verbaliser -aпѓ« is only attested in the verbalisation of the following nouns. The derived verbs have to do with grooming: sir-e (p) boЕѕЕѕ-e (f) adornment white clay sir-aпѓ« to adorn oneself boЕѕЕѕ-aпѓ« to smear white clay The verbaliser -oпѓ« has a wider application. See a list of lexemes derived by this middle suffix: Body activity cвЂ™egd-e (f) qвЂ™atsвЂ™-o (m) qвЂ™arm-a (f) Body state пЂїuskakk-o (m) bad-o (m) baqвЂ™ass-o (m) State of mind zaar-akko (m) zaar-atte (f) zaar-ayke (p) blood itch cramps cвЂ™egd-oпѓ« qвЂ™atsвЂ™-oпѓ« qвЂ™arm-oпѓ« to bleed to itch to have cramps dirt hunger splitting пЂїuskakk-oпѓ« bad-oпѓ« baqвЂ™ass-oпѓ« to be dirty to be hungry to have a headache mad mad mad zaar-oпѓ« to get mad The suffix -oпѓ« has a variant -uпѓ« in the formation of the verb bayЕЎ-uпѓ« вЂ�to be woundedвЂ™: bayЕЎ-e (p) wounds bayЕЎ-uпѓ« to be wounded The roots of a group of middle verbs have absorbed the middle verbaliser suffix -oпѓ«. No lexical nominal root has been attested: пѓЂacвЂ™arkoпѓ« ЕЎikkomoпѓ« пѓ«agoпѓ« gasoпѓ« пЂїinsuпѓ« to get goosebumps to be numb to be angry to be happy to dream 200 7.2.3. Verbaliser -om The verbaliser вЂ“om has a very limited derivational function. The only example is the derivation of the verb bolп‚©-om вЂ�become a kingвЂ™ from the underlying stem boп‚©ol. The meaning is inceptive: boп‚©ol-ko (m) boп‚©ol-te (f) king queen bolп‚©-om to become king 7.2.4. Inceptive verbaliser вЂ“aw The role of -aw as inceptive verbaliser is attested in the following examples: qвЂ™olt-e (f) gaalпѓ«-o (m) female domestic animal pregnancy qвЂ™olt-aw gaalпѓ«aw to become a female domestic animal to become pregnant Another inceptive verb, geecc-aw вЂ�to become oldвЂ™ is derived from the stem *geecc. This stem is also found in the adjectives geecc-akko (m) вЂ�old manвЂ™, geecc-atte (f) вЂ�old manвЂ™ and geecc-ayke (p) вЂ�old peopleвЂ™. A stem *geeЕЎ and an inceptive verbaliser вЂ“uw can be identified in the basic verb geeЕЎuw вЂ�to become oldвЂ™. The stem *geeЕЎ is considered a variant of the stem *geecc on the basis of the discussion in 2.2.13 about the origin of cc from geminated ЕЎ. *geecc geecc-aw to become old geecc-akko (m) geecc-atte (f) geecc-ayke (p) old man old woman old people *geeЕЎ geeЕЎuw to become old Two active verbs paan-aw вЂ�to followвЂ™ and пЂїint-aw вЂ�to precedeвЂ™ are derived from the affixation of the inceptive вЂ“aw to the noun paan-a вЂ�footprintвЂ™ and to the adverbial пЂїinte вЂ�beforeвЂ™: paan-a (f) пЂїint-e footprint before paan-aw пЂїint-aw to follow to precede 7.3. Valency changing derivation suffixes 7.3.1. Causative вЂ“as and вЂ“is The distribution of вЂ“as or вЂ“is in causative verbs is to a large extent lexically determined, although semantics also play a role. The majority of the verbal lexemes selects вЂ“as as causative marker. I will refer to the suffix вЂ“as (and its variant вЂ“os) as Causative 1 and to the suffix вЂ“is as Causative 2. 201 Table 46 shows that the distribution of the two suffixes is not phonologically conditioned: Table 46: Distribution of -is and -as in similar phonological contexts f/__ biif-as пѓ«/__ п‚єaпѓ«-as r/__ xorr-as k/__ lekk-as rakk-as пѓ°/__ deeпѓ°-as b/_as cвЂ™ib-aЕЎ to invite raf-is to make sleep to make hide zormaпѓ«-is to cause anger to make send gar-is to build to make pierce side to side to make hang reek-is rook-is to make mix to make speak to make give gooпѓ°-is п‚є/_is пѓ«aп‚©п‚©aп‚є-is to make roar to make spear to make arrive The presence of -as and -is is not due to vowel harmony as is the case of -os in some derivations (see 7.1.). The only verb in which assimilation through back consonant may have played a role in the selection of the causative suffix -as is qвЂ™aqвЂ™-as вЂ�to make cutвЂ™. More examples go against the analysis involving the assimilation process. There are verbs with stem final back vowels preceded by i that select вЂ“as, rather than вЂ“is. See examples of verbs with stem final iп‚©, liп‚©- вЂ�to go outвЂ™ and iпЂї, пЂїiпЂї- вЂ�to seeвЂ™: liп‚© пЂїiпЂї to go out to see liп‚©-as пЂїiпЂї-as to make go out to show There are also verbs with stem final back vowels preceded by a that select -is, rather than вЂ“as. See examples of verbs with stem final aп‚©, maп‚©вЂ�to change directionвЂ™, and aaпѓ°, gaaпѓ°- вЂ�to tellвЂ™: maп‚© gaaпѓ° to change direction to tell maп‚©-is gaaпѓ°-is to re-address to make tell The presence of вЂ“as and вЂ“is is partially predictable from the transitive or intransitive nature of the basic verb. -is is used almost exclusively with an intransitive base and вЂ“as is predominantly used with transitive bases. Examples of transitive base derived by вЂ“as 202 пЂїooЕЎ cвЂ™ib diig п‚©abb goпѓ«пѓ« xorr deeпѓ° rakk bood qвЂ™aqвЂ™ qвЂ™aw seпѓ° kibir пЂїooЕЎ-aЕЎ cвЂ™ib-aЕЎ diig-as п‚©abb-as goпѓ«пѓ«-as xorr-as deeпѓ°-as rakk-as bood-as qвЂ™aqвЂ™-as qвЂ™aw-as seпѓ°-as kirb-as to shave to pierce to pour to take to make to send to give to hang sth. to dig to cut to bite sth. to collect to dance to make shave to make pierce to make pour to make take to let sb. make to make send to make give to make sb. hang sth. to make dig to make cut to make sb. bite sth. to make collect to make dance Intransitive base derived by вЂ“is Еѕimmir zormaпѓ« kiccaпЂї maп‚© raf wak пѓ«aп‚©п‚©aп‚є п‚©iipp п‚©oh kaпЂї mugur goob to be stunned to be angry to laugh to change direction to sleep to speak to arrive to go to sleep to grow (intr.) to get up, to wake up (intr.) to be surprised to get fat Еѕimmir-iЕЎ zormad-is kiccaпЂї-is maп‚©-is raf-is wak-is пѓ«aп‚©п‚©aп‚є-is п‚©iipp-is п‚©oh-is kaпЂї-is murg-is goob-is to stun to cause anger to make laugh to re-address to make sleep to make speak to make arrive to put to sleep to cultivate to put up, to waken to surprise to make fat The large number of counter-examples to these generalizations renders an analysis in terms of a functional opposition between the two Causative suffixes impossible. Several intransitive verbs have a Causative form in вЂ“as. See some of them in the list below: пЂїucc liп‚© luп‚є bay baпѓ« biпѓЂ п‚єul пЂїooy daaf to be filled up to go out to be on fire to say to hide to fall to jump to cry to be blind пЂїucc-aЕЎ liп‚©-as luп‚є-as bay-as baпѓ«-as biпѓЂ-as п‚єul-as пЂїooy-as daaf-as to fill up to make go out to set on fire make say to make hide to make fall to make jump to make cry to make blind One may note that TsвЂ™amakko does not have a difference between patientsubject intransitives and agent-subject intransitives as in Oromo, where patient-subject intransitives require double causative (see Stroomer 1995:). 203 See, for example, that the semantically similar intransitive verbs wak вЂ�speakвЂ™ and bay вЂ�sayвЂ™ show different causative suffixes: wak-is and bay-as. Moreover, there is a group of four Causative verbs with a transitive base showing вЂ“is. See a complete list below: пѓ«agg to insult sb. ЕЎooh to wash qвЂ™eed to lick sth. пЂїazaz to order (From Amharic azaz- вЂ�to orderвЂ™) пѓ«agg-is ЕЎooh-iЕЎ qвЂ™eed-is пЂїazaz-is to make insult sb. to make wash to make lick sth. to make order The subject of a Causative verb is a causer. The causer represents an added argument to the valency of the verb. Due to causative derivation transitives become double transitives. The subject of a transitive verb becomes the object of the derived Causative form. See the example of ЕЎamп‚єo вЂ�childвЂ™ in the following sentences. In the first one the child is the subject of the underived transitive verb ЕЎur вЂ�to suckвЂ™. Its object is пѓЂaп‚є-ne вЂ�breastвЂ™. In the second one it is the object, together with пѓЂaп‚є-ne вЂ�breastвЂ™, of ЕЎur-aЕЎ вЂ�make suckвЂ™, which is the causative counterpart of ЕЎur. The mother, пЂїingiye, is the new subject/causer: ЕЎamп‚є-o пѓЂaп‚є-ne ЕЎur-i child-M breast-Pl suck-3SgMUnm The child sucks the breast. пЂїingiy-e ЕЎamп‚є-o=ka пѓЂaп‚є-ne ЕЎur-aЕЎ-ti mother-F child-M=Obj breast-Pl suck-Caus-3SgFUnm The mother makes the child suck the breast. By causative derivation, intransitive verbs may become transitive. See examples: kaпѓ«пѓ« to climb kaпѓ«пѓ«-as to put on top gaar-ko=ma kaпѓ«пѓ«-i treeM=to/in climb-3SgMUnm He climbed on the tree. пЂїingiy-e tuusu ka womп‚єo sabbe=ma mother-F PronF.3SgMPoss Sent womХ»o kaпѓ«пѓ«-as-i climb-Caus1-3SgMUnm He put her mother on the womп‚єo-tree. top=to/in 204 пЂїawЕЎ to be ripen, to boil (intr.) пЂїawЕЎ-aЕЎ to make ripen, to boil (tr.) пѓЂanпѓ«-e пЂїawЕЎ-e water=Pl ripen-3PlUnm Water boiled. пѓЂanпѓ«-e пЂїawЕЎ-aЕЎ-a zow-a ba go-PlImpA Cons water=Pl ripen-Caus1-PlImpA Go and boil the water. kaпЂїпЂї to get up suddenly kaпЂїпЂї-is to wake sb. up suddenly пЂїaanto kaпЂїпЂї-i now get up-1SgUnm I got up now. пЂїano qвЂ™awk-o kaпЂїпЂї-is-i 1SgSubj man-M get up.Pun-Caus2-1SgUnm I woke up a man. kiccaпЂї to laugh kiccaпЂї-is to make laugh moo kiccaпЂї-ti? what laugh-2SgUnm Why are you laughing? пѓ«amm-int-e tuusu пЂїee=ka ki be.big-Nom-F PronF.3SgMPoss Sent.3 1SgObj=Sent kiccaпЂї-is-ti laugh-Caus2-3SgFUnm His big size makes me laugh. The expression of the object in sentences with Causative verb is not obbligatory. See, for example: пѓ«amm-int-e t-uusu ki kiccaпЂї-is-ti be.big-Nom-F FConn-3SgMPoss Foc3 laugh-Caus2-3SgFUnm His big size makes laugh. takk-int-e t-uusu ki murg-is-ti be.small-Nom-F FConn-3SgMPoss Foc3 be.surprised-Caus2-3SgFUnm His small size surprises. The meaning of some causatives cannot be completely predicted. qвЂ™od п‚©eeпѓЂ to dig to want qвЂ™od-as п‚©eeпѓЂ-as to plough to be necessary 205 Two basic verbs contain a causative suffix. No corresponding verb form without causative suffix is attested. It is remarkable that one of the two, пЂїalgas вЂ�to be ableвЂ™ is intransitive: пЂїalgas to be able gaagis to carry on the back 7.3.2 Middle -aпѓ« The Middle derivation suffix -aпѓ« and its variant -oпѓ« indicate that the effect of the action is experienced by the subject himself, or that the action is performed for the own interest of the subject. The suffix has most of the meanings described by Mous (2004), which re-examines the classification of Middle verbs proposed by Kemmer (1994) from a Cushitic point of view. The Middle suffix can indicate that the action affects the body of the subject. Several body oriented Middle verbs belong to the semantic spheres of grooming and body care: пЂїooЕЎ ЕЎiin pil ЕЎaп‚є pug to shave to smear to comb to tie to inflate пЂїooЕЎ-aпѓ« ЕЎiin-aпѓ« pil-aпѓ« ЕЎaп‚є-aпѓ« pug-aпѓ« to shave oneself to smear oneself to comb oneвЂ™s hair to wear to get satiated Body affecting Middle verbs have the body itself as agent: mutsвЂ™ to reduce пѓ«ab to miss mutsвЂ™-aпѓ« пѓ«ab-aпѓ« maпЂїsaпѓ« to shrink to disappear to sprain The Middle verbs with basic forms expressing involuntary body actions such as вЂ�to yawnвЂ™, вЂ�to breathвЂ™, вЂ�to sneezeвЂ™ and вЂ�to hiccupвЂ™ are shown below: ЕЎammaпЂїЕЎaпѓ« nassaпѓ« tirЕЎaqвЂ™adвЂ™ пЂїeqвЂ™aпѓ« to yawn to breathe to sneeze to hiccup Specification of the body, or spontaneous action, characterises also the Middle derivation of the verb пѓ«al вЂ�to give birthвЂ™: пЂїise пЂїinanko пѓ«al-ti 2SgFSubj boy give.birth-3SgFUnm She gave birth to a boy. пЂїinanko пѓ«al-aпѓ«-i boy give.birth-Mid-3SgMUnm A boy was born. 206 The Middle derivation of baпѓ« вЂ�to hide somethingвЂ™ has to do with body position: п‚єaпѓ« to hide baпѓ«-aпѓ« to be hidden Below is a group of basic Middle verbs indicating body position and state: daпѓЂaпѓ« sexaпѓ« gilbaпѓ« пѓЂakkaпѓ« п‚©obaпѓ« tuutsвЂ™aпѓ« ЕЎukkaпѓ« bagaпѓ« to wait to shelter to lay on knees to sit to crouch down to twist (e.g. to get into a small hole) to trample upon to run (only for plural subject) Several Middle derived verbs indicate that the action aims to affect the subject. The action usually goes to the benefit of the subject. This autobenefactive function of Middle is highly productive (see the same situation in Somali, Saeed 1993: ). Only one verb, п‚©eпѓЂ-aпѓ« derivation from the verb п‚©eeпѓЂ вЂ�to wantвЂ™, indicates detriment of the subject: bas bay пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ« bitam gass п‚©eeпЂї to do to say to add to buy to ask to want bas-aпѓ« bay-aпѓ« пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ«-aпѓ« bitm-aпѓ« gass-aпѓ« п‚©eeпЂї-aпѓ« to do for oneself to say for oneself to do for oneself to buy for oneself to ask for oneвЂ™s own interest to want (when referring to a situation affecting the subject) Other uses of the Middle extension are reciprocal, passive and stative. See the examples below: Reciprocal пЂїook Passive ЕѕiпЂї to change пЂїook-aпѓ« to exchange to eat ЕѕiпЂї-aпѓ« to be eaten The meaning of a verb can become stative through affixation of the Middle suffix. See below the cases of buпѓЂ-aпѓ« вЂ�to be sickвЂ™, fug-aпѓ« вЂ�to be satiatedвЂ™, galпѓЂ-aпѓ« вЂ�to be marriedвЂ™, loп‚©-aпѓ« вЂ�to be spoiledвЂ™ and raw-aпѓ« to be finished: buuпѓЂ gaпЂїal log raw to hurt to marry to spoil to finish buuпѓЂ-aпѓ« galпЂї-aпѓ« log-aпѓ« raw-aпѓ« to be sick to be married to be spoiled to be finished 207 A number of verbs appear to contain a frozen Middle. Some Middle frozen verbs with stative meaning refer to feeling, mental conditions and mental activity. See examples: qвЂ™abaпѓ« cвЂ™igaпѓ« naabaпѓ« miпЂїaпѓ« пЂїekkeЕЎaпѓ« to feel to love to hate to be sleepy to think See two more basic Middle verbs with stative meaning: пѓ«ikkaпѓ« pagaпѓ« to be completed to be over In addition, there are a few verbs that do not appear without the Middle suffix which have Middle meaning. Examples: Body position baalaabaпѓ« to put a head rest on the nape gaftaпѓ« to be stuck Autobenefactive waysaпѓ« darbaпѓ« п‚©insaпѓ« to mix for oneself to throw for oneself to beg It is problematic to include the rest of the verbs with frozen -aпѓ« attested in the corpus in one of the middle semantic categories. See a list below: gullasaпѓ« пЂїolaпѓ«i qвЂ™arrasaпѓ« naggadaпѓ« п‚©ubaпѓ« woЕѕЕѕaпѓ« Еѕammaпѓ« пЂїarmaпѓ« to see from far to wait, be late, spend the day to take mucus out of the nose to trade (from Amharic nГ¤ggГ¤dГ¤ вЂ�to tradeвЂ™) to build to work to enter (plural subject) to appear 7.3.3. Passive -am The Passive derivation suffix вЂ“am and its variant вЂ“om change a transitive verb to an intransitive one by suppressing the agent and assigning the subject position to the patient. In the first example below the verb qвЂ™aqвЂ™ вЂ�to cutвЂ™ is in basic form. The inflection indicates that a first singular person is performing the action of cutting. The object is marsвЂ™a dootte вЂ�a young acaciaвЂ™. In the second 208 sentences the same verb qвЂ™aqвЂ™ contains the Passive suffix -am and is inflected for 3SgF. The agreement is with the new subject marsвЂ™a dootte вЂ�a young acaciaвЂ™, while there is no indication of the agent. An agent phrase in the Passive is not allowed. See examples: martsвЂ™-a dootte qвЂ™aqвЂ™-i young.acacia-F one.F cut-1SgUnm I cut a young acacia. martsвЂ™-a dootte qвЂ™aqвЂ™-am-ti young.acacia-F one.F cut-1SgUnm A young acacia has been cut. Some Passive verbs show semantic overlap with Middle. No semantic difference could be noticed between the Passive and Middle derivations of the following verbs: ЕЎooh- to wash ЕЎiinto smear wuyy- to call ЕЎooh-om ЕЎiin-am wuyy-am ЕЎooh-oпѓ« ЕЎiin-aпѓ« wuyy-aпѓ« to wash oneself to smear oneself to call for oneвЂ™s interest In some cases the surfacing of the middle meaning of вЂ�passiveвЂ™ derived verbs is due to the fact that the subject of a Passive verb does not loose the role of agent. For example, the subjects of the verbs ЕЎooh-om вЂ�wash oneselfвЂ™ and ЕЎuпѓ«-am вЂ�get dressedвЂ™ are patient and agent at the same time. ЕЎooh ЕЎuпѓ« to wash to cover ЕЎooh-om ЕЎuпѓ«-am to wash oneself to get dressed The Passive expresses reciprocal action in bulam вЂ�to leave each otherвЂ™. In this respect it functions like a middle in this lexeme. bul to separate bul-am tannu bul-am-anki then to leave each other mann-aпѓ«пѓ«e=ma пЂїaaп‚©пЂ-onki separate-PAS-1PConsA house-P=to go back home-1PConsB Then we left each other and went home Two verbs that show the Passive suffix in the root, worпѓ°am вЂ�to fightвЂ™ and пЂїooxam вЂ�to quarrelвЂ™, have inherent reciprocal meaning. A third one, sukkam вЂ�to roll downвЂ™, expresses body motion: worпѓ°am пЂїooxam sukkam to fight to quarrel to roll down (See worпѓ°anko вЂ�warвЂ™) The verb Еѕag вЂ�to put inвЂ™ has acquired a different meaning in the Passive: 209 Еѕag insert Еѕag-am descent The Passive derivation of the verb goпѓ«пѓ« вЂ�to doвЂ™ has the meaning вЂ�to becomeвЂ™. goпѓ«пѓ« to do goпѓ«пѓ«-am become daal-e tannu пѓ«al-aпѓ«-e=bba goat-P then gaan-inki give.birth-Mid-3PlUnm=Cons пЂїayyakko goпѓ«пѓ«-am-inki many be.a.lot-3PlConsA do-Pass-3PlConsA Then the goats were born and grew in number. There were a lot of them. (Litt: вЂ�They became a lotвЂ™). The verbaliser вЂ“om also has the meaning вЂ�to becomeвЂ™. See example: boп‚©ol-ko (m) king bolп‚©-om to become king Another way to convey to meaning вЂ�to becomeвЂ™ is by suffixation of the Inceptive вЂ“aw (see the following paragraph 7.3.4.). The suffix вЂ“om appears in the following reciprocal verb which has no base form. karom co-habit A variant вЂ“um appears in the following verbs with a frozen extension um: пЂїardulum gussum пЂїorgoЕЎum to compete to follow to grow up (calf) 7.3.4 Inceptive -aw The suffix вЂ“aw indicates that the subject enters into the state or the condition indicated by the derived lexeme. This suffix can be attached to verbal and non-verbal roots. See examples of verbal derivation by -aw: kaпѓ°пѓ° lax qвЂ™onn to be hard to be green, fresh to be slim kaпѓ°пѓ°-aw laxx-aw qвЂ™onn-aw to become hard to become green, fresh to become slim A variant of вЂ“aw is вЂ“uw. It is attested in a few verbs. One example is ЕЎaguw вЂ�collect honeyвЂ™, derivation of the verb ЕЎag-. No difference of meaning between the basic and the derived form of this root has been recorded: 210 ЕЎag to collect honey ЕЎag-uw to collect honey вЂ“aw is вЂ“uw can be found in the verbs xinaw вЂ�to stinkвЂ™ and ЕЎukuw вЂ�to frightenвЂ™, but the meaning of these verbs is not inceptive: 7.3.5. Combination of derivational suffixes A derivational suffix may follow a verb stem already having a derivational suffix. This process results in a sequence of derivational suffixes. The combination of suffixes is restricted by distributional rules. The order of suffixes reflects the order of derivation. The Inceptive вЂ“aw is never combined with other suffixes, but it plays a role in the historical background of the verbalisers (see 7.2.). The general order is Passive-Causative-Middle. In a few exceptional cases, a Middle verb is followed by the Causative suffix вЂ“is. The Passive вЂ“am can be followed by the Causative2 вЂ“is and the Middle -aпѓ«. No combination with Causative 1 вЂ“as is attested. The use of вЂ“is for the causative of a passive is in line with the fact that вЂ“is is mainly used with intransitive verbs. Most of the verbs have a root CVC (see 6.1.). The suffixation of two VC morphemes results in a CVCVCVC stem. According to the vowel deletion rule described in 2.7.6., a stem with such a structure looses the second vowel. See below examples of the possible combinations (in the first examples, loп‚© вЂ�to rotвЂ™ and xur вЂ�to give upвЂ™ are followed by the combination вЂ“am-aпѓ«. The deleted vowel is the a of вЂ“am) : -am-aпѓ« log log-am to rot to be rotten log-m-aпѓ« to be rotten to oneвЂ™s disadvantage пЂїaxx-e log wuyy-am-is wuyy-am-is-aпѓ«-m-aпѓ«-e milk-P rot-Pas-Mid-3PlUnm The milk is spoiled (and now I do not have any to drink) xur to give up xur-am to be given up xur-m-aпѓ« to be given up on oneвЂ™s behalf -am-is пЂїook пЂїook-am to change to be changed пЂїook-am-is to cause to be changed If the Passive -am is followed by both Causative 2 and Middle suffixes the Causative вЂ“is directly follows the Passive and the Middle appears as the last element of the stem. See below the combination of the three suffixes: 211 -am-is-aпѓ« wuyywuyy-am wuyy-am-is wuyy-am-is-aпѓ« to call to call on oneвЂ™s behalf to make call on oneвЂ™s behalf to make call on oneвЂ™s behalf A verb derived by the Causative 1 -as can only be followed by the Middle suffix вЂ“aпѓ« -as-aпѓ« wuyy-as-aпѓ« to make call on oneвЂ™s behalf No difference of meaning has been recorded between wuyy-am-is, wuyyam-is-aпѓ« and wuyy-as-aпѓ«. All of them mean вЂ�to make call on oneвЂ™s behalfвЂ™. A Middle verb with derivation in -aпѓ« can only be followed by Causative 2 -is. -aпѓ«-is deeп‚єde (f) thirst deeп‚є-aпѓ« to be thirsty deeп‚є-aпѓ«-is to make someone thirsty A double causative is made up of two Causative 2 suffixes. The double causative is not productive. Few examples are attested: -is-is zaaray-is zaaray-is-is to make mad to cause to make mad Lexicalised derived verbs can also be derived and their frozen suffix is followed by the derivational suffixes. See the example of the Middle derivation of the lexicalised causative verb gaagis вЂ�to carryвЂ™. The Passive suffix вЂ“am appears after the whole stem and, therefore, immediately after is. This happens in spite of the fact that according to the normal order the Passive derivational suffix precedes the Causative suffixes: gaagis to load gaagis-am to be loaded 7.3.6. Marginal unproductive suffix -aп‚є There is evidence for a marginal derivational suffix -aп‚є. This suffix is considered a вЂ�middle voice formativeвЂ™ by Hayward (1989). In the few cases attested in our corpus in which it has a role in derivation, aп‚є looks like a verbaliser. The only evidence for derivation from a verb is bazzaп‚є вЂ�to be 212 plentyвЂ™. This verb is the derived form of bazz вЂ�to be plentyвЂ™, a loan from the Amharic bГ¤zz вЂ�to be plentyвЂ™. Verbaliser are often used for loans because loans are treated as nouns. Two denominal verbs with derivation in -aп‚є are based on the nouns buke вЂ�meetingвЂ™ and the attributive noun gaale вЂ�difficultвЂ™. bazz buk-e (f) gaale to be plenty bazz-aп‚є to be plenty meeting buk-aп‚є to gather difficult gaal-aп‚є experience trouble The verb kamaп‚є вЂ�to be richвЂ™ is possibly connected to the verb kamur, which has the same meaning. Other attestations of -aп‚є are found in verbs without basic forms. They are listed below: sekaп‚є korЕЎaп‚є porimaп‚є gaansaп‚є baЕЎaп‚є ЕЎiraп‚є pikaп‚є ЕѕuqвЂ™untaп‚є tumalsaп‚є to roast meat to weed to be brave to be unready to defeat to turn to be straight to throw wood to be paralysed If we allow the derivational suffix -aп‚є to have a variant in вЂ“o, one might also add the verb ЕЎoloп‚є вЂ�to be swollenвЂ™ to the list. Some of the verbs ending in -aп‚є can be further derived for causative. It is remarkable that the causative derivation is infixed before the unproductive -aп‚є. This fact supports the evidence for the status of -aп‚є as a grammatical unit. The Causative marker s appears infixed in the root in the examples below. This is due to metathesis between k and s. Metathesis worked in order to avoid a cluster ks (see 2.6.3.). bukaп‚є pikaп‚є to gather to be straight buskaп‚є to collect < *buk-s-aп‚є piskaп‚є to make straight < *pik-sa-п‚є The verb gaalaп‚є вЂ�to experience troublesвЂ™ is irregular in that its Causative suffix is palatalised. gaalaп‚є to experience troubles gaalЕЎaп‚є to cause troubles The verb baЕЎaп‚є вЂ�to defeatвЂ™ is derived for Punctual and Passive. The Passive derivation is realised by infixation of the element вЂ“m before the -aп‚є. baЕЎaп‚є to defeat baЕЎ-m-aп‚є baЕЎЕЎaп‚є to conquer to be defeated 213 ЕѕuqвЂ™untaп‚є (< *ЕѕuqвЂ™u-m-aпѓ«-aп‚є) вЂ�to throw woodвЂ™ shows a frozen Passive marker and a frozen Middle suffix. The Passive appears as n and the Middle as t. tumalsaп‚є вЂ�to be paralysedвЂ™ is a root with frozen infixed causative. Both verbs can be derived for Causative with suffixation of the Causative 2 вЂ“is. ЕѕuqвЂ™untaп‚є to throw wood tumalsaп‚є to be paralysed ЕѕuqвЂ™untaп‚є-is tumalsaп‚є-is to make throw wood to paralyse 7.4. Derivational stems 7.4.1. Punctual geminated stem Punctual derivation is realized by gemination of the second root consonant. This is usually the root-final consonant. raw п‚єul bitam baqвЂ™ali to finish to jump to buy sprout raww п‚єull bittam baqвЂ™qвЂ™ali to finish in one time to make a jump to buy one thing to sprout at once It should be noted that there also exist underived verbs with a CVCC root. These verbs are formally indistinguishable from punctual derived verbs. They do not allow for punctual derivation. See examples with rakk вЂ�to hangвЂ™, пѓ°egg вЂ�to playвЂ™, and пѓ°ull вЂ�to enterвЂ™.: layb-e пЂїi=nnu rakk-i cloths-F 1Sg=Dat hang-3SgMUnm He hung the cloths for me. пЂїabbay-o=yay пѓ°egg-ini father-M=with play-1SgSubFut I will play with my father. mann-e=ma пѓ°ull-iti house-P=to/in enter-3SgFUnm She entered the house. The punctual derivation marks the punctuality of the action. An example is the difference between пѓЂug вЂ�drinkвЂ™ and пѓЂugg вЂ�sipвЂ™. The former is a general verb expressing the action of drinking. The latter indicates that the action is performed once or at intervals. пѓЂug to drink пѓЂugg to sip 214 Other geminated derived verbs expressing punctuality are shown below: kaпѓ« fug kaпЂї qвЂ™eed cox to climb to inflate to get up to lick to milk kaпѓ«пѓ« fugg kaпЂїпЂї qвЂ™eedd coxx to climb with one movement to inflate with one blow to get up suddenly to lick once to squeeze the udder once Punctuality often refers to the object of the action, which is understood as one and not more: ЕЎab пѓ«iЕЎ to tie to plant ЕЎabb пѓ«iЕЎЕЎ to tie one thing at one time to plant one plant at one time In the case of the verb п‚©ab вЂ�to takeвЂ™, the attention is moved from the use of the whole hand to the use of the fingers only. п‚©ab to take, to catch, to seize п‚©abb to take with the fingers A Punctual verb can indicate that the subject ideally limits the space setting of the action. For example, the verb liп‚© вЂ�to go outвЂ™ implies that the subject leaves a closed space, a house for instance. The derived punctual verb liп‚©п‚© вЂ�to go out from an open placeвЂ™ implies that the subject leaves an open space, such as a forest or a field, and delimits with its body the point in which he or she moves out. The verb liп‚©п‚© is also used for the movement of the rising sun. liп‚© to go out liп‚©п‚© to go out from an open place The use of the Punctual stem is the preferred option in the Imperative. It gives a more immediate connotation to an order: maп‚©-п‚©-i change.direction-Pun-SgImpA Leave! There are no lexical or lexicalised verbs with longer structures. Verbal lexems with final gemination are interpreted as basic verbs with final geminated consonant. Only one attested verb, qвЂ™omm вЂ�to eat grainsвЂ™, has punctual meaning and is likely to be a lexicalised punctual derived verb. The meaning of the CVCC verb goпѓ«пѓ« вЂ�to deвЂ™ diverges from the meaning of the correspondent basic verbs. It can either be considered as a derived verb with lexicalised meaning or as a basic verb with final geminated consonant. 215 goпѓ« to braid goпѓ«пѓ« to do The rest of underived CVCC verbs attested in the corpus are listed below: пѓ°ull beerr пЂїuppi qвЂ™acc qвЂ™all ЕЎumm kell temm rakk koпЂїпЂї пЂїucci пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ« пЂїacc to enter to touch to blow to open to start singing to work hard to help to try to hang to light fire to be filled up to add to go The lexical or lexicalised CV(V)CC may represent the base stem for suffixal and reduplicative derivational processes, but not for punctual derivation. 7.4.2. Iterative reduplicated stem A derived stem with intensive and iterative meanings is formed by reduplication of the verb root. The reduplicated part is the initial CV(V)C(C). This means that the reduplicated part corresponds to a syllable having a short vowel and a final consonant (CVC), a syllable with short vowel and final consonant cluster (CVCC) or a syllable with long vowel and a final consonant (CVVC). An epenthetic a is infixed between the base and the reduplicated part. See examples: CVC пЂїel CVCaCVC пЂїelaпЂїel to keep on dropping CVCVC в†’ gereпѓЂ to steal bitam to buy пЂїazaz to order CVCaCVCVC geragereпѓЂ bitabitam пЂїazaпЂїazaz to steal continuously to keep on buying to keep on ordering CVVC в†’ ziir to extract biif to have a meal CVVCaCVVC ziiraziir biifabiif to keep on extracting to have a quick meal CVCC пЂїupp пЂїawЕЎ в†’ to drop в†’ to blow to be ripe CVCCaCVCC пЂїuppaпЂїupp пЂїawЕЎaпЂїawЕЎ to keep on blowing to be ripe for a long time 216 CVCCVC в†’ baqвЂ™qвЂ™ to sprout at once al bittam to buy one thing CVCCaCVCCVC baqвЂ™qвЂ™abaqвЂ™q to sprout at once continuously вЂ™al bittabittam to keep on buying one thing The derivation by reduplication indicates that the subject performs the action iteratively or continuously. п‚©aпЂї bas biпѓЂ пЂїook пЂїooЕЎ п‚єul to prepare to do to fall to change to shave to jump п‚©aпЂїaп‚©aпЂї basabas biпѓЂabiпѓЂ пЂїookaпЂїook пЂїooЕЎaпЂїooЕЎ п‚єulaп‚єul to keep on preparing to keep on doing to fall several times to keep on changing to keep on shaving to keep on jumping In some cases the stem indicates that the subject is particularly involved in holding a situation. It is the case of the reduplication of the verb baпѓ« вЂ�to hideвЂ™: baпѓ« to hide baпѓ«abaпѓ« to keep hidden Involvement of the subject may result in greater intensity. The following derivations generate intensive verbs: boп‚© biif bull пЂїiЕЎk to kill to have a meal to separate to untie boп‚©aboп‚© biifabiif bullabull пЂїiЕЎkaпЂїiЕЎk to destroy to have a quick meal to separate violently to untie violently The reduplication only affects the meaning of the verb. It does not imply plurality of the subject of an intransitive verb, nor plurality of the object of a transitive verb. In this sense, it differs from a Pluractional. 217 8. Other word classes 8.1. Adverbials Adverbials are semantically defined as words providing time, space and manner information to the whole sentence. They do not constitute a morphosyntactic word class. The TsвЂ™amakko adverbials are shown in the following exhaustive lists: Time adverbials пЂїaani пЂїaanto пЂїawne пЂїawnane gallawo geera gidano guuyu kaarinko macce qвЂ™amma qвЂ™ammakko qвЂ™ammatinko qвЂ™ammatinte qвЂ™arra qвЂ™ayna qвЂ™ane zingano zingatte пЂїassanna пѓ°ayyay пЂїassanna after now in the evening in the evening at night yesterday this year today everyday never the day after tomorrow two days after tomorrow three days after tomorrow three days after tomorrow before (also space) tomorrow during the day in the morning in the morning at that moment since then then Space adverbials пЂїita пЂїulo, пЂїulu, пЂїula gada guddo galla gallo garo qвЂ™aro kaaysa kaaysanu kaaynu away on the side on the highland side, up on the highland side, up on the lowland side, down on the lowland side, down side (also time. Adverbial noun) side (also time) there from there from there 218 пЂїaysana kaasa kaakanu пѓ°ayna пѓ°ayma Manner adverbials пЂїammake пЂїekke пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ gilinkasa gura kanna latto sollakko tahtatti пЂїasa пЂїasama пЂїassayay пЂїaysa пЂїaysama пЂїaysayay пЂїassayay пЂїayssayay from there here from here here here properly very together a little equal quickly naturally, on his own slowly at low volume so, in this way so, in this way so, in this way so, in this way so, in this way so, in this way so, in this way so, in this way Many adverbials are similar to nouns in their morphological make up. Moreover, some adverbials can be combined with case clitics. With the exception of garo вЂ�sideвЂ™ (see below), adverbials can never appear in head noun position. This shows that they are fundamentally different from nouns syntactically. garo вЂ�sideвЂ™ is a noun (in adverbial function) and appears also in head noun position. See example: пЂїita garo kallikk-o пѓ°ulla=ma away side sun-M п‚©od-ay enter-3SgMImpfv=ma throw-2SgMConsA Throw it away towards the side where the sun sets. In the following sentence garo has temporal meaning and appears as the head noun of the relational noun paann-atte вЂ�beforeвЂ™ (for a discussion of this relational noun see 8.2.). The construction garo paannatte has the meaning вЂ�some time agoвЂ™: garo paann-atte qвЂ™eyпЂїafer=ma luп‚є-п‚є-e=yay zow-ni side footprint-LocF QГ¤y AfГ¤r=to/in foot-Pl-P=with go-1PlUnm Some time ago we went to QГ¤y AfГ¤r by foot. 219 In adverbial use garo is mainly used with the meaning вЂ�towards the speaker or towards the centre of the actionвЂ™. Example: garo пЂїogoy kiy-ti side come.SgImpA say-3SgFUnm She said вЂ�come towards (me)вЂ™. The other adverbials only function as adverbials. The adverbial qвЂ™aro вЂ�in the placeвЂ™ is formally similar to garo вЂ�sideвЂ™, but it has no nominal syntactic characteristics. The two adverbials are also semantically similar in that both of them can be used with space and time meaning. However, the use of qвЂ™aro is less restricted. In the following example its meaning may be interpreted as вЂ�in the place of the patientвЂ™: пЂїombot-ann-e qвЂ™aro xumп‚єi ЕЎeeп‚©-i milk container-Pl-P place all пѓЂug-is-i ka bring-3SgMUnm Sent drink-Caus2- 3SgMUnm He made her drink all the milk containers that he brough to her. In the following example qвЂ™aro вЂ�placeвЂ™ means вЂ�close to each otherвЂ™: пЂїufunпѓ«e qвЂ™aro raf-e 3PlSubj place sleep-3PlUnm They slept close to each other. The adverbial may express the time adverbial meaning вЂ�beforeвЂ™, as shown it the following example: lukkal-itt-o ko п‚©ayy-i qвЂ™aro zaqвЂ™-nini chicken-Sg-M PronM place slaugher-1PlSubFut remained-3SgMUnm The chicken that we would have slaughtered before remained (alive). The adverbial also appears as a postposition referring to a location or a temporal adverbial. In the examples below it refers to gaarko вЂ�treeвЂ™ and to zingatte вЂ�in the morningвЂ™: gaar-ko qвЂ™aro kaпѓ«пѓ«-i tree-M ba raf-o place climb-3SgMUnm Cons sleep-3SgMConsB He climbed the tree and slept (there). 220 zingatte qвЂ™aro lukkal-itto kutta=ka in the morning side 1PlSubFut chicken-M PronM.Prox1=Sent zaqвЂ™-nini slaughter- kay-ini say-1PlUnm In the morning we said that we would have slaughtered this cock. Most adverbials share with nouns the property that the final vowel is either o, e or a, which in nouns represent the gender suffixes. Exceptions are guuyu вЂ�todayвЂ™, пЂїaani вЂ�afterвЂ™ and tahtatti вЂ�at low volumeвЂ™ (loanword, from Amharic tahtat). See examples: Example with guuyu вЂ�todayвЂ™ пЂїano guuyu ЕѕiпЂї-o 1SgSubj today пЂїine gaпЂїпЂї-a food-M yaaka prepare-1SgPastNeg when ЕѕiпЂї-ni=kka 1PlSubj eat-1PlUnm=Sent If today I do not cook we will not eat. Example with Р‘aani вЂ�afterвЂ™ пЂїano пЂїaani leonЕЎin-a daпѓЂan-nanki 1SgSubj after busF-F ka m-bay-i wait for-1PlMainFut Sent 1-say-1SgUnm I said: вЂ�Later we will wait for the busвЂ™. Example with tahtatti вЂ�at low volumeвЂ™ tahtatti wak at.low.volume speak.SgImpA Speak at low volume. Some adverbials have variants showing the proximal demonstrative/vocative tonal morpheme (see 2.4.4. and 3.9.). The pattern is characterised by high tone on the final mora and low tone on all preceding morae. The final high tone vowel o and e may be rised to u or i respectively. The adverbial noun gГЎro вЂ�sideвЂ™ and the adverbial qвЂ™ГЎro вЂ�sideвЂ™ are also attested as garГє and qвЂ™arГє respectively. See examples: ЕѕiпЂї-пЂї-o gaп‚єп‚єa food-M ba garГє пЂїine=ma пЂїogoy-anku take-PlImpA Cons side.Prox/Voc 1Pl=Dir come-2PlConsA Take the food and come towards us. пЂїufunпѓ«e garГє 3PlSubj bay-e=nnay galla dal-e na side.Prox/Voc start-3PlUnm=Backgr down goat-P Loc ЕѕiпЂї-i eat-3SgMUnm While they were getting close, down there the goats were eating it. 221 gor-e kesse qвЂ™arГє bukaп‚є-i people-P PronP.Def3 place gather-3SgMUnm The people gathered in that place. Other adverbials may also be modified in the same way. See below the examples with zingГЎno and zinganГє both meaning вЂ�in the morningвЂ™ and the examples with пЂїГЎwne and пЂїawnГ both meaning вЂ�in the eveningвЂ™ (пЂїГЎwne is the only e-final adverbial that is affected by the modification): пЂїufo zingГЎno kol-i qвЂ™oЕЎ-aпѓ«-i 3SgMSubj in the morning return-3SgMUnm tend cattle-Mid-3SgMUnm He in the morning when again to tend the cattle. пЂїano zinganГє boпѓ°пѓ°-te na nagay-i 1SgSubj in the morning sow-Nom Loc spend the day-1SgUnm I spend the morning sowing. (Litt: вЂ�In the morning I spend the day sowingвЂ™). пЂїГЎwne lukkal-itto ka chicken-M na bГ¬y-ГЁ goon-ti Sent in.the.evening land-P become.dark-3SgFUnm zaqвЂ™-anki Back slaughter-1PlImpfv In the evening the land became dark and we slaughtered the chicken. пЂїufo пЂїawnГ baпѓ«пѓ«-am-i 3SgMSubj in the evening hide-Pass-3SgMUnm In the evening he hid himself. The final vowel of the adverbial пЂїГЎwne is also attested as Г©, i.e., it carries high tone but it is not raised to i. пЂїawnГ© qвЂ™ol-e goomп‚є-o=ma Еѕammaпѓ«-e in.the.evening domestic.animal-P kraal-M=to/in enter-3PlUnm In the evening the animals enter in the kraal. An adverbial related to пЂїawne is пЂїawnГЎne вЂ�in the eveningвЂ™: leпѓЂпѓЂ-o qвЂ™ane пЂїacc-ini=nay moon-M day пЂїawnane go-3SgMSubFut= Backgr in the evening liп‚©п‚©i go out-3SgMUnm During the day the moon goes (far away) and in the evening it comes out. Some adverbials can be followed by a case clitic. See example of the combination of kaysa вЂ�thereвЂ™ and =nu вЂ�fromвЂ™: 222 makin-a kaysa=nu xaf-ti car-F there=from come-3SgFUnm The car comes from there. In the following sentence the adverbial kaysa appears with no clitic: zan-o mangaпѓЂ-a zey-i ba kaysa п‚©il-e street-M short-3SgMAdj go-3SgMUnm Cons there п‚©abb-aпѓ«-u zowu milk shaker-F go-3SgMConsA take-Mid-3SgMCons He went along the short way and (once he arrived) there he took the milk shaker. Some adverbials appear only with a case clitic. See the example of kaay=nu вЂ�from thereвЂ™: tiir-a nay kaaynu ЕЎala gay-iti run-3SgMImpfv Backgr from.there Е ala arrive-3SgFUnm He run and from there he arrived to Shala. geera вЂ�yesterdayвЂ™, may show the semantically empty clitic =y with no change in meaning: Example with geera вЂ�yesterdayвЂ™ пЂїato geera moo bitam-ti 2SgSubj yesterday what buy-3SgFUnm What did you buy yesterday? Example with geera=y вЂ�yesterdayвЂ™ geera=y пЂїano woЕѕЕѕaпѓ«-i yesterday=fill 1SgSubj work-3SgMUnm Yesterday I worked. The adverbial qвЂ™arra вЂ�beforeвЂ™ may show the nominal case marker вЂ“atte. qвЂ™arr-atte always appears sentence initially. See example: qвЂ™arr-atte miЕЎa пЂїingiy-atte пЂїaxx-e ЕЎur-ti before-LocF MiЕЎa mother-LocF milk-P suck-3SgFUnm пЂїaanto пЂїaxx-e dal-ete now ki biif-ti milk-P goat-LocP Sent-3 have.a.meal-3SgFUnm Before Misha used to suck her motherвЂ™s milk, now she drinks goatвЂ™s milk. The basic form of the adverbial, qвЂ™arra, may occur at the beginning and in the middle of the sentence. See example of qвЂ™arra sentence initially: qвЂ™arra пЂїano пЂїaaka beze boЕѕЕѕ-e boЕѕЕѕan-ni 223 before 1SgSubj and Beze clay-F smear.clay-1PlSubFut first I and Bezi smear ourselves with clay. When in the middle of the sentence, qвЂ™arra could be interpreted as a relational postposition that specifies the relative time of a preceding noun phrase. See two examples: пѓ«al-aпѓ«-i baqвЂ™qвЂ™ala miЕЎa=nu qвЂ™arra ki baqвЂ™qвЂ™ala MiЕЎa=from before Sent.3 give.birth-Mid-3SgMUnm BaqвЂ™qвЂ™ala was born before Misha. maanп‚©-o leпѓЂпѓЂ-e zeпѓ°=ta qвЂ™arra boox-i sorghum-M moon-P three=upon before sow-3SgMUnm He sowed the sorghum three months ago. zingatte вЂ�in the morningвЂ™ also shows the female locative case suffix вЂ“atte, but it has no basic form. However, it is related to zingano вЂ�in the morningвЂ™. See examples with zingatte and zingano: biif-u gallawu raf-u have.a.meal-3SgMConsA at night zingatte sleep.3SgMConsA in.the.morning kaпЂїпЂїu get up-3SgMConsA He had his meal, at night he slept and in the morning he got up. пЂїufo zingano kol-i qвЂ™oЕЎ-aпѓ«-i 3SgMSubj in.the.morning return-3SgMUnm tend.cattle-Mid-3SgMUnm In the morning he went again to tend the cattle. The nominal derivation suffixes вЂ“akko and -inko can be recognised in the shape of adverbials such sollakko вЂ�slowlyвЂ™ and kaarinko вЂ�everydayвЂ™. See examples: sollakko пЂїooпѓ« slowly walk-SingImpA Go slowly! kaarinko qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi qвЂ™ol-e пЂїellele goЕЎ-aпѓ«-e everyday time all cattle-P together tend-Mid-3PlUnm Everyday they were always tending cattle together. The adverbials qвЂ™ammakko вЂ�two days after tomorrowвЂ™, qвЂ™ammatinko and qвЂ™ammatinte both meaning вЂ�three days after tomorrowвЂ™ stem from qвЂ™amma вЂ�the day after tomorrowвЂ™ and show nominal morphological material. See examples: 224 Example with qвЂ™amma вЂ�the day after tomorrowвЂ™ qвЂ™amma Еѕinka n-zow-ni day.after.tomorrow Jinka 1-go-1SgMSubFut The day after tomorrow I will go to Jinka. Example with qвЂ™ammakko вЂ�two days after tomorrowвЂ™ qвЂ™ammakko Еѕinka n-zow-ni two.days.after.tomorrow Jinka 1-go-1SgMSubFut Two days after tomorrow I will go to Jinka. Example with qвЂ™ammatinko вЂ�three days after tomorrowвЂ™ qвЂ™ammatinko gabaya=ma n-zow-ni three.days.after.tomorrow market=to/in 1-go-1SgMSubFut Three days after tomorrow I will go to Jinka Example with qвЂ™ammatinte вЂ�three days after tomorrowвЂ™ qвЂ™ammatinte gabaya=ma n-zow-ni three.days.after.tomorrow market=to/in 1-go-1SgMSubFut Three days after tomorrow I will go to Jinka. The adverbial gada вЂ�towards the higlandsвЂ™ may replace the final a with the third person subject marker i. This subject marker may attach to the background maker ka (which appears as ki) and the case clitic =ma вЂ�in/toвЂ™ (which appears as =mi. See 4.5.1.). See example of gada and gadi: max-x-e xumп‚єi ki bead-Pl-P all lass-i ba Sent.3 sell-3SgMUnm gada baamb-a=ma Cons up pump-F=to/in zow-u go-3SgMConsA He sold all the beads and went towards the highlands to the pump. tannu gad-i пЂїerпѓЂaпѓ«-i then up-3 go down-3SgMUnm Then (the moon) goes down towards the highlands. A word medial variation a~i is shown by пЂїammake вЂ�properlyвЂ™, which may appear as пЂїammike. The alternation is accidental and cannot be explained by the presence of the third person subject marker i. See examples: ЕЎamп‚є-o garm-o ka child-M lion-M пЂїammake пЂїiпЂї-i Sent properly see-3SgMUnm The child had clearly seen the lion. пЂїano пЂїammike mann-e garis-i 1SgSubj properly I built a house properly. house-P build-3SgMUnm 225 Some adverbials result form the combination of a limited group of elements. The sentence marker ka, which appears as kaa, the pronominal definite suffix -пЂїa and the element пѓ°a, which has no parallels in the rest of the grammar take initial position in these. They may be followed by semantically empty clitic =y and/or the definite suffix -(s)sa. Most of these adverbials also include a case clitic or the locative pronoun na. The adverbials with initial ka are concrete locative adverbials вЂ�hereвЂ™. Some of them combine with the clitic =nu. Example with kaaysa вЂ�thereвЂ™ zan-o mangaпѓЂ-a zey-i ba kaaysa п‚©il-e street-M short-3SgMAdj go-3SgMUnm Cons there zow-u п‚©abb-aпѓ«-u shaker-F go-3SgMConsA take-Mid-3SgMCons He went along the short way and (once he arrived) there he took the shaker. Example with kaaysanu вЂ�from thereвЂ™ makin-a kaaysanu xaf-ti car-F from.there come-3SgFUnm The car comes from there. Example with kaaynu вЂ�from thereвЂ™ tiir-a nay kaaynu ЕЎala gay-iti run-3SgMImpfv Backgr from.there ЕЎala arrive-3SgFUnm He kept on running and from there he arrived to Shala. Example with kaasa вЂ�hereвЂ™ kaasa пЂїee=ka daпѓ°aпѓ«-a here 1Sg=Obj wait.for-3SgMImpfv Wait here for me. The adverbial kaakanu is the only one showing the sentence marker ka. It has the meaning вЂ�from hereвЂ™. See example: Example with kaakanu вЂ�from hereвЂ™ kaakanu zey-i from.here go-3SgMUnm He went from here. The meaning of the adverbials with initial пЂїa and пѓ°a is more obscure. Those with initail пЂїa are given the basic meaning вЂ�so, in this wayвЂ™. Those with initial пѓ°a are given the basic meaning вЂ�thereвЂ™. In the following examples, the adverbial пЂїasa means вЂ�so, in this wayвЂ™. 226 garm-o пЂїasa пЂїabb-ay-o ki lion-M so boп‚©-i father-M-M Sent.3 kill-3SgMUnm The lion killed the father in this way. The adverbial пЂїasama, which incorporates the clitic =ma вЂ�to/inвЂ™, has the same meaning of пЂїasa: пЂїasama xoxon-k-o gidde=ma raaw-at-ti kulile guinea.fowl so=to/in hole-Sg-M inside=to/in finish-Mid-3SgFUnm The guinea fowl died in the hole in this way. The adverbial base пЂїaysa appears in пЂїaysana, which incorporates the locative postoposition na, пЂїaysama, which incorporates the case clitic =ma вЂ�to/in, and пЂїaysayay, which shows the case clitic =yay вЂ�withвЂ™. пЂїaysana has locative meaning, as can be seen from the following example: пЂїaysana liп‚©t-i=kka there go.out-NonPstNeg=Sent You will not get out of there. The meaning вЂ�so, in this wayвЂ™ emerges in пЂїaysama and пЂїaysayay. See examples: пЂїaysama пѓ«ikkaпѓ«-inki so finish-3PlConsA They finished in this way пЂїaysayay gelzakk-o par-i so baboon-M die-3SgMUnm The squirrel died in this way. The adverbial base пЂїassa is attested in пЂїassanna, пЂїassayay. The adverbial пЂїassanna has temporal meaning. пЂїassanna pann-atte then пѓЂar-e пЂїufunпѓ«e xumп‚єi пѓЂakkaпѓ«-e ba footprint-LocF 3PlSubj пѓЂug-e all sit-3PlUnm Cons coffee-F drink-3PlUnm After that (moment),all of them sat down and drank coffee. пЂїassayay is attested with the meaning вЂ�so, in this wayвЂ™: garro ka пЂїassayay ЕЎannaf-i sqirrel Sent so defeat-3SgMUnm In this way he defeated the squirrel. 227 пЂїayssayay is attested only in the following example with the meaning вЂ�so, in this wayвЂ™: пЂїayssayay gelzakk-o gaftaпѓ«-i so baboon-M get.poisoned-3SgMUnm In this way the baboon got poisoned. The adverbial base пѓ°ay is followed by the locative pronoun na in пѓ°ayna, the clitic =ma вЂ�to inвЂ™ in пѓ°ayma and the clitic =yay вЂ�withвЂ™ in пѓ°ayyay. The meaning of пѓ°ayna and пѓ°ayma is вЂ�hereвЂ™. пѓ°ayyay means вЂ�since thenвЂ™. See examples: пЂїaanto пѓ°ayna пЂїaп‚©-i now here be.located-3SgMUnm Now I live here. gallawu пѓ°ayma at night raf-inki here=to/in sleep-3PlConsA At night he slept here. пѓ°ayyay gaan-t-e bolqвЂ™-um-ma here=with woman-Sg-F elect.as.king-Pass-3Sg.Neg Since then no woman was elected as king. 8.2. Relational nouns The relational nouns have the grammatical function to indicate a position with respect to a location. They show the locative case suffix and appear after the location they relate to. The related location is a noun followed by the locative case suffix or an element of a different class followed by the locative clitic =ta or, more rarely, by the locative pronoun nay. Even though the relational nouns form a small set, they show two different levels of grammaticalisation. The lowest level of grammaticalisation is shown by a group of four relational nouns that appear in all syntactic positions occupied by common nouns. Their grammatical meaning is connected to the lexical meaning they express in the other syntactic contexts. They are laпѓЂakko meaning вЂ�fieldвЂ™ and вЂ�outsideвЂ™; miinte meaning вЂ�foreheadвЂ™ and вЂ�in front ofвЂ™; duko meaning вЂ�backвЂ™ and вЂ�behindвЂ™, paana meaning вЂ�footprintвЂ™ and вЂ�afterвЂ™. laУ™akk-o (m) вЂ�fieldвЂ™ в†’ вЂ�outsideвЂ™ ЕЎamп‚є-o paЕЎ-ilo laпѓЂakk-ilo child-M field-LocM field-LocM The child is outside the field. miint-e (f) вЂ�foreheadвЂ™ в†’ вЂ�in front ofвЂ™ 228 ЕЎamп‚є-o gaark-ilo miint-atte child-M forehead-LocF tree-LocM The child is in front of the tree mann-e pawlos mann-e tsвЂ™eggay nay miint-atte house-P Pawlos house-P TsвЂ™eggay Loc forehead-LocF PawlosвЂ™ house is in front of SвЂ™eggayeвЂ™s house duk-o (m) вЂ�backвЂ™ в†’ вЂ�behindвЂ™ ЕЎamп‚є-o gaark-ilo duuk-ilo child-M tree-LocM back-LocM The child is behind the tree mann-e tsвЂ™eggay mann-e pawlos nay duuk-ilo house-P TsвЂ™eggay house-P Pawlos Loc back-LocM SвЂ™eggayeвЂ™s house is behind PawlosвЂ™ house The noun paana вЂ�foorprintвЂ™ is included in this group even though in relational function the noun appears as paann-atte вЂ�afterвЂ™, with irregular gemination of the final consonant. Gemination of the last root consonant is characteristic of nouns; howev er it is used to form plural derived forms, while the locative suffix attached to paana is feminine. paan-a (f) вЂ�footprintвЂ™ в†’ вЂ�afterвЂ™ gelzakk-o garr-ilo paann-atte пЂїogoy-a baboon-M squirrel-LocM footprint-LocF come-3SgMImpfv The baboon was following the squirrel paana is the only relational noun that can express a temporal relation. makseпѓёпѓёo seпѓёпѓё-ilo Tuesday paann-atte Monday-LocM footprint-LocF Tuesday is after Monday paana is irregular also because it has an adverbial function. пЂїise=kka paann-atte пѓ°ull-iti 2SgFSubj=Sent footprint-LocF enter-3SgFUnm She entered after tsвЂ™eggay pawlos=nu paann-atte xaf-i TsвЂ™eggay Pawlos=from foortprint-LocF come-3SgMUnm TsвЂ™eggay arrived after Pawlos The remaining relational nouns are more grammaticalised because they have no manifestation other than in grammaticalised position. However, they still 229 need the locative gender suffix in order to express their grammatical function. Their glosses indicate the hypothetical lexical meaning. The second group of relational nouns are syntactically more similar to case clitics than to nouns. In spite of this fact, they are classified as nouns because some characteristics of the case clitics are incompatible with the behaviour of the relational nouns: clitics occur as the last element of a phraseвЂ“therefore they may appear after a relational noun, while a relational noun cannot follow a case clitic; clitics are never followed by locative case; their CV structure is not characteristic of any noun. gid-atte вЂ�in the interior, insideвЂ™ qвЂ™om-ayk-e dunk-atte gid-atte shoes-Pl-P tent-LocF пЂїaп‚©-e interior-LocF be.located-3PlUnm The shoes are in the tent пѓЂanпѓ«-ete gid-atte п‚єull-anna water-LocP interior-LocF jump-1PlJuss LetвЂ™s jump into the water sabb-ete вЂ�on the top, onвЂ™ ЕЎamп‚є-o gaark-ilo sabb-ete child-M tree-LocM top-LocP The child is on the tree gul-ilo вЂ�at the bottom, underвЂ™ ЕЎamп‚є-o gaark-ilo gul-ilo child-M tree-LocM bottom-LocM The child is under the tree saark-ilo вЂ�in the middle, betweenвЂ™ boyt-ann-ete ЕЎaark-ilo zoog-inki boytakko-P-LocP middle-LocM distribute-3PlConsA They distributed them between the boytakko-trees qвЂ™eyпЂїafer luqвЂ™a пЂїaaka qвЂ™aqвЂ™o=ta QГ¤y AfГ¤r LuqвЂ™a and ЕЎaark-ilo QвЂ™aqвЂ™o=Upon middle-LocM QГ¤y AfГ¤r is between Luqa and Qaqo 8.3. Interrogatives Words with interrogative function end in o or a. Some interrogatives are made up of one of these words and a case clitic. In one case, the locative postposition na is cliticised. The interrogative pronouns вЂ�whose?вЂ™ and the вЂ�which one?вЂ™, characterised by the presence of the pronominal particles, are described in 5.5.4. and 5.5.5. respectively. See below a list of interrogatives: 230 moo moonu moona пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ пЂїaпѓ°ama пЂїaпѓ°aya пЂїakka пЂїakkama пЂїakkanu пЂїakkura bara mala meпЂї kaпѓ°пѓ°a taпѓ°пѓ°a kunпѓ«a tinпѓ«a kinпѓ«a what? why? why? who? towards whom? with whom? where? where to? where from? where to? when? how? how many? whose? (m/p) whose? (f) which one? (m) which one? (f) which one? (p) See examples of the interrogatives in the following sentences: moo bitan-ti what buy-2SgUnm What did you buy? moonu zow-ti what.from go-2SgUnm Why did you go? moona goпѓ«пѓ«i-ti why.loc do-2SgUnm Why did you do it? gaabay-a=ma пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ market-F=to/in who zow-i go-2SgUnm Who went to the market? пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ=ma пЂїacc-iti who=to/in go-2SgUnm Who did you go to? пЂїГЎпѓ°ГЎ=ya who=with gabay-a=ma zow-ti market-F=to/in go-2SgUnm With whom did you go to the market? пЂїakka пЂїaп‚©-inti where be.located-2SgSubFut 231 Where will you live? пЂїakka=ma sor-i where=to/in run-3SgMUnm Where is he running to пЂїakka=nu xaf-ti where=from come-2SgMUnm Where is he coming from пЂїakkura пЂїacc-iti where.to go-2SgUnm Where are you going? bara xaf-e when come-3PlUnm When did they come? mala woЕѕЕѕat-ti how do-2SgUnm How did you do it? gor-e meпЂї xaf-i people-P how.many come-3SgMFocUnm How many people came? 232 9. Texts The following three folktales have been written down in TsвЂ™amakko by BaЕЎare Manka, one of my main informants. The Amharic script has been used for this purpose. Some characters had been adapted to indicate those TsвЂ™amakko sounds that are not present in Amharic. The texts have been recorded, analysed and glossed with the help of BaЕЎare and another main informant, Beze Laybo. The actors of the these folktales are animals. The squirrel, garro, is the main character. It appears as the smartest of all animals in the TsвЂ™amakko oral literature. 9.1. Maakke gelzakkilo Р‘aaka maakke garrilo The tale of the baboon and the squirrel gelzakk-o пЂїaaka garr-o baboon-M and qвЂ™arra leпЂї-e пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ goЕЎ-aпѓ«-e squirrel-M before cows-P together tend.cattle-Mid-3PlUnm One day the baboon and the squirrel were tending cows together. qвЂ™ayt-o xumп‚єi leпЂїe time-M all пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ goЕЎ-aпѓ«-e cows-P together tend.cattle-Mid-3PlUnm They were always tending cows together. baami, пЂїingiy-aпѓ«пѓ«-e kaani friend пЂїine mother-Pl-P galпѓЂ-o пЂїufunпѓ«e пЂїaп‚©-a xur-anki 1PlSubj marrying-M leave-1PlImpfv вЂ�Friend! Our mothers are alive and we cannot get married. пЂїogoy ba пЂїingiy-aпѓ«пѓ«-e kaani come.SgImpA Cons mother-Pl-P пЂїee sukk-as-nanki ka PronP.1PlPoss Sent roll.down-Caus-3PlMainFut ok Come and letвЂ™s make our mothers roll downвЂ™. вЂ�Ok!вЂ™. gelzakk-o пЂїingiy-e tuusu ka пѓЂagal-t-e=ma baboon-M mother-F PronF.3SgMPoss Sent пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ«-i ba ba PronP.1PlPoss 3SgPSubj be.located-3SgMFocImpfv Cons sukk-as-o leather.sac-Sg-F=to/in put.in-3SgMUnm Cons roll.down-Caus-3SgMConsB The baboon put his mother in a leather sac and let her roll down. 233 пЂїingiy-e tuusu garr-o ka xur-i ba gaaпѓ°-k-o squirrel-M mother-F PronF.3SgMPoss Sent leave-3SgMUnm Cons stone-Sg-M пѓЂagal-t-e=ma пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ«-i ba sukk-as-o leather.sac-Sg-F=to/in put.in-3SgMUnm Cons roll.down-Caus-3SgMConsB The squirrel left her mother and put a stone in the leather sac and let it roll down. garr-o kiy-a пЂїingiy-e taпѓ°a=y nay ki squirrel-M say-3SgMImpfv Backgr mother-F PronF.whose=Fill Sent.3 haЕЎ haЕЎ пЂїasa sukk-am-na haЕЎ haЕЎ so roll.down-Pass-3SgMFocMainFut The squirrel had said вЂ�Whose mother will roll down making the haЕЎ haЕЎ sound of leaves? пЂїingiy-e taayu kuh kuh пЂїas-i sukk-am-inti mother-F PronF.1SgPoss kuh kuh so-3 roll.down-Pass-3SgFSubFut My mother will roll down making the kuh kuh sound of stones. пЂїingiy-e garm-atte пЂїas-i sukk-an-ti пЂїeem-a mother-F brave-AdjF so-3 roll.down-Pass-3SgFUnm look.at- SgImpB The brave mother rolls down like this. LetвЂ™s see!вЂ™. garr-o kaпЂїпЂї-i ba пЂїingiy-e tuusu ka squirrel-M get.up-3SgMUnm Cons mother-F PronF.3SgMPoss Sent пЂїomп‚є-o sabb-e=ma kaпѓ«пѓ«-as-u пЂїomп‚єo.tree-M top=to/in climb-Caus-3SgMConsA The squirrel left and made his mother climb on top of a Р‘omХ»o-tree. kaпѓ«пѓ«-as-i ba garr-o leпЂї-e goЕЎ-i climb-Caus-3SgMUnm Cons squirrel-M cows-P tend-3SgMUnm He made her climbing and the squirrel kept tending the cows. gelzakk-o maar-e goЕЎ-i baboon-M heifers-P tend-3SgMUnm The baboon tended the heifers. garr-o zingatte zow-a ba пЂїingiy-e squirrel-M in.the.morning go-3SgMImpfv Cons mother-F tuusu=ta natsвЂ™ir-o kaaki=nu war tsвЂ™iir-akk-o PronF.3SgMPoss=upon mother.of.male.F-M male-Sg-M bay-i nay PronM.2SgFPoss=from throw.SgImpA say-3SgMUnm Backgr п‚©aпѓ°пѓ°is-ti shake-3SgFUnm The squirrel in the morning went and said to his mother вЂ�Mother of a male child, throw to your male childвЂ™ and she shook the tree. 234 пЂїomп‚єo koпЂїa=kka garr-o ЕѕiпЂї-o ba пЂїomп‚єo-tree PronM.Def1=Sent squirrel-M eat-3SgMConsB Cons pug-am-u пѓЂaag-o ba fill-Pass-3sgMConsA Cons return.home-3SgMConsB The squirrel ate the fruit of the Р‘omХ»o tree, satiated himself and returned home. zingatte leпЂї-e=yay kaпЂї-пЂї-i in.the.morning cows-P=with get.up-Punct-3SgMUnm In the morning he left with the cows. koleпЂїaka zingatte again garr-o leпЂї-e goЕЎ-i in.the.morning squirrel-M cows-P tend-3SgMUnm He was tending cows again in the morning. koleпЂїaka zow-u again ba natsвЂ™ir-o tsвЂ™iir-akk-o go-3SgMConsA Cons mother.of.male.F-M male-Sg-M kaaki=nu war bay-i nay PronM.2SgFPoss=from throw.SgImpA say-3SgMUnm Backgr nu=nnu пЂїomп‚є-o ka п‚©aпѓ°пѓ°is-ti Loc=Dat пЂїomп‚єo.tree-M Sent shake-3SgFUnm He went again and said вЂ�Mother of a male child, throw to your male childвЂ™ and she shook the Р‘omХ»o tree for him. ki qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi nu=nnu п‚©aпѓ°пѓ°is-a=bba Sent.3 time-M all ki ЕѕiпЂїa Loc=Dat shake-3SgFImpfv=Cons Sent.3 are-3SgMImpfv All the time she shook for him and he ate. gallawo ko pug-aпѓ«-i ki пЂїogoy-a at.night PronM fill-Mid-3SgM Sent.3 come-3SgMImpfv At night he got satiated and came back. пЂїato bayi garr-o moo ЕѕiпЂї-ti ba qвЂ™ayto xumп‚єi friend squirrel-M 2SgSubj what eat-2SgMUnm Cons time-M all ka pug-aпѓ«-ay Sent fill-Mid-2SgImpfv вЂ�Friend squirrel, what do you eat to get satiated all the timeвЂ™. пЂїana пЂїano leпЂї-ete gaass-e rukaпѓ«i ba gaass-e 1SgSubj.Emph Sent cows-LocP horns-P pinch-1SgUnm Cons horns-P пЂїa=nnay пѓ«eematt-o ka ЕѕiпЂї-aпѓ«-a ka n-pug-aпѓ«-a. there=Loc cattle.blood-M Sent eat-Mid-1SgImpfv Sent 1-fill-Mid-1SgImpfv вЂ�Me? I pinch the horns of the cows and eat the blood of the horns and get satiatedвЂ™. zingatte garr-o leпЂї-ete paann-atte kaпЂїпЂї-u in.the.morning squirrel-M cows-LocP footprint-LocF get.up-3SgMConsA In the morning the squirrel left behind the cows. 235 пЂїacca nay пЂїingiy-atte natsвЂ™ir-o tsвЂ™iir-akk-o go-3SgMImpfv Backgr mother-LocF mother.of.male.F-M male-Sg-M kaaki=nu war bay-i nay PronM.2SgFPoss=from throw.SgImpA say-3SgMUnm Backgr п‚©aпѓ°пѓ°is-ti nu=nnu LocM=Dat shake-3SgFUnm While he was going he said to the mother вЂ�Mother of a male child, throw to your male childвЂ™ and she shook for him. ЕѕiпЂї-o пѓЂaag-o pug-aпѓ«-u eat-3SgMConsB fill-Mid-3sgMConsA return.home-3SgMConsB He ate, got satiated and returned home. gelzakk-o garr-ilo paann-atte kaпЂїпЂї-i ki baboon-M squirrel-LocM footprint-LocF get.up-3SgMUnm Sent.3 пЂїogoy-a come-3SgMImpfv The baboon left after the squirrel and arrived. garr-o zey-i nay gelzakk-o xaf-i squirrel-M go-3SgMUnm Backgr baboon-M come-3SgMUnm The squirrel went and the baboon arrived. natsвЂ™ir-o tsвЂ™iir-akk-o go-3SgMImpfv Back mother-LocF mother.of.male.F-M male-Sg-M kaaki=nu war na=ta gelzakk-o kiy-i PronM.2SgFPoss=from throw.SgImpA Loc=Loc baboon-M say-3SgMUnm вЂ�Mother of a male child, throw to your male childвЂ™ said the baboon to her. zik kiy-i пЂїaп‚©-ti. zik say-3SgMFocUnm be.located-3SgFUnm She kept silent. пЂїeem-a kaпѓ«пѓ«-ina miint-e=ma ЕЎabb-a ba kallacc-o kinni look.at-SgImpB climb-1SgMainFut Cons rectum-M PronF.3SgFPoss forehead-F=to/in tie-3SgMJuss вЂ�Look! I will climb and I will tie your rectum on your foreheadвЂ™. kaпѓ«пѓ«-u ba kallacc-o ka miint-e=ma ninnu climb-3SgMConsA Cons rectum-M Sent forehead-F=to/in LocF=Dat ЕЎabb-u tie-3SgMConsA He climbed and tied the rectum on her forehead. zingatte garr-o xaf-o natsвЂ™ir-o tsвЂ™iir-akk-o in.the.morning squirrel-M come-3SgMConsB mother.of.male.F-M male-Sg-M 236 kaaki=nu war bay-i nay PronM.2SgFPoss=from throw.SgImpA say-3SgMUnm Backgr In the morning the squirrel arrived and said вЂ�Mother of a male child, throw to your male childвЂ™. пЂїaп‚©-ti. zik kiy-i zik say-3SgMFocUnm be.located-3SgFUnm She kept silent. tannu gallawo пЂїaп‚©-o then garr-o ba пЂїooy-a ki ba at.night return.home Cons Sent.3 cry-3SgMImpfv Cons moo koo day-i bay-i nay squirrel-M what 2SgMObj get-3SgMUnm say-3SgMUnm Backgr Then at night he returned home and cried and he said вЂ�What happened to you squirrel?вЂ™. leпЂї-e пЂїee=ka kirrim-me=yay tuп‚єп‚є-a cows-P 1SgM=Obj tail-P=with ka n-пЂїooy-a beat-3SgMFocImpfv Sent 1-cry-1SgImpfv вЂ�I cry because the cows beat me with the tailsвЂ™. пЂїinto пЂїolk-o-se wow пЂїano пЂїingiy-e taako koo=ta ka thing-M-Def 1SgSubj 2SgM=Loc mother-F PronF.2SgMPoss Sent ka пЂїasa goпѓ«пѓ«-iti boп‚©-i=nu kill-3SgMUnm=from Sent so nay kiccaпЂї-i mu пЂїasa bay-i do-2SgUnm or so say-3SgMUnm Backgr laugh-3SgMUnm вЂ�Wow! Or you do like this because I killed your mother to you?вЂ™, he said so and laughed. пЂїolk-o-se пЂїato пЂїingiy-e taayu ka boп‚©-i thing-M-Def 2SgSubj mother-F PronF.1SgPoss Sent kill-3SgMFocUnm kiy-i say-3SgMUnm вЂ�Is it true that you have killed my mother?вЂ™ he said. пЂїinni пЂїano yes boп‚©-i na=ta kiy-i ba zow-u 1SgSubj kill-3SgMUnm Loc=Loc say-3SgMUnm Cons go-3SgMConsA вЂ�Yes I killed herвЂ™ and left. nu=nnu пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ=ma toont-e ЕЎiin-u ba пЂїufo LocM=Dat skin.mat-M=to/in poison-F smear-3SgMConsA Cons 3SgMSubj gelzakk-o rigaпѓ«-u baboon-M call-3SgMUnm He smeared poison on a leather mat and called the baboon. 237 baami пЂїogoy friend bagan-nanki qвЂ™awk-o пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ come.SgImpA run-1PlMainFut man-M п‚©iipp-i cвЂ™aldax-a=ma leather mat-M tsГirakk-o kiy-i be.soft-3SgMAdj=to/in sleep-3SgMUnm male-Sg-M say-3SgMUnm He said вЂ�Friend! Come, let us run. Who sleeps on the soft leather mat is the manвЂ™. пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ-se cвЂ™aladax-a naa=ma toont-e goпѓ«пѓ«-i=ma skin.mat-M-Def be.soft-3SgMImpfv Loc=to/in poison-F do-3SgMUnm=to/in bagaпѓ«-inki run-3PlConsA They run towards the soft leather mat on which he had put poison. gelzakk-o пѓ«ГІГІll-ГІ-se toont-atte=ma sor-i ba baboon-M skinmat-M-Def poison-LocF=to/in run-3SgMUnm Cons п‚©iip-p-u sleep-Punct-3SgMConsA The baboon ran towards the poisoned leather mat and slept. пѓ«ooll-o garr-o п‚©iip-p-i. biпѓЂ-a=m-i squirrel-M skin.mat-M be.white-3SgMAdj=to/in-3 sleep-Punct-3SgMUnm The squirrel slept on the white leather mat. hayssa=yay gelzakk-o gaftaпѓ«-i so=with baboon-M get.stuck-3SgMUnm In this way the baboon got stuck. toont-e duuk-o=ma п‚©ab-di poison-F back-M=to/in take-3SgFUnm The poison covered the back. tannu bayi gelzo then kaпЂїпЂїi leпЂї-e cвЂ™ox-nanki friend baboon.Voc get.up.SgImpA cows-P milk-1PlMainFut Then вЂ�Friend baboon, get up, letвЂ™s milk the cowsвЂ™. kaпЂїпЂї-i=kka malal-i пѓ«ooll-o пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ get.up.3SgMNonPstNeg=Neg be.tired-1SgUnm skin.mat-M together kaпЂїпЂї-i get.up-1SgUnm вЂ�I do not get up. I am tired. I get up together with the leather matвЂ™. пЂїano leпЂї-e cвЂ™ox-na п‚©iif kiy-i garr-o 1SgSubj cows-P milk-1SgMainFut sleep.SgImpA say-3SgMUnm squirrel-M The squirrel said вЂ�I will milk the cows. Sleep!вЂ™. haysa=yay gelzakk-o par-i so=with baboon-M die-3SgMUnm In this way the baboon died. 238 biddir-e-se пЂїingiy-e tuusu=ta ka garr-o laaп‚©-i debt-F-Def mother-F PronF.3SgMPoss=Upon Sent squirrel-M turn-3SgMUnm The squirrel returned the debt of his mother. 9.2. Maakke kulilatte Р‘aaka maakke garrilo The tale of the guinea hen and the squirrel (With the word kulile the TsвЂ™amakko indicate the guinea fowl irrespective of its sex. In this folktales, however, the animal is considered female. Therefore in the translation it is called guinea hen and is referred to as a female entity). garr-o пЂїaaka kulil-e squirrel-M and paЕЎ-o пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ qвЂ™od-e=bba paЕЎo guinea.fowl-F field-M together dig-3PlUnm=Cons field-M пЂїawЕЎ-u ripen-3SgMConsA The squirrel and the guinea hen dug the field together and the field ripened. пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ door-o door-aпѓ«-inki together granary-F prepare.granary-Mid-3PlConsA They prepared the granary together. garr-o kulil-atte kiy-a nay ber-k-o squirrel guinea.fowl-LocF say-3SgMImpfv Backgr rainy.season-Sg-M xaf-na ba door-o пЂїaanto waпЂїпЂї-e ЕѕiпЂї-nini ЕѕiпЂї-onki come-3SgMMainFut Cons granary-M eat-3PlConsB now 1PlSubFut beans-P eat- The squirrel said to the guinea hen вЂ�The rainy season comes and we will eat the grains of the granary. Now letвЂ™s eat beansвЂ™. пЂїufo door-o ka qвЂ™ayt-o xumп‚єi ki 3SgMSubj granary-M Sent time-M all ЕѕiпЂї-a Sent.3 eat-3SgMImpfv He was eating the grains of the granary at all times. tannu пЂїerr-o пѓ«ib-u then xaf-oy kulil-e garr-ilo gassaпѓ«пѓ«-o rain-M rain-3SgMConsA guinea.fowl-F squirrel-LocM asking-M come-3SgFConsB Then, the rain came and the guinea hen came to ask to the squirrel. garr-o пЂїerr-o-se пѓ«ib-i na kaпЂїпЂї-iti=bba door-o squirrel-M rain-M-Def rain-3SgMUnm Back get.up-2SgUnm=Cons granary-M bod-na ba booпѓ°-anki na=ta bay-i nay dig-1PlJuss Cons sow-1PlImpfv Loc=Loc say-3SgMFocUnm Backgr вЂ�Squirrel, the rain has come, get up and letвЂ™s dig in the granary and letвЂ™s sowвЂ™. tannu garr-o пЂїas-i kiy-i mugaпЂї-ti biпѓЂ-ay 239 then squirrel-M so-3 пЂїa=nna leпЂї-ite say-3SgMUnm head -F.pragm be.white-3SgFAdj ЕЎooпѓ°-e пЂїiпЂїti ba пЂїerro пѓ«ib-i there=Loc cows-LocP urine-F see-2SgUnm Cons rain-M rain-3SgMUnm kay-ay say-2SgImpfv Then the squirrel said so вЂ�White head! You saw cowвЂ™s urine and say that the rain cameвЂ™. пЂїa=nna пЂїato duuk-o konпѓ«usk-u kiy-a nay kiy-a ba back-M broken.back-M.Prox/Voc there=Loc 2SgSubj say-3SgMFocImpfv Backgr пЂїerr-o пѓ«ib-na ba door-o ЕѕiпЂї-onki rain-M rain-3SgMMainFut Cons granary-M eat-3PlConsB say-3SgMFocImpfv Cons пЂїano=kka xaf-o 1SgSubj=Sent come-1SgConsB вЂ�Broken back! You said вЂ�The rain comes and we will eat the granaryвЂ™ and I cameвЂ™ zow ba door-o bod-d-ay garr-o пЂїas-i go.SgImpA Cons granary-M dig-Punct-2SgConsA squirrel-M so-3 kiy-i kulil-atte say-3SgMUnm guinea.fowl-LocF The squirrel said so to the guinea hen вЂ�Go and dig in the granaryвЂ™. kaysa xaf-ti na door-o ЕѕiпЂї-aпѓ«-i there come-3SgFUnm Back granary-M eat-Mid-3SgMUnm When she arrived there the granary had been eaten. пЂїato door-o ЕѕiпЂї-i kiy-iti kulil-e garr-ilo 2SgMSubj granary-M eat-3SgMFocUnm say-3SgFUnm guinea.fowl-F squirrelLocM The guinea hen said to the squirrel вЂ�You ate the sorghum of the granary!вЂ™. пЂїinda cвЂ™aqвЂ™-nanki garr-o kulil-atte cвЂ™aaqвЂ™-e пЂїille=ta пЂїeem-nini come.on defecate-1PlMainFut faeces-F 3SgMUnm kiy-i self=upon look.at-1PlSubFut say- squirrel-M guinea.fowl-LocF The squirrel said to the guinea hen вЂ�Come on, letвЂ™s defecate and letвЂ™s look at our own faecesвЂ™. пЂїinda muunt-o пЂїeem-ni come.on sky-M kulil-atte cвЂ™aaqвЂ™-onki look.at-1PlUnm defecate-3PlConsB garr-o пЂїas-i kiy-i guinea.fowl-LocF squirrel-M so-3 say-3SgMUnm The squirrel said so to the guinea hen вЂ�Come on, letвЂ™ s look at the sky and defecateвЂ™. kulil-e пЂїaaka garr-o cвЂ™aqвЂ™-e=nnay garr-o 240 guinea.fowl-F and cвЂ™aqвЂ™-e kulil-atte squirrel-M defecate-3PlUnm=Backgr squirrel-M ka пѓ°ark-o=yay xurr-i ba faeces-F guinea.fowl-LocF Sent hand-M=with send-3SgMUnm Cons gaп‚є-п‚є-o пЂїille=nu saqвЂ™-qвЂ™-aпѓ«-o ba take-Punct-3SgMConsB Cons self=from store-Punct-Mid-3SgMConsB While the guinea hen and the squirrel were defecating the squirrel stretched his hand and took the faeces of the guinea hen and placed it to himself. cвЂ™aqвЂ™e kuusu ka kulil-e=nu saqвЂ™-o faeces-F PronM.3SgMPoss Sent guinea.fowl-F=from store-3SgMConsB He placed his faeces by the guinea hen. cвЂ™aqвЂ™-e tannu пЂїille=ta faeces-F then пЂїeem-na kiy-i kulul-atte self=upon look.at-1PlJuss say-3SgMUnm guinea.fowl-LocF Then he said to the guinea hen вЂ�LetвЂ™s look at our own faecesвЂ™. пЂїeem-e=nna cвЂ™aqвЂ™-e kulul-atte maanп‚©-o ke look.at-3PlUnm=Back faeces-F guinea.fowl-LocF sorghum-M PronP пѓЂaЕЎ-k-o garr-ilo squirrel-LocM grass-Sg-M When they looked at the faeces of the guinea hen, they were sorghum and those of the squirrel were grass. tannu garr-o then na=ta kiy-a nay пЂїato maanп‚©-o squirrel-M Loc=Loc say-3SgMFocImpfv Backgr 2SgSubj sorghum-M raaw-i пЂїas-i kiy-i kulil-atte finish-3SgMUnm guinea.fowl-LocF so-3 say-3SgMUnm Then the squirrel said so to the guinea hen вЂ�You finished the sorghum!вЂ™. пЂїinda пЂїille=ta ЕѕaпѓЂпѓЂar-r-ite gaar-e Еѕag-nanki пЂїeem-onki come.on self=upon anus.Pl-LocP trees-P insert-1PlMainFut look.at-1PlConsB вЂ�Come on! LetвЂ™s insert a wooden stick in our own anus and letвЂ™s look at themвЂ™. gaar-e Еѕag-e=nnay ЕѕaпѓЂпѓЂar-k-o garr-ulo nay trees-P insert-3Pl=Backgr anus.Sg-M squirrel-LocM Back maanп‚©-o пЂїaп‚©-a ЕѕaпѓЂпѓЂar-k-o kulil-atte sorghum-M be.located-3Sg,Impfv anus.Sg-M пѓЂaЕЎ-k-o пЂїaп‚©-a na guinea.fowl-LocF Loc grass-Sg-M be.located-3SgImpfv They inserted the wooden stick and in the anus of the squirrel there was sorghum, in the anus of the guinea hen there was grass. tannu garr-o=ma then gerпѓЂint-e haysa=yay пЂїarmat-ti squirrel-M=to/in theft-F so=with So, squirrelвЂ™s theft appeared in this way. appear-3SgFUnm 241 пЂїato maanп‚©-o ka ba пЂїato raaw-i maanп‚©-o sorghum-M Sent 2SgSubj finish-3SgMFocUnm Cons 2SgSubj sorghum-M пЂїee=ta kay-ay raaw-i finish-3SgMFocUnm 1Sg=Loc say-2SgMImpfv вЂ�You finished the sorghum and you told me вЂ�you finished the sorghumвЂ™!вЂ™. пЂїeЕЎi пЂїogoy ok zow-nanki пЂїГЁlГЁlГЁ gallawu raaf-anki come.SgImpA go-1PlMainFut together at.night sleep-1PlImpfv garr-o kulul-atte kiy-i squirrel-M guinea.fowl-LocF say-3SgMUnm The squirrel said to the guinea hen вЂ�Ok, come, letвЂ™s go and sleep together tonightвЂ™. пЂїufo qвЂ™arra пЂїita пѓ°ull-i 3SgMSubj before away enter-3SgMUnm He entered first. bukkis-att-e liп‚©-u den-Sg-F get.out-3SgMConsA He got out the den. пЂїise=kka пѓ°ull-iti paann-atte 3SgFSubj=Sent footprint-LocF enter-3SgFUnm She entered after. garr-o bukkis-aпѓ«пѓ«-e boqвЂ™qвЂ™-o. squirrel-M den-Pl-P close.a.hole-3SgMConsB The squirrel closed the dens. пЂїawk-o-se kaysa=nu xaf-o ba qвЂ™ar-o there=from come-3SgMConsB Cons place-M-Def place-M Еѕammaпѓ«e=mma katt-e koпЂї-u. enter.P-3PlUnm=to/in fire-F light-3SgMConsA He came from there and lit fire on the place in which they had entered. пЂїise gid-atte riir-ti na 3SgFSubj inside-LocF scream-3SgFUnm Loc bayi kululla ЕЎummi na=ta kiy-i friend guinea.fowl.Voc resist.SgImpA Loc=Loc say-3SgMUnm While she was screaming form inside he said вЂ�Friend guinea hen, resist!вЂ™. kulil-e пЂїaysa=mma xoxon-k-o gid-d-e=ma guinea.fowl-F so=to/in raaw-at-ti hole-Sg-M inside-Pl-P=to/in finish-Mid-3SgFUnm The guinea hen died in the hole in this way. 9.3. Maakke garrilo Р‘aaka maakke gubalatte The tale of the squirrel and the rabbit 242 пЂїarпѓ«-o bitam-i qвЂ™arra garr-o na gubal-e maar-t-e before squirrel-M ox-M buy-3SgMUnm Back rabbit-F heifers-Sg-F bitan-ti buy-3SgFUnm One day the squirrel bought a ox and the rabbit bought a heifer. maar-t-e gubal-atte gur-ti ba woqвЂ™oЕЎ-i heifers-Sg-F rabbit-LocF mate-3SgFUnm Cons get.pregnant-3SgFConsA ba пѓ«al-i Cons give.birth-3SgFConsA The heifer of the rabbit mated, got pregnant and gave birth. maar-t-e пѓ«al-ti=nnay nay kaayu garr-o kiy-a heifers-Sg-F give.birth-3SgFUnm=Backgr squirrel-M say-3SgMImpfv ka пѓ«al-i kiy-i Backgr PronM.1SgPoss Sent give.birth-3SgMUnm say-3SgMUnm Cons пЂїarпѓ«-ilo turпѓ«-itt-e sort -o ki ba пЂїaпѓ«пѓ«-a ox-LocM buttocks-Sg-F placenta-M Sent.3 put.in-3SgMImpfv After the heifer gave birth the squirrel said вЂ�Mine gave birthвЂ™ and put some placenta in the buttock of the ox. gubal-e gor-e buskaп‚є-ti rabbit-F people-P gather.Caus-3PlUnm The rabbit gathered people. gor-e zingatte saпЂїat-e lГЎkkГ=yay bukaп‚є-e people-P in.the.morning hour-F gubal-e saпЂїat-e salaпѓ° ki rabbit-F hour-F four ba two=with gather-3PlUnm Cons xaf-ti Sent.3 come-3SgFUnm The people gathered at two in the morning and the rabbit came at four. gor-e kiy-anki=nnay пЂїine ka buskaп‚є-ti people say-3PlImpfv=Backgr 1PlSubj Sent gather.Caus-3SgFUnm Cons пЂїato пЂїakka=ma baпѓ«-ay ba kiy-e 2SgSubj where=to/in hide-2SgImpfv say-3PlUnm The people said, вЂ�You gathered us and where do you disappear?вЂ™. gaaпѓ°k-o п‚©onпѓ«-am-i ba dell-o=ma пЂїolaпѓ«-i stone-Sg-M break-Pass-3SgMUnm Cons sewing-M=to/in spend.the.day-1SgUnm пЂїise ka kiy-iti 3SgFSubj Sent say-3SgFUnm She said вЂ�A stone broke and I spent the day sewing itвЂ™ 243 gor-e kesse bukaп‚є-i kiy-anki=nnay people-P PronP.Def3 gather-3SgMFocUnm say-3PlImpfv=Backgr gaaпѓ°-k-o moo п‚©onпѓ«-am-u ba ka deel-ay gubal-atte stone-Sg-M what break-Pass-3SgMConsA Cons Sent sew-2SgConsA rabbit-LocF kiy-e say-3PlUnm The people who gathered said to the rabbit вЂ�How come that a stone breakes and you sew it?вЂ™. пЂїise пѓЂarпѓ«-o moo ki kiy-a=nnay 3SgFSubj say-3SgFImpfv=Backgr ox-M what Sent.3 пѓ«al-aпѓ«-a nu=nnu bukaп‚є-anku kiy-iti give.birth-Mid-3SgMImpfv LocM=Dat gather-2PlConsA say-3SgFUnm She said вЂ�How come that a ox gives birth and you gather for him?вЂ™. tannu пЂїise then ka bolп‚©-om-is-i 3SgFSubj Sent be.king-Pass-Caus-3SgMFocUnm Then, she was made king. tannu garr-o then kiy-a nay boп‚©ol-k-o=nu qвЂ™ol-e squirrel-M say-3SgMImpfv Backgr king-Sg-M=from cattle-P cвЂ™ox-inпѓ«a milk-PlImpB Then, the squirrel said вЂ�Milk cattle for the king!вЂ™. пЂїombott-ann-e kГєnkГі=yay пЂїaxx-e cвЂ™ox-onki=bba milk.container-Pl-P ten=with xumп‚єi cвЂ™ox-anki=bba all gand-a milk-P milk-3PlConsB=Cons neighbourhood-F nu=nnu пЂїawk-o-se boп‚©ol-k-o na=ta milk-3PlImpfv=Cons LocM=Dat place-M-Def king-Sg-M Loc=Loc пЂїaп‚©-i=ma ЕЎeeп‚©-onki be.located-3SgMUnm=to/in bring-3PlConsB They milked ten containers, the whole neighbourhood milked and brought it to the place where the king lived. boп‚©ol-k-o пЂїombott-o пѓЂug-is-i nay king-Sg-M milk.container-M drink-Caus-3SgMUnm Backgr пЂїombott-o dookko пЂїa=kka пѓЂugg-is-i nay пЂїombott-o dookko пЂїa=kka пѓЂugg-is-i nay milk.container-M one.M there=Sent drink-Punct-3SgMUnm Backgr milk.container-M one.M there=Sent drink-Punct-3SgMUnm Backgr пЂїombot-ann-e qвЂ™aru ЕЎeeп‚©-e xumп‚єi пѓЂug-is-i milk.container-Pl-P place bring-3PlUnm all drink-Caus-3SgMUnm He made the king drink the milk containers. After he made her drink one milk container, after he made her drink another milk container, he made her drink all the milk containers they had brought to the place. пЂїombot-ann-e ketta xumп‚єi raaw-ti milk.container-Pl-P PronP.Dist1 all nay bolt-e finish-3SgFUnm Backgr drop-F 244 takk-a ki пѓЂaqвЂ™-i be.small-3SgMFocAdj Sent.3 be.left-3SgMFocUnm After she finished all those milk containers a small drop remained. bolt-e tetta=kka garaпѓЂ-t-e=ma biпѓЂ-i drop-F PronF.Dist1=Sent belly-Sg-F=to/in fall-Reduc-Unm That drop fell on the belly. пѓ«awr-a boп‚©ol-k-o пѓ°aark-o=yay п‚©ab-b-i=kka taboo-F king-Sg-M hand-M=with take-Punct-3SgMNonPstNeg=Sent kup bay-i ba qвЂ™eed-d-a loqвЂ™-a kup say-3SgMUnm Cons lick-Punct-3SgMConsA swallow-3SgMConsA boп‚©ol-t-e=kka kup bayi-ti nay garaпѓЂ-t-e na=ta king-F-F=Sent kup say-3SgFUnm Backgr belly-Sg-F Loc=Loc п‚єoпЂї-ti blast-3SgFUnm Taboo! A king does not take it with the hand. He bends, licks and swallows. When the queen bended, the belly blasted пЂїasa tannu gubal-atte mala day-i so then gubal-e ka par-ti rabbit-LocF how get-3SgMUnm rabbit-F Sent die-3SgFUnm So, then, what happened to the rabbit? The rabbit died. maakk-e garr-ilo tale-P пЂїaaka maakk-e gubal-atte ketta=y squirrel-LocM and tale-P rabbit-LocF PronP.Dist1 That was the tale of the squirrel and the rabbit. 245 10. Glossaries 10.1. TsвЂ™amakko-English пЂї -пЂїa вЂ“ definite suffix пЂїaaп‚©e f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ amniotic fluid пЂїaaп‚©e p.; -itte f. вЂ“ bird пЂїaaka conj. вЂ“ conjunction of head nouns пЂїaallitte f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ shin-bone пЂїaani adv. вЂ“ after пЂїaanto adv. вЂ“ now пЂїaare p.; пЂїaartakko m., пЂїaartitte f. вЂ“ Ari people пЂїaaza f. вЂ“ arrow with iron point пЂїabba m.; -iyo m.,-aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ father пЂїaberro attr. вЂ“ sour (milk) пЂїabeto m. вЂ“ sorghum sp. пЂїacc v. вЂ“ to go пЂїadda m.; -iyo m.,-aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ younger brother пЂїaddisabeba вЂ“ Addis Ababa пЂїafo m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ steam, blow пЂїag v. вЂ“ to uproot пЂїagal*; пЂїagalte f., пЂїalge p. вЂ“ sac made of leather пЂїagile f.; пЂїagilitto m., пЂїagilitte f., пЂїalgo p. вЂ“ newborn calf пЂїagumu m. вЂ“ sorghum sp. пЂїaп‚© v.; (Redupl) вЂ“ to be located пЂїahayte f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ milk and blood пЂїaпѓ°a interr. вЂ“ who?; пЂїaпѓ°ama вЂ“ towards whom?; пЂїaпѓ°aya вЂ“ with whom? пЂїakima m.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ doctor пЂїakka m.; -iyo m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ grandfather пЂїakka interr. вЂ“ who?; пЂїakkama вЂ“ where to?; пЂїakkanu вЂ“ from where? пЂїakko m.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ wild animal пЂїakkura interr. вЂ“ where to? пЂїalaw*; пЂїalawte f., пЂїalawwe p. вЂ“ older sister пЂїalbine f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ kind of rifle пЂїalga f. вЂ“ bed (Amh. alga) пЂїalgakko m.; пЂїalgatakko m., пЂїalgatte f. вЂ“ clan name пЂїalgas v. вЂ“ to be able пЂїallaпѓЂe f. вЂ“ predatory birds пЂїallo m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ fresh local beer пЂїalЕѕo m., пЂїalЕѕe p. вЂ“ stick, walking пЂїamarko m.; пЂїamartakko m., пЂїamartitte f., пЂїamarkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ Hamer people 246 пЂїamate f. вЂ“ sorghum sp. пЂїammake adv. вЂ“ properly пЂїamule f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ stone sp. (salty) пЂїankarsa f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ stick with iron point пЂїano вЂ“ I пЂїar v.; (Caus2, Pass) вЂ“ know пЂїara вЂ“ eyesвЂ™ disease пЂїara вЂ“ tree sp. пЂїarafko m. вЂ“ elephant пЂїaraЕЎa f. вЂ“ ox pecker пЂїardulum v. вЂ“ to race пЂїargakko m. вЂ“ tree sp. пЂїarka f. вЂ“ animal sp. пЂїarmaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to appear пЂїarmante f. вЂ“ weed sp. пЂїarre f. вЂ“ donkey пЂїasa adv.; пЂїasama вЂ“ so, in this way пЂїassanna adv. вЂ“ at that moment, then пЂїassayay adv. вЂ“ so, in this way пЂїaЕЎawa f. вЂ“ white bracelet пЂїaЕЎЕЎe p. вЂ“ highland пЂїatare f. вЂ“ pulse sp. пЂїato вЂ“ you (sg) пЂїatunпѓ«e вЂ“ you (pl) пЂїabun v. вЂ“ to rock пЂїawal*; пЂїawalko m., пЂїawle p. вЂ“ tombstone пЂїawko m., пЂїayko m. вЂ“ place пЂїawne adv.; пЂїawnane вЂ“ in the evening пЂїawЕЎ v.; (caus) вЂ“ to ripen, to boil; пЂїawЕЎo m. вЂ“ fruit пЂїaxxe p.; -itte f, aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ eye пЂїaxxe p. вЂ“ milk пЂїaylo m.; -itto m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ small hoe пЂїaylo вЂ“ meeting, working пЂїaylobate f. вЂ“ sorghum sp. пЂїayra m. вЂ“ friend пЂїaysa adv.; пЂїaysama, пЂїaysayay вЂ“ so, in this way пЂїaysana adv. вЂ“ from there пЂїayssayay adv. вЂ“ so, in this way пЂїaysuze f. вЂ“ truck (Amh. aysuzu) пЂїayya f. вЂ“ mother пЂїazaz (also пЂїaЕѕaЕѕ) (Caus2) пЂїazaпЂїazaz keep on ordering вЂ“ order пЂїazo m.; пЂїaze f.; пЂїazze p. вЂ“ younger brother/sister пЂїaЕѕo m.; пЂїaЕѕЕѕe p. вЂ“ smell пЂїeпЂїпЂїa f. вЂ“ soghum sp. пЂїeeda m. вЂ“ relative пЂїeem v. вЂ“ to look at пЂїeero m. вЂ“ grass sp. (edible) 247 пЂїeger*; пЂїegerko m., пЂїegerre p. вЂ“ tree sp. пЂїekaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ girls пЂїekke вЂ“ very пЂїekkeЕЎaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to think пЂїel v.; (Redupl) вЂ“ to drop, to flow пЂїelele вЂ“ together пЂїelele adv. вЂ“ to together пЂїelle adv. вЂ“ to each other пЂїeqвЂ™aпѓ« v. вЂ“ to hiccup пЂїerbo m.; -itto m., -anne вЂ“ ram пЂїerro m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ rain пЂїerto m.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ gums пЂїiпЂї v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to see пЂїibbo вЂ“ riddle пЂїiпѓ«пѓ«inte f. вЂ“ redness пЂїigo m. вЂ“ line of the father пЂїiife f. вЂ“ eyelashes пЂїikkitto m.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ sound, voice пЂїilaaЕЎe f. вЂ“ animal sp. пЂїilп‚©e p.; -akko m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ tooth пЂїille f.; -itte f. вЂ“ top of the house пЂїilmale p.; -itte f, -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ tear пЂїimmon f. вЂ“ kind of rifle пЂїinanko ~ пЂїinawko m. вЂ“ boy пЂїine вЂ“ we пЂїingiye f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ mother пЂїinп‚©ir*; пЂїinп‚©irakko m., пЂїinп‚©iranne p. вЂ“ clitoris пЂїinnakko p.; -itto m.-aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ fly пЂїinne f.; -atte f, -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ spider пЂїinsuпѓ« v. вЂ“ to dream пЂїinte adv. вЂ“ before, oneself; пЂїintaw v. to precede пЂїirпѓЂo m. вЂ“ collar for women пЂїirgaпѓЂo m. вЂ“ axe пЂїirriЕЎ v. вЂ“ to prohibit пЂїise вЂ“ she пЂїiЕЎ v. вЂ“ to refuse пЂїiЕЎ*; пЂїiЕЎte f., пЂїiЕЎЕЎe p. вЂ“ rib of sternum пЂїiЕЎk v.; (Redupl.) вЂ“ to tear пЂїita adv. вЂ“ away пЂїizmakko m.; пЂїizmatakko m., пЂїizmatte f. вЂ“ clan name пЂїodol*; пЂїodolko m., пЂїodle p. вЂ“ spotted goat пЂїogoy v. вЂ“ to come (only with plural persons as subject) пЂїoholko m., пЂїoholte f., пЂїoholle p. attr. вЂ“ greedy пЂїola f.; -ko m. вЂ“ thing пЂїongoro m. вЂ“ outer part of the buttocks пЂїooпѓ« v. вЂ“ to walk; пЂїooпѓ«пѓ«o m. вЂ“ journey, trip пЂїoofe f. вЂ“ pea sp. (wild) 248 пЂїook v. вЂ“ to change (Mid, Redupl, Pass-Caus) пЂїoolaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to spend time пЂїombotto m. вЂ“ container for milk made of wood пЂїoongo m. вЂ“ fruit of kuyatto tree пЂїooЕЎ v.; (Caus1, Mid, Punct, Redupl) вЂ“ to wipe, to shave пЂїooЕЎe f. вЂ“ jackal пЂїooxam v. вЂ“ to quarrel; пЂїooxmatto m. вЂ“ quarrel пЂїooy v. вЂ“ (Caus 1) to cry пЂїorgay*; пЂїorgayko m., пЂїorgayne p. вЂ“ male goat пЂїorgo p.; -itto m., -itte f. -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ Banna people, Banna and Hamer peoples пЂїorgoЕЎum v. вЂ“ to grow up (calf) пЂїorro m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ forest; пЂїorro вЂ“ name of a TsвЂ™amakko village пЂїorЕЎaпЂїte f. вЂ“ rhinocerous пЂїoЕЎoпѓЂ v. вЂ“ to scent пЂїoЕЎonko m. вЂ“ coldness пЂїottakko m., пЂїokke p. вЂ“ cub, newborn of any animal пЂїozbikko m.; пЂїozbitakko m., пЂїozbitte f. вЂ“ clan name пЂїucc v.(Caus1) вЂ“ to fill up пЂїufo вЂ“ he пЂїufunпѓ«e вЂ“ they пЂїukaпѓ°e p.; -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ egg пЂїukunte f. вЂ“ fence for goats пЂїula, пЂїulo, пЂїulu adv. вЂ“ on the side пЂїupp v.; (Redupl) вЂ“ to blow, to whistle пЂїure f. вЂ“ wax пЂїurre f., пЂїayidurre f. вЂ“ domestic пЂїusk*; пЂїuskakko m., пЂїuskanne p.вЂ“ dirt; пЂїuskakkoпѓ« v. вЂ“ to be dirty; пЂїuskakkolakko m., пЂїuskakkolatte f., пЂїuskakkolayke p. adj вЂ“ dirty пЂїuttufo m. вЂ“ pole in roof (small) пЂїuunto m. вЂ“ soot пЂїuzge p. вЂ“ firestones пѓЂ пѓЂaabo f. вЂ“ granmother пѓЂaag v.B вЂ“ go back home пѓЂaale p.; пѓЂaaltakko m., пѓЂaaltitte f. вЂ“ gawwada people пѓЂaarmaпЂїe f. вЂ“ plant sp. (wild and edible) пѓЂaп‚єun*; пѓЂaп‚єunko m., пѓЂaп‚єne p. вЂ“ breast; пѓЂaпѓ«inko m. вЂ“ breast пѓЂacвЂ™arkoпѓ« v. вЂ“ to get goosebumps пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ« v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to put пѓЂakkaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to sit down пѓЂalge f. вЂ“ plant sp. (used to make ropes) пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o m.; пѓЂamatakko m., пѓЂamatitte f. вЂ“ clan name пѓЂammo m. вЂ“ strip of leather wore by young girls пѓЂanпѓ«e p.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ water 249 пѓЂango m. вЂ“ molar and palate пѓЂarпѓ«o m., пѓЂarпѓ«e p.; -anne p. вЂ“ ox пѓЂare f. вЂ“ coffee пѓЂarraf*; пѓЂarrafko m., пѓЂarrabbe p. вЂ“ tongue пѓЂarrakko m., пѓЂarratte f., пѓЂarrayke p. adj. вЂ“ white (hair, fur) пѓЂarto m. вЂ“ smoke пѓЂaЕЎ*; пѓЂaЕЎko m., пѓЂaЕЎЕЎe p. вЂ“ grass пѓЂawde p. вЂ“ plane of mud for threshed sorghum пѓЂeпѓЂпѓЂakko m. вЂ“ tree sp. пѓЂeelakko m.; пѓЂeelatakko m., пѓЂeelatte f. вЂ“ clan name пѓЂeem*; пѓЂeemte f., пѓЂeemme p. вЂ“ sheep пѓЂel*; пѓЂelko m., пѓЂelle p. вЂ“ wells пѓЂiпѓ«пѓ« adj.v. вЂ“ to to be red пѓЂomп‚єo m. вЂ“ fontanelle пЂїomп‚єo m. вЂ“ tree sp. пѓЂug v.; (Caus2, Punct) вЂ“ drink пѓЂugisso m. вЂ“ thing to drink b ba conj. вЂ“ conjunction of consecutive sentences baakko f., baakkitte f., baakkittaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ cow with no milk baal*; baalitte f., baalinne p. вЂ“ poles of house baalaabaпѓ« v. вЂ“ put a head rest on the nape baalgiddo m. вЂ“ ostrich baalko m. вЂ“ flower of maize baalЕѕige f.; anne p. вЂ“ kind of rifle baante f. вЂ“ bow baaro m. вЂ“ armpit baarte f. вЂ“ hut baasallo m. вЂ“ calabash used to pour water baasarko m.; baasartakko m., baasartitte f., baasarkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ age grade 6 baay v. вЂ“ to start baaya f. вЂ“ hair of chest; baayalakko m., baayalatte f., baayalayke p. adj. вЂ“ having hair of chest baпЂїпЂїay v. вЂ“ to carry with both arms bado m. вЂ“ hunger; badoпѓ« вЂ“ to be hungry bafko m. вЂ“ python bagaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to run (only for plural subject) bago m.; bagge p. вЂ“ mouth bala f. вЂ“ skull, bold head balпѓЂas*; balпѓЂasko m., balпѓЂazze p. вЂ“ house foundement, site balka f. вЂ“ kind of calabash banda f. вЂ“ fowlвЂ™s faeces banga f. вЂ“ machete bannado m. вЂ“ kind of black scrabble 250 baqвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to melt baqвЂ™al v.; (Caus2 balqвЂ™is, Punct, Redupl.) вЂ“ to sprout; baqвЂ™as v. вЂ“ split; baqвЂ™asso m.вЂ“ splitting; baqвЂ™assoпѓ« v. вЂ“ to have an headache bara interr. вЂ“ when? barbara f.вЂ“ Ethipian pepper (Amh. barbarre) bardaqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ kind of black scrabble bargade f. вЂ“ collar bone barido m. вЂ“ man shouting without saying anything baritto m.; baritakko m., baritte f. вЂ“ clan name barlo m. вЂ“ spotted bird bas v.; (Mid, Redupl) вЂ“ to do baЕЎaп‚є v.; (Caus baЕЎЕЎaп‚є, Pass baЕЎmaп‚є, Redupl) вЂ“ to defeat batteri f. вЂ“ torch (Amh. batteri) bax v. вЂ“ to be smart bax*; baxko m., baxxe p. вЂ“ small pond baxxarko m., baxxarte f., baxxarre p. attr. вЂ“ beautiful; baxxaninte f. вЂ“ beauty bay v.; (Caus1, Mid) вЂ“ to say bayЕЎe p.; bayЕЎitte f. вЂ“ wound; bayЕЎaЕЎ v. вЂ“ to wound; bayЕЎuпѓ« v. вЂ“ to be wounded bazz v.; (Mid bazzaп‚є) вЂ“ to be plenty beel*; beelko m., beelle p. вЂ“ cattle sharing beerr v. вЂ“ to touch ber*; berko m., berre p. вЂ“ rainy season bero adv. вЂ“ really biпѓЂ adj.v. вЂ“ to be white biпѓЂ v.; (Caus1, Redupl) вЂ“ to fall; biпѓЂinte f. вЂ“ falling thing bicca adv. вЂ“ only biddir v. вЂ“ to borrow; biddire f. вЂ“ debt biif v.; (Caus1, Redupl) вЂ“ to have a meal; biife f. вЂ“ meal bilbilko m.; bilbiltakko m., bilbiltitte f., bilbilkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ age grade 3 bile m./f. attr. вЂ“ other billay*; billayko m., billayne p. вЂ“ knife (Amh. billawa) binnasko m.; binnastakko m., binnastitte f., binnaskaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ alliance between the clans пЂїozbikko and пЂїalgakko bira f.вЂ“ beer (Amh. bira) birale p.; biraltakko m., biraltitte f. вЂ“ Birale people birbir*; birbirko m., birbirre p. вЂ“ tree sp. birtsвЂ™e f. вЂ“ worm sp. (kosotel) bisko m. вЂ“ flower biЕЎ*; biЕЎko m., biЕЎkitto m., biЕЎkitte f., biЕЎЕЎe p. вЂ“ body bitam v.; (Mid bitmaпѓ«, Punct, Redupl, Punt-Redupl) вЂ“ to buy biye f. вЂ“ land, soil boпѓЂe f. вЂ“ manure boп‚© v. вЂ“ (Caus boп‚©os, Pass, Redupl) вЂ“ to kill boп‚©ol*; boп‚©olko m., boп‚©olte f., bolп‚©e p. вЂ“ king; bolп‚©os v. вЂ“ to elect as 251 king; bolп‚©om v. to become king; bolп‚©omis v.вЂ“ to be elected as king bonde f., bondotte f. num. вЂ“ ten birr booпЂїe f. вЂ“ irrigation pond booпЂїe f. вЂ“ soil ploughed one time bood v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ dig booпѓ° v. вЂ“ to sow; booпѓ°to m. вЂ“ seed boolo m. вЂ“ scrabble sp. booro m. вЂ“ calabash for milking boorto m. вЂ“ barley boositte f. вЂ“ pubic hair boox v. вЂ“ to concimate bopp v вЂ“ to starve boqвЂ™ v.; (Caus boqвЂ™os) вЂ“ to cut off borde attr. вЂ“ spotted bordolo m. вЂ“ spotted small mongoose borxo m. вЂ“ ember bote f.; botte p. вЂ“ pumpkin boxx*; boxxakko m., boxxanne p. вЂ“ pus boЕѕЕѕe p. вЂ“ white clay for dance adornment; boЕѕЕѕaпѓ« v. to smear white clay buпѓЂпѓЂo m. вЂ“ fever; disease buuпѓЂv.; (Mid) вЂ“ to hurt buda f. вЂ“ evil spirit bukaп‚є buskaп‚є вЂ“ gather buke f. вЂ“ wooden club buke f. bukaп‚є gather вЂ“ meeting bukkisa f. вЂ“ tunnels underground bul v.; (Pass, Punct, Redupl) вЂ“ to separate, to put apart burde f. вЂ“ vagina burza f. вЂ“ fruit eaten by donkey and goat busante f. вЂ“ plant, grass buska f. вЂ“ small seed form the oil busukko m., buske p. attr вЂ“ sterile man buup v. вЂ“ to bless buuЕЎe f. вЂ“ beard; buuЕЎolakko m., buuЕЎolatte f., buuЕЎolayke p. вЂ“ bearded п‚є п‚єaпѓ« v.; (Caus 1, Mid, Redupl) п‚єalko m. вЂ“ plain, in lowland п‚єizze f. вЂ“ animal sp. п‚єul v.; (Caus1, Punct, Redupl) вЂ“ to jump; п‚єullo m. вЂ“ jump cвЂ™ cвЂ™aaп‚є v. вЂ“ to build a fence cвЂ™aaqвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to defecate; cвЂ™aaqвЂ™e f. вЂ“ faeces cвЂ™abala f. вЂ“ twisting bracelet 252 cвЂ™aп‚є adj.v. вЂ“ to be wet cвЂ™aldax v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to be soft cвЂ™an v. вЂ“ to load cвЂ™aqвЂ™ale f.;cвЂ™alqвЂ™e p. вЂ“ sorghum, stalk of remained on the field cвЂ™aqвЂ™ante f. вЂ“ tree sp. cвЂ™aqвЂ™om v. вЂ“ to close with a lid; cвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™omme f. lid cвЂ™arke f.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ dew cвЂ™arro m. вЂ“ grasshopper cвЂ™ayde f., cвЂ™ayye p. вЂ“ fence cвЂ™egde f. вЂ“ oпѓ« bleed вЂ“ blood cвЂ™ib v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to pierce cвЂ™ifano m.; -itto m., -itte f., cвЂ™ifne p. вЂ“ unmarried person cвЂ™igaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to love cвЂ™ingo m. вЂ“ mosquito cвЂ™irfa f. вЂ“ braids, kind of cвЂ™ooro m. вЂ“ cricket c'ox v.; (Pass, Redupl) вЂ“ to milk cвЂ™oxxe f. вЂ“ mud with rain cвЂ™ ubbolakko m., cвЂ™ubbolatte f., cвЂ™ ubbolayke p. adj. вЂ“ unappreciated (person) cвЂ™ummo m. вЂ“ tree sp. (small) cвЂ™ur v. вЂ“ to throw cвЂ™uruqвЂ™e f. вЂ“ bird sp. cвЂ™uube f. вЂ“ sickle not used here d daaf v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to be blind daafakko m., daafatte f., daafayke p. adj вЂ“ blind daale p.; -te f. вЂ“ goat daпѓЂaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to wait daпѓЂan*; daпѓЂanko m., daпѓЂne p. вЂ“ food gemfo dab*; dabakko m., -dabanne p. вЂ“ mouse dadaпЂїanko m. вЂ“ centre of foot palm daggo m.;-itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ young (person) daпѓ°an*; daпѓ°ante f., daпѓ°ne p. вЂ“ calabash used to fetch water dalba f. вЂ“ pond dambalaпЂїпЂїe f. вЂ“ kind of snake dangadangac'c'o m. вЂ“ hedgehog daraпЂїukuli f. вЂ“ zebra darпѓЂo m. вЂ“ ashes darbaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to throw for oneself darbe f. вЂ“ drum daw v. вЂ“ to get, to find dawle f. вЂ“ highland dawwo m. вЂ“ snake daaЕѕimale f. вЂ“ ginger 253 deeпѓ° v. вЂ“ (Caus1) вЂ“ to give deelo m. вЂ“ flat plane del v.; вЂ“ (Mid) вЂ“ to sew diig v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to pour diiп‚©o m. вЂ“ gall bladder dildila f. вЂ“ bridge dingeЕЎa f. aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ animal sp. doпЂїпЂїe f. вЂ“ tattoo doпЂїosko m. вЂ“ waterbuck docвЂ™a f. вЂ“ fat, dark mouse dodolko m. вЂ“ animal sp. dongo m. вЂ“ tree sp. dookko m, dootte f., dookke p. num. вЂ“ one doolle p. вЂ“ ox-hunch dooma f. вЂ“ pointed metal of hoe dooro m. вЂ“ pile of sorghum; dooraпѓ« v. вЂ“ to make a pile of sorghum dooyi вЂ“ someone dubaza f. вЂ“ animal sp. dullayko вЂ“ WeytвЂ™o River dunka f., dunkayna f. вЂ“ tent (Amh. dunkan) dunko m. вЂ“ pointed part of a bullet duub*; duubde f., duubbe p. вЂ“ buttock, tail, wasted tail of sheep after emptied of fat and meat duuko m. вЂ“ back, behind duul v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to go to war; duule f. вЂ“ going to the war; duulko m. вЂ“ war duunko m. вЂ“ eye, coloured part duzze f. вЂ“ plant пѓ« пѓ«aammo m. вЂ“ flour пѓ«aatt*; пѓ«aattakko m. пѓ«aattanne p. вЂ“ acacia пѓ«ab v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to miss пѓ«agg v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to insult пѓ«agoпѓ« v. вЂ“ to be angry пѓ«aп‚©п‚©aп‚є v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to arrive пѓ«akЕЎe f. вЂ“ animal sp. пѓ«al v.(Mid) вЂ“ to give birth пѓ«alle p. вЂ“ children пѓ«amay*; пѓ«amayko m., пѓ«amayye p. вЂ“ flour of any cereal пѓ«amпѓЂatto m. вЂ“ giraffe пѓ«amm adj.v. вЂ“ to be big; пѓ«amminte f. вЂ“ bigness пѓ«anga f. вЂ“ uvula пѓ«awr v. вЂ“ to forbid пѓ«ayte f. вЂ“ fire-stick пѓ«eпЂїse f. вЂ“ kidney 254 пѓ«eeп‚єte f. вЂ“ thirst; пѓ«eeп‚єaпѓ« v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to be thirsty пѓ«eek v. вЂ“ to accuse пѓ«eek v. вЂ“ to sharpen пѓ«eem*; пѓ«eematto m.пѓ«eemitte f., пѓ«eemme p. вЂ“ horn scretch пѓ«eeЕЎo m. вЂ“ medicine пѓ«enge f. вЂ“ neck пѓ«ib v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to rain пѓ«iile f. вЂ“ calabash for shaking milk пѓ«iim v. вЂ“ to swim пѓ«iire f. вЂ“ tree sp. пѓ«iit v. вЂ“ to step on, to crush пѓ«ik v. вЂ“ to count пѓ«ikkaпѓ« вЂ“ be completed пѓ«in v. вЂ“ to judge пѓ«in v. вЂ“ to recove, to heal пѓ«iЕЎ вЂ“ plant пѓ«iЕЎЕЎ вЂ“ plant one plant at one time пѓ«oollo m.; -ko m., -te f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ leather mat пѓ«ooqвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to carry on the shoulder пѓ«uge f. вЂ“ truth, condition g gaabote f.; -ko m. вЂ“ bushbuck (tragelaphus scriptus) gaage f. вЂ“ tortoise, small water gaagis v.; (Pass) вЂ“ to carry gaaпѓ°*; gaaпѓ°ko m,. gaaпѓ°пѓ°e p. вЂ“ stone gaaпѓ° v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to tell gaaпѓ°o m. вЂ“ affair, matter gaalпѓ«o m. вЂ“ pregnancy; gaalпѓ«aw v. вЂ“ to become pregnant; gaalпѓ«akko m., gaalпѓ«atte f., gaalпѓ«ayke p. adj. вЂ“ pregnant gaale m./f./p., gaalatte f. attr. вЂ“ difficult; gaalaп‚є v.; (Caus gaalЕЎaп‚є) вЂ“ to experience trouble gaamayle f. вЂ“ camel gaan v. вЂ“ to be plenty gaan*; gaante f., gaanne p. вЂ“ woman gaansaп‚є вЂ“ be unready gaaraboqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ ankle gaare p.;-ko m. вЂ“ tree, wood gaarko m.;-itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ clan gaarm adj.v. вЂ“ to be enormous gaarre p. вЂ“ horse carriage gaas v. вЂ“ to fish 255 gaasse p.; -akko m. вЂ“ horn gaпЂї v.; (Mid, Redupl) вЂ“ to prepare gaayye f. вЂ“ tobacco gaпЂїal v.; (Mid galпЂїaпѓ«i, Punct) вЂ“ to marry gabaya f. вЂ“ market gaп‚єate f. вЂ“ funnel gacвЂ™cвЂ™e f.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ tвЂ™ef (Eragrostis abyssinica) gada adv. вЂ“ on the highland side, up gafko m. вЂ“ clan gaftaпѓ« v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ be stuck galaba p. вЂ“ Dhaasanach people galla adv. вЂ“ on the lowland side, down gallawo вЂ“ at night gallo adv. вЂ“ on the lowland side, down game f.; -itto m., -itte f., gamme p. вЂ“ maize ganaпѓЂ*; ganaпѓЂko m., ganaпѓЂпѓЂe p. вЂ“ central internal point of foot and hand ganda p. вЂ“ neighbourhood ganzabu f. вЂ“ money gar v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to prepare, to build garaпѓЂ*; garaпѓЂte f., garпѓЂe p. вЂ“ belly garmo m. вЂ“ lion garn v. вЂ“ to be useful garo m. вЂ“ place, base for beehive garo m.вЂ“ side garro m. вЂ“ ground squirrel (Xerus rutilus) gasar*; gasarko m., garse p. вЂ“ buffalo gasoпѓ« вЂ“ be happy gass v. (Mid) вЂ“ ask; gasso m. вЂ“ request gawaпѓЂ*; gawaпѓЂko m., gawaпѓЂпѓЂe p. вЂ“ thunder and lightening gawarakko m. вЂ“ bird sp. gawge f. вЂ“ maxilla bone gawso m. вЂ“ chin gay v. вЂ“ to arrive gayit*; gayitakko m. gayitanne p. вЂ“ scorpion gayte f.; anne p. вЂ“ fire stick gazo m. gazze p. вЂ“ hair gazgo m. вЂ“ grain gazze f. вЂ“ shadow geeпѓЂ v. вЂ“ to belch geera, geeray adv. вЂ“ yesterday geerinne p. вЂ“ house poles geeЕЎ*; geeЕЎuw вЂ“ become old, to geeccakko m, geeccatte f., geeccayke p. adj. вЂ“ old gelzakko m. aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ baboon gengo m. вЂ“ top of penis gereпѓЂ mid вЂ“ steal gereпѓЂ v.; вЂ“ to steal; gereпѓЂko m., gereпѓЂte f., gerпѓЂe p. вЂ“ thief; gerпѓЂinte f. вЂ“ 256 theft gerekko m. вЂ“ trunk for roof, big gerge f.; -itto m., -itte f.вЂ“ Amhara people geЕЎan*; geЕЎante f., geЕЎanne p. вЂ“ woman getko m. вЂ“ wooden seat gibdo m. вЂ“ meeting, dancing gibil*; gibilko m., gible p. вЂ“ knee gilbaпѓ« вЂ“ lay on knees gidanko m. вЂ“ braid of women gidano adv. вЂ“ this year giire f. вЂ“ tree sp. gillaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to divine gil v. вЂ“ to tell a lie; gillo m. вЂ“ lie gilfa f. вЂ“ bellows pump gilinkasa adv. вЂ“ bit, a little gilo m. вЂ“ meeting for dead people girЕЎo m. вЂ“ porcupine sp. gisso m. вЂ“ mongoose sp. gitama m.; gitantakko m., gitantitte f., gitamaпѓ«пѓ«e f. вЂ“ blacksmith gitsвЂ™tsвЂ™o m. вЂ“ flea sp. goпѓЂпѓЂay adv вЂ“ next goпѓЂ*; goпѓЂakko m., goпѓЂпѓЂe f. вЂ“ hoof, nail goпѓ«пѓ« v.; (Caus1, Pass) вЂ“ to do, to put golпѓ«e f. вЂ“ penis gollan num. вЂ“ nine golle f. вЂ“ river gomп‚єo m. вЂ“ cattle camp, kraal goncвЂ™o m. вЂ“ lower part of the back bone below the ziiza gongala f. вЂ“ carved wood for several uses, canoe gongollo m. вЂ“ calabash for coffee, pipe belly goob v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to be fat, to be fertile; goobinte f. вЂ“ fat, grease goodo m. вЂ“ mole googa f. вЂ“ tree, big dead gooпѓ° v. вЂ“ to roar goomaro m. вЂ“ throat goontore f., ; -ikko m. вЂ“ eland gorda f. вЂ“ sorghum sp. goorko m. вЂ“ belt for pregnant woman gooЕЎ v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to tend cattle gor v. вЂ“ to drive gorпѓ«isa f. вЂ“ wild animal with long tail eating chickens gore p. вЂ“ people gorle f. вЂ“ hook shaped thorn gorЕѕo m. вЂ“ cheetah goyte f. вЂ“ kind of tree that gives fresh shadow gubale f. вЂ“ rabbit gubus*; gubusko m., gubuzze p. вЂ“ thigh bone 257 guddo adv .вЂ“ on the highland side, up gudur*; gudurko m., gudurre p. вЂ“ hyena gufaпѓЂ v.; gufaпѓЂпѓЂo m. вЂ“ cough gula f. вЂ“ lizard, very tiny gulfo m. вЂ“ cold gullasaпѓ« вЂ“ see from far gulma f. вЂ“ calabash for beer gura adv. вЂ“ equal gurdo m. вЂ“ animal sp. gurlo m.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ wild cat gurmalko m.; gurmaltakko m., gurmaltitte f., gurmalkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ age grade 5 gurragala f. вЂ“ last vertebra behind the neck gussum v. вЂ“ to follow gummo m. вЂ“ sorghum sp. guuyu adv. вЂ“ today п‚© п‚©aab v. вЂ“ to be worried п‚©aaпѓ°sinпѓ«o m. вЂ“ sperm п‚©aante f. вЂ“ udder п‚©ab v.; (Mid, Punct, Punct-Caus, Punct-Mid) вЂ“ to take п‚©annatto m. вЂ“ lizard п‚©ar v. вЂ“ to look like п‚©ayy v. вЂ“ to remain п‚©eeпЂї v.; (Caus1, Mid) вЂ“ to want; п‚©eeпЂїпЂїo m. вЂ“ wish п‚©iip v.; (Punct, Punct-Caus) вЂ“ to go to sleep п‚©im v. вЂ“ to reap; п‚©imakko m. вЂ“ harvest п‚©inaпѓЂe f. вЂ“ rib п‚©inante f. вЂ“ wasted meat of the rear legs п‚©insaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to beg; п‚©inselakko m., п‚©inselatte f., п‚©inselayke p. adj. вЂ“ begger п‚©irro m. вЂ“ instrument from cutting wood п‚©obaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to crouch down п‚©oh v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to grow п‚©onпѓ« v.; (Pass) вЂ“ to break п‚©or v. вЂ“ to chase, to lead п‚©orпѓЂummo m. вЂ“ plant п‚©ubaпѓ« вЂ“ build п‚©umm Adj.v.вЂ“ to be black; п‚©umminte f. вЂ“blackness h hac'anпѓ«e f. вЂ“ scarification of body hal*; halko m. halle p. вЂ“ old man, husband haqвЂ™ayte f. вЂ“ month coming after the rainy season 258 hatsвЂ™tsвЂ™ikko m. вЂ“ kind of white stone пѓ° пѓ°aarko m., пѓ°aarke p. вЂ“ hand пѓ°abura f. пѓ°aburko m. пѓ°aburkaпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ wind пѓ°anпѓ«ura f.; пѓ°anпѓ«urte f. вЂ“ umbellical chord пѓ°anпѓ«urra f., пѓ°anпѓ«urre f. вЂ“ humbellical chord пѓ°anЕЎal*; пѓ°anЕЎalakko m., пѓ°anЕЎalanne вЂ“ flour, cooked пѓ°ayma adv. вЂ“ here пѓ°ayna adv. вЂ“ here пѓ°ayyay вЂ“ since then пѓ°eeko m. пѓ°eekke p. вЂ“ chest пѓ°eenge f. вЂ“ internal part of panicle пѓ°eesko p. вЂ“ women пѓ°eeyatte f. вЂ“ tree sp. пѓ°ello m. вЂ“ magician пѓ°eyakko m., пѓ°eyatte f., пѓ°eyayke p. adj. вЂ“ ,widow; orphan пѓ°ezge f.; -itte f. вЂ“ star пѓ°ezgitte f. вЂ“ star, female пѓ°ezze p. вЂ“ root, vein пѓ°oro m. вЂ“ internal waste of pumpkin пѓ°ul v.(Punct) вЂ“ to enter k ka вЂ“ sentence marker kaпѓ°пѓ°a m./p., taпѓ°пѓ°a f. interr.вЂ“ whose? kaakanu adv. вЂ“ from here kaale f. вЂ“ spoon kaalkome f. вЂ“ kneading kaallikko m. вЂ“ sun general kaanЕЎima f. вЂ“ entrails kaarinko adv. вЂ“ to in agreement kaasa adv. вЂ“ here kaata f. вЂ“ broken and wasted thing kaпЂї v.; (Caus2, Punct) вЂ“ to get up; kaпЂїпЂїo m. вЂ“ getting up kaaynu adv. вЂ“ from there kaaysa adv. вЂ“ there; kaaysanu вЂ“ from there kaп‚єo m., kaп‚єп‚єe p. вЂ“ hide of sheep or goat kacce f.; -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ shoulder kaпѓ« v.; (Punct, Redupl, Punct-Caus) вЂ“ to climb kaпѓ°пѓ° adj.v. вЂ“ to be hard; kaпѓ°пѓ°aw v. вЂ“ to become hard kakko m. вЂ“ kernel kalko m. вЂ“ holy bone kallacco m. вЂ“ rectum kamaп‚є вЂ“ be rich 259 kammakko m. вЂ“ light kamur v. вЂ“ to be rich kamurko m., kamurte f., kamurre p. attr. вЂ“ rich kamurinte f. вЂ“ richness kanna adv. вЂ“ quickly kantale f. вЂ“ tree sp. karamп‚єa f. вЂ“ calabash to drink coffee karawko m. вЂ“ guereza karkar*; karkarakko m., karkaranne p. вЂ“ warthog karna f. вЂ“ hip karo m.; -itto m., -itte f., karre p. вЂ“ dog karom v. вЂ“ to co-habit karre f. вЂ“ door kaskale f. вЂ“ animal sp. kataпѓ°o m. вЂ“ stick to carry stuff on the shoulder katte f. вЂ“ fire kay v. вЂ“ to say kayko m.; -itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ bridegrooms kayse f.; -itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ poor person ke вЂ“ plural pronominal particle keeda f. вЂ“ corridor between house and fence kefo m., keffe p. вЂ“ kind of rifle kellefer f. вЂ“ kind of rifle kere f. kerre p. вЂ“ headrest, carrying seat kibe f.; kibbe p. вЂ“ dry season kibay вЂ“ be named kibir v.; (Caus kirbas) вЂ“ to dance; kibirko m., kirbe p. вЂ“ dance kiccaпѓЂ v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to laugh kiil вЂ“ to help kilaaЕЎ f. вЂ“ kalashnikov (Amh. kГЇlaaЕЎ) kinnisa f. вЂ“ pimple kirde f. вЂ“ testicle kirincвЂ™e f. вЂ“ bone protuberance, spur kirrin*; kirrinko m. kirrimme p. вЂ“ tail of all the animal of sheep only smal bone end kiy вЂ“ say ko вЂ“ masculine pronominal particle koпЂї вЂ“ set on (fire), roast, to koka f. вЂ“ iron point kokakko m. вЂ“ bird sp. (it eates calves) kol v. вЂ“ to come back kolkoЕЎko m. вЂ“ wasted broken big calabash komba f. вЂ“ necklace of beads kongo m. вЂ“ plane konso p. вЂ“ konso koolo m. вЂ“ wing koor v. вЂ“ to refuse 260 korkoro m. вЂ“ house fence or small places for animal koronпѓ«o m. вЂ“ spur korЕЎaп‚є v. вЂ“ weed koЕЎo m. вЂ“ dung, dry manure kubbaпѓ« v. вЂ“ fill a calabash kubbaya f. вЂ“ cup kufe f. вЂ“ tortoise kulile f. kulule вЂ“ guinea fowl kullumme f. вЂ“ catapult kum v. вЂ“ to be finished kumbala f. вЂ“ food kunпѓ«a m., tinпѓ«a f., kinпѓ«a p. interr. вЂ“ which one? kunko num. вЂ“ ten kurfa f. вЂ“ cooked blood kurumo m. вЂ“ wooden milk container kuЕЎte f. вЂ“ top of a house kuttakutto m. вЂ“ braid, small kutton*; kuttonko m., kuttomme вЂ“ mountain kuuЕЎkuuЕЎo m. вЂ“ cockвЂ™s mane kuyyo m. вЂ“ termite hill l laaddahe f. вЂ“ lower rib laafa f. вЂ“ bat sp. laaп‚© v. вЂ“ to give back laale f. вЂ“ animal sp. laalo m. вЂ“ bird sp. laпѓЂ*; laпѓЂakko m., laпѓЂne p. вЂ“ plain, border labale f. вЂ“ kind of rifle lable f., laybe f. вЂ“ cloths of any size laп‚єЕЎa f. вЂ“ scapula laade f. вЂ“ rope used to keep cattle laпѓ°пѓ°awko m. вЂ“ dried thing, dead small tree laпѓ°пѓ°o m. вЂ“ bird sp. lakkay p. вЂ“ twins lakki num. вЂ“ two lanпѓ«e f. вЂ“ spleen laqвЂ™a f. вЂ“ fruit like onion that is not eaten laqвЂ™a f. вЂ“ wart, sixth finger las v. вЂ“ to sell lastige f. вЂ“ plastic goods laЕЎa f.; laЕЎko m., laЕЎЕЎe p. вЂ“ kind of bread latto вЂ“ naturally, on his own laax*; laaxko m. laaxxe вЂ“ wooden arrrow laxx adj.v. вЂ“ to be unripe; to be green; laxxaw v. вЂ“ to become unripe, to become green 261 leпѓЂo m. вЂ“ moon, month lekk v.; (Caus 1) вЂ“ to pierce from side to side lencвЂ™iЕЎ v. вЂ“ to train (animals) lonЕЎina f. вЂ“ bus (Amh. loncina вЂ�truckвЂ™, from Italian leoncino вЂ�name of a truckвЂ™) liп‚© v. вЂ“ to resemble liп‚© v.; (Caus1, Punct) вЂ“ to get out liqвЂ™ambare m. вЂ“ chief (Amh. liqambГ¤r) loobarko m.; loobartakko m., loobartitte f., loobarkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ age grade 2 log v.; (Mid, Pass-Mid logmaпѓ«) вЂ“ to spoil, to break longo m. вЂ“ shield loпЂїo f. вЂ“ cow luп‚є adj.v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ be hot luп‚є*; luп‚єte f., luп‚єп‚єe p. вЂ“ foot lukkale f. -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ chicken lukkurro m./p. attr. вЂ“ curved towards the head (horn) lulle f. вЂ“ plant sp. m ma clit. вЂ“ towards, within maakke p. вЂ“ story, tale maalka f. вЂ“ flute, pipe stem maaltitte f. вЂ“ fenugreek maangaпЂї adj.v. вЂ“ to be short maanп‚©o m. вЂ“ sorghum maarama f. вЂ“ possessive spirit of god maaraЕЎa f. вЂ“ plough maare p.; -te f. вЂ“ female calf maarЕЎo m. вЂ“ teller maпЂїsaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to sprain maпЂїЕЎe p. вЂ“ end, border maax*; maaxko m., maaxxe p. вЂ“ bead maax*; maaxatto m., maaxxe p. вЂ“ gourd maпѓЂ*; maпѓЂko m. maпѓЂпѓЂe p. вЂ“ name macce adv. вЂ“ always macвЂ™cвЂ™e вЂ“ cabbage sp. madalakko m. вЂ“ muscle of arm madday*; maddayitte f., maddayye p. вЂ“ tempia maga f. вЂ“ goatвЂ™s weed magal*; magalko m. malge p. вЂ“ hammer of rifle maп‚© v. вЂ“ to change direction, to readdress makkatte f. вЂ“ plough mala interr. вЂ“ how? malal v. вЂ“ to be sick, to be tired manaqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ yoke mango m. вЂ“ mango 262 maanп‚©o m. вЂ“ sorghum manne p.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ house mano m. вЂ“ family mano m. вЂ“ spot, place, container maqвЂ™al v. вЂ“ to be salty marп‚©e f. вЂ“ wrinkles of forehead markam f. вЂ“ kind of rifle marraпѓ°e f. вЂ“ edible wild plant marrote f. вЂ“ red bracelet martsвЂ™a f. вЂ“ young acacia masano m. вЂ“ rainy month mato num. вЂ“ one hundred birr (Amh. mГЇto вЂ�one hundredвЂ™) may v. вЂ“ to bury mayo m. вЂ“ tomb mayle f. вЂ“ more evident palm lines mayy v. вЂ“ to kiss; mayyo m. вЂ“ kiss mazmare f. вЂ“ nail (Amh. mГ¤zmГ¤r) maЕѕo m., maЕѕЕѕe p., maЕѕЕѕaпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ kind of cilindric bead meпЂї interr. вЂ“ how many? meeп‚© v. вЂ“ to pour meelo p. attr. вЂ“ fresh (milk) meeqвЂ™e p.;meeqвЂ™te f. вЂ“ bone meeЕЎe f. вЂ“ devil spirit of dead meken*; mekente f, .mekne p. attr. вЂ“ sterile (woman) miпЂї*; miпЂїte f., miпЂїпЂїe p. вЂ“ fruit sp. miпЂїaпѓ« вЂ“ be sleepy micвЂ™angalle f. вЂ“ arm bone mid*midikko m. midinne вЂ“ grind stone, lower midd*; middakko m. middanne middakkaпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ rope middo m. вЂ“ bracelet for pulse miinte f. вЂ“ forehead miire f. вЂ“ pond, gurf mir v. вЂ“ to squeeze cloths mirle f. вЂ“ cheetah mirmaпѓЂ*; mirmaпѓЂatte f., mirmaпѓЂanne p. вЂ“ intestines mirЕЎa f. вЂ“ kind of black stone mirЕѕa f. вЂ“ kudu mitsвЂ™o m. mitsвЂ™tsвЂ™e p. вЂ“ sorghum beer mofara f. вЂ“ thin and long wood of the plough moggo m.; -iyo m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ child named after вЂ�godfatherвЂ™ mogol*; mogolte f. molge p. вЂ“ bracelet, black iron moo interr. вЂ“ what? moonu, moona interr. вЂ“ why? mooro m. вЂ“ hard internal part of animal fat moralle f. вЂ“ bird sp. morqвЂ™o m.; -itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ age grade 1 moyle f. вЂ“ genenuk (red meda fiel) 263 moylo m. вЂ“ in which place mucвЂ™cвЂ™ вЂ“ brush mudoпѓЂпѓЂo m. вЂ“ sort of thorn to sew strong things muпѓ«пѓ«e f. вЂ“ handle of a headrest mugaпѓЂ*; mugaпѓЂte f. mugaпѓЂпѓЂe p. вЂ“ head mugur v.;(Caus2 murgis) вЂ“ to be surprised mukkanakko m., mukkanatte f., mukkanayke p. adj. вЂ“ limb, having a short mume m./f./p. attr. вЂ“ entire mur v. вЂ“ to pay murriso m., murristakko m., murristitte f. вЂ“ mursi people mutsвЂ™ v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to reduce muunto m. вЂ“ sky muuq'um v. вЂ“ to be powerful muuze f. вЂ“ banana mux v. вЂ“ to cut n na, nay вЂ“ locative pronoun, locative postposition, backgrounder naabaпѓ« v.вЂ“ to hate naaп‚єa m.вЂ“ enemy naпЂїпЂїa f. вЂ“ child, small nabale f. вЂ“ belt of beads nagay v. вЂ“ to spend the day naggadaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to trade (Amh. nГ¤ggГ¤d) narfe f. вЂ“ needle nassaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to breath, rest natsвЂ™ar v. вЂ“ to take aim; natsвЂ™ire f. вЂ“ gun sight natsвЂ™iro m. вЂ“ mother of a boy nelbasko m.; nelbastakko m., nelbastitte f., nelbaskaпѓ«пѓ«e p., вЂ“ age grade 4 niyarroge f. вЂ“ earing chain nolo m. вЂ“ brain nu, nnu clit. вЂ“ from; to nuп‚© v. вЂ“ to have sex; nuп‚©п‚©o m. вЂ“ having sex nure f. вЂ“ woman leaving her husband p paanaw to follow paana f. вЂ“ trace, footprint; paannatte relat. вЂ“ after, later paappaya f. вЂ“ papaya pagaпѓ« вЂ“ be over pakala m., pakale f., pakalaпѓ«пѓ«e p. attr. вЂ“ intelligent, clever palde f. вЂ“ iron arrow palke f. вЂ“ grass growing with the new rains palqвЂ™e f. вЂ“ gourd, broken piece of 264 panпѓ«alte f. вЂ“ goat skin for women par v. вЂ“ to die parancвЂ™a f. вЂ“ foreigner pararo m. вЂ“ spotted multicolor insect pardo m. вЂ“ horse parЕЎe f. вЂ“ beer, local paЕЎo m.; pacce p. вЂ“ field, cultivated pat v. вЂ“ to vomit; pate f. вЂ“ vomit pecвЂ™e f. вЂ“ bean, black pelampelo m. вЂ“ butterfly pelta f. вЂ“ dirt of calabash picce f. вЂ“ curds pikaп‚є piskaп‚є вЂ“ be straight pil v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to comb piЕЎka f. вЂ“ whistle poпЂї v. вЂ“ to dry ponqвЂ™a f. вЂ“ point of arrow poolo m. вЂ“ cloud porimaп‚є вЂ“ be brave puddo m. вЂ“ cotton puпѓ« v. вЂ“ to flower pug v.; (Mid вЂ�to get satiatedвЂ™, Pass, Redupl) вЂ“ to inflate puga f. вЂ“ blacksmith puga f.; -itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ wild cat puggo m.; -itto вЂ“ male calf from unnatural birth pulle f. вЂ“ hole punge p. вЂ“ sheep without fat pure f. вЂ“ bead, big qвЂ™ qвЂ™aacc v. вЂ“ to open qвЂ™aacвЂ™a f. вЂ“ charcoal qвЂ™aacвЂ™cвЂ™e f. вЂ“ bush qвЂ™aan v. вЂ“ to chew qвЂ™aan*; qвЂ™aante f. qвЂ™aamme p. вЂ“ ear qвЂ™aara f. вЂ“ pepper qвЂ™aarakko m. вЂ“ monkey qвЂ™aaЕЎ v. вЂ“ to open a fence qвЂ™aata f. вЂ“ trigger of firearm qвЂ™abaпЂї v. вЂ“ to listen to qвЂ™abaпѓ« вЂ“ feel qвЂ™aп‚єa f. вЂ“ instrument for cutting thorns qвЂ™aп‚єte f. вЂ“ hide basket qвЂ™acвЂ™ara f. вЂ“ small bell for goats and sheeps qвЂ™alate f. вЂ“ jackal, sГЇmyГ¤n fox (canis simensis) qвЂ™alay*; qвЂ™alayte f. qвЂ™alayye p. вЂ“ rest of a bullet expelled after shooting 265 qвЂ™all v. вЂ“ to start singing qвЂ™alqвЂ™alko m. вЂ“ tree sp. qвЂ™alЕЎe f. вЂ“ belt for men; water carrier qвЂ™amma adv. вЂ“ day after tomorrow qвЂ™ammatinko вЂ“ three days after tomorrow qвЂ™ammatinte вЂ“ three days after tomorrow qвЂ™ammakko вЂ“ two days after tomorrow qвЂ™amme m./f./p. attr. вЂ“ bad qвЂ™ancвЂ™arlakko m., qвЂ™ancвЂ™arlatte f., qвЂ™ancвЂ™arlayke p. adj. вЂ“ hugly qвЂ™ane f. вЂ“ day (Amh. qГ¤n) qвЂ™ane вЂ“ during the day qвЂ™anta f. вЂ“ granary qвЂ™antsвЂ™e f. вЂ“ sprout, thorn qвЂ™aqвЂ™ v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to cut qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™e p. qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™atte f. вЂ“ bark qвЂ™arar v. вЂ“ to be hurt, be sick; qвЂ™ararro m. вЂ“ illness qвЂ™arma f. вЂ“ cramps; qвЂ™armoпѓ« v. вЂ“ to have cramps qвЂ™aro m. qвЂ™arre p. вЂ“ side qвЂ™arra adv. вЂ“ before (space and time) qвЂ™arrasaпѓ« вЂ“ take mucus out of the nose qвЂ™artsвЂ™eta f. вЂ“ bag for grain (Amh. qГ¤rtsвЂ™a) qвЂ™atsвЂ™o m. вЂ“ itch; qвЂ™atsвЂ™oпѓ« вЂ“ to itch qвЂ™ato m. вЂ“ spot on the skin, black qвЂ™atsвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to bend arms and legs of a corpse qвЂ™aw v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ bite qвЂ™aw*; qвЂ™awte f. qвЂ™awwe вЂ“ gourd qвЂ™awa f. вЂ“ rifle qвЂ™awko m. вЂ“ man qвЂ™awto p. qвЂ™awtitto m., qвЂ™awtitte f. attr. вЂ“ new qвЂ™awwaпѓ«itto m., qвЂ™awwaпѓ«itte f., qГЎwwaпѓ«aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ new qвЂ™ayile f. вЂ“ dried sorghum or maize panicle qвЂ™ayna adv. вЂ“ tomorrow qвЂ™ayto m. вЂ“ time qвЂ™ayy adj.v. вЂ“ to be good, be nice qвЂ™ayyinte f. вЂ“ good quality, beauty qвЂ™eedd вЂ“ lick once qвЂ™eed v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to lick qвЂ™emame f. вЂ“ spice qвЂ™enta f. вЂ“ long chain metal earring qвЂ™ertsвЂ™a f. вЂ“ thin calabash qвЂ™eske f. вЂ“ louse qвЂ™etsвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to cut qвЂ™ob*; qвЂ™obakko m., qвЂ™obbe p. вЂ“ nail, big toe qвЂ™od ;qвЂ™odas (caus) plough вЂ“ dig qвЂ™ofte f. вЂ“ cave qвЂ™ole p.; -ko, -te, -aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ cattle; qвЂ™oltaw v. вЂ“ to become a domestic animal qвЂ™olfe f. вЂ“ edible plant 266 qвЂ™olfe f. вЂ“ key qвЂ™olse f. вЂ“ sorghum panicle without grains qвЂ™omatte f., qвЂ™omayke p,, qвЂ™omaykaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ sandal, shoe qвЂ™omm v. вЂ“ to eat grains qвЂ™onc'or вЂ“ stir something qвЂ™onn aw become вЂ“ be slim qвЂ™ontar*; qвЂ™ontarko m., qвЂ™ontarre p. вЂ“ hide put underground to dry used to make knife holders. qвЂ™ontsвЂ™a f. вЂ“ kind of rifle qвЂ™ontsвЂ™e f. вЂ“ upper grind stone qвЂ™ooпѓ«e f. вЂ“ snail qвЂ™ooЕЎ v. вЂ“ to hunt; qвЂ™ooЕЎo m. вЂ“ hunting qвЂ™ooЕЎe f. вЂ“ flap ears qвЂ™orke f., qвЂ™orka f. вЂ“ curved thing qвЂ™ormo m. вЂ“ dance phase in which the men chase the women qвЂ™orqвЂ™oro m. вЂ“ latta, pots etc. qвЂ™orqвЂ™oro m. вЂ“ bell made of tortoise house qвЂ™osor*; qвЂ™osorko m. qвЂ™osorre p. вЂ“ plant for rope qвЂ™oЕЎ v. вЂ“ to scretch qвЂ™ot*; qвЂ™otakko m. qвЂ™otte p. вЂ“ finger, claw qвЂ™otyo m. вЂ“ ploughing ox qвЂ™oyto m. вЂ“ red stone grinded to make a powder for the hair qвЂ™ucc v. вЂ“ to fill (intr.) qвЂ™urcвЂ™o m. вЂ“ intersection of the two parts of the stomach qвЂ™urrube f. вЂ“ bird sp. qвЂ™utsвЂ™o m. вЂ“ bird sp. r raaпѓЂ v. вЂ“ to be bitter raandaпѓ° adj.v. вЂ“ to be cold raпѓЂ v. вЂ“ to shoot; raпѓЂпѓЂo m. вЂ“ shot raf v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to sleep rakk v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to hang; rakkinde f. вЂ“ handle, strap rammo m. вЂ“ belly jerm raww вЂ“ finish in one time raw v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to finish reegakko m.; reegatakko m., reegatte f. вЂ“ clan name reek v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to mix reento m. вЂ“ hippo reЕЎeпѓЂ v. вЂ“ to be light rifanko m; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ fur rig v. вЂ“ to smear rigaпѓ« вЂ“ go towards someone, leave somewhere riir v. вЂ“ to shout ringa f. вЂ“ beans, big, similar to chick peas 267 rocвЂ™ante f. вЂ“ grass, kind of dry rook v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to speak rooko attr. вЂ“ curved away from the head (horn) roqвЂ™om v. вЂ“ to wrinkle rukaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to pierce, to shoot rummaпѓЂte p. вЂ“ Arbore people ruuk v.(Mid) вЂ“ to throw somth. for chasing s -s(s)a вЂ“ definite suffix saala f. вЂ“ horn of orix (ЕЎaalto) used as trumpet, rifleвЂ™s mouth saamuna f. вЂ“ soap saar*; saarko m , saarre p. вЂ“ head of village saara f. вЂ“ consumed wasted cloth saarko m. aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ panicleвЂ™s threads saвЂ™e f. вЂ“ child carrier made of rope, small flea which is not in the rural area saabanko m., saabankaпѓ«пѓ«e p., saabanne p. вЂ“ strip of field sabbe p. вЂ“ top sagan*; saganko (also saпЂїanko m.) sagne вЂ“ meat salaпѓ° num вЂ“ four samminte f. вЂ“ week sanaxe f. вЂ“ skin around two bonesof thrback of the knee saqвЂ™ v.; (Punct) вЂ“ to store sarabe f. вЂ“ corpse sarba f. вЂ“ calf, ankle sassabbe f. вЂ“ kind of scorpion sawro m. вЂ“ dik dik -se вЂ“ definite suffix seere f. вЂ“ dry meat segele f. вЂ“ grass of roof seпѓ° v.; (Caus2, Mid) вЂ“ to collect sekaп‚є v. вЂ“ to roast meat seke f. вЂ“ stick of roof sexaпѓ« вЂ“ shelter sezzen num. вЂ“ eight sibil*; sibilko m., sible p. вЂ“ iron siibde f., siibbe p. вЂ“ hand made rope; trap siido m. вЂ“ eyebrow siine f. вЂ“ mucus siippo m. вЂ“ sweat siise f. вЂ“ honey water silke f. вЂ“ iron trap silke вЂ“ telephone (Amh. sГЇlk) sile p.; silitte f., silittaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ feather simbale f. вЂ“ sorghum sp. sinпѓ«e f. вЂ“ nose 268 sine f. вЂ“ mucus, what comes out of nose sire p.; -atte f. вЂ“ jewellery, ornamental objects; siraпѓ« v. вЂ“ to adorn oneself sobore m., soboritto m., sorbe p. attr. вЂ“ castrated (cattle) sog v. вЂ“ to divine soggo m , sogge p. вЂ“ magician sollakko adv. вЂ“ slowly somba f., sompa f. вЂ“ lung sonqвЂ™a f. вЂ“ guitar, kind of sooxmatte f. вЂ“ edible wild tree soqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ salt sor v. вЂ“ to run (only singular persons as subject) sorto m. вЂ“ placenta sufe f. вЂ“ sunflower sukk*v.; sukkas вЂ“ to make roll down; sukkam вЂ“ to roll down sure f. вЂ“ gathering place surke f. вЂ“ arm bone suutta f. вЂ“ very small bird ЕЎ ЕЎaalko m. вЂ“ pool made of river water ЕЎaalo m. вЂ“ house store ЕЎaalo m. вЂ“ top of foot ЕЎaalto m. вЂ“ oryx ЕЎaaЕЎe f. вЂ“ cloth used by old an man to cover his head ЕЎaпѓЂal*; ЕЎaпѓЂalko m., ЕЎaпѓЂalte f., ЕЎalпѓЂe p. вЂ“ brother, older ЕЎab v.; (Pass, Punct) вЂ“ to tie ЕЎag, ЕЎaguw v. вЂ“ to collect honey ЕЎamп‚єo m. вЂ“ newborn ЕЎammaпЂїЕЎaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to yawn ЕЎarifo m. вЂ“ kind of rifle ЕЎaw*; ЕЎawte f. ЕЎawwe p. вЂ“ beehive ЕЎayna f. вЂ“ water pump ЕЎeeп‚© v. вЂ“ bring ЕЎibde f. вЂ“ tree sp. ЕЎibo m. вЂ“ part of rifle, where the bullet pierces ЕЎicca f. вЂ“ kind of rifle ЕЎiggar v.; (Caus ЕЎiggariЕЎ, ЕЎiggaroЕЎ вЂ“ to stop ЕЎiggire f. вЂ“ razor ЕЎiin v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to smear ЕЎiinin*; ЕЎiininko m. ЕЎiinimme p. вЂ“ butter ЕЎitte f. вЂ“ girl ЕЎikkomoпѓ« вЂ“ be numb ЕЎilЕЎilko m./f., ЕЎilЕЎilkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. attr. вЂ“ smooth ЕЎinЕЎalle p.; -itte f. вЂ“ ants 269 ЕЎiqвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to fart; ЕЎiqвЂ™ne f. вЂ“ fart ЕЎiraп‚є v .вЂ“ to turn ЕЎoloп‚є вЂ“ be swallen ЕЎooh v.; (Pass ЕЎoohom) вЂ“ to wash ЕЎooпѓ° v.; to urinate; ЕЎooпѓ°e p. вЂ“ urine ЕЎoona f. вЂ“ reedbuck ЕЎoonte f. вЂ“ skin used to carry flour, earth and similar ЕЎorke f. вЂ“ honey calabash ЕЎuпѓ« v.; (Pass вЂ�get dressedвЂ™) вЂ“ to cover ЕЎukkaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to trample upon ЕЎuko m. вЂ“ wooden handle of knife ЕЎula f. вЂ“ sorghum sp. ЕЎumaпѓ°to m. вЂ“ sand ЕЎum v. вЂ“ to work hard, to do any kind of work, to try hard ЕЎunkurte f. вЂ“ onion ЕЎunЕЎule f. вЂ“ hair adornment with mud ЕЎur v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to suck ЕЎurrabe f. вЂ“ sweater ЕЎurte f. вЂ“ hair with clay ЕЎuume m. вЂ“ chief (Amh. ЕЎum) t ta clit. вЂ“ upon tabben num. вЂ“ six tahtatti вЂ“ at low volume taпѓ°пѓ°an num. вЂ“ seven takk adj.v. вЂ“ to be small takkaditto m. вЂ“ star, male takkinte f. вЂ“ smallness tallaпѓ°o m. вЂ“ tree giving edible leaf tamar v.; (Caus2 вЂ�to teachвЂ™) вЂ“ to learn tarbitto m. вЂ“ kind of trumpet (played in occasion of the gilo meeting) taЕЎ v. вЂ“ to thatch taygo m. вЂ“ watching tower te вЂ“ feminine pronominal particle tebba f. вЂ“ radio (Amh tep, from English tape) tebele f.; telbe p. вЂ“ iron arrow (shot to pierce a bullвЂ™s neck) teerikko m. aпѓ«пѓ«e вЂ“ dust tel v. вЂ“ to build a wall with stones temm вЂ“ to try tibire f. вЂ“ hook tibire f. вЂ“ tree sp. tillile f. вЂ“ bird sp. tipa f. вЂ“ straight think tire p, tirre вЂ“ liver 270 tir v. вЂ“ to run tirЕЎaqвЂ™adвЂ™ вЂ“ sneeze tokon*; tokonko m.kme p. вЂ“ heel toolingo m. вЂ“ stick for married man toollo m. вЂ“ walking stick, long toonnakko m., toonnatte f., toonnayke p. adj. вЂ“ hump toonte f. вЂ“ poison tuп‚є v.; (Punct) вЂ“ to whip tuf v. вЂ“ to spit tumalsaп‚є v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ be paralysed tumo m. вЂ“ garlic tunta f. вЂ“ hammer of iron tuntuma f. вЂ“ punch turпѓ«e f. вЂ“ lower buttocks turqвЂ™ayna f. вЂ“ squirrel sp. tuuпѓ«e f. вЂ“ hippo and buffalo skin, piece of (taken by the bride) tuutsвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to push tuutsвЂ™aпѓ« v.вЂ“ to twist (e.g. in order to get into a small hole) tsвЂ™ tsвЂ™aalqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ small tree tsвЂ™aare f. вЂ“ drops of milk left in the bucket tsвЂ™agade f. вЂ“ frame of roof ts'amakko m., ts'amatakko m., ts'amatte f. вЂ“ TsвЂ™amakko people tsвЂ™atsвЂ™a f. вЂ“ ring tsвЂ™eпЂїпЂїo m. вЂ“ grasshopper tsвЂ™ekile f. вЂ“ elbow tsвЂ™eqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ firefly tsвЂ™iib v. вЂ“ to clean tsвЂ™iire p. tsвЂ™iirakko m., вЂ“ male tsвЂ™iirinte f. вЂ“ manhood tsвЂ™iloote f. вЂ“ thread of blue colour tsвЂ™itsвЂ™tsвЂ™o m. вЂ“ bead, black, which is found in the final section of a collar tsвЂ™iy*; tsвЂ™iyitte f., tsвЂ™iyye p. вЂ“ bullet tsвЂ™onaqвЂ™o m. вЂ“ bee tsвЂ™ulde f. вЂ“ rat with long mounth tsвЂ™unaвЂ™вЂ™e f. вЂ“ game with stones and 6 holes w waalko m. вЂ“ calabash used to pour water waan v. вЂ“ to recover, heal waana m./f./p. attr. вЂ“ different waaqвЂ™e p. вЂ“ saliva warsa f. вЂ“ dance phase waпѓЂпѓЂe f. вЂ“ vegetables 271 wak v.; (Caus2, Punct) вЂ“ to speak wal v. вЂ“ to forget walka f. вЂ“ small thin piece of wood wallale f. вЂ“ stalk of sorghum wallare f. вЂ“ arrow, body of walta f. вЂ“ genet war v. вЂ“ to throw warkata m./f., warkataпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ left warna f. вЂ“ red tree warrakko m. вЂ“ guinea fowl sp. warЕѕe f. вЂ“ spear waЕЎtire f.; -anne p. вЂ“ kind of rifle waysaпѓ« вЂ“ mix for oneself wayte f. вЂ“ blessing by blowing woп‚© v. вЂ“ to step on woqвЂ™oЕЎ v. вЂ“ to be pregnant (animal) woqвЂ™qвЂ™e f. вЂ“ hot sun of midday worпѓ°am v. вЂ“ to fight; worпѓ°anko m. вЂ“ war woЕѕЕѕa f. вЂ“ work; woЕѕЕѕaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to work wuyy v.; (Mid, Pass, Pass-Caus2, Pass-Mid) вЂ“ to call x xaaЕЎe f. itte xaЕЎЕЎe вЂ“ leaf xaf v. вЂ“ to come (only with singular person as subject) xalle f. вЂ“ bird sp. xampaпЂї adj.v. вЂ“ to be soft xare f. вЂ“ fish xariЕЎ*; xariЕЎko m. xarЕЎe f. вЂ“ beans, boiled xaro m. вЂ“ crocodile xawЕЎe f. вЂ“ sugar cane xerero m. вЂ“ plant sp xiп‚є*; xiп‚єte f. xiп‚єп‚єe p. вЂ“ lip xiibire f. вЂ“ bat sp. xinawno m. вЂ“ bad smell xinaw вЂ“ stink xobin num. вЂ“ five xoonsitte f. вЂ“ mithic animal xoronko m. вЂ“ honey mead xoronko m. вЂ“ male xorr v.; (Caus1) вЂ“ to send xos v. вЂ“ to enlight xoxon*; xoxonko m. xoxme p. вЂ“ hole xumп‚єi attr. вЂ“ all xur v.; (Punct, Pass-Mid xurmaпѓ«) вЂ“ to give up, to leave y 272 y clit вЂ“ semantically empty clitic yaaka conj. вЂ“ subordinate conjunction ya, yay clit. вЂ“ with z zaaf вЂ“ crawl zaal*; zaalko m., zaalle f. вЂ“ hole made by water zaan*; zaante f. zaamme, вЂ“ branch zaaqвЂ™e f. вЂ“ thread zaar*; zaaraw, zaaroпѓ« v.вЂ“ to get mad; zaarays v. вЂ“ to make mad; zaaraysis v.вЂ“ to cause to make mad; zaarakko m., zaaratte f., zaarayke p. adj. вЂ“ mad; zaarinte f. вЂ“ madness zaarbi v. вЂ“ pass, to zaпѓЂ*; zaпѓЂko m., zaпѓЂпѓЂe p. вЂ“ heart zalbate f. вЂ“ clasp zammo m. вЂ“ honey zanga f. вЂ“ wood for the fence of the house zano m.; zamme p. вЂ“ street zaqвЂ™ v. вЂ“ to slaughter zargano m. вЂ“ tree sp. zarge m./f., zargaпѓ«пѓ«e p. вЂ“ spotted zarikko m. вЂ“ leopard zayte f. вЂ“ oil zeeпѓ° num. вЂ“ three ziпЂї*; ziпЂїte f., ziпЂїпЂїe p. вЂ“ pot of clay zigam adj.v. вЂ“ to be long zigammo m. вЂ“ height zigo m. вЂ“ wooden spear ziп‚©o m. вЂ“ porridge zilanqвЂ™a f. вЂ“ rainbow, lizard sp. ziir v.; (Redupl.) вЂ“ to take out one by one ziiza f. вЂ“ back bone zimba f. вЂ“ tree sp. zingano adv.; zingatte.вЂ“ in the morning zit v. вЂ“ to pull ziya m. вЂ“ warrior zoog v. вЂ“ to float, to put one on the other zooп‚©o m. вЂ“ father-in-law zoola f. вЂ“ calabash, kind of long zoole f. вЂ“ shank zoole f.; -itto m., -itte f. вЂ“ stalk of sorghum zoor adj.v. вЂ“ to be sweet zormaпѓ« v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ be angry zow v. вЂ“ to go 273 zubaпЂїпЂїe f. вЂ“ stink-ant Еѕ ЕѕaпЂїa f. вЂ“ wife of вЂ�godfatherвЂ™ ЕѕaпЂїal*; ЕѕaпЂїalko m. ЕѕaпЂїalte f. вЂ“ godfather / godmother ЕѕaпЂїпЂїar*; ЕѕaпЂїпЂїarko m., ЕѕaпЂїпЂїarre p. вЂ“ anus Еѕabbarna f. вЂ“ belt with pockets Еѕag v.; (Punct) вЂ“ to insert Еѕaga f. вЂ“ bird sp. Еѕagam v. вЂ“ to go down Еѕalamba f. вЂ“ bird sp. Еѕammaпѓ« v. вЂ“ to enter (with plural persons as subject) Еѕegela f. вЂ“ twisted wood, side scoliosis ЕѕiпЂї v.; (Mid) вЂ“ to eat ЕѕiпЂїo m. вЂ“ food Еѕimmir v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to stun Еѕinka вЂ“ Jinka (administrative centre of the Southern Omo Zone) Еѕinnare f. вЂ“ belt for bullet ЕѕoqвЂ™ ЕѕoqвЂ™oЕЎ caus ЕѕoqвЂ™oпѓ« mid вЂ“ beat, hit, grind ЕѕoqвЂ™omi вЂ“ have diorrhea Еѕug v. вЂ“ to extract Еѕumpo m. вЂ“ iron point ЕѕuqвЂ™untaп‚є v.; (Caus2) вЂ“ to throw wood 274 10.2. English-TsвЂ™amakko a acacia вЂ“ пѓ«aatt*; пѓ«aattakko m. пѓ«aattanne p. acacia, young вЂ“ martsвЂ™a f. accuse, to вЂ“ пѓ«eek v. Addis Ababa вЂ“ пЂїaddisabeba affair, matter вЂ“ gaaпѓ°o m. after вЂ“ пЂїaani adv. age grade 1 вЂ“ morqвЂ™o m.; -itto m., -itte f. age grade 2 вЂ“ loobarko m.; loobartakko m., loobartitte f., loobarkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. age grade 3 вЂ“ bilbilko m.; bilbiltakko m., bilbiltitte f., bilbilkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. age grade 4 вЂ“ nelbasko m.; nelbastakko m., nelbastitte f., nelbaskaпѓ«пѓ«e p. age grade 5 вЂ“ gurmalko m.; gurmaltakko m., gurmaltitte f., gurmalkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. age grade 6 вЂ“ baasarko m.; baasartakko m., baasartitte f., baasarkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. all вЂ“ xumп‚єi attr. alliance between the clans пЂїozbikko and пЂїalgakko вЂ“ binnasko m.; binnastakko m., binnastitte f., binnaskaпѓ«пѓ«e p. always вЂ“ macce adv. Amhara people вЂ“ gerge f.; -itto m., -itte f. amniotic fluid вЂ“ пЂїaaп‚©e f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. animal sp. вЂ“ пЂїarka f. animal sp. вЂ“ пЂїilaaЕЎe f. animal sp. вЂ“ п‚єizze f. animal sp. вЂ“ dingeЕЎa f. aпѓ«пѓ«e animal sp. вЂ“ dodolko m. animal sp. вЂ“ dubaza f. animal sp. вЂ“ пѓ«akЕЎe f. animal sp. вЂ“ gurdo m. animal sp. вЂ“ kaskale f. animal sp. вЂ“ laale f. animal, wild вЂ“ пЂїakko m.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. ankle вЂ“ gaaraboqвЂ™o m. ants вЂ“ ЕЎinЕЎalle p.; -itte f. anus вЂ“ ЕѕaпЂїпЂїar*; ЕѕaпЂїпЂїarko m., ЕѕaпЂїпЂїarre p. appear, to вЂ“ пЂїarmaпѓ« v. Arbore people вЂ“ rummaпѓЂte p. Ari people вЂ“ пЂїaare p.; пЂїaartakko m., пЂїaartitte f. arm bone вЂ“ micвЂ™angalle f. arm bone вЂ“ surke f. armpit вЂ“ baaro m. arrive, to вЂ“ пѓ«aп‚©п‚©aп‚є v.; (Caus2) arrive, to вЂ“ gay v. 275 arrow with iron point вЂ“ пЂїaaza f. arrow, body of вЂ“ wallare f. arrow, wooden вЂ“ laax*; laaxko m. laaxxe ashes вЂ“ darпѓЂo m. ask, to вЂ“ gass v. (Mid); gasso m. at low volume вЂ“ tahtatti at night вЂ“ gallawo at that moment, then вЂ“ пЂїassanna adv. away вЂ“ пЂїita adv. axe вЂ“ пЂїirgaпѓЂo m. b baboon вЂ“ gelzakko m. aпѓ«пѓ«e back bone вЂ“ ziiza f. back, behind вЂ“ duuko m. bad вЂ“ qвЂ™amme m./f./p. attr. bad smell вЂ“ xinawno m. bag for grain (Amh. qГ¤rtsвЂ™a) вЂ“ qвЂ™artsвЂ™eta f. (Amh. qГ¤rtsвЂ™a) banana вЂ“ muuze f. Banna people, Banna and Hamer peoples вЂ“ пЂїorgo p.; -itto m., -itte f. -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. bark вЂ“ qвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™e p. barley вЂ“ boorto m. bat sp. вЂ“ laafa f. bat sp. вЂ“ xiibire f. be able, to вЂ“ пЂїalgas v. be angry, to вЂ“ пѓ«agoпѓ« v. be angry, to вЂ“ zormaпѓ« v.; (Caus2) be big, to вЂ“ пѓ«amm adj.v.; пѓ«amminte f. be bitter, to вЂ“ raaпѓЂ v. be black, to вЂ“ п‚©umm Adj.v.; п‚©umminte f. be blind, to вЂ“ daaf v.; (Caus1) be brave, to вЂ“ porimaп‚є be cold, to вЂ“ raandaпѓ° adj.v. be completed, to вЂ“ пѓ«ikkaпѓ« be enormous, to вЂ“ gaarm adj.v. be fat, be fertile, to вЂ“ goob v.; (Caus2); goobinte f. be finished, to вЂ“ kum v. be good, be nice, to вЂ“ qвЂ™ayy adj.v. be happy, to вЂ“ gasoпѓ« be hard, to вЂ“ kaпѓ°пѓ° adj.v.; kaпѓ°пѓ°aw v. be hot вЂ“ luп‚є adj.v.; (Caus1) be hurt, be sick, to вЂ“ qвЂ™arar v.; qвЂ™ararro m. be light, to вЂ“ reЕЎeпѓЂ v. 276 be located, to вЂ“ пЂїaп‚© v.; (Redupl) be long, to вЂ“ zigam adj.v. be named, to вЂ“ kibay be numb, to вЂ“ ЕЎikkomoпѓ« be over, to вЂ“ pagaпѓ« be paralysed, to вЂ“ tumalsaп‚є v.; (Caus2) be plenty, to вЂ“ bazz v.; (Mid bazzaп‚є) be plenty, to вЂ“ gaan v. be powerful, to вЂ“ muuq'um v. be pregnant, to (animal) вЂ“ woqвЂ™oЕЎ v. be red, to вЂ“ пѓЂiпѓ«пѓ« adj.v. be rich, to вЂ“ kamaп‚є be rich, to вЂ“ kamur v. be salty, to вЂ“ maqвЂ™al v. be short, to вЂ“ maangaпЂї adj.v. be sick, be tired to вЂ“ malal v. be sleepy, to вЂ“ miпЂїaпѓ« be slim, to вЂ“ qвЂ™onn aw become be small, to вЂ“ takk adj.v. be smart, to вЂ“ bax v. be soft, to вЂ“ cвЂ™aldax v.; (Caus2) be soft, to вЂ“ xampaпЂї adj.v. be straight, to вЂ“ pikaп‚є piskaп‚є be stuck, to вЂ“ gaftaпѓ« v.; (Caus2) be surprised, to вЂ“ mugur v.;(Caus2 murgis) be swallen, to вЂ“ ЕЎoloп‚є be sweet, to вЂ“ zoor adj.v. be unready, to вЂ“ gaansaп‚є be unripe, be green, to вЂ“ laxx adj.v.;; laxxaw v. be useful, to вЂ“ garn v. be wet, to вЂ“ cвЂ™aп‚є adj.v. be white, to вЂ“ biпѓЂ adj.v. be worried, to вЂ“ п‚©aab v. bead вЂ“ maax*; maaxko m., maaxxe p. bead, big вЂ“ pure f. bead, black, which is found in the final section of a collar вЂ“ tsвЂ™itsвЂ™tsвЂ™o m. , bean, black вЂ“ pecвЂ™e f. beans, big, similar to chick peas вЂ“ ringa f. , beans, boiled вЂ“ xariЕЎ*; xariЕЎko m. xarЕЎe f. beard вЂ“ buuЕЎe f.; buuЕЎolakko m., buuЕЎolatte, buuЕЎolayke p. beat, hit, grind, to вЂ“ ЕѕoqвЂ™ ЕѕoqвЂ™oЕЎ Caus ЕѕoqвЂ™oпѓ« Mid , beautiful вЂ“ baxxarko m., baxxarte f., baxxarre p. attr.; baxxaninte f. become old, to вЂ“ geeЕЎ*; geeЕЎuw bed (Amh. alga) вЂ“ пЂїalga f. (Amh. alga) bee вЂ“ tsвЂ™onaqвЂ™o m. beehive вЂ“ ЕЎaw*; ЕЎawte f. ЕЎawwe p. beer (Amh. bira) вЂ“ bira f. (Amh. bira) 277 beer, fresh local вЂ“ пЂїallo m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. beer, local вЂ“ parЕЎe f. before (space and time) вЂ“ qвЂ™arra adv. before, oneself вЂ“ пЂїinte adv.; пЂїintaw v. beg, to вЂ“ п‚©insaпѓ« v.; п‚©inselakko m., п‚©inselatte f., п‚©inselayke p. adj. belch, to вЂ“ geeпѓЂ v. bell made of tortoise house вЂ“ qвЂ™orqвЂ™oro m. bellows pump вЂ“ gilfa f. belly вЂ“ garaпѓЂ*; garaпѓЂte f., garпѓЂe p. belly jerm вЂ“ rammo m. belt for bullet вЂ“ Еѕinnare f. belt for men; water carrier вЂ“ qвЂ™alЕЎe f.; belt for pregnant woman вЂ“ goorko m. belt of beads вЂ“ nabale f. belt with pockets вЂ“ Еѕabbarna f. bend arms and legs of a corpse, to вЂ“ qвЂ™atsвЂ™ v. Birale people вЂ“ birale p.; biraltakko m., biraltitte f. bird вЂ“ пЂїaaп‚©e p.; -itte f. bird sp. вЂ“ cвЂ™uruqвЂ™e f. bird sp. вЂ“ gawarakko m. bird sp. вЂ“ laalo m. bird sp. вЂ“ laпѓ°пѓ°o m. bird sp. вЂ“ moralle f. bird sp. вЂ“ qвЂ™urrube f. bird sp. вЂ“ qвЂ™utsвЂ™o m. bird sp. вЂ“ tillile f. bird sp. вЂ“ xalle f. bird sp. вЂ“ Еѕaga f. bird sp. вЂ“ Еѕalamba f. bird sp. (it eates calves) вЂ“ kokakko m. bird, spotted вЂ“ barlo m. bird, very small вЂ“ suutta f. birds, predatory вЂ“ пЂїallaпѓЂe f. bit, a little вЂ“ gilinkasa adv. bite, to вЂ“ qвЂ™aw v.; (Caus1) blacksmith вЂ“ gitama m.; gitantakko m., gitantitte f., gitamaпѓ«пѓ«e f. blacksmith вЂ“ puga f. bless, to вЂ“ buup v. blessing by blowing вЂ“ wayte f. blind вЂ“ daafakko m., daafatte f., daafayke p. adj blood вЂ“ cвЂ™egde f. пѓ« blow, whistle, to вЂ“ пЂїupp v.; (Redupl) body вЂ“ biЕЎ*; biЕЎko m., biЕЎkitto m., biЕЎkitte f., biЕЎЕЎe p. bone вЂ“ meeqвЂ™e p.;meeqвЂ™te f. bone protuberance, spur вЂ“ kirincвЂ™e f. borrow, to вЂ“ biddir v.; biddire f. bow вЂ“ baante f. 278 boy вЂ“ пЂїinanko ~ пЂїinawko m. bracelet for pulse вЂ“ Middo m. bracelet, black iron вЂ“ mogol*; mogolte f. molge p. bracelet, red вЂ“ marrote f. bracelet, white вЂ“ пЂїaЕЎawa f. braid of women вЂ“ gidanko m. braid, small вЂ“ kuttakutto m. braids, kind of вЂ“ cвЂ™irfa f. brain вЂ“ nolo m. branch вЂ“ zaan*; zaante f. zaamme, bread, kind of вЂ“ laЕЎa f.; laЕЎko m., laЕЎЕЎe p. break, to вЂ“ п‚©onпѓ« v.; (Pass) breast вЂ“ пѓЂaп‚єun*; пѓЂaп‚єunko m., пѓЂaп‚єne p.; пѓЂaпѓ«inko m. breath, rest, to вЂ“ nassaпѓ« v. bridegrooms вЂ“ kayko m.; -itto m., -itte f. bridge вЂ“ dildila f. bring, to вЂ“ ЕЎeeп‚© v. brother, older вЂ“ ЕЎaпѓЂal*; ЕЎaпѓЂalko m., ЕЎaпѓЂalte f., ЕЎalпѓЂe p. brother, younger вЂ“ пЂїadda m.; -iyo m.,-aпѓ«пѓ«e p. brother/sister, younger вЂ“ пЂїazo m.; пЂїaze f.; пЂїazze p. / brush, to вЂ“ mucвЂ™cвЂ™ buffalo вЂ“ gasar*; gasarko m., garse p. build a fence, to вЂ“ cвЂ™aaп‚є v. build a wall with stones , to вЂ“ tel v. build, to вЂ“ п‚©ubaпѓ« bullet вЂ“ tsвЂ™iy*; tsвЂ™iyitte f., tsвЂ™iyye p. bury, to вЂ“ may v. bus вЂ“ lonЕЎina f. (Amh. loncina, from Italian leoncino) bush вЂ“ qвЂ™aacвЂ™cвЂ™e f. bushbuck (tragelaphus scriptus) вЂ“ gaabote f.; -ko m. (tragelaphus scriptus) butter вЂ“ ЕЎiinin*; ЕЎiininko m. ЕЎiinimme p. butterfly вЂ“ pelampelo m. buttock, outer part вЂ“ пЂїongoro m. buttock, tail, wasted tail of sheep after emptied of fat and meat вЂ“ duub*; duubde f., duubbe p. , buy, to вЂ“ bitam v.; (Mid bitmaпѓ«, Punct, Redupl, -Redupl) c cabbage sp. вЂ“ macвЂ™cвЂ™e calabash for beer вЂ“ gulma f. calabash for coffee, pipe belly вЂ“ gongollo m. calabash for milking вЂ“ booro m. calabash for shaking milk вЂ“ пѓ«iile f. calabash to drink coffee вЂ“ karamп‚єa f. calabash used to fetch water вЂ“ daпѓ°an*; daпѓ°ante f., daпѓ°ne p. calabash used to pour water вЂ“ baasallo m. 279 calabash used to pour water вЂ“ waalko m. calabash, kind of вЂ“ balka f. calabash, kind of long вЂ“ zoola f. calf, ankle вЂ“ sarba f. calf, newborn вЂ“ пЂїagile f.; пЂїagilitto m., пЂїagilitte f., пЂїalgo p. call, to вЂ“ wuyy v.; (Mid, Pass, Pass-Caus2, Pass-Mid) camel вЂ“ gaamayle f. carry on the shoulder, to вЂ“ пѓ«ooqвЂ™ v. carry with both arms, to вЂ“ baпЂїпЂїay v. carry, to вЂ“ gaagis v.; (Pass) carved wood for several uses, canoe вЂ“ gongala f. castrated (cattle) вЂ“ sobore m., soboritto m., sorbe p. cat, domestic вЂ“ пЂїurre f., пЂїayidurre f. catapult вЂ“ kullumme f. cattle вЂ“ qвЂ™ole p.; -ko, -te, -aпѓ«пѓ«e; qвЂ™oltaw v. cattle camp, kraal вЂ“ gomп‚єo m. cattle sharing вЂ“ beel*; beelko m., beelle p. cave вЂ“ qвЂ™ofte f. central internal point of foot and hand вЂ“ ganaпѓЂ*; ganaпѓЂko m., ganaпѓЂпѓЂe p. centre of foot palm вЂ“ dadaпЂїanko m. change direction, readdress, to вЂ“ maп‚© v. change, to вЂ“ пЂїook v. (Mid, Redupl, Pass-Caus) charcoal вЂ“ qвЂ™aacвЂ™a f. chase, lead, to вЂ“ п‚©or v. cheetah вЂ“ gorЕѕo m. cheetah вЂ“ mirle f. chest вЂ“ пѓ°eeko m. пѓ°eekke p. chew, to вЂ“ qвЂ™aan v. chicken вЂ“ lukkale f. -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e chief (Amh. liqambГ¤r) вЂ“ liqвЂ™ambare m. (Amh. liqambГ¤r) chief (Amharic ЕЎum вЂ™) вЂ“ ЕЎuume m. (Amh. ЕЎum) child carrier made of rope, small flea which is not in the rural area вЂ“ saвЂ™e f. child named after вЂ�godfatherвЂ™ вЂ“ moggo m.; -iyo m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. child, small вЂ“ naпЂїпЂїa f. children вЂ“ пѓ«alle p. chin вЂ“ gawso m. clan вЂ“ gaarko m.;-itto m., -itte f. clan вЂ“ gafko m. clan name вЂ“ пЂїalgakko m.; пЂїalgatakko m., пЂїalgatte f. clan name вЂ“ пЂїizmakko m.; пЂїizmatakko m., пЂїizmatte f. clan name вЂ“ пЂїozbikko m.; пЂїozbitakko m., пЂїozbitte f. clan name вЂ“ пѓЂamaпѓ«пѓ«o m.; пѓЂamatakko m., пѓЂamatitte f. clan name вЂ“ пѓЂeelakko m.; пѓЂeelatakko m., пѓЂeelatte f. clan name вЂ“ baritto m.; baritakko m., baritte f. clan name вЂ“ reegakko m.; reegatakko m., reegatte f. clasp вЂ“ zalbate f. clean, to вЂ“ tsвЂ™iib v. 280 climb, to вЂ“ kaпѓ« v.; (Punct, Redupl, Punct-Caus) clitoris вЂ“ пЂїinп‚©ir*; пЂїinп‚©irakko m., пЂїinп‚©iranne p. close with a lid, to вЂ“ cвЂ™aqвЂ™om v.; cвЂ™aqвЂ™qвЂ™omme f. cloth used by old an man to cover his head вЂ“ ЕЎaaЕЎe f. cloths of any size вЂ“ lable f., laybe f. cloud вЂ“ poolo m. club, wooden вЂ“ buke f. cockвЂ™s mane вЂ“ kuuЕЎkuuЕЎo m. coffee вЂ“ пѓЂare f. co-habit, to вЂ“ karom v. cold вЂ“ gulfo m. coldness вЂ“ пЂїoЕЎonko m. collar bone вЂ“ bargade f. collar for women вЂ“ пЂїirпѓЂo m. collect honey, to вЂ“ ЕЎag, ЕЎaguw v. collect, to вЂ“ seпѓ° v.; (Caus2, Mid) comb, to вЂ“ pil v.; (Mid) come back, to вЂ“ kol v. come, to (only with plural persons as subject) вЂ“ пЂїogoy v. come, to (only with singular person as subject) вЂ“ xaf v. concimate, to вЂ“ boox v. conjunction of consecutive sentences вЂ“ ba conj. conjunction of head nouns вЂ“ пЂїaaka conj. consumed wasted cloth вЂ“ saara f. container for milk made of wood вЂ“ пЂїombotto m. cooked blood вЂ“ kurfa f. corpse вЂ“ sarabe f. corridor between house and fence вЂ“ keeda f. cotton вЂ“ puddo m. cough, to вЂ“ gufaпѓЂ v.; gufaпѓЂпѓЂo m. count, to вЂ“ пѓ«ik v. cover, to вЂ“ ЕЎuпѓ« v.; (Pass) cow вЂ“ loпЂїo f. cow with no milk вЂ“ baakko f., baakkitte f., baakkittaпѓ«пѓ«e p. cramps вЂ“ qвЂ™arma f.; qвЂ™armoпѓ« v. crawl, to вЂ“ zaaf cricket вЂ“ cвЂ™ooro m. crocodile вЂ“ xaro m. crouch down, to вЂ“ п‚©obaпѓ« v. cry, to вЂ“ пЂїooy v. (Caus 1) cub, newborn of any animal вЂ“ пЂїottakko m., пЂїokke p. cup вЂ“ kubbaya f. curds вЂ“ picce f. curved away from the head (horn) вЂ“ rooko attr. curved thing вЂ“ qвЂ™orke f., qвЂ™orka f. curved towards the head (horn) вЂ“ lukkurro m./p. attr. cut off, to вЂ“ boqвЂ™ v.; (Caus boqвЂ™os) 281 cut, to вЂ“ mux v. cut, to вЂ“ qвЂ™aqвЂ™ v.; (Caus1) cut, to вЂ“ qвЂ™etsвЂ™ v. d dance phase вЂ“ warsa f. dance phase in which the men chase the women вЂ“ qвЂ™ormo m. dance, to вЂ“ kibir v.; (Caus kirbas); kibirko m., kirbe p. day (Amh. qГ¤n) вЂ“ qвЂ™ane f. (Amh. qГ¤n) day after tomorrow вЂ“ qвЂ™amma adv. defeat, to вЂ“ baЕЎaп‚є v.; (Caus baЕЎЕЎaп‚є, Pass baЕЎmaп‚є, Redupl) defecate, to вЂ“ cвЂ™aaqвЂ™ v.; cвЂ™aaqвЂ™e f. definite suffix вЂ“ -пЂїa definite suffix вЂ“ -s(s)a definite suffix вЂ“ -se devil spirit of dead вЂ“ meeЕЎe f. dew вЂ“ cвЂ™arke f.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. Dhaasanach people вЂ“ galaba p. die, to вЂ“ par v. different вЂ“ waana m./f./p. attr. difficult вЂ“ gaale m./f./p., gaalatte f. attr.; gaalaп‚є v.; (Caus gaalЕЎaп‚є) dig вЂ“ bood v.; (Caus1) dig вЂ“ qвЂ™od;qвЂ™odas (Caus) plough dik dik вЂ“ sawro m. dirt вЂ“ пЂїusk*; пЂїuskakko m., пЂїuskanne p пЂїuskakkoпѓ« v.; пЂїuskakkolakko m., пЂїuskakkolatte f., пЂїuskakkolayke p. adj dirt of calabash вЂ“ pelta f. divine, to вЂ“ gillaпѓ« v. divine, to вЂ“ sog v. do, put, to вЂ“ goпѓ«пѓ« v.; (Caus1, Pass) do, to вЂ“ bas v.; (Mid, Redupl) doctor вЂ“ пЂїakima m.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. dog вЂ“ karo m.; -itto m., -itte f., karre p. donkey вЂ“ пЂїarre f. door вЂ“ karre f. dream, to вЂ“ пЂїinsuпѓ« v. dried thing, dead small tree вЂ“ laпѓ°пѓ°awko m. dried sorghum or maize panicle вЂ“ qвЂ™ayile f. drink, to вЂ“ пѓЂug v.; (Caus2, Punct) drive, to вЂ“ gor v. drop, flow, to вЂ“ пЂїel v.; (Redupl) drops of milk left in the bucket вЂ“ tsвЂ™aare f. drum вЂ“ darbe f. dry meat вЂ“ seere f. dry season вЂ“ kibe f.; kibbe p. dry, to вЂ“ poпЂї v. 282 dung, dry manure вЂ“ koЕЎo m. during the day вЂ“ qвЂ™ane dust вЂ“ teerikko m. aпѓ«пѓ«e e each other вЂ“ пЂїelle adv. ear вЂ“ qвЂ™aan*; qвЂ™aante f. qвЂ™aamme p. earing chain вЂ“ niyarroge f. eat grains, to вЂ“ qвЂ™omm v. eat, to вЂ“ ЕѕiпЂї v.; (Mid) edible plant вЂ“ qвЂ™olfe f. edible wild plant вЂ“ marraпѓ°e f. edible wild tree вЂ“ sooxmatte f. egg вЂ“ пЂїukaпѓ°e p.; -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. eight вЂ“ sezzen num. eland вЂ“ goontore f.,; -ko m. elbow вЂ“ tsвЂ™ekile f. elephant вЂ“ пЂїarafko m. ember вЂ“ borxo m. end, border вЂ“ maпЂїЕЎe p. enemy вЂ“ naaп‚єa m. enlight, to вЂ“ xos v. enter вЂ“ пѓ°ul v.(Punct) enter, to (plural persons as subject) вЂ“ Еѕammaпѓ« v. entire вЂ“ mume m./f./p. attr. entrails вЂ“ kaanЕЎima f. equal вЂ“ gura adv. evil spirit вЂ“ buda f. extract, to вЂ“ Еѕug v. eye вЂ“ пЂїaxxe p.; -itte f, aпѓ«пѓ«e p. eye, coloured part вЂ“ duunko m. eyebrow вЂ“ siido m. eyelashes вЂ“ пЂїiife f. eyesвЂ™ disease вЂ“ пЂїara f fall, to вЂ“ biпѓЂ v.; (Caus1, Redupl); biпѓЂinte f. family вЂ“ mano m. fart fart, to вЂ“ ЕЎiqвЂ™ v.; ЕЎiqвЂ™ne f. fat, dark mouse вЂ“ docвЂ™a f. father вЂ“ пЂїabba m.; -iyo m.,-aпѓ«пѓ«e p. father-in-law вЂ“ zooп‚©o m. -feather вЂ“ sile p.; silitte f., silittaпѓ«пѓ«e p. feel вЂ“ qвЂ™abaпѓ« 283 female calf вЂ“ maare p.; -te f. fence вЂ“ cвЂ™ayde f., cвЂ™ayye p. fence for goats вЂ“ пЂїukunte f. fenugreek вЂ“ maaltitte f. fever; disease вЂ“ buпѓЂпѓЂo m.; field, cultivated вЂ“ paЕЎo m.; pacce p. fight, to вЂ“ worпѓ°am v.; worпѓ°anko m. fill (intr.), to вЂ“ qвЂ™ucc v. (.) fill a calabash, to вЂ“ kubbaпѓ« v. fill up, to вЂ“ пЂїucc v.(Caus1) finger, claw вЂ“ qвЂ™ot*; qвЂ™otakko m. qвЂ™otte p. finish in one time, to вЂ“ raww finish, to вЂ“ raw v.; (Mid) fire вЂ“ katte f. fire stick вЂ“ gayte f.; anne p. firefly вЂ“ tsвЂ™eqвЂ™o m. fire-stick вЂ“ пѓ«ayte f. firestones вЂ“ пЂїuzge p. fish вЂ“ xare f. fish, to вЂ“ gaas v. five вЂ“ xobin num. flap ears вЂ“ qвЂ™ooЕЎe f. flat plane вЂ“ deelo m. flea sp. вЂ“ gitsвЂ™tsвЂ™o m. float, put one on the other, to вЂ“ zoog v. flour вЂ“ пѓ«aammo m. flour of any cereal вЂ“ пѓ«amay*; пѓ«amayko m., пѓ«amayye p. flour, cooked вЂ“ пѓ°anЕЎal*; пѓ°anЕЎalakko m., пѓ°anЕЎalanne flower вЂ“ bisko m. flower of maize вЂ“ baalko m. flower, to вЂ“ puпѓ« v. flute, pipe stem вЂ“ maalka f. fly вЂ“ пЂїinnakko p.; -itto m.-aпѓ«пѓ«e p. follow, to вЂ“ gussum v. fontanelle вЂ“ пѓЂomп‚єo m. food вЂ“ kumbala f. food вЂ“ ЕѕiпЂїo m. food gemfo вЂ“ daпѓЂan*; daпѓЂanko m., daпѓЂne p. foot вЂ“ luп‚є*; luп‚єte f., luп‚єп‚єe p. footprint вЂ“ paanaw forbid, to вЂ“ пѓ«awr v. forehead вЂ“ miinte f. foreigner вЂ“ parancвЂ™a f. forest вЂ“ пЂїorro m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p.; пЂїorro forget, to вЂ“ wal v. four вЂ“ salaпѓ° num fowlвЂ™s faeces вЂ“ banda f. 284 frame of roof вЂ“ tsвЂ™agade f. fresh (milk) вЂ“ meelo p. attr. friend вЂ“ пЂїayra m. from here вЂ“ kaakanu adv. from there вЂ“ пЂїaysana adv. from there вЂ“ kaaynu adv. from; to вЂ“ nu, nnu clit.; fruit eaten by donkeys and goats вЂ“ burza f. fruit like onion that is not eaten вЂ“ laqвЂ™a f. fruit of kuyatto tree вЂ“ пЂїoongo m. kuyatto fruit sp. вЂ“ miпЂї*; miпЂїte f., miпЂїпЂїe p. funnel вЂ“ gaп‚єate f. fur вЂ“ rifanko m; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. g gall bladder вЂ“ diiп‚©o m. game with stones and 6 holes вЂ“ tsвЂ™unaвЂ™вЂ™e f. 6 garlic вЂ“ tumo m. gather, to вЂ“ bukaп‚є buskaп‚є gathering place вЂ“ sure f. gawwada people вЂ“ пѓЂaale p.; пѓЂaaltakko m., пѓЂaaltitte f. genenuk (red meda fiel) вЂ“ moyle f. genet вЂ“ walta f. get goosebumps, to вЂ“ пѓЂacвЂ™arkoпѓ« v. get mad, to mad made madness вЂ“ zaar*; zaaraw, zaaroпѓ« v.; zaarays v.; zaaraysis v. Caus; zaarakko m., zaaratte f., zaarayke p. adj.; zaarinte f. get out, to вЂ“ liп‚© v.; (Caus1, Punct) get up, to вЂ“ kaпЂї v.; (Caus2, Punct); kaпЂїпЂїo m. get, find, to вЂ“ daw v. ginger вЂ“ daaЕѕimale f. giraffe вЂ“ пѓ«amпѓЂatto m. girl вЂ“ ЕЎitte f. girls вЂ“ пЂїekaпѓ«пѓ«e p. give back, to вЂ“ laaп‚© v. give birth, to вЂ“ пѓ«al v.(Mid) give up, leave, to вЂ“ xur v.; (Punct, Pass-Mid xurmaпѓ«) give, to вЂ“ deeпѓ° v. (Caus1) go back home, to вЂ“ пѓЂaag v.B go down, to вЂ“ Еѕagam v. go to sleep, to вЂ“ п‚©iip v.; (Punct, Punct-Caus) go to war, to вЂ“ duul v.; (Caus2); duule f.; duulko m. go towards someone, leave somewhere вЂ“ rigaпѓ« go, to вЂ“ пЂїacc v. 285 go, to вЂ“ zow v. goat вЂ“ daale p.; -te f. goat skin for women вЂ“ panпѓ«alte f. goat, male вЂ“ пЂїorgay*; пЂїorgayko m., пЂїorgayne p. goat, spotted вЂ“ пЂїodol*; пЂїodolko m., пЂїodle p. goatвЂ™s weed вЂ“ maga f. godfather / godmother вЂ“ ЕѕaпЂїal*; ЕѕaпЂїalko m. ЕѕaпЂїalte f. / good quality, beauty вЂ“ qвЂ™ayyinte f. gourd вЂ“ maax*; maaxatto m., maaxxe p. gourd вЂ“ qвЂ™aw*; qвЂ™awte f. gourd, broken piece of вЂ“ palqвЂ™e f. grain вЂ“ gazgo m. granary вЂ“ qвЂ™anta f. grandfather вЂ“ пЂїakka m.; -iyo m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. granmother вЂ“ пѓЂaabo f. grass вЂ“ пѓЂaЕЎ*; пѓЂaЕЎko m., пѓЂaЕЎЕЎe p. grass growing with the new rains вЂ“ palke f. grass of roof вЂ“ segele f. grass sp. (edible) вЂ“ пЂїeero m. grass, kind of dry вЂ“ rocвЂ™ante f. grasshopper вЂ“ cвЂ™arro m. grasshopper вЂ“ tsвЂ™eпЂїпЂїo m. greedy вЂ“ пЂїoholko m., пЂїoholte f., пЂїoholle p. attr. grind stone, lower вЂ“ Mid*Midikko m. Mid grow up, to (calf) вЂ“ пЂїorgoЕЎum v. grow, to вЂ“ п‚©oh v.; (Caus2) guereza вЂ“ karawko m. guinea fowl вЂ“ kulile f. guinea fowl sp. вЂ“ warrakko m. guitar, kind of вЂ“ sonqвЂ™a f. gums вЂ“ пЂїerto m.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. h hair вЂ“ gazo m. gazze p. hair adornment with mud вЂ“ ЕЎunЕЎule f. hair of chest вЂ“ baaya f.; baayalakko m., baayalatte f., baayalayke p. adj. hair with clay вЂ“ ЕЎurte f. Hamer people вЂ“ пЂїamarko m.; пЂїamartakko m.,пЂїamartitte f., пЂїamarkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. hammer of iron вЂ“ tunta f. hammer of rifle вЂ“ magal*; magalko m. malge p. hand вЂ“ пѓ°aarko m., пѓ°aarke p. handle of a headrest вЂ“ muпѓ«пѓ«e f. handle of knife, wooden вЂ“ ЕЎuko m. hang, to вЂ“ rakk v.; (Caus1); rakkinde f. hard internal part of animal fat вЂ“ mooro m. 286 hate, to вЂ“ naabaпѓ« v. have a meal, to вЂ“ biif v.; (Caus1, Redupl); biife f. have diorrhea, to вЂ“ ЕѕoqвЂ™omi have sex, to having sex вЂ“ nuп‚© v.; nuп‚©п‚©o m. he вЂ“ пЂїufo head вЂ“ mugaпѓЂ*; mugaпѓЂte f. mugaпѓЂпѓЂe p. head of village вЂ“ saar*; saarko msaarre p. headrest, carrying seat вЂ“ kere f. kerre p. heart вЂ“ zaпѓЂ*; zaпѓЂko m., zaпѓЂпѓЂe p. hedgehog вЂ“ dangadangac'c'o m. heel вЂ“ tokon*; tokonko m.kme p. height вЂ“ zigammo m. help, to вЂ“ kiil here вЂ“ пѓ°ayma adv. here вЂ“ пѓ°ayna adv. here вЂ“ kaasa adv. hiccup, to вЂ“ пЂїeqвЂ™aпѓ« v. hide вЂ“ п‚єaпѓ« v.; (Caus 1, Mid, Redupl) hide basket вЂ“ qвЂ™aп‚єte f. hide of sheep or goat вЂ“ kaп‚єo m., kaп‚єп‚єe p. hide dry (used to make knife holders) вЂ“ qвЂ™ontar*; qвЂ™ontarko m., qвЂ™ontarre p. highland вЂ“ пЂїaЕЎЕЎe p. highland вЂ“ dawle f. hip вЂ“ karna f. hippo вЂ“ reento m. hippo and buffalo skin, piece of (taken by the bride) вЂ“ tuuпѓ«e f. hoe, small вЂ“ пЂїaylo m.; -itto m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e hole вЂ“ pulle f. hole вЂ“ xoxon*; xoxonko m. xoxme p. hole made by water вЂ“ zaal*; zaalko m., zaalle f. holy bone вЂ“ kalko m. honey вЂ“ zammo m. honey calabash вЂ“ ЕЎorke f. honey mead вЂ“ xoronko m. honey water вЂ“ siise f. hoof, nail вЂ“ goпѓЂ*; goпѓЂakko m., goпѓЂпѓЂe f. hook вЂ“ tibire f. hook shaped thorn вЂ“ gorle f. horn вЂ“ gaasse p.; -akko m. horn scretch вЂ“ пѓ«eem*; пѓ«eematto m.пѓ«eemitte f., пѓ«eemme p. horn uor orix (ЕЎaalto) used as trumpet, rifleвЂ™ mouth вЂ“ saala f. (ЕЎaalto) horse вЂ“ pardo m. horse carriage вЂ“ gaarre p. hot sun of midday вЂ“ woqвЂ™qвЂ™e f. Mid house вЂ“ manne p.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. 287 house fence or small places for animal вЂ“ korkoro m. house foundement, site вЂ“ balпѓЂas*; balпѓЂasko m., balпѓЂazze p. house poles вЂ“ geerinne p. house store вЂ“ ЕЎaalo m. house, top of the вЂ“ пЂїille f.; -itte f. how many? вЂ“ meпЂї interr. how? вЂ“ mala interr. hugly вЂ“ qвЂ™ancвЂ™arlakko m., qвЂ™ancвЂ™arlatte f., qвЂ™ancвЂ™arlayke p. adj. humbellical chord вЂ“ пѓ°anпѓ«urra f., пѓ°anпѓ«urre f. hump вЂ“ toonnakko m., toonnatte f., toonnayke p. adj. hunger вЂ“ bado m.; badoпѓ« hunt, to вЂ“ qвЂ™ooЕЎ v.; qвЂ™ooЕЎo m. hurt, to вЂ“ buuпѓЂv.; (Mid) hut вЂ“ baarte f. hyena вЂ“ gudur*; gudurko m., gudurre p. i I вЂ“ пЂїano in agreement вЂ“ kaarinko adv. in the evening вЂ“ пЂїawne adv.; пЂїawnane in the morning вЂ“ zingano adv.; zingatte. in which place вЂ“ moylo m. inflate, to вЂ“ pug v.; (Mid , Pass, Redupl) insert, to вЂ“ Еѕag v.; (Punct) instrument for cutting thorns вЂ“ qвЂ™aп‚єa f. instrument for cutting wood вЂ“ п‚©irro m. insult, to вЂ“ пѓ«agg v.; (Caus2) intelligent, clever вЂ“ pakala m., pakale f., pakalaпѓ«пѓ«e p. attr. internal part of panicle вЂ“ пѓ°eenge f. internal waste of pumpkin вЂ“ пѓ°oro m. intersection of the two parts of the stomach вЂ“ qвЂ™urcвЂ™o m. intestines вЂ“ mirmaпѓЂ*; mirmaпѓЂatte f., mirmaпѓЂanne p. iron вЂ“ sibil*; sibilko m., sible p. iron arrow вЂ“ palde f. iron arrow (shot to pierce a bullвЂ™s neck) вЂ“ tebele f.; telbe p. iron point вЂ“ koka f. iron point вЂ“ Еѕumpo m. iron trap вЂ“ silke f. irrigation pond вЂ“ booпЂїe f. itch вЂ“ qвЂ™atsвЂ™o m.; qвЂ™atsвЂ™oпѓ« j jackal вЂ“ пЂїooЕЎe f. jackal, sГЇmyГ¤n fox (canis simensis) вЂ“ qвЂ™alate f. 288 jewellery, ornamental objects вЂ“ sire p.; -atte; siraпѓ« v. Jinka (administrative centre of the Southern Omo Zone) вЂ“ Еѕinka judge, to вЂ“ пѓ«in v. jump, to вЂ“ п‚єul v.; (Caus1, Punct, Redupl); п‚єullo m. k kalashnikov (Amh. kГЇlaaЕЎ) вЂ“ kilaaЕЎ f. (Amh. kГЇlaaЕЎ) kernel вЂ“ kakko m. key вЂ“ qвЂ™olfe f. kidney вЂ“ пѓ«eпЂїse f. kill, to вЂ“ boп‚© v. (Caus boп‚©os, Pass, Redupl) kind of black stone вЂ“ mirЕЎa f. kind of cilindric bead вЂ“ maЕѕo m., maЕѕЕѕe p., maЕѕЕѕaпѓ«пѓ«e kind of rifle вЂ“ markam f. kind of scorpion вЂ“ sassabbe f. kind of snake вЂ“ dambalaпЂїпЂїe f. king вЂ“ boп‚©ol*; boп‚©olko m., boп‚©olte f., bolп‚©e p.; bolп‚©os v.; bolп‚©om v.; bolп‚©omis v. kiss, to вЂ“ mayy v.; mayyo m. kneading вЂ“ kaalkome f. knee вЂ“ gibil*; gibilko m., gible p. knife (Amh. billawa) вЂ“ billay*; billayko m., billayne p. (Amh. billawa) know, to вЂ“ пЂїar v.; (Caus2, Pass) konso вЂ“ konso p. kudu вЂ“ mirЕѕa f. l land; soil вЂ“ biye f. last vertebra behind the neck вЂ“ gurragala f. latta, pots etc. вЂ“ qвЂ™orqвЂ™oro m. laugh, to вЂ“ kiccaпѓЂ v.; (Caus2) lay on knees, to вЂ“ gilbaпѓ« leaf вЂ“ xaaЕЎe f. learn, to вЂ“ tamar v.; (Caus2 ) leather mat вЂ“ пѓ«oollo m.; -ko m., -te f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. left вЂ“ warkata m./f., warkataпѓ«пѓ«e p. leopard вЂ“ zarikko m. lick once, to вЂ“ qвЂ™eedd lick, to вЂ“ qвЂ™eed v.; (Caus2) lie , to вЂ“ gil v.; gillo m. light вЂ“ kammakko m. limb, having a short вЂ“ mukkanakko m., mukkanatte f., mukkanayke p. adj. line of the father вЂ“ пЂїigo m. lion вЂ“ garmo m. 289 lip вЂ“ xiп‚є*; xiп‚єte f. xiп‚єп‚єe p. listen to, to вЂ“ qвЂ™abaпЂї v. liver вЂ“ tire p, tirre lizard вЂ“ п‚©annatto m. lizard, very tiny вЂ“ gula f. load, to вЂ“ cвЂ™an v. locative pronoun, locative postposition, backgrounder вЂ“ na, nay long chain metal earring вЂ“ qвЂ™enta f. look at, to вЂ“ пЂїeem v. look like, to вЂ“ п‚©ar v. louse вЂ“ qвЂ™eske f. love, to вЂ“ cвЂ™igaпѓ« v. lower buttocks вЂ“ turпѓ«e f. lower part of the back bone below the ziiza вЂ“ goncвЂ™o m. lung вЂ“ somba f., sompa f. m machete вЂ“ banga f. magician вЂ“ пѓ°ello m. magician вЂ“ soggo msogge p. maize вЂ“ game f.; -itto, -itte, gamme p. male вЂ“ tsвЂ™iire p. tsвЂ™iirakko m., male вЂ“ xoronko m. male calf from unnatural birth вЂ“ puggo m.; -itto man вЂ“ qвЂ™awko m. man shouting without saying anything вЂ“ barido m. mango вЂ“ mango m. manhood вЂ“ tsвЂ™iirinte f. manure вЂ“ boпѓЂe f. market вЂ“ gabaya f. marry, to вЂ“ gaпЂїal v.; (Mid galпЂїaпѓ«i, Punct) maxilla bone вЂ“ gawge f. meat вЂ“ sagan*; saganko (also saпЂїanko m.) sagne meat, wasted of the rear legs вЂ“ п‚©inante f. medicine вЂ“ пѓ«eeЕЎo m. meeting вЂ“ buke f. п‚є meeting for dead people вЂ“ gilo m. meeting, dancing вЂ“ gibdo m. meeting, working вЂ“ пЂїaylo melt, to вЂ“ baqвЂ™ v. milk вЂ“ пЂїaxxe p. milk and blood вЂ“ пЂїahayte f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. milk container, wooden вЂ“ kurumo m. milk, to вЂ“ c'ox v.; (Pass, Redupl) miss, to вЂ“ пѓ«ab v.; (Mid) 290 mithic animal вЂ“ xoonsitte f. mix for oneself, to вЂ“ waysaпѓ« mix, to вЂ“ reek v.; (Caus2) molar and palate вЂ“ пѓЂango m. mole вЂ“ goodo m. money вЂ“ ganzabu f. mongoose sp. вЂ“ gisso m. mongoose, spotted small вЂ“ bordolo m. monkey вЂ“ qвЂ™aarakko m. month coming after the rainy season вЂ“ haqвЂ™ayte f. moon, month вЂ“ leпѓЂo m. more evident palm lines вЂ“ mayle f. mosquito вЂ“ cвЂ™ingo m. mother вЂ“ пЂїayya f. mother вЂ“ пЂїingiye f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. mother of a boy вЂ“ natsвЂ™iro m. mountain вЂ“ kutton*; kuttonko m., kuttomme mouse вЂ“ dab*; dabakko m., -dabanne p. mouth вЂ“ bago m.; bagge p. mucus вЂ“ siine f. mucus, what comes out of nose вЂ“ sine f. mud with rain вЂ“ cвЂ™oxxe f. mursi people вЂ“ murriso m., murristakko m., murristitte f. muscle of arm вЂ“ madalakko m. n nail (Amh. mГ¤zmГ¤r) вЂ“ mazmare f. (Amh. mГ¤zmГ¤r) nail, big toe вЂ“ qвЂ™ob*; qвЂ™obakko m., qвЂ™obbe p. name вЂ“ maпѓЂ*; maпѓЂko m. maпѓЂпѓЂe p. naturally, on his own вЂ“ latto neck вЂ“ пѓ«enge f. necklace of beads вЂ“ komba f. needle вЂ“ narfe f. neighbourhood вЂ“ ganda p. new вЂ“ qвЂ™awto p. qвЂ™awtitto m., qвЂ™awtitteattr. new вЂ“ qвЂ™awwaпѓ«itto m., qвЂ™awwaпѓ«itte f., qГЎwwaпѓ«aпѓ«пѓ«e p. newborn вЂ“ ЕЎamп‚єo m. next вЂ“ goпѓЂпѓЂay adv nine вЂ“ gollan num. nose вЂ“ sinпѓ«e f. now вЂ“ пЂїaanto adv. o oil вЂ“ zayte f. old вЂ“ geeccakko m, geeccatte f., geeccayke p. adj. 291 old man, husband вЂ“ hal*; halko m. halle p. on the highland side, up вЂ“ gada adv. on the highland side, up вЂ“ guddo adv on the lowland side, down вЂ“ galla adv. on the lowland side, down вЂ“ gallo adv. on the side вЂ“ пЂїula, пЂїulo, пЂїulu adv. one вЂ“ dookko m, dootte f., dookke p. num. one hundred birr (Amh. mГЇto вЂ�one hundredвЂ™) вЂ“ mato num. onion вЂ“ ЕЎunkurte f. only вЂ“ bicca adv. open a fence, to вЂ“ qвЂ™aaЕЎ v. open, to вЂ“ qвЂ™aacc v. order, to вЂ“ пЂїazaz ( пЂїaЕѕaЕѕ) (Caus2) пЂїazaпЂїazaz oryx вЂ“ ЕЎaalto m. ostrich вЂ“ baalgiddo m. other вЂ“ bile m./f. attr. ox вЂ“ пѓЂarпѓ«o m., пѓЂarпѓ«e p.; -anne p. ox pecker вЂ“ пЂїaraЕЎa f. ox-hunch вЂ“ doolle p. - (Amh. mГЇto ) p panicleвЂ™s threads вЂ“ saarko m. -aпѓ«пѓ«e papaya вЂ“ paappaya f. part of rifle, where the bullet pierces вЂ“ ЕЎibo m. pass, to вЂ“ zaarbi v. Pass, pay, to вЂ“ mur v. pea sp. (wild) вЂ“ пЂїoofe f. penis вЂ“ golпѓ«e f. people вЂ“ gore p. pepper вЂ“ qвЂ™aara f. pepper, Ethiopian (Amh. barbarre) вЂ“ barbara f. (Amh. barbarre) pierce from side to side, to вЂ“ lekk v.; (Caus 1) pierce, shoot, to вЂ“ rukaпѓ« v. pierce, to вЂ“ cвЂ™ib v.; (Caus2) pimple вЂ“ kinnisa f. place вЂ“ пЂїawko m., пЂїayko m. place, base for beehive вЂ“ garo m. placenta вЂ“ sorto m. plain, border вЂ“ laпѓЂ*; laпѓЂakko m., laпѓЂne p. plain, in lowland вЂ“ п‚єalko m. plane вЂ“ kongo m. plane of mud for threshed sorghum вЂ“ пѓЂawde p. plant вЂ“ duzze f. plant вЂ“ п‚©orпѓЂummo m. plant , to вЂ“ пѓ«iЕЎ plant for rope вЂ“ qвЂ™osor*; qвЂ™osorko m. qвЂ™osorre p. 292 plant one plant at one time, to вЂ“ пѓ«iЕЎЕЎ plant sp вЂ“ xerero m. plant sp. вЂ“ lulle f. plant sp. (used to make ropes) вЂ“ пѓЂalge f. plant sp. (wild and edible) вЂ“ пѓЂaarmaпЂїe f. plant, grass вЂ“ busante f. plastic goods вЂ“ lastige f. plough вЂ“ maaraЕЎa f. plough вЂ“ makkatte f. plough, thin and long wood of the вЂ“ mofara f. ploughing ox вЂ“ qвЂ™otyo m. point of arrow вЂ“ ponqвЂ™a f. pointed metal of hoe вЂ“ dooma f. pointed part of a bullet вЂ“ dunko m. poison вЂ“ toonte f. pole in roof (small) вЂ“ пЂїuttufo m. poles of house вЂ“ baal*; baalitte f., baalinne p. pond вЂ“ dalba f. pond, gurf вЂ“ miire f. pool made of river water вЂ“ ЕЎaalko m. poor person вЂ“ kayse f.; -itto m., -itte f. porcupine sp. вЂ“ girЕЎo m. porridge вЂ“ ziп‚©o m. possessive spirit of god вЂ“ maarama f. pot of clay вЂ“ ziпЂї*; ziпЂїte f., ziпЂїпЂїe p. pour, to вЂ“ diig v.; (Caus1) pour, to вЂ“ meeп‚© v. pregnancy вЂ“ gaalпѓ«o m.; gaalпѓ«aw v.; gaalпѓ«akko m., gaalпѓ«atte f., gaalпѓ«ayke p. adj. prepare, build, to вЂ“ gar v.; (Caus2) prepare, to вЂ“ gaпЂї v.; (Mid, Redupl) prohibit, to вЂ“ пЂїirriЕЎ v. pronominal particle, feminine вЂ“ te pronominal particle, masculine вЂ“ ko pronominal particle, plural вЂ“ ke properly вЂ“ пЂїammake adv. pubic hair вЂ“ boositte f. pull, to вЂ“ zit v. pulse sp. вЂ“ пЂїatare f. pumpkin вЂ“ bote f.; botte p. punch вЂ“ tuntuma f. pus вЂ“ boxx*; boxxakko m., boxxanne p. push, to вЂ“ tuutsвЂ™ v. put a head rest on the nape, to вЂ“ baalaabaпѓ« v. put, to вЂ“ пѓЂaпѓ«пѓ« v.; (Mid) python вЂ“ bafko m. 293 q quarrel, to вЂ“ пЂїooxam v.; пЂїooxmatto m. quickly вЂ“ kanna adv. r rabbit вЂ“ gubale f. race, to вЂ“ пЂїardulum v. radio (Amh tep, English tape) вЂ“ tebba f. (Amh tep, English tape) rain вЂ“ пЂїerro m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. rain, to вЂ“ пѓ«ib v.; (Caus1) rainbow, lizard sp. вЂ“ zilanqвЂ™a f. rainy month вЂ“ masano m. rainy season вЂ“ ber*; berko m., berre p. ram вЂ“ пЂїerbo m.; -itto m., -anne rat with long mounth вЂ“ tsвЂ™ulde f. razor вЂ“ ЕЎiggire f. really вЂ“ bero adv. reap, to вЂ“ п‚©im v.; п‚©imakko m. recove, heal, to вЂ“ пѓ«in v. recover, heal, to вЂ“ waan v. rectum вЂ“ kallacco m. red stone grinded to make a powder for the hair вЂ“ qвЂ™oyto m. redness вЂ“ пЂїiпѓ«пѓ«inte f. reduce, to вЂ“ mutsвЂ™ v.; (Mid) reedbuck вЂ“ ЕЎoona f. refuse, to вЂ“ пЂїiЕЎ v. refuse, to вЂ“ koor v. relative вЂ“ пЂїeeda m. remain, to вЂ“ п‚©ayy v. resemble, to вЂ“ liп‚© v. rest of a bullet expelled after shooting вЂ“ qвЂ™alay*; qвЂ™alayte f. qвЂ™alayye p. rhinocerous вЂ“ пЂїorЕЎaпЂїte f. rib вЂ“ п‚©inaпѓЂe f. rib of sternum вЂ“ пЂїiЕЎ*; пЂїiЕЎte f., пЂїiЕЎЕЎe p. rib, lower вЂ“ laaddahe f. rich вЂ“ kamurko m., kamurte f., kamurre p. attr. richness вЂ“ kamurinte f. riddle вЂ“ пЂїibbo rifle вЂ“ qвЂ™awa f. rifle, kind of вЂ“ пЂїalbine f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. rifle, kind of вЂ“ пЂїimmon f. rifle, kind of вЂ“ baalЕѕige f.; anne p. rifle, kind of вЂ“ kefo m., keffe p. rifle, kind of вЂ“ kellefer f. rifle, kind of вЂ“ labale f. 294 rifle, kind of вЂ“ qвЂ™ontsвЂ™a f. rifle, kind of вЂ“ ЕЎarifo m. rifle, kind of вЂ“ ЕЎicca f. rifle, kind of вЂ“ waЕЎtire f.; -anne p. ring вЂ“ tsвЂ™atsвЂ™a f. ripen, boil, to вЂ“ пЂїawЕЎ v.; (Caus); пЂїawЕЎo m. river вЂ“ golle f. roar, to вЂ“ gooпѓ° v. roast meat, to вЂ“ sekaп‚є v. rock, to вЂ“ пЂїabun v. roll down, to вЂ“ sukk*v.; sukkas; sukkam root, vein вЂ“ пѓ°ezze p. rope вЂ“ Midd*; Middakko m. Mid Midaпѓ«пѓ«e rope used to keep cattle вЂ“ laade f. rope, hand made, trap вЂ“ siibde f., siibbe p. run, to (only with plural persons as subject) вЂ“ bagaпѓ« v. run, to (only with singular persons as subject) вЂ“ sor v. run, to (only with singular persons as subject) вЂ“ tir v. s sac made of leather вЂ“ пЂїagal*; пЂїagalte f., пЂїalge p. saliva вЂ“ waaqвЂ™e p. salt вЂ“ soqвЂ™o m. sand вЂ“ ЕЎumaпѓ°to m. sandal, shoe вЂ“ qвЂ™omatte f., qвЂ™omayke p,, qвЂ™omaykaпѓ«пѓ«e p. say, to вЂ“ bay v.; (Caus1, Mid) say, to вЂ“ kay v. say, to вЂ“ kiy scapola вЂ“ laп‚єЕЎa f. scarification of body вЂ“ hac'anпѓ«e f. scent, to вЂ“ пЂїoЕЎoпѓЂ v. scorpion вЂ“ gayit*; gayitakko m. gayitanne p. scrabble sp. вЂ“ boolo m. scrabble, black, kind of вЂ“ bannado m. scrabble, black, kind of вЂ“ bardaqвЂ™o m. scretch, to вЂ“ qвЂ™oЕЎ v. seat, wooden вЂ“ getko m. see from far, to вЂ“ gullasaпѓ« see, to вЂ“ пЂїiпЂї v.; (Caus1) sell, to вЂ“ las v. semantically empty clitic вЂ“ y clit send, to вЂ“ xorr v.; (Caus1) sentence marker вЂ“ ka separate, put apart, to вЂ“ bul v.; (Pass, Punct, Redupl) set on (fire), roast, to вЂ“ koпЂї , seven вЂ“ taпѓ°пѓ°an num. 295 sew, to вЂ“ del v.; (Mid) shadow вЂ“ gazze f. shank вЂ“ zoole f. sharpen, to вЂ“ пѓ«eek v. she вЂ“ пЂїise sheep вЂ“ пѓЂeem*; пѓЂeemte f., пѓЂeemme p. sheep without fat вЂ“ punge p. shelter, to вЂ“ sexaпѓ« shield вЂ“ longo m. shin-bone вЂ“ пЂїaallitte f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. shoot, to вЂ“ raпѓЂ v.; raпѓЂпѓЂo m. shoulder вЂ“ kacce f.; -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. shout, to вЂ“ riir v. sickle not used here вЂ“ cвЂ™uube f. side вЂ“ garo m. side вЂ“ qвЂ™aro m. qвЂ™arre p. since then вЂ“ пѓ°ayyay sister, older вЂ“ пЂїalaw*; пЂїalawte f., пЂїalawwe p. sit down, to вЂ“ пѓЂakkaпѓ« v. six вЂ“ tabben num. skin around two bonesof thrback of the knee вЂ“ sanaxe f. skin used to carry flour, earth and similar вЂ“ ЕЎoonte f. skull, bold head вЂ“ bala f. sky вЂ“ muunto m. slaughter, to вЂ“ zaqвЂ™ v. sleep, to вЂ“ raf v.; (Caus2) slowly вЂ“ sollakko adv. small bell for goats and sheeps вЂ“ qвЂ™acвЂ™ara f. small pond вЂ“ bax*; baxko m., baxxe p. small seed form the oil вЂ“ buska f. small thin piece of wood вЂ“ walka f. small tree вЂ“ tsвЂ™aalqвЂ™o m. smallness вЂ“ takkinte f. smear, to вЂ“ rig v. smear, to вЂ“ ЕЎiin v.; (Mid) smell вЂ“ пЂїaЕѕo m.; пЂїaЕѕЕѕe p. smoke вЂ“ пѓЂarto m. smooth вЂ“ ЕЎilЕЎilko m./f., ЕЎilЕЎilkaпѓ«пѓ«e p. attr. snail вЂ“ qвЂ™ooпѓ«e f. snake вЂ“ dawwo m. sneeze, to вЂ“ tirЕЎaqвЂ™adвЂ™ so, in this way вЂ“ пЂїasa adv.; пЂїasama so, in this way вЂ“ пЂїassayay adv. so, in this way вЂ“ пЂїaysa adv.; пЂїaysama, пЂїaysayay so, in this way вЂ“ пЂїayssayay adv. soap вЂ“ saamuna f. soghum sp. вЂ“ пЂїeпЂїпЂїa f. 296 soil ploughed one time вЂ“ booпЂїe f. someone вЂ“ dooyi soot вЂ“ пЂїuunto m. sorghum вЂ“ maanп‚©o m. sorghum вЂ“ maanп‚©o m. sorghum beer вЂ“ mitsвЂ™o m. mitsвЂ™tsвЂ™e p. sorghum panicle without grains вЂ“ qвЂ™olse f. sorghum sp. вЂ“ пЂїabeto m. sorghum sp. вЂ“ пЂїagumu m. sorghum sp. вЂ“ пЂїamate f. sorghum sp. вЂ“ пЂїaylobate f. sorghum sp. вЂ“ gorda f. sorghum sp. вЂ“ gummo m. sorghum sp. вЂ“ simbale f. sorghum sp. вЂ“ ЕЎula f. sorghum, pile of вЂ“ dooro m.; dooraпѓ« v. sorghum, stalk of вЂ“ wallale f. sorghum, stalk of вЂ“ zoole f.; -itto m., -itte f. sorghum, stalk of remained on the field вЂ“ cвЂ™aqвЂ™ale f.;cвЂ™alqвЂ™e p. sort of thorn to sew strong things вЂ“ mudoпѓЂпѓЂo m. sound, voice вЂ“ пЂїikkitto m.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. sour (milk) вЂ“ пЂїaberro attr. sow, to вЂ“ booпѓ° v.; booпѓ°to m. speak, to вЂ“ rook v.; (Caus2) speak, to вЂ“ wak v.; (Caus2, Punct) spear вЂ“ warЕѕe f. spear, wooden вЂ“ zigo m. spend the day, to вЂ“ nagay v. spend time, to вЂ“ пЂїoolaпѓ« v. sperm вЂ“ п‚©aaпѓ°sinпѓ«o m. spice вЂ“ qвЂ™emame f. spider вЂ“ пЂїinne f.; -atte f, -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. spit, to вЂ“ tuf v. spleen вЂ“ lanпѓ«e f. split, to вЂ“ baqвЂ™as v.; baqвЂ™asso m baqвЂ™assoпѓ« v. spoil, break, to вЂ“ log v.; (Mid, Pass-Mid logmaпѓ«) spoon вЂ“ kaale f. spot on the skin, black вЂ“ qвЂ™ato m. spot, place, container вЂ“ mano m. , spotted вЂ“ borde attr. spotted вЂ“ zarge m./f., zargaпѓ«пѓ«e p. spotted multicolor insect вЂ“ pararo m. sprain, to вЂ“ maпЂїsaпѓ« v. sprout, thorn вЂ“ qвЂ™antsвЂ™e f. sprout, to вЂ“ baqвЂ™al v.; (Caus2 balqвЂ™is, Punct, Redupl.) spur вЂ“ koronпѓ«o m. squeeze cloths, to вЂ“ mir v. 297 squirrel sp. вЂ“ turqвЂ™ayna f. squirrel, ground (Xerus rutilus) вЂ“ garro m. star вЂ“ пѓ°ezge f.; -itte f. star, female вЂ“ пѓ°ezgitte f. star, male вЂ“ takkaditto m. start singing, to вЂ“ qвЂ™all v. start, to вЂ“ baay v. starve, to вЂ“ bopp v steal, to вЂ“ gereпѓЂ Mid steal, to вЂ“ gereпѓЂ v.;; gereпѓЂko m., gereпѓЂte f., gerпѓЂe p.; gerпѓЂinte f. steam, blow вЂ“ пЂїafo m.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. step on, crush, to вЂ“ пѓ«iit v. step on, to вЂ“ woп‚© v. sterile (woman) вЂ“ meken*; mekente f,mekne p. sterile man вЂ“ busukko m., buske p. attr stick for married man вЂ“ toolingo m. stick of roof вЂ“ seke f. stick to carry stuff on the shoulder вЂ“ kataпѓ°o m. stick with iron point вЂ“ пЂїankarsa f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. stick, walking вЂ“ пЂїalЕѕo m., пЂїalЕѕe p. stink вЂ“ xinaw stink-ant вЂ“ zubaпЂїпЂїe f. stir something вЂ“ qвЂ™onc'or stone вЂ“ gaaпѓ°*; gaaпѓ°ko m,. gaaпѓ°пѓ°e p. stone sp. (salty) вЂ“ пЂїamule f.; -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. stop, to вЂ“ ЕЎiggar v.; (Caus ЕЎiggariЕЎ, ЕЎiggaroЕЎ store, to вЂ“ saqвЂ™ v.; (Punct) story, tale вЂ“ maakke p. straight think вЂ“ tipa f. street вЂ“ zano m.; zamme p. strip of field вЂ“ saabanko m., saabankaпѓ«пѓ«e p., saabanne p. strip of leather wore by young girls вЂ“ пѓЂammo m. stun, to вЂ“ Еѕimmir v.; (Caus2) subordinate conjunction вЂ“ yaaka conj. suck, to вЂ“ ЕЎur v.; (Caus1) sugar cane вЂ“ xawЕЎe f. sun general вЂ“ kaallikko m. sunflower вЂ“ sufe f. sweat вЂ“ siippo m. sweater вЂ“ ЕЎurrabe f. swim, to вЂ“ пѓ«iim v. t tвЂ™ef (Eragrostis abyssinica) вЂ“ gacвЂ™cвЂ™e f.; aпѓ«пѓ«e p. tail of all the animal of sheep only smal bone end вЂ“ kirrin*; kirrinko m. kirrimme p. 298 take aim, to вЂ“ natsвЂ™ar v.; natsвЂ™ire f. take mucus out of the nose, to вЂ“ qвЂ™arrasaпѓ« take out one by one, to вЂ“ ziir v.; (Redupl.) take to вЂ“ п‚©ab v.; (Mid, Punct, Punct-Caus, Punct-Mid) tattoo вЂ“ doпЂїпЂїe f. tear вЂ“ пЂїilmale p.; -itte f, -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. tear, to вЂ“ пЂїiЕЎk v.; (Redupl.) telephone (Amh. sГЇlk) вЂ“ silke (Amh. sГЇlk) tell, to вЂ“ gaaпѓ° v.; (Caus2) teller вЂ“ maarЕЎo m. tempia вЂ“ madday*; maddayitte f., maddayye p. ten вЂ“ kunko num. ten birr вЂ“ bonde f., bondotte f. num. tend cattle, to вЂ“ gooЕЎ v.; (Mid) tent (Amh. dunkan) вЂ“ dunka f., dunkayna f. (Amh. dunkan) termite hill вЂ“ kuyyo m. testicle вЂ“ kirde f. thatch, to вЂ“ taЕЎ v. there вЂ“ kaaysa adv.; kaaysanu they вЂ“ пЂїufunпѓ«e thigh bone вЂ“ gubus*; gubusko m., gubuzze p. thin calabash вЂ“ qвЂ™ertsвЂ™a f. thing вЂ“ пЂїola f.; -ko m. thing to drink вЂ“ пѓЂugisso m. thing, broken and wasted вЂ“ kaata f. think, to вЂ“ пЂїekkeЕЎaпѓ« v. thirst вЂ“ пѓ«eeп‚єte f.; пѓ«eeп‚єaпѓ« v.; (Caus2) this year вЂ“ gidano adv. thread вЂ“ zaaqвЂ™e f. thread of blue colour вЂ“ tsвЂ™iloote f. three вЂ“ zeeпѓ° num. three days after tomorrow вЂ“ qвЂ™ammatinko three days after tomorrow вЂ“ qвЂ™ammatinte throat вЂ“ goomaro m. throw for oneself, to вЂ“ darbaпѓ« v. throw somth. for chasing, to вЂ“ ruuk v.(Mid) throw wood, to вЂ“ ЕѕuqвЂ™untaп‚є v.; (Caus2) throw, to вЂ“ cвЂ™ur v. throw, to вЂ“ war v. thunder and lightening вЂ“ gawaпѓЂ*; gawaпѓЂko m., gawaпѓЂпѓЂe p. tie, to вЂ“ ЕЎab v.; (Pass, Punct) time вЂ“ qвЂ™ayto m. tobacco вЂ“ gaayye f. today вЂ“ guuyu adv. together вЂ“ пЂїelele together вЂ“ пЂїelele adv. tomb вЂ“ mayo m. 299 tombstone вЂ“ пЂїawal*; пЂїawalko m., пЂїawle p. tomorrow вЂ“ qвЂ™ayna adv. tongue вЂ“ пѓЂarraf*; пѓЂarrafko m., пѓЂarrabbe p. tooth вЂ“ пЂїilп‚©e p.; -akko m., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. top вЂ“ sabbe p. top of a house вЂ“ kuЕЎte f. top of foot вЂ“ ЕЎaalo m. top of penis вЂ“ gengo m. torch вЂ“ batteri f. (Amh. batteri) tortoise вЂ“ kufe f. tortoise, small water вЂ“ gaage f. touch, to вЂ“ beerr v. towards, within вЂ“ ma clit. tower, watching вЂ“ taygo m. trace, footprint вЂ“ paana f paannatte relat. trade, to вЂ“ naggadaпѓ« v. (Amh. nГ¤ggГ¤d) train, to (animals) вЂ“ lencвЂ™iЕЎ v. trample upon, to вЂ“ ЕЎukkaпѓ« v. tree giving edible leaf вЂ“ tallaпѓ°o m. tree sp. вЂ“ пЂїara tree sp. вЂ“ пЂїargakko m. tree sp. вЂ“ пЂїeger*; пЂїegerko m., пЂїegerre p. tree sp. вЂ“ пѓЂeпѓЂпѓЂakko m. tree sp. вЂ“ пЂїomп‚єo m. tree sp. вЂ“ birbir*; birbirko m., birbirre p. tree sp. вЂ“ cвЂ™aqвЂ™ante f. tree sp. вЂ“ dongo m. tree sp. вЂ“ пѓ«iire f. tree sp. вЂ“ giire f. tree sp. вЂ“ пѓ°eeyatte f. tree sp. вЂ“ kantale f. tree sp. вЂ“ qвЂ™alqвЂ™alko m. tree sp. вЂ“ ЕЎibde f. tree sp. вЂ“ tibire f. tree sp. вЂ“ zargano m. tree sp. вЂ“ zimba f. tree sp. (small) вЂ“ cвЂ™ummo m. tree that gives fresh shadow, kind of вЂ“ goyte f. tree, big dead вЂ“ googa f. tree, red вЂ“ warna f. tree, wood вЂ“ gaare p.;-ko m. trigger of firearm вЂ“ qвЂ™aata f. truck вЂ“ пЂїaysuze f. (Amh. aysuzu) trumpet, kind of (played in occasion of the gilo meeting) вЂ“ tarbitto m. trunk for roof, big вЂ“ gerekko m. truth, condition вЂ“ пѓ«uge f. try, to вЂ“ temm 300 TsвЂ™amakko peoplw вЂ“ ts'amakko m., ts'amatakko m., ts'amatte f. tunnels underground вЂ“ bukkisa f. turn, to вЂ“ ЕЎiraп‚є v twins вЂ“ lakkay p. twist, to (e.g. in order to get into a small hole) вЂ“ tuutsвЂ™aпѓ« v. twisted wood, side scoliosis вЂ“ Еѕegela f. twisting bracelet вЂ“ cвЂ™abala f. two вЂ“ lakki num. two days after tomorrow вЂ“ qвЂ™ammakko u udder вЂ“ п‚©aante f. umbellical chord вЂ“ пѓ°anпѓ«ura f.; пѓ°anпѓ«urte f. unappreciated (person) вЂ“ cвЂ™ ubbolakko m., cвЂ™ubbolatte f. cвЂ™ ubbolayke p. adj. unmarried person вЂ“ cвЂ™ifano m.; -itto m., -itte f., cвЂ™ifne p. upon вЂ“ ta clit. upper grind stone вЂ“ qвЂ™ontsвЂ™e f. uproot, to вЂ“ пЂїag v. urinate, to вЂ“ ЕЎooпѓ° v.; ЕЎooпѓ°e p. uvula вЂ“ пѓ«anga f. v vagina вЂ“ burde f. vegetables вЂ“ waпѓЂпѓЂe f. very вЂ“ пЂїekke vomit, to вЂ“ pat v.; pate f. w wait, to вЂ“ daпѓЂaпѓ« v. walk, to вЂ“ пЂїooпѓ« v.; пЂїooпѓ«пѓ«o m. walking stick, long вЂ“ toollo m. want, to вЂ“ п‚©eeпЂї v.; (Caus1, Mid); п‚©eeпЂїпЂїo m. warrior вЂ“ ziya m. wart, sixth finger вЂ“ laqвЂ™a f. warthog вЂ“ karkar*; karkarakko m., karkaranne p. wash, to вЂ“ ЕЎooh v.; (Pass ЕЎoohom) wasted broken big calabash вЂ“ kolkoЕЎko m. water вЂ“ пѓЂanпѓ«e p.; -itto m., -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. water pump вЂ“ ЕЎayna f. waterbuck вЂ“ doпЂїosko m. wax вЂ“ пЂїure f. we вЂ“ пЂїine weed sp. вЂ“ пЂїarmante f. 301 weed, to вЂ“ korЕЎaп‚є v. week вЂ“ samminte f. well вЂ“ пѓЂel*; пѓЂelko m., пѓЂelle p. WeytвЂ™o River вЂ“ dullayko what? вЂ“ moo interr. when? вЂ“ bara interr. where to? вЂ“ пЂїakkura interr. where? вЂ“ пЂїakka interr.; пЂїakkama; пЂїakkanu which one? вЂ“ kunпѓ«a m., tinпѓ«a f., kinпѓ«a p. interr. whip, to вЂ“ tuп‚є v.; (Punct) whistle вЂ“ piЕЎka f. white (hair, fur) вЂ“ пѓЂarrakko m., пѓЂarratte f., пѓЂarrayke p. adj. white clay for dance adornment вЂ“ boЕѕЕѕe p.; boЕѕЕѕaпѓ« v. white stone, kind of вЂ“ hatsвЂ™tsвЂ™ikko m. who? вЂ“ пЂїaпѓ°a interr.; пЂїaпѓ°ama; пЂїaпѓ°aya whose? вЂ“ kaпѓ°пѓ°a m./p., taпѓ°пѓ°a f. interr. why? вЂ“ moonu, moona interr. widow, orphan вЂ“ пѓ°eyakko m., пѓ°eyatte f., пѓ°eyayke p. adj. wife of вЂ�godfatherвЂ™ вЂ“ ЕѕaпЂїa f. wild animal with long tail eating chickens вЂ“ gorпѓ«isa f. wild cat вЂ“ gurlo m.; -itto, -itte f., -aпѓ«пѓ«e p. wild cat вЂ“ puga f.; -itto m., -itte f. wind вЂ“ пѓ°abura f. пѓ°aburko m. пѓ°aburkaпѓ«пѓ«e wing вЂ“ koolo m. wipe, shave, to вЂ“ пЂїooЕЎ v.; (Caus1, Mid, Punct, Redupl) with вЂ“ ya, yay clit. woman вЂ“ gaan*; gaante f., gaanne p. woman вЂ“ geЕЎan*; geЕЎante f., geЕЎanne p. woman leaving her husband вЂ“ nure f. women вЂ“ пѓ°eesko p. wood for the fence of the house вЂ“ zanga f. work вЂ“ woЕѕЕѕa f.; woЕѕЕѕaпѓ« v. work hard, do any kind of work, try hard, to вЂ“ ЕЎum v. worm sp. (kosotel) вЂ“ birtsвЂ™e f. wound вЂ“ bayЕЎe p.; bayЕЎitte f.; bayЕЎaЕЎ v.; bayЕЎuпѓ« v. wrinkle, to вЂ“ roqвЂ™om v. wrinkles of forehead вЂ“ marп‚©e f. y yawn, to вЂ“ ЕЎammaпЂїЕЎaпѓ« v. yesterday вЂ“ geera, geeray adv. yoke вЂ“ manaqвЂ™o m. you (pl) вЂ“ пЂїatunпѓ«e you (sg) вЂ“ пЂїato young (person) вЂ“ daggo m.;-itto m., -itte f. 302 z zebra вЂ“ daraпЂїukuli f. 303 References Amborn, Hermann, Gunter Minker and Hans-JГјrgen Sasse 1980. Das Dullay: Materialien zu einer ostkuschitischen Sprachgruppe. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. Black, Paul 1976. Werizoid. In: M. Lionel Bender (ed.), The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia. East Lansing: African Studies Center, pp. 222-231. Comrie, Bernard 1976. Aspect: An Introduction to the Study of Verbal Aspect and Related Problems. Cambridge: University Press. 1985. Tense. Cambridge: University Press. Da Casotto, Gabriele 1945. Note sulle popolazioni dellвЂ™alto e medio Galena. Rassegna di Studi Etiopici 4, pp. 150-181. Da Trento, Gabriele 1941. 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