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6TH
MGDLT
6TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
ON MODERN GREEK DIALECTS &
LINGUISTIC THEORY
ABSTRACTS BOOKLET
September 25 - 28, 2014 University οf Patras
Sponsors
6th International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic theory
Patras 25-28/09/2014
Permanent Scientific Committee
Prof. Mark Janse, Ghent University
Prof. Brian D. Joseph, Ohio State University
Prof. Angela Ralli, University of Patras
Local organizing Committee (University of Patras)
Prof. Angela Ralli
Nikos Koutsoukos
Marios Andreou
Michalis Marinis
Marianna Gkiouleka
Vasiliki Makri
Niki Spiliopoulou
Christos Papanagiotou
Katerina Fragkopoulou
Vasilia Alexelli
Timon Kardamas
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6th MGDLT
Sponsors
The workshop as well as the organization of the 6th
International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic Theory are sponsored by the -‘Pontus, Cappadocia,
Aivali: In search of Asia Minor Greek (AMiGre)-THALIS
Program’ (D. 553).
This research has been co-financed by the European Union
(European Social Fund – ESF) and Greek national funds
through the Operational Program "Education and Lifelong
Learning" of the National Strategic Reference Framework
(NSRF) - Research Funding Program: Thalis. Investing in
knowledge society through the European Social Fund.
The organization of the general session has also been
generously sponsored by the University of Patras Research
Committee.
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MGDLT6 is dedicated to
Emer. Prof. G. Drachman
for his substantial
contribution to Greek
linguistics.
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6th MGDLT
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Table of contents
Thematic session convenors ..................................................... 12
Thematic session description .................................................... 12
Α. Invited speakers of the thematic session .............................. 13
Language universals, language variation and the predictions of
the Directional Asymmetry Principle
Prof. A. M. Di Sciullo ............................................................... 13
Uncovering the sources of the specific sound patterns of the
emerging regional dialects of sixteenth-century French
Emeritus Prof. Y. C. Morin ...................................................... 16
Debonding of compounds in French, English, Dutch and
German
Prof. K.Van Goethem ............................................................... 20
B. Invited speakers of the general session ................................ 25
The role of prosody in the investigation of linguistic variation
Prof. Amalia Arvaniti ............................................................... 25
Contact de langues: les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie
Prof. Petya Asenova ................................................................. 25
C. Oral presentations ................................................................ 26
Αναφορικές δομές στις νεοελληνικές μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους
Eirini Kriki................................................................................ 26
Morphologically enhanced spatial deixis in Pontic: the case of
[-]késou
Marianna Gkiouleka ................................................................. 28
Is compound borrowing possible in language-contact settings?
Prof. A.Ralli .............................................................................. 30
Metaphorical and metonymical compounds: evidence from
Modern Greek dialects
M. Andreou............................................................................... 32
Auxiliary selection in Greko of Bova: a Greek-Romance
comparison
Norma Schifano, Giuseppina Silvestri & Maria Olimpia
Squillaci .................................................................................... 34
Πολυσυλλεκτικότητα ή εντοπιότητα; Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής
της Σμύρνης
Nikolaos Liosis ......................................................................... 37
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6th MGDLT
Συντελικές περιφραστικές δομές: δεδομένα από μικρασιατικές
διαλέκτους
Symeon Tsolakidis ................................................................... 39
Modal markers in Pontic and Cappadocian: disentangling the
evidences
Theodore Markopoulos ............................................................ 42
To ρηματικό επίθημα -σκ- στην Καππαδοκική
Nikolaos Pantelidis ................................................................... 44
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis:
Towards a new Typology of Loanwords
Brian D. Joseph ........................................................................ 45
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis: word
formation, loanword formation and hybrid word-formation
Mark Janse ................................................................................ 45
Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die
Petros Karatsareas & Athanasios Georgakopoulos .................. 45
Revisiting the borrowability scale(s) of grammatical elements:
evidence from Modern Greek contact induced varieties
Dimitra Melissaropoulou & Michalis Marinis ........................ 48
Thumb's Up! Our Updating of Thumb's Classic Work on
Modern Greek
Mark Janse and Brian D. Joseph .............................................. 50
The acoustic properties of the vowel system of Pontic:
Comparison between the variety of Argiroulopi and the variety
of Kerasounda
Dimitris Papazachariou ............................................................ 51
Instances of sibilant palatalization in the dialect of Naousa
Ioanna Kappa & Konstantinos Sipitanos .................................. 52
The Cretan fall: an analysis of the declarative intonation
melody in the Cretan dialect
Mary Baltazani1 & Evia Kainada ............................................. 54
Blocking of velar palatalization in child speech
Nitsa Paracheraki & Ioanna Kappa........................................... 56
Επιτονισμός των ερωτήσεων ολικής άγνοιας στην Κερκυραϊκή
διάλεκτο
Maria Giakoumelou .................................................................. 58
Retroflexion of /l/ in Modern Greek dialects: The case of
Aperathou (Naxos) dialect
Maria Xefteri, Angelos Lengeris & Kalomoira Nikolou .......... 60
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Coherence ‘in the mix’? Coherence in the face of diglossia and
language shift in Cypriot Greek
Stavroula Tsiplakou, Dimitris Evripidou & Spyros Armosti .... 62
A non-finite period in early Cypriot Greek?
Renos Georgiou, Christos Papatzalas & Arhonto Terzi ........... 64
Referential clauses as/and relative clauses in Pharasiot Greek
Metin Bağrıaçık ........................................................................ 67
Griko subjunctive as a contact-induced phenomenon
Marika Lekakou & Josep Quer ................................................. 70
Greek dialects in Southern Italy: nominal syntax between Greek
and Romance?
Cristina Guardiano & Melita Stavrou.......................... ............72
D. Poster presentations ............................................................. 75
Παρακείμενος
Yoryia Agouraki ....................................................................... 75
Ετερόκλιση και Παραδειγματική Ομοιομορφία στην Ονοματική
Κλίση της διαλέκτου της Λέσβου και των Κυδωνιών
Vaso Alexelli & Angela Ralli ................................................... 77
Orthographic trends for a non-standardised variety: the
representation of the CiV sequence in Cypriot Greek
Marianna Katsoyannou, Kyriaki Christodoulou & Spyros
Armosti ..................................................................................... 79
A typology of vowel-vowel and consonant-vowel-consonant
phenomena in the dialectal variants of Western Crete and its
use in education
Marina Tzakosta ....................................................................... 80
Compiling the microstructure of a multi-media tri-dialectal
online dictionary: Decisions and practices
Eleonora Dimela, Dimitra Melissaropoulou, Christos
Papanagiotou, George J. Xydopoulos & Angela Ralli.............. 82
Vowel raising and deletion in Kozani Greek
Evia Kainada, Angelos Lengeris & Nina Topintzi ................... 84
Challenges of Annotating a Multi-Dialect, Multi-Level Corpus
of Spoken and Written Modern Greek Dialects
Athanasios Karasimos, Eleni Galiotou, Nikitas Karanikolas,
George Koronakis, Kostas Athanasakos, Dimitris Papazachariou
& Angela Ralli .......................................................................... 86
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Ανίχνευση πολιτισμικών στοιχείων στο διαδίκτυο: Ψηφιακές
προκλήσεις στην έρευνα Διαλεκτολογίας και Εθνολογίας
Athanasios Karasimos & Iraklitos Souyioultzoglou ................. 87
Determiner spreading in Cappadocian Greek
Petros Karatsareas & Marika Lekakou ..................................... 89
Loanword integration substantiating the realization of gender in
Heptanesian, Grekaniko and Cretan
Vasiliki Makri........................................................................... 93
Η Κατωιταλική διάλεκτος του Σαλέντο σε σχέση με τις υπόλοιπες
νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους
Vladimir Panov......................................................................... 96
«Διαλεκτικά λεξικά και γλωσσάρια της Ηλείας» Μία
λεξικογραφική περιγραφή
Athina Prountzou ...................................................................... 98
Parallel Voices: A socioprosodic study of Standard Modern
Greek and Cypriot Greek Vowels
Charalambos Themistocleous & Ageliki Logotheti ................. 99
Qualitative research in service of the Greek dialects and their
teaching in the Greek educational system: the case of the
Digital Museum of Greek Oral History
Marina Tzakosta, Anna Sfakianaki & Angelos Patsias ............ 99
Περιγραφή του μορφολογικού συστήματος της Σύνθεσης στα
γλωσσικά ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και της Λήμνου
Xenofon Tzavaras................................................................... 100
Η πρόσληψη της γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας σε κείμενα μαζικής
κουλτούρας από μαθητές της Ε’ και ΣΤ’ Δημοτικού Dimitris
Papazachariou, Anna Fterniati,
Argyris Archakis & Vasia Tsami ........................................... 102
Voices of Thrace: A fieldwork-based morphophonological
analysis of the dialect spoken in the region of Evros
Theodosia Papadopoulou........................................................ 103
Tsakonian: Problems and Approaches
Maxim Kissilier ...................................................................... 104
Thematic session
Thematic session
‘Language variation’
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Thematic session convenors
Laboratory of Modern Greek dialects (University of Patras)
Professor Angela Ralli
University of Patras
Thematic session description
Language variation has been a rather peripheral topic in modern
grammatical theory since it poses serious challenges to formal
linguistics and contemporary grammatical theories which
mainly aim to describe language as an ideal system. However,
scholars who focus on issues such as vocabulary, dialects or
language registers, readily drop this idealization and try to
integrate variation in their analysis.
The Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects (LMGD)
team has undertaken a number of projects which focus on
dialectal variation and its relation to contemporary grammatical
theory. As part of the -‘Pontus, Cappadocia, Aivali: In search
of Asia Minor Greek (AMiGre)-THALES Program’ project, the
LMGD team is organizing a workshop on language variation
within the framework of the 6th International Conference on
Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. This project
constitutes the first attempt at a comprehensive comparative
linguistic study of the Asia Minor Greek dialects. Its primary
aim is to provide the first complete comparative study of the
major Asia Minor dialects, a work which has long been
neglected both in Greek and international linguistics. Moreover,
it brings together language change and variation studies which
are of particular interest for both dialectology and contact
linguistics. The analysis of these dialects aims at understanding
the nature and mechanisms of language change within the
domain of dialectal variation and language contact, conjointly.
The aim of this workshop is to bridge contemporary
grammatical theory and grammatical variation. To this aim, we
have invited specialists in language variation with great
experience in the analysis of data and we aim to discuss the
difficult issue of language variation form different perspectives.
Thematic session
The program is built on 3 plenary talks which cover issues such
as: the relation between language variation and contemporary
grammatical theory, phonological and morphological variation.
References
Jackendoff, R. (2011). What is in the human language faculty?
Two views. Language 87(3), 586-624.
Janda R. & B. Joseph (2003). On Language, Change, and
Language Change — Or, Of History, Linguistics, and
Historical Linguistics (with Richard D. Janda). In B. Joseph
& R. Janda (Eds.) Handbook of Historical Linguistics (3180). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Ralli, A. 2009. Morphology meets dialectology: Insights from
Modern Greek dialects. Morphology 2009 (1): 87-105.
Ralli, A. (submitted). Morphological variation in Modern Greek
and its dialects. Proceedings of the 11th International
Conference on Greek Linguistics.
Α. Invited speakers of the thematic session
Language universals, language variation and the predictions
of the Directional Asymmetry Principle
Prof. Anna Maria Di Sciullo
Université du Québec à Montréal
I assume that the Language Faculty is stable, that languages
vary given contact with the environment and that linguistic
variation in word order is the consequence of a change in the
properties grammatical features, triggering or not the
displacement of a constituent.
Diachronic variation is gradual and it brings about
morphological complexity giving rise to differences in the form
and in the distribution of morphological elements, including
prepositions, postpositions, adpositions, and circumpositions. I
discuss diachronic evidence from Italian and Greek showing
that the Directional Asymmetry Principle, (1), reduces the
complexity that arises in the development of functional elements
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in the extended nominal projection, (1), along side other
principles of efficient computation, (3), (4).
(1) Directional Asymmetry Principle (DAP) (Di Sciullo 2011)
Language development is symmetry breaking.
(2) [Quniv . . . [Dem . . . [Numord . . . [RC . . . [Numcard . . .
[Cl . . . [A . . .N]]]]]]] (Cinque 2005)
(3) a. Minimize symmetry: Limit the choice points. (Moro 2000,
Di Sciullo 2005)
b. Minimize length of derivations: Limit computation. (Di
Sciullo 2012)
(4) a. Minimal link: Limit the search space. (Chomsky 1995)
b. Pronounce the Minimum: Limit the externalization.
(Chomsky 2012)
The DAP is not a global principle. It is a local principle
applying to micro feature structures as discussed in Di Sciullo
(2011), Di Sciullo and Nicolis (2012), Di Sciullo and
Somesfalean (2013) and, Di Sciullo, Nicolis and Somesfalean
(forthcoming). Once an asymmetrical stage it attained, i.e., a
stage where a choice point arises in the derivation of a given
microstructure, DAP predicts that this point of symmetry will
gradually be eliminated. For example, while there is fluctuation
in the position of the pronominal complement with respect to its
commitative prepositional head in Old Italian (5-8), only the
prepositional structure survives in Modern Italian.
(5) …. e per li compagnoni che teco fuggiro , per li dei...
(Brunetto, Rettorica)
(6) neiente de lo mondo ; con te le tue, parole voria conte
avere... (Rinuccino, Sonetti)
(7) E perciò ch' io so bene ch' assai val meglio che tu parli con
teco, che né io né altri, sì fo io fine alla mia diceria.
(Brunetto, ProLigario)
(8) Non ti dar malinconia, figliuola, no, che egli si fa bene anche
qua; Neerbale ne servira bene con esso teco Domenedio.
(Boccaccio, The Decameron) (13th century Old Florentine
corpus TLIO)
Thematic session
I contrast the DAP with Greenberg’s (1966) absolute and
implicational universals, such as the ones for prepositions, as
well as more recent proposals, including Biberauer, Holmberg
and Roberts’ (2010) proposal on head-directionality and
complementation in extended projections and Kayne’s (2011)
proposal on head-directionality and Probe-goal search. The
DAP is a Developmental Universal which provide a new
approach to language variation. Furthermore, Developmental
Universals can be related to principles of language growth, thus
providing deeper links between phylogeny and ontogeny.
References
Biberauer, T., A. Holmberg & I. Roberts. 2011. A syntactic
universal and its Consequences. Linguistic Inquiry 36: 1-22.
Chomsky, N. 2013. Problems of Projection. Lingua 130: 33-49.
Chomsky, N. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge Mass:
MIT Press.
Cinque, G. 2005. Deriving Greenberg’s Universal 20 and its
exceptions. Linguistic Inquiry 36 3:315–332.
Greenberg, J. 1966. The Universals of Language. Cambridge,
Mass: MIT Press. 1963.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2012. An Evolutionary Developmental
Constraint. MIT. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.
Cambridge, Mass.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2012. Perspectives on Morphological
Complexity. Dans F. Kiefer, M. Ladanyi et P. Siptar (eds.),
Morphology. (Ir)regularity, Frequency, Typology, 105-135.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2011. A Biolinguistic Approach to Variation.
In A.M. Di Sciullo ad C. Boeckx (eds.) The biolinguistic
Entreprise: New Perspectives on the Evolution and Nature
of the Human Language Faculty, p. 305-328. Oxford :
Oxford University Press.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2005. Asymmetry in Morphology. Cambridge.
Mass: The MIT Press.
Di Sciullo, A.M. and S. Somesfalean. 2013. Variation in the
Position of the Definite Determiner in Romanian: A
Biolinguistic Perspective. Romance Linguistics in the
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Pacific: Variation in Time and Space. Special Issue of the
Australian Journal of Linguistics 33(2): 121-139. Taylor &
Francis.
Di Sciullo, A.M. and M. Nicolis. 2012. Third Factor in the
Development of P. North East Linguistic Society. University
of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Kayne, R. 2011. Why are There No Directionality Parameters?.
In M Byram Washburn et al (ed) Proceedings of the 28th
West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics: 1-23.
Somerville: Cascadilla.
Moro, A. 2000. Dynamic Antisymmetry. Cambridge. Mass: The
MIT Press. 13th century Old Florentine corpus TLIO Tesoro
della Lingua Italiana delle Origin.
Uncovering the sources of the specific sound patterns of the
emerging regional dialects of sixteenth-century French
Emeritus Prof. Yves Charles Morin
Université de Montréal
It is common practice in French dialectal studies to distinguish
two dialectal layers in most regions where French is now
dominant: (1) a so-called français régional ‘regional French’
and (2) a sometimes moribund dialect of various languages,
either non-Romance, such as Breton, Basque, and Flemish, or
Romance; the latter including Occitan, Catalan and many
varieties of Oïl dialects, often referred to as patois. The second
layer is often claimed to act as a substrate of the first one —
extending the use of this term, normally used in reference to
languages no longer spoken in a given region. Various theses
have been entertained on the sources of the non-standard
features found in regional varieties of French. Chambon (1997,
1999: 12–18) underlines the inappropriate conceptions held in
many dialectological studies (e.g. Lerond 1973: 3, Martin 1997,
Taverdet 1990: 713) on the influence of the patois substrate on
the development of the regional variety of French in a given
area.
I will present some results of a larger program geared
towards the phonological description of the early stages in the
Thematic session
development of regional varieties of French (cf. Morin 2012) in
relationship with the sound patterns of their substrates, as a way
to provide an answer to the problems examined by Chambon
and understand how regional varieties of French developed
specific phonetic and phonological characteristics (that may or
may not have survived until now). The source of our
information on the earliest regional varieties of French is mostly
derived from grammatical treatises and various texts in
reformed orthographies written in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries whose authors, born and raised in more or less distant
Provinces, were convinced they were describing the current
standard usage and unknowingly provided precious information
on some of their regional features. In this presentation, I will
examine more particularly the evidence from two grammarians
originating from southern Occitan-speaking provinces,
Limousin and Provence. The development of Southern French is
somewhat easier to analyze; on one hand, the potential
substratic features of the southern varieties of French are more
salient than those with Oïl substrates; and on the other, the
development of regional French is relatively more recent in
most southern Provinces.
The analysis implies the reconstruction of the
phonological system(s) of the dominant high-class Parisian
French the grammarians intended to portray at that time and that
of the Limousin and Provence varieties of Occitan at the same
period. Some phonetic characteristics of their regional French
may be simply construed as the results of first-language
phonological filters known to operate in second language
acquisition; in other word, these features would reflect the
imperfect attempt of Occitan speakers to reproduce the sounds
of the target language, eventually becoming part of the regional
norm of French. Although it is likely that many Occitan
speakers learned or improved their French through direct
contact with genuine “native speakers” of northern French
varieties, it cannot have been the case for the large majority of
them. For most of them, French, much as Latin, was a written
language, whose pronunciation was learned by rules, and
eventually passed down from Occitan speakers to Occitan
speakers for a relative long period of time.
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I will show that the distribution of sounds in these
varieties of regional French makes sense only it is governed by
the reading strategies associated to the spelling-aloud traditions
for teaching writing. When in doubt, the reader would render a
given letter as it was pronounced in a close cognate of their
native vocabulary, e.g. high-mid [e] for <e> in such French
words as de ‘of’, que ‘that’, me ‘me’ and se ‘himself’ which
Occitan speakers could easily identify to their Occitan
counterpart [de] ‘of’, [ke] ‘that’, [me] ‘me’ and [se] ‘himself’. In
the absence of close cognates, however, they resorted to the
default reading strategies they learned for reading Latin, which
explains why <e> was rendered as low-mid [ɛ] in ce ‘this’, je
‘I’, le ‘the’ and ne ‘not’, although the pronunciation of <e> in all
of these words was uniform in the standard language.
An intriguing aspect of the resulting distribution of <e>
is the adoption the Occitan reflex [ɐ] or [ɔ] of Latin posttonic A
to render French posttonic <e> in nouns and adjectives. In
northern Oïl dialects, all of the posttonic vowels that did do
syncopate had merged long ago into schwa and were uniformly
written <e>, e.g. HŎMĬNĔM > homme and FĒMĬNĂM > femme;
they eventually ceased to be pronounced but were retained in
the spelling. On the other hand, a distinction was preserved in
Occitan between [e] < Lat. Ĕ and [ɐ] /[ɔ] < Lat. Ă. One would
have expected the distinction to have been transposed into
Southern French, in particular for adjectives such as rouge, for
which the distinction was morphologically relevant to mark
gender. One may certainly surmise that the non-transfer of this
substrastic distinction obtained because the speakers relied on
the spelling to render the sounds of French, as I will argue. This
should be contrasted with the specific development of posttonic
<e> in Limousin French (as spoken in Brives), which was
rendered as [ɔ] in singular nouns and adjectives, either
masculine or feminine, but [e] in the plural, in direct imitation of
the Limousin alternation [-ɔ] < Lat. -Ă ~ [-es] < -ĀS found in
Brives, which only held, however, for feminine nouns and
adjectives. The graphic distinction between -e and -es in written
French was understood as signaling a difference in number for
nouns and adjectives, irrespective of gender. (It should also be
noted that this development offers prima facies evidence that the
Thematic session
[-ɔ] ~ [-es] alternation was still alive in Brives at the end of the
sixteenth century).
It is reasonable to conclude that the regional varieties of
French, in particular of southern French, did not emerge simply
as a consequence of an imperfect imitation of the sounds they
heard by listening to speakers of the prestigious Parisian variety.
And it is certainly not simply the product of uneducated
peasants and laborers. Southern French probably acquired its
phonetic and phonological characteristics early, when a
relatively small class of Southerners felt the necessity to
communicate in French, though then probably most often in
writing: merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, civil servants,
teachers, and the like. They had access to the pronunciation
mostly through spelling, which accounts fort the patterns they
developed. These patterns eventually settled and became models
that spread to other social classes. Whatever substratic features
seeped into the sound system of regional varieties of French,
they did so simply because the rules used to read French aloud
were precisely those that were used to read the substrate and
tailored for the latter. Eventually the phonological patterns of
regional varieties of French may grow independently of their
substrates; the distribution of mid vowels in Southern French,
for instance, eventually evolved into what is known as the « loi
de position », independently of both the Occitan substrate and
the standard variety.
References
Chambon, Jean-Pierre. 1997. Les emprunts du français moderne
aux dialectes et patois: une illusion d'optique en lexicologie
française historique. LALIES, Actes des sessions de
linguistique et de littérature 17 (Aussois, 2-7 septembre
1996), 33–53. Paris: Presses de l'École normale supérieure.
Chambon, Jean-Pierre. 1999. Variétés géographiques du
français et «substrat dialectal». L'exemple de Vinzelles
(Puy-de-Dôme). Études sur les régionalismes du français, en
Auvergne et ailleurs, 11–70. Paris: Klincksieck (Matériaux
pour l’étude des régionalismes du français 13).
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Goosse, André. 1991. La part du substrat dialectal dans le
français de Belgique. Variété et variantes du français des
villes: états de l’est de la France – Alsace, Lorraine,
Lyonnais,
Franche-Comté,
Belgique,
201–209.
Paris/Genève: Champion/Slatkine.
Lerond, Alain. 1973. Présentation. Les parlers régionaux.
Langue française 18.3–7.
Martin, Jean-Baptiste. 1997. Le français régional. La variation
diatopique en français de France. Le français moderne
65.55–69.
Morin, Yves Charles. 2008. Le Gaygnard (1609): L’ancienne
orthographe, la nouvelle pédagogie et la réforme
orthographique. Orthographe française: Évolution et
pratique, éd. par Alain Desrochers, France Martineau et
Yves Charles Morin, 51–90. Ottawa: Éditions David.
Morin, Yves Charles. 2009. Acquiring the vowel system of a
cognate language: the role of substrate and spelling in the
development of the French spoken in Marseilles during the
sixteenth century. Romanística sin complejos – Homenaje a
Carmen Pensado, éd. par Fernando Sánchez Miret, 409–454.
Bern/Berlin/Bruxelles/Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Morin, Yves Charles. 2012. L’imaginaire norme de
prononciation aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles. L’introuvable unité
du français - Contacts et variations linguistiques en Europe
et en Amérique (XIIe-XVIIIe siècle), ed. by Serge Lusignan,
France Martineau, Yves Charles Morin and Paul Cohen,
145–226. Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval.
(References can be consulted on http://ycmorin.net/)
Debonding of compounds in French, English, Dutch and
German
Prof. Kristel Van Goethem
F.R.S.-FNRS & Université catholique de Louvain
This study will focus on adjectives (and occasionally adverbs)
that arise through "debonding" from N+N- or N+A-compounds
in French, English, Dutch and German. Debonding is a type of
degrammaticalization defined by Norde as "a composite change
Thematic session
whereby a bound morpheme in a specific linguistic context
becomes a free morpheme" (Norde 2009:186). It typically
involves processes such as severance (i.e. decrease in
bondedness), flexibilization (i.e. increase in syntactic freedom),
scope expansion and recategorialization.
In previous studies (Amiot & Van Goethem 2012; Van
Goethem & De Smet 2012), it has been shown that the lack of
(prosodic) cohesion of French and English compounds
facilitates debonding in both languages. This holds for instance
for compounds or compound-like sequences with French clé
'key' (e.g. poste clé 'key position') (1) and English key (e.g. key
area) (2):
(1)
FR. Ces deux ministres auraient réclamé, selon ces
sources, le poste prestigieux et clé de Christine Lagarde
(...) '(...) the key and prestigious position of Christine
Lagarde (...)' (GlossaNet, 2011)
(2)
ENG. The U.S. (...) has said it will do more in terms of
intelligence-sharing to (...) stop some of the killings, and
really restore some -- some law and order in these
pockets of lawlessness that -- that tend to be along some
very key border areas. (COCA)
Dutch and German compounds, by contrast, are very cohesive,
not only prosodically but also orthographically, which is
strongly in conflict with the debonding process (e.g. DU. *de
sleutel en prestigieuze post, GERM. *der Schlüssel und
prestigeträchtige Posten). However, it is striking that Dutch
compounds with an intensifying left-hand member (with
nominal origin) and -e- interfix often do allow debonding:
(3)
DU. De binnenstad staat immers op een reuze betonnen
plaat (...). 'The town centre is indeed built on a gigantic
sheet of steel (...)' (news.google.com, 2011)
(4)
DU. Echt een buitenkansje voor een nieuw appartement
op een klasse locatie.' (...) a new flat at a prime location'
(GlossaNet, 2011)
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It can therefore be assumed that the ending of the left-hand
member plays a crucial role in the debonding process. Since
Dutch attributively used adjectives mostly end in the inflectional
affix -e, the linking morpheme -e could trigger the reanalysis of
forms such as reuze and klasse as adjectives (Norde & Van
Goethem 2013 (ms); Van Goethem & Hiligsmann 2014). In
German, the recent (substandard) use of Hammer 'hammer' as an
intensifying element represents another case of debonding with
possible influence of the role of inflection: ein Hammerkonzert
'a great concert' - das Konzert war hammer 'the concert was
fantastic' (Van Goethem & Hüning 2013).
In my paper, I will investigate for each of the four
languages how the debonding process is impacted by three
different factors: (1) the semantics of the noun subject to
debonding, which seems to be restricted to compounds or
compound-like sequences with a qualifying meaning; (2) the
degree of (prosodic) cohesion of the sequence; (3) the role of
inflection. The impact of these factors will be illustrated by
several corpus-based case studies.
References
Amiot, D. & Van Goethem, K. (2012). A constructional account
of French clé- 'key' and Dutch sleutel- 'key' as in mot-clé /
sleutelwoord 'key word'. Morphology 22. 347-364.
Norde, M. (2009). Degrammaticalization. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Norde, M. & K. Van Goethem. (2013). Emancipatie van affixen
en affixoïden: degrammaticalisatie of lexicalisatie?.
Manuscript.
Van Goethem, K. & H. De Smet (to appear). How nouns turn
into adjectives. The emergence of new adjectives in French,
Dutch and English through debonding processes. Languages
in Contrast.
Van Goethem, K. & Ph. Hiligsmann. (2014). When two paths
converge: debonding and clipping of Dutch reuze ‘lit. giant;
great’. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 26:1. 31-64.
Thematic session
Van Goethem, K. & M. Hüning. (2013). Debonding of Dutch
and German compounds. Paper presented at the Germanic
Sandwich Conference, Leuven, 2013.
Corpora
COCA: http://corpus.byu.edu/coca/
GlossaNet: http://glossa.fltr.ucl.ac.be/
News archives on http://news.google.com
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General session of MGDLT6
General session
B. Invited speakers of the general session
The role of prosody in the investigation of linguistic variation
Prof. Amalia Arvaniti
University of Kent
Prosody is a term that encompasses a host of phenomena, including stress,
phrasing and intonation that are often collectively referred to as
suprasegmentals. I will argue that this term reflects an alphabetical view of
speech that treats segments as essential and relegates prosody to the status of
an optional “icing on the cake”. I will discuss results from research on
prosody, including my own research on Greek and other languages which
point instead to a central role of prosody in shaping variation and show the
alphabetical view to be erroneous. Specifically, I will review results from
various languages indicating that, contrary to the conception of speech
organization (and language structure) implied by the term suprasegmentals,
prosody has pervasive effects on speech sounds – affecting both their
duration and their quality – and cannot be ignored in the investigation of any
level of linguistic analysis. I will further discuss the role that prosody plays
in dialectal variation, both in how such variation is encoded and how it is
recognized and interpreted by speakers. Finally, I will discuss the role of
prosody in understanding pragmatic intent and thus communication both
between L1 speakers and across L1 and L2 speakers of a language. In light
of this evidence, I will argue that we need to integrate prosody in our
investigations if we want to fully understand and document variation within
and across languages.
Contact de langues: les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie
Prof. Petya Asenova
University of Sofia
Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie appartiennent aux idiomes grecs
septentrionaux, mais ils sont parlés par deux communautés différentes: les
descendants de la population des anciennes colonies grecques qui ont apparu
au littoral de la Mer Noire à partir du VIIIe s. av. J.-C., et les Karakatchans
(Sarakatsans) qui menaient la vie des nomades saisonniers et se sont
installés dans certaines localités montagneuses de la Bulgarie, il y a quelque
décennies.
Les locuteurs des deux communautés pratiquent un bilinguisme bulgarogrec, collectif, du point de vue sociolinguistique (Weinreich 1972) et
subordonné ou composé (compound), du point de vue psycholinguistique
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(Ervin, Osgood 1954). Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie fonctionnent au
milieu d’une langue étrangère, mais appartiennent aussi à l’union
linguistique balkanique (ULB) ou Sprachbund. C’est pourquoi
(parallèlement aux autres dialectes balkaniques dans des conditions de
fonctionnement pareil) ils pourraient jouer le rôle d’une source de
reconstruction des processus de convergence qui ont amené à l’apparition de
l’ULB. En même temps, ils présentent la possibilité d’observation directe
sur le «bilinguisme en usage»: les différents types de mélange des codes
(code-mixing et code-switching).
Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie forment une partie de l’espace exotérique
de la grammaire de l’ULB et en même temps ils restent toujours identiques à
l’histoire ésotérique de sa propre langue – le grec (v. Civ’jan 2005 Magna
lingua graeca).
Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie présentent une continuité aréale avec les
autres dialectes grecs septentrionaux et par conséquent possèdent des traits
spécifiques de cette zone dialectale (par ex. l’expression des rapports du
datif à l’aide de l’accusatif). Ils occupent une aire périphérique du territoire
linguistique grec, ils gardent aussi des traits archaïques disparus dans les
autres dialectes septentrionaux.
Les innovations qu’ils ont développées sont dues à l’influence de la
langue du milieu –le bulgare– et concernent tous les niveaux de la structure
des dialectes en question. Certaines innovations qui représentent des
balkanismes principaux (par ex. l’emploi plus avancé de constructions
analytiques) pourraient être interprétés comme réalisation des ressources
internes des dialectes grecs septentrionaux, aussi bien qu’une influence
externe.
Les dialectes en contact avec une langue étrangère démontrent une
spécificité qui peut être appelée spécificité d’isolation. Elle s’avère comme
résultat d’isolation de la langue-mère.
Le mélange de différents courants de fonctionnement, archaïsmes et
innovations, héritage et influence, évolution spécifique interne, mènent à
une simplification du système des dialectes grecs en état de bilinguisme.
C. Oral presentations
Αναφορικές δομές στις νεοελληνικές μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους
Eirini Kriki
Institute of Modern Greek Studies
Αντικείμενο της ανακοίνωσης είναι η παρουσίαση και η ανάλυση
συγκεκριμένων αναφορικών δομών που απαντούν στις νεοελληνικές
General session
μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους. Η εξέταση περιορίζεται σε εκείνες τις δομές που,
από μορφοσυντακτική άποψη, εμφανίζουν τη στρατηγική του κλιτού
αναφορικού, με δεδομένο ότι, παρόλο που η στρατηγική του άκλιτου
αναφορικού εμφανίζεται ήδη στη μεταγενέστερη ελληνική και κερδίζει
σταδιακά έδαφος (Bakker 1974· Nicholas 1998), ο μηχανισμός των κλιτών
αναφορικών δεν εγκαταλείφθηκε ποτέ ούτε στις μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους
και μάλιστα ανατροφοδοτήθηκε με τύπους που αποτελούν προϊόντα
διαδικασιών επανανάλυσης, επανενίσχυσης, υβριδισμού κτλ. Η ανακοίνωση
αποτελεί συνέχεια προηγούμενης έρευνας (Liosis & Kriki 2013) και
επιχειρεί να διαφωτίσει τα εξής ερωτήματα: (α) Ποιοι αντωνυμικοί τύποι
επιλέγονται στις επιμέρους μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους για την εξυπηρέτηση
της στρατηγικής του κλιτού αναφορικού και πώς κατηγοριοποιούνται με
βάση το γενικό τυπολογικό σχήμα ανάλυσης των αναφορικών αντωνυμιών
των νεοελληνικών διαλέκτων που προτείνει ο Τζιτζιλής (υπό προετ.); (β)
πώς κατανέμονται οι επιλεγμένοι αντωνυμικοί τύποι στις επιμέρους θέσεις
της Ιεραρχίας Προσβασιμότητας (Keenan & Comrie 1977); (γ) Κατά πόσο
εξαρτάται η επιλογή των επιμέρους αντωνυμικών τύπων από τη διάκριση [±
έμψυχο] / [± ανθρώπινο], η οποία είναι ενεργή στις μικρασιατικές
διαλέκτους και, όπως έχει δείξει ο Τζιτζιλής (2014), έχει αναμορφώσει σε
μεγάλο βαθμό την ονοματική κλίση; (δ) ποιες είναι οι συνέπειες της
παραπάνω διάκρισης στην έκφραση των χαρακτηριστικών Συμφωνίας των
κλιτών αναφορικών στις μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους και πώς ελέγχεται η
Ιεραρχία Συμφωνίας (Corbett 1979· 2006) με βάση τα δεδομένα που
προκύπτουν;
Ενδεικτική βιβλιογραφία
Bakker, W. 1974. Pronomen Abundans et Conjuctum. A Contribution to the
History of the Resumptive Pronoun within the Relative Clause in Greek.
Άμστερνταμ: Norh Holland.
Corbett, G. G. 1979. “The Agreement Hierarchy”, Journal of Linguistics
15/2, 203–24.
Corbett, G. G. 2006. Agreement. Κέμπριτζ: Cambridge University Press.
Keenan, E. L. & B. Comrie. 1977. “Noun Phrase Accessibility and
Universal Grammar”, Linguistic Inquiry 8, 63–99.
Κρίκη, Ε. 2013. Μορφοσυντακτικοί νεωτερισμοί στη γλώσσα των μη
φιλολογικών παπύρων. Οι αναφορικές δομές. Διδ. διατρ. Αριστοτέλειο
Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης.
Liosis, N. & E. Kriki. 2013. “Towards a Typology of Relative Clauses in
Modern Greek Dialects”, στο M. Janse, B. D. Joseph, A. Ralli & M.
Bagriacik (επιμ.), MGDLT 5. Online Proceedings of the 5th
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International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic
Theory. Πάτρα, 245–71.
Nicholas, N. 1998. The Story of Pu: The Grammaticalisation in Space and
Time of a Modern Greek Complementiser. Διδ. διατρ. University of
Melbourne.
Τζιτζιλής, Χρ. 2014. “Οι μικρασιατικές διάλεκτοι”, στο Χρ. Τζιτζιλής
(επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές Διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών
Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη).
Τζιτζιλής, Χρ. Υπό προετοιμασία. Εισαγωγή στη νεοελληνική διαλεκτολογία.
Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα Μανόλη
Τριανταφυλλίδη).
Morphologically enhanced spatial deixis in Pontic:
the case of [-]késou
Marianna Gkiouleka
University of Patras
Anchoring the speakers to a specific point in time and space (Lyons 1997),
orienting them in the surrounding situation outside of discourse and
providing the dialogue with a certain context in order to gain its
significance, deixis appears to be a fundamental axis of conversation
(Fillmore 1982, Diessel 1999). Despite the differences in the means
employed to express the concept of space among the languages, the notion
of the prototypical [± proximal] appears to be prevailing.
An examination of data drawn from Pontic, a dialect spoken in Asia
Minor, reveals a system that differs significantly from the binary one found
in S(tandard) M(odern) G(reek) and consists of three fully functional and
deictically contrastive levels: (a) reference to an entity near the deictic
center (b) reference to an entity near the hearer and (c) location of the
referent at some distance to both the deictic and the acoustic center
(Papadopoulos 1955).
(a) aftos/ aγútos/ avútos – aúte/ aγúte – auto/aγúto
(b) atós – até – ató (+ constructions with ha, intensifying the meaning)
(c)
acínos/ aγínos/ aínos – acíne/ aγíne/ aíne – acíno/ aγíno/ aíno
[when the referent is there]
ecínos/ eγínos/ eínos – ecíne/ eγíne/ eíne – ecíno/ eγíno/ eíno
[when the referent is absent]
General session
Furthermore, this dialectal system comprise features indicative of whether
the referent is present or out of sight (c), at a lower or a higher elevation,
downhill or uphill (e) or moving toward or away from the deictic center
(d,e).
In order to account for these semantic nuances Pontic enhances
morphologically its linguistic material with the use of lexical items such as
prefixes and suffixes that lead to a number of new constructions.
In this spirit, the paper deals with the examination of [-]késou, a
morphological construction that consists of the conjuction ke (= and) - that
has undergone phonological attrition, as well as semantic alteration and
therefore loss of its transparency - and the adverb ésou (=inside). It appears:
(a) either as an autonomous adverb, meaning: i horizontal ground movement
ii straight horizontal direction iii horizontal position or iv reference to a
preceding name
(d) Epíγa ‘s so horáf’ kés’ (I went towards the field)
(b) or as a suffix in morphologically complex locative adverbs, expressing
ground movement or position horizontally
(e) aδakés(ou) (here, in a horizontal ground position)
atoukés(ou) (towards those places)
afkakés(ou) (i.towards those places downhill, ii. with cunning
(metaphorically))
The aim of the paper is twofold. First, to identify the unclear structural
status of [-]késou and adequately delimit the processes into which this
lexical item has participated and second, to incorporate and further examine
it in the context of spatial deictic system of Pontic.
Indicative bibliography
Diessel, H. 1999. Demonstratives. Form, function and grammaticalization
(Typological Studies in Language, 42). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
Fillmore, C.J. 1982. 'Towards a descriptive framework for spatial deixis' in
RJ . Jarvella & W. Klein (eds), Speech place and action London: Wiley
& Sons.
Lyons, J. 1975. 'Deixis as the source of reference', in E. Keenan (ed),
Formal semantics of natural language, 61-83. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Lyons, J. 1977. Semantics 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Papadopoulos, A. 1955. Istoriki Grammatiki tis Pontikis Dialectou
[Historical Grammar of the Pontic Dialect]. Athens: Epitropi Pontiakon
Meleton.
Is compound borrowing possible in language-contact settings?
Angela Ralli
University of Patras
In this presentation, I propose to deal with the lexical and structural aspects
of borrowing compounds, in a language-contact situation involving three
Greek-based Asia Minor dialects, Cappadocian (Dawkins 1916, Janse
forthcoming), Aivaliot (Sakkaris 1940) and Pontic (Tobaidis 2007).
The data show the following properties: (a) the dialects display
varying degrees of productivity in forming compounds, depending on the
extent of socio-cultural contact with Turkish; (b) several compounds exhibit
mixing of Turkish and Greek morphemes, although their formation-patterns
are Greek; in some rare cases, both constituents share Turkish, but
compounds contain a Greek compound marker (CM) between the basic
constituents, and are always followed by Greek inflectional endings (1); (c)
most Turkish constituents have undergone phonological and morphological
changes according to Greek morpho-phonological requirements; some items
have acquired a stem allomorphy for their inflection, as in (1b), where the
Aivaliot -δ- formative is inserted between the Turkish item kadife ‘velvet’
and the Greek ending:
(1)
a. Pontic dzavtaropsómin < Tr çavdar Gr -o- Gr psomiGr -n
‘rye bread’
‘rye’
CM ‘bread’
NOM.SG
b. Aivaliot aγrijukadiféδis < Gr αγri- Gr -u- Tr kadife- Gr -is
‘wild yellow flowers’
‘wild’
CM
‘velvet’
NOM.PL
c. Cappadocian γaun-ú-spor-us < Tr kavun Gr -o- Gr spor- Gr –us
‘melon seed’
‘melon’
CM ‘seed’
NOM.SG
(d) Compound structures resist change, even in Cappadocian where
compounding is less productive than in Pontic and Aivaliot, i.e. there is use
of Greek-based patterns, which are unknown in Turkish (2):
(2)
a. Pontic seloδavéno
< Tr sel
Gr -o‘flood/inundate’
‘flood’
CM
b. Aivaliot vruduluγó < Tr vurdulu
‘make noise’
‘hit with big noise’ CM
Gr δ(ι)avéno
‘walk through’
Gr -uGr -luγο
‘be in the position of…’
General session
(e) In the rare case where entire Turkish compounds are adopted, their
structure is lexicalized; the vowel /I/ of the Turkish CM -(s)I(n) is
reanalyzed as part of the loan stem, and a Greek ending is added at the righthand edge:
(3)
Turkish yüzbaşı
‘officer of Turkish army’

Aivaliot júzbasi-s
‘officer-NOM.SG’
I argue that in a contact situation involving Greek and Turkish the structure
of compounding is the least affected compared to structures of other wordformation processes (e.g. derivation), since Greek compounding is entirely
different from Turkish. As asserted in Ralli (2013a,b), Greek compounds are
morphological objects, displaying phonological and morphological unity:
they combine stems, have one single stress and a compulsory CM relating
the two constituents. As such, they are created in morphology. On the
contrary, Turkish compounds are phrasal objects: they involve the
combination of words, their stress does not differ from that of common noun
phrases and their compound marker appears at the end, being identical to the
possessive marker -sI(n). Thus, they are built in syntax. Assuming that
morphological congruence is a prerequisite for the borrowing of
morphological structure (Myers-Scotton 2002), Greek compounding resists
change. This is not the case for derivation though, which seems to be more
affected by Turkish, because in both Greek and Turkish, derivation relies on
the morphological process of affixation.
Selected References
Dawkins, R. (1916). Modern Greek in Asia Minor. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Janse, M. (forthcoming). Cappadocian. In Ch. Tzitzilis (ed.) Εllinikes
dialekti [Greek dialects]. Thessaloniki: Institute for Modern Greek
Studies.
Myers-Scotton, C. (2002). Contact linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Ralli, A. (2013a). Compounding in Modern Greek. Springer.
Ralli, A. (2013b). Compounding and its locus of realization: evidence from
Greek and Turkish. Word Structure 6 (2): 181-200.
Sakkaris, G. (1940). I glossa ton Kydonion [The language of Kydonies].
Athens: Academy of Athens.
Thomason, S. & T. Kaufman (1988).Language contact, creolization and
generic linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press.
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Tobaidis, D. (2007). I sinthetes leksis stin Pontiaki dialekto [Compound
words in Pontic]. Archeion Pontou 52: 7-94.
Metaphorical and metonymical compounds:
evidence from Modern Greek dialects
Marios Andreou
University of Patras
In recent years there has been an upsurge of interest in the study of Greek
compounds (Ralli, 2010, 2013; Ralli and Andreou, 2012). The main focus of
these works is the study of the formal characteristics of compounds (e.g.
morphosyntactic properties, classification of compounds based on
grammatical relations, and the demarcation of compounds), whereas, the
study of the semantics of Greek compounding is still a desideratum.
This paper aims to fill a part of this theoretical lacuna by presenting a
study of the semantics of Greek compounds, drawing data from a number of
Modern Greek dialects. In particular, this paper focuses on the analysis of
compounds based on the semantic mechanisms of metaphor and metonymy.
For example, antigoksilo in (1) can be used metaphorically to denote ‘a
crusty person’ and a metonymical use of voidokilia in (2) can denote ‘a
person with a big belly’:
(1)
Metaphorical compounds
antigoksilo
< antig(o) ksil(o) Cephalonia
‘a crusty person’ old
wood
arkudogattos
< arkud(a) gatt(os) Peloponnese
‘a boorish person’ bear
cat
(2)
Metonymical compounds
gaidurokormo < gaidur(i) korm(i)
‘a boorish person’ donkey body
voidokilia
< void(o) kili(a) Naxos
‘who has a big belly’ ox
belly
Milos
It should be noticed that some metaphorical and metonymical compounds
may also have a literal meaning, whereas, others can only be used in a
figurative manner. In addition, it seems that metonymical compounds are
always formed by body parts as second constituents, and, as a result, in
General session
these compounds we find a part-for-whole relationship, whereas, no such
constraint holds true for metaphorical compounds.
The analysis of such formations is of paramount importance since a
number of scholars identify metonymical and metaphorical compounds with
exocentric ones (Søgaard, 2004; Bauer, 2008, 2010). This is based on the
fact that these formations clearly fail the hyponymy test. The metonymical
use of voidikilia, for example, renders the compound exocentric since it does
not denote a kind of kilia ‘belly’ but a kind of ‘person’ instead. In a similar
vein, the metaphoric use of arkudogattos shows that the compound as a
whole is not a gattos ‘cat’ but a kind of ‘person’.
This raises the question of whether the metonymical or metaphorical
use of these compounds should render them exocentric and, thus, headless.
Following Andreou (2014), in this presentation, I argue that we should not
collapse these categories, in that, nominal metonymical and metaphorical
compounds should not be considered exocentric, but endocentric instead. In
particular, failure of the hyponymy test to identify the hyperonym should
not render these compounds headless since no relation between
metaphor/metonymy and head can be established.
Selected references
Andreou, M. (2014). Headedness in word formation and lexical semantics:
evidence from Italiot and Cypriot. Ph.D. Thesis. University of Patras.
Bauer, L. (2008). Exocentric compounds. Morphology 18, 51–74.
Bauer, L. (2010). The typology of exocentric compounding. In S. Scalise
and I. Vogel (Eds.), Cross-disciplinary Issues in Compounding, pp. 167–
176. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ralli, A. (2010). Compounding versus derivation. In S. Scalise and I. Vogel
(Eds.), Cross-disciplinary issues in compounding, pp. 57–73.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Ralli, A. (2013). Compounding in Modern Greek. Dordrecht: Springer.
Ralli, A. and M. Andreou (2012). Revisiting exocentricity in compounding:
evidence from Greek and Cypriot. In F. Kiefer, M. Ladányi, and P.
Siptár (Eds.), Current issues in morphological theory: (ir)regularity,
analogy and frequency, pp. 65–81. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
Søgaard, A. (2004). Compounding theories and linguistic diversity. In Z.
Frajzyngier, D. Rood, and A. Hodges (Eds.), Linguistic diversity and
linguistic theories, pp. 319–337. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
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Auxiliary selection in Greko of Bova: a Greek-Romance comparison
Norma Schifano1, Giuseppina Silvestri2 & Maria Olimpia Squillaci3
University of Cambridge1,3, University of Trieste & University of
Cambridge2
Aims of the paper. First of all, we aim at presenting fresh evidence of
patterns of auxiliary selection and (lack of) participle agreement in the
pluperfect, both in the Italo-Greek dialect (Greko) and in the Calabrese
dialect of Bova (Reggio Calabria), recently collected with native speakers.
Secondly, we intend to investigate how such patterns emerged in the history
of these varieties and how they fit into the wider picture of auxiliary
selection and participle agreement attested across the Italian Peninsula (cf.
Manzini & Savoia 2005 for an overview; Loporcaro 2007, 2011, forthc.)
and among Greek varieties.
The data. As already noted in passim in the literature (Rohlfs 1977; Falcone
1973; Katsoyannou 1995; Remberger 2011), the pluperfect in Greko
exhibits a peculiar analytic form consisting of the imperfect of BE and the
active aorist participle, unlike standard modern Greek (Ralli 2006) and
Griko (Salento, Rohlfs ib., Baldissera 2013). Notably, the auxiliary BE is
selected regardless of verb class, i.e. including with transitives (1a) and
unergatives (1b):
(1)
A o Peppi
the P.
ito
be.IMP.3sg
b egó ce
I and
o Peppi ímmasta
travudonda
the P.
be.IMP.1pl sing.AOR.PPT
katharizzonda to spiti (Greko)
clean.AOR.PPT the house
Likewise, our novel data show that a similar pattern is attested in the
Calabrese of Bova, which forms the pluperfect with the auxiliary BE with
all verb classes, followed by the past participle (cf. also Falcone 1973;
Katsoyannou 1995, 1997 for the same remark about dialects of Bovesía),
unlike other Calabrian dialects (Trumper & Lombardi 1998):
(2) ddu figghiolu
nc’era chiamatu a Peppi (Calabrese, Bova)
that boy him.DAT.be.IMP.3sg called.PAST.PPT to Peppi
As for the agreement on the lexical verb, a previously unnoticed property of
the Calabrian of Bova is that, in spite of the selection of BE, the past
participle never exhibits agreement. The following data illustrate lack of
General session
agreement with the cliticized object of a transitive (3a) and reflexive (3b)
verb, as well as with the subject of an unaccusative (3c) and reflexive (3d)
verb, which trigger instead agreement in the other Calabrian dialects, as well
as in standard Italian (cf. elements in bold):
(3)
A ll’
era
mangiatu (dda pasta)
it.ACC.FEM.SG be.IMP.3sg eaten.MAS.SG the pasta (Calabrese, Bova)
B Maria
si ll’era
lavatu (i mani)
Maria.FEM REFLthem.FEM.PLUR.BE.IMP.3sg washed.MAS.SG the
hands
C Maria
era
Maria.FEM be.IMP.3sg
D Maria
Maria.FEM
partutu
left.MAS.SG
s’era
lavatu
REFL.BE.IMP.3sg washed.MAS.SG
Research questions. The data presented above include two necessarily
related phenomena that we intend to discuss, i.e. (i) generalised selection of
BE in the pluperfect both in Greko and in the Calabrese of Bova; (ii) lack of
participle agreement in the latter. Regarding the first point, a preliminary
survey of the second half of the 19th century texts in Greko reveals the
presence of a few present perfect forms (now extinct) selecting HAVE. If
this evidence is strengthened by further research, the auxiliary selection
exhibited by these two dialects resembles the pattern attested elsewhere in
Romance, cf. for example Procidano (Ledgeway 2009), where the HAVEBE transitive-unaccusative split in the perfect is overridden in the pluperfect
that generalises BE. The chronology and triggering factors of the loss of the
present perfect, as well as the emergence of an alleged tense-driven split of
this type in a Greek-Romance contact area, will be investigated. As for the
lack of agreement on the Calabrese past participle, this will be interpreted in
the light of D’Alessandro & Roberts’s (2008) proposal, which argues that
the presence/lack of overt past participle agreement is determined by the
Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001) and is related to the
surface position of the past participle.
Bibliography
35
36
6th MGDLT
Baldissera, V., 2013. Il dialetto grico del Salento: elementi balcanici e
contatto linguistico. Tesi di Dottorato: Università Ca’ Foscari;
Chomsky, N. (1999). Derivation by phase. MIT occasional papers in
linguistics 18, 1-43. Cambridge, MA. (Reprinted in M. Kenstowicz (ed.),
2001. Ken Hale: A Life in Language. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1-52)
D’Alessandro, R., Roberts, I., 2008. 'Movement and agreement in Italian
past participles and defective phases'. Linguistic Inquiry 39, 47791.Falcone, G., 1973. Il dialetto romaico della Bovesia. Milan: Memorie
dell’Istituto Lombardi di Scienze e Lettere;
Fanciullo, F., 1997. Fra Oriente e Occidente. Per una storia linguistica
dell’Italia Meridionale. Pisa, ETS;
Katsoyannou, M. 1995. Le parler gréco de Gallicianò: Description d’une
langue en voie de disparition. Doctoral thesis, Université Paris VII;
Katsoyannou, M. 1997. ‘Interventi simbiotici tra greco e romanzo nell'area
linguistica calabrese’. In E. Banfi (ed) Atti del secondo incontro
internazionale di lingua greca, 513-31. Trento: Università degli Studi;
Ledgeway, A., 2009. Grammatica diacronica del dialetto napoletano.
Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag;
Ledgeway, A., 2013. ‘Greek Disguised as Romance? The Case of Southern
Italy’. In M. Janse, B. D. Joseph, A. Ralli and M. Bagriacik (eds),
Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Greek Dialects and
Linguistic Theory. University of Patras, 184-228;
Ledgeway, A., forthc. a. ‘Greek Disguised as Romance? Interpreting
Language Convergence and Divergence in Terms of Parameter
Hierarchies’. In M. Janse, B. Joseph and A. Ralli (eds), Current Issues in
Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. Newcastle upon Tyne:
Cambridge Scholars Publishing;
Ledgeway, A., forthc. b. ‘Parameter Hierarchies and Greek-Romance
Complementation in southern Italy’. In G. Giusti (ed.), Working on
Balkan Romance Contact;
Loporcaro, M., 2007. On triple auxiliation in Romance. Linguistics XLV,
177-222;
Loporcaro, M., 2011. Two euroversals in a global perspective: auxiliation
and alignment. In P. Siemund (ed), Linguistic Universals and Language
Variation. Berlin: De Gruyter, 55-91;
Loporcaro, M., fortc. Auxiliary selection and participial agreement. In A.
Ledgeway and M. Maiden (eds), The Oxford Guide to the Romance
Languages. Oxford: OUP;
Manzini, M.R., Savoia, L., 2005. I dialetti italiani e romanci: morfosintassi
generativa. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso;
General session
Ralli, A., 2006. Syntactic and Morpho-syntactic Phenomena in Modern
Greek Dialects. Journal of Greek Linguistics, 121-159;
Remberger, E. M., 2011. Morfosintassi verbale dei dialetti neogreci in
Calabria. In W. Breu (ed), L'influsso dell'italiano sul sistema del verbo
delle lingue minoritarie, Bochum, Brockmeyer, 29, 17-39;
Rohlfs, G., 1977. Grammatica storica dei dialetti Italo-Greci. München:
Beck;
Trumper, J., Lombardi, A., 1998. Il ruolo della morfologia verbale nella
determinazione di eteroglosse calabresi significative. In G. Ruffino (ed.)
Atti del XXI Congresso Internazionale di Linguistica e Filologia
Romanza. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 815-26.
Πολυσυλλεκτικότητα ή εντοπιότητα;
Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης
Nikolaos Liosis
Institute of Modern Greek Studies
Με τον όρο ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης περιγράφονται τα ελληνικά
που μιλιούνταν στην ίδια την πόλη αλλά και στην ευρύτερη κεντρική ζώνη
των δυτικών παραλίων της Μικράς Ασίας μαζί με τη χερσόνησο της
Ερυθραίας (Λιόσης, 2014). Με βάση ιστορικές μαρτυρίες (Τριανταφυλλίδης
1993· Τομπαΐδης 1996, 236–37, μεταξύ άλλων) το ελληνικό στοιχείο της
περιοχής, που συνυπήρχε με πολυάριθμους Τούρκους και λίγους ξένους,
ενισχύθηκε κατά τον 18ο και τον 19ο αιώνα από νησιώτες αλλά και από
κατοίκους της ηπειρωτικής Ελλάδας. Εξετάζεται επομένως η συμβολή των
επιδράσεων από άλλες διαλέκτους της ελληνικής και από άλλες γλώσσες
στη διαμόρφωση της διαλεκτικής ταυτότητας της περιοχής. Η υπόθεση
εργασίας είναι ότι παρά τις υπαρκτές επιδράσεις τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής
εντάσσονται οργανικά σε ένα διαλεκτικό συνεχές που ξεκινά από τη Θράκη
και τα ιδιώματα της Βιθυνίας και καταλήγει στις νοτιοανατολικές
νησιωτικές διαλέκτους. Μοιράζονται δέσμες χαρακτηριστικών που
επιτρέπουν τη θεώρησή τους όχι μόνο ως μη μεταφερμένης, αυτόνομης
διαλεκτικής ενότητας αλλά και ως μεταβατικής ζώνης ανάμεσα στα
θρακοβιθυνιακά και τα νοτιοανατολικά ιδιώματα. Η παραπάνω θεώρηση
στηρίζει τη διάκριση ανάμεσα στις διαλέκτους της μικρασιατικής
ενδοχώρας (ποντιακή, καππαδοκική, φαρασιώτικα, σιλλιώτικα), που μαζί με
τα κριμαιοαζοφικά αποτελούν ενιαία διαλεκτική ομάδα, και σε άλλα
ιδιώματα της Μικράς Ασίας (βιθυνιακά, ιδιώματα της περιοχής της
Σμύρνης, λιβισιώτικα) που δεν διαθέτουν τα γλωσσικά χαρακτηριστικά των
πρώτων (Τζιτζιλής 2014).
37
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6th MGDLT
Ειδική αναφορά γίνεται στο ιδίωμα της πόλης της Σμύρνης, που υπήρξε
ανέκαθεν ένα μεγάλο αστικό κέντρο με τη δυνατότητα να προσελκύει
πληθυσμούς από διάφορες περιοχές του ελληνόφωνου κόσμου αλλά και
εκτός αυτού. Επομένως ειδικά το σμυρναϊκό ιδίωμα, στο οποίο
συνυπάρχουν ετερόκλητα στοιχεία που αποδεικνύουν τον πολυσυλλεκτικό
χαρακτήρα του, προσφέρεται για τη μελέτη φαινομένων διαλεκτικής
διαπραγμάτευσης και ανάμειξης (negotiation / mixture) που οδηγούν: α)
στην ελεύθερη εναλλαγή των γλωσσικών μεταβλητών, β) στην αναδιανομή
τους στο σύστημα για τη διαφοροποιητική σήμανση κατηγοριών, και γ)
στην κατάργηση κάποιων από αυτές που δεν είναι κοινές στις
συνυπάρχουσες υποστρωματικές ποικιλίες (dialect leveling). Σε ό,τι αφορά
την επίδραση στo σμυρναϊκό ιδίωμα άλλων γλωσσών (κυρίως της ιταλικής
και της τουρκικής) η παρουσία στοιχείων χαμηλής δανεισιμότητας, όπως
ρημάτων, άκλιτων, γραμματικών δεικτών κλπ. (πρβ. Matras 2007),
αποδεικνύει ότι το ιδίωμα συνυπήρξε με τις γλώσσες αυτές σε καθεστώς
σχετικά έντονης επαφής.
Ενδεικτική βιβλιογραφία
Hinskens, F. 1998. Dialect Levelling: A Two-dimensional Process. Folia
Linguistica 32 (1-2), 35-52.
Κωνσταντινίδου, Μ. 2005. “Μικρασιατικά ιδιώματα περιοχής Βιθυνίας και
Ιωνίας (αποτελέσματα μιας γλωσσικής αποστολής)”, Λεξικογραφικό
Δελτίο 25, 119–48.
Λιόσης, Ν. (2014). “Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης”, στο Τζιτζιλής,
Χ. (επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο
Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών.
Matras, Y. 2007. “The borrowability of structural categories”, in Matras, Y.
& J. Sakel (eds.) Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-linguistic
Perspective. Berlin, 31–75.
Μηλιώρης, Ν. Ε. 1972. “Στοιχεία του γλωσσικού ιδιώματος των Βουρλών
της Μικράς Ασίας”, Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 15, 223–312.
Παπαδόπουλος, Α. Α. 1919. Ο υπόδουλος ελληνισμός της ασιατικής Ελλάδος
εθνικώς και γλωσσικώς εξεταζόμενος. Αθήνα, Σύλλογος προς Διάδοσιν
Ωφελίμων Βιβλίων.
Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (2014). “Οι μικρασιατικές διάλεκτοι”, στο Τζιτζιλής, Χ.
(επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών
Σπουδών.
Τομπαΐδης, Δ. Ε. 1996. Μελετήματα Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου. Θεσσαλονίκη,
Κώδικας.
General session
Τριανταφυλλίδης, Μ. 1993 [1938]. Νεοελληνική Γραμματική. Ιστορική
Εισαγωγή. Ανατύπωση με διορθώσεις. Θεσσαλονίκη, Ινστιτούτο
Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη).
Trudgill, P. 1986. Dialects in Contact. Oxford, Blackwell.
Συντελικές περιφραστικές δομές:
δεδομένα από μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους
Symeon Tsolakidis
Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects, University of Patras
Η ανακοίνωση αυτή αποτελεί μια συμβολή στην τυπολογία των συντελικών
περιφραστικών δομών (ΣΠΔ) με έμφαση στις μικρασιατικές νεοελληνικές
(NE) διαλέκτους των Καππαδοκικών και των Ποντιακών. Η εξέταση των
ΣΠΔ στις δύο διαλέκτους εντάσσεται στη γενικότερη θεωρητική συζήτηση
του κατά πόσο δομές που σε πιο παραδοσιακές γραμματικές περιγραφές
αναφέρονται ως υπερσυντέλικος, είναι όντως ΣΠΔ (βλ. ενδεικτικά Μόζερ
2009), και συσχετίζεται με τις απόψεις και τα δεδομένα που διαθέτουμε
τόσο σε επίπεδο διαχρονίας της ελληνικής όσο και επίπεδο διαλεκτολογίας
για την προέλευση και εξέλιξη των νεοελληνικών ΣΠΔ (Μπαζούκης 2003,
Markopoulos 2009, Ράλλη κ.ά. 2007, Τσολακίδης 2011).
Οι δύο διάλεκτοι διαφέρουν ως προς το ότι στα Καππαδοκικά δεν
απαντούν οι NE ΣΠΔ Α’ και Β’, π.χ.
(1) ’exo
‘γrapsi
“I have written”
have.1S.PRES write.INF.PASS
(2) ’exo
γra’meno
to ‘γrama
have.1S.PRES write.PPL.PERF.N.ACC.S the letter.N.ACC.S
“I have written the letter”
(3) ’ime
γra’menos
“I am written”
be.1S.PRES write.PPL.PERF
ενώ στα Ποντιακά έχουμε ΣΠΔ Β’, π.χ.:
(4) 'exo
γra'menon
to 'γraman
have.1S.PRES write.PPL.N.ACC.S the letter.N.ACC.S
“I have written the letter”
(5) 'ime
nega’smenos “I have gotten tired”
be.1S.PRES get tired.PPL.PERF
39
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6th MGDLT
Kοινό χαρακτηριστικό των δύο διαλέκτων είναι η παρουσία μιας δομής που
έχει τη μορφή [αόριστος + (άκλιτο) γ' ενικό παρατατικού του ΕΙΜΑΙ] η
εμφάνιση της οποίας οφείλεται σε επίδραση της Τουρκικής (Dawkins 1916,
Οικονομίδης 1958). Η εξέλιξη/λειτουργία της συγκεκριμένης δομής δε
φαίνεται να είναι εντελώς η ίδια και στις δύο διαλέκτους. Στην περίπτωση
των Καππαδοκικών είναι γενικά αποδεκτό ότι χρησιμοποιείται τόσο με
λειτουργία υπερσυντέλικου, π.χ.
(6) vasi’leγas joro’asin
tani
‘skotosin
du
king
grow old.3PL.PAST be.3S.PAST kill.3S.PAST him
ci ‘jenin
ma’fto t vasi’leγas
and become.3S.PAST himself king
“the king had grown old. He killed him and became king himself”
όσο και (μέσω του συνδυασμού του άκλιτου β’ συστατικού με υποτακτική
και όχι με οριστική αορίστου) με τροπική λειτουργία (Dawkins 1916), π.χ.
(7) ku’nda m na ‘itose,
to ar’ni na to ‘pçasum
ton
by me
to be.2S.PAST the lamb to it catch.1PL.SBJV be.3S.PAST
“had you been by me, we would have caught the lamb”
Στα δε Ποντιακά η συγκεκριμένη δομή λειτουργεί ως υπερσυντέλικος, με
την έννοια ότι δηλώνει κάτι που συνέβη στο παρελθόν πριν από κάποια
άλλη παρελθοντική πράξη και οι συνέπειές του εξακολουθούν ακόμα να
ισχύουν τη στιγμή της δεύτερης πράξης (πρβ. Dahl & Velupillai 2013). Με
άλλα λόγια χρησιμοποιείται για να δηλώσει το συντελεσμένο προτερόχρονο
στο παρελθόν, π.χ.
(8)
tin Panae’tinan e’jenesa
‘eton
the panaetina
give birth.1S.PAST be.3S.PAST
a’totes ‘erθen
i ro’sia sa ‘meræ mun
then
come.3S.PAST the Russia in places ours
“soon after having given birth to Panajotina, the Russian army came to our
lands”
αλλά (σε αντίθεση με τα Καππαδοκικά) με τον περιορισμό ότι το
προτερόχρονο παρελθοντικό συμβάν βρίσκεται σε πολύ κοντινή χρονική
απόσταση ή είναι σχεδόν ή εν μέρει ταυτόχρονο με το υστερόχρονο
General session
παρελθοντικό συμβάν με το οποίο συσχετίζεται. Επιπλέον, στα Ποντιακά η
συγκεκριμένη δομή συνδυαζόμενη και με παρατατικό, π.χ.
‘etroen
‘eton
onton e’sevan
a’pes ta pe’δia
eat.3S.IPFV.PAST be.3S.PAST when enter.3S.PAST inside the children
“It was during his meal that the boys came in”
εντάχθηκε καλύτερα στο ρηματικό σύστημα της διαλέκτου, στο οποίο
βασικό ρόλο παίζει η διάκριση [+/-συνοπτικό] (Drettas, 1997).
Ανασταλτικά προς τον αναλογικό σχηματισμό ενός αντίστοιχου
παρακειμένου με τη μορφή [αόριστος + (άκλιτο) γ' ενικό ενεστώτα του
ΕΙΜΑΙ] μπορεί να λειτούργησε το γεγονός ότι, όπως αναφέρθηκε και
παραπάνω, τα ποντιακά διέθεταν ΣΠΔ Β’. Το γιατί, βέβαια, παρά την
ύπαρξη αυτών των ΣΠΔ, εμφανίστηκε ο υπερσυντέλικος με το ‘eton,
οφείλεται κατά κύριο λόγο στην ισχυρή επίδραση της Τουρκικής. Σε κάθε
περίπτωση θεωρούμε ότι το ‘eton στα Ποντιακά εξελίχθηκε σε έναν δείκτη
του προτερόχρονου που θα μπορούσε να είναι είτε συντελεσμένο είτε όχι.
Συνολικά, από την αντιπαραβολική μελέτη των Καππαδοκικών και
των Ποντιακών, βλέπουμε ότι οι δύο διάλεκτοι, αν και δανείστηκαν την ίδια
δομή από την Τουρκική, δεν την ενέταξαν–προσάρμοσαν στο σύστημά τους
με τον ίδιο ακριβώς τρόπο. Σε κάθε περίπτωση όμως ο δανεισμός της
συγκεκριμένης δομής οδήγησε στην εμφάνιση ΣΠΔ σε δύο νεοελληνικές
διαλέκτους που (με εξαίρεση τις ποντιακές ΣΠΔ Β’) δε φαίνεται να ανήκουν
σε εκείνες τις νεοελληνικές διαλεκτικές ποικιλίες στις οποίες παρατηρήθηκε
η τάση για εμφάνιση ΣΠΔ μετά την απώλεια των συνθετικών ΣΠΔ της
Ελληνικής κατά την ελληνιστική περίοδο.
Βιβλιογραφία
Dahl Ö & V. Velupillai 2013. “The Perfect”. Στο Dryer M. & M.
Haspelmath (επιμ.), The world atlas of language structures online.
Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
(http://wals.info/chapter/68).
Dawkins R. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor. Cambridge: CUP.
Drettas G. 1997. Aspects pontiques. Paris: ARP.
Markopoulos T. 2009. The Future in Greek. Oxford: OUP.
Μόζερ Α. 2009. Άποψη και χρόνος στην ιστορία στην ιστορία της ελληνικής.
Αθήνα: Παρουσία.
Μπαζούκης Θ. 2003. Για την πορεία της γραμματικοιποίησης της περίφρασης
του νεοελληνικού Παρακειμένυο Α'. Μεταπτ. διατρ. ΑΠΘ.
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6th MGDLT
Οικονομίδης Δ. 1958. Γραμματική της ελληνικής διαλέκτου του Πόντου.
Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών.
Ράλλη Α., Μελισσαροπούλου Δ. & Σ. Τσολακίδης 2007. «Ο παρακείμενος
στη νέα ελληνική και στις διαλέκτους». ΜΕΓ 27, 361-372.
Τσολακίδης Σ. 2011. «Γραμματικοποιημένες δομές δυνητικής τροπικότητας
στις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους Στο M. Janse, B. Joseph, P. Pavlou, A.
Ralli, and S. Armosti (επιμ.), Μελέτες για τις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους και
τη γλωσσολογική θεωρία. Λευκωσία: Κέντρο Μελετών Ιεράς Μονής
Κύκκου, 215-225.
Modal markers in Pontic and Cappadocian: disentangling the evidences
Theodore Markopoulos
University of Patras
The morphosyntactic and semantic / pragmatic properties of the Modern
Greek future-referring (and modal) construction based on the ‘particle’ θα
have attracted a lot of interest, with relation not only to the Standard Modern
Greek situation (cf. e.g. Tsangalidis, 1999), but to the diachronic
developments associated with this form as well (cf. mainly Joseph &
Pappas, 2002, Markopoulos, 2008). The equivalent constructions in the
Modern Greek dialects have not been extensively investigated, though, as
the only basic survey of the various extant forms accompanied by some
idiosyncratic properties is found in Markopoulos (2006). But even this
initial examination had explicitly excluded two important (albeit divergent
from most other) groups of Modern Greek dialects, namely Pontic and
Cappadocian. The main aim of this paper is to remedy this fact and address
the issue of the future-referring construction in those varieties.
Pontic constitutes one of the most thoroughly examined dialects,
partly because of its divergent linguistic character and partly because of the
large number of Pontic speakers inhabiting Greece. Nevertheless, a number
of issues related to this dialect remain unexplored, prominent among them
being the expression of futurity and the overall properties of the θα
construction. It is noteworthy that Papadopoulos (1955) only mentions that
the future in Pontic is realized with the θα construction, while Oikonomidis
(1958) argues that, instead of θα, ha and να are also used in some areas,
without stating which areas these might be. On the other hand, in a recent
description of the variety of Ofis (Revythiadou, Spyropoulos & Kakarikos,
2011), it is argued that θα is completely absent from this area, the future
reference being expressed through the utilization of the marker να. A similar
situation apparently obtains in Cappadocian (Dawkins, 1916), with some
minor exceptions in varieties (e.g. Silli) where the form σε (equivalent to θε)
General session
is attested. It is obvious that the relevant literature leaves a lot to desire.
Therefore, this article specifically aims to:
a) Establish the areal and sociolinguistic distribution of the θα
constructions in the Pontic and Cappadocian dialects,
b) Explore the inter-relationship between the θα and the να constructions
wherever these appear to overlap, and
c) Draw some initial conclusions on the overall history of these
constructions based on the Pontic and Cappadocian evidence, given the
fact that these dialects (and especially the latter) developed basically
independently from all other Modern Greek dialects from the Late
Medieval period onwards.
The thorough investigation into the properties of these constructions will be
based on the extensive corpus of written (linguistic and metalinguistic)
sources from both Pontic and Cappadocian (totalling approximately two
million words), created under the auspices of the THALES AmiGre project
that aspires to offer a comprehensive examination of the Asia Minor Greek
dialects.
References
Dawkins, R. M. (1916) Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A study of the dialects
of Silli, Cappadocia and Pharasa, with grammar, texts, translations and
glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Joseph, B. & P. Pappas (2002) “On some recent views concerning the
development of the Greek future system”. Byzantine and Modern Greek
Studies 26: 247-73.
Markopoulos, T. (2006) “The development of future / modality markers:
evidence from Modern Greek dialects”. Στο: M. Janse, B. Joseph & A.
Ralli (eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of Modern
Greek dialects and Linguistic Theory, University of Patras: 236-55.
Markopoulos, T. (2008) The Future in Greek: From Ancient to Medieval.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Oikonomidis, D. (1958) Γραμματική της Ελληνικής διαλέκτου του Πόντου.
Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών.
Papadopoulos, A. (1955) Ιστορική Γραμματική της Ποντικής διαλέκτου.
Αθήνα: Επιτροπή Ποντιακών Μελετών.
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Revythiadou, A., Spyropoulos V. & K. Kakarikos (2011) “Η ταυτότητα της
οφίτικης ποντιακής: μια γλωσσολογική μελέτη των πηγών και των
ομιλητών της”. Δελτίο Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών 17: 217 – 276.
Tsangalidis, A. (1999) Will and tha: a comparative study of the category
future. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
To ρηματικό επίθημα -σκ- στην Καππαδοκική
Nikolaos Pantelidis (University of Athens)
Σε πολλά καππαδοκικά ιδιώματα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των ιδιωμάτων
των Φαράσων και της Σίλλης, ο μη συνοπτικός παρωχημένος (παρατατικός)
των οξύτονων ρημάτων (κλιτική τάξη 1) σχηματίζεται με το επίθημα -(ι)σκ-,
π.χ. φέρισκα, λέισκα, έχισκα, γράφισκα κ.λπ. δημιουργώντας αλλομορφία με
βάση την κατηγορία του χρόνου εντός της μη συνοπτικής ρηματικής όψης
των ρημάτων της κλιτικής τάξης 1, σε αντίθεση με ότι συμβαίνει στην
Κοινή Νεοελληνική και στις περισσότερες ποικιλίες της. Το επίθημα
ανάγεται στο αρχαίο ελληνικό -(ί)σκ- (π.χ. γιγνώ-σκ-ω, εὑρ-ίσκ-ω κ.λπ.), το
οποίο με τη σειρά του συνεχίζει ινδοευρωπαϊκό επίθημα (*-sk-) με πιθανόν
παραγωγική λειτουργία (βλ. μεταξύ άλλων Meier-Brügger 2010:303-304,
LIV σ.10-11).
Σε ορισμένα από τα ιδιώματα αυτά η χρήση του επιθήματος έχει
επεκταθεί και σε οξύτονα ρήματα (κλιτική τάξη 2), προσαρτώμενο στην
προϋπάρχουσα δομή, η οποία εμφανίζει θεματική αλλομορφία με τον
ενεστώτα, π.χ. πορπαd-ώ : πορπάdιν-α και πορπάdιν-ισκ-α (Φερτάκαινα).
Ιδιαίτερο ενδιαφέρον παρουσιάζει επίσης η συσσώρευση κλιτικών
επιθημάτων σε περιπτώσεις όπως του στοιχείου –ινόντζισκα στο ιδίωμα της
Σίλλης. Το στοιχείο αυτό μάλιστα χρησιμοποιείται τόσο στην ενεργητική
όσο και στη μεσοπαθητική φωνή (Dawkins 1916, σ.53-56).
Το στοιχείο -(ι)σκ- σχηματίζει τον μη συνοπτικό παρωχημένο
βαρύτονων ρημάτων (κλιτική τάξη 1) και σε ορισμένα βόρεια ιδιώματα
(Παπαδόπουλος 1927:89), ενώ στην Κυπριακή το επίθημα -ισκ- σχηματίζει
μη συνοπτικό θέμα (Μενάρδος 1969:103-104, Συμεωνίδης ).
Κοινός σε όλες τις παραπάνω διαλέκτους είναι ο χαρακτήρας του (ι)σκ- ως κλιτικού και όχι παραγωγικού επιθήματος. Στην παρούσα
ανακοίνωση εξετάζονται και διερευνώνται:
α) Το ακριβές status του επιθήματος στην Αρχαία Ελληνική.
β) Οι διαφορές στη συμπεριφορά του επιθήματος μεταξύ των διαφόρων
καππαδοκικών ιδιωμάτων.
γ) Η διαδικασία μετατροπής του επιθήματος σε αμιγώς κλιτικό και
γενικότερα η επέκταση της χρήσης του στην πορεία προς τη Ν.
General session
δ) Οι παράγοντες που ευνόησαν την παρουσία του σε δομές που εμφανίζουν
συσσώρευση επιθημάτων και οι πιθανές επιδράσεις της Τουρκικής.
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis:
Towards a new Typology of Loanwords
Brian D. Joseph
Ohio-State University
Ronzevalle 1911 documents a variety of northern Greek spoken during the
Ottoman era in Adrianoupolis, present-day Edirne, that shows a
considerable amount of influence from Turkish. In this presentation, I first
offer a descriptive account of the pervasive lexical evidence of Turkish
influence and demonstrate that it is to a far greater degree than lexical
borrowing typically shows. Then, working from that evidence, I develop a
typology of loanwords that goes beyond what has been observed to date and
takes in the Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek evidence. I show further how
this new typology helps to account for the both the lexical and structural
convergence found in the Balkan Sprachbund more generally.
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis:
word formation, loanword formation and hybrid word-formation
Mark Janse
Ghent University
Ronzevalle 1911 documents a variety of northern Greek spoken during the
Ottoman era in Adrianoupolis, present-day Edirne, that shows a
considerable amount of influence from Turkish. In this presentation, I
discuss various aspects of loanword-formation in Ottoman-era
Adrianoupolis Greek using different integrators (in the sense of Ralli 2012)
to distinguish regular from hybrid loanword-formation. I focus on verbs in dízu vs those in -év(γ)ο, the integrator -dízu being used to derive verbs from
Turkish verbs, the integrator -év(γ)o to derive verbs from Turkish nouns
which have no verbal counterpart.
Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die
Petros Karatsareas1 & Athanasios Georgakopoulos2
University of the West of England & Open University of Cyprus1, Freie
Universität Berlin2
The Cappadocian variety of Ulaghátsh is unique among the Greek-speaking
world in having lost the inherited preposition ΕΙΣ. The innovation is found
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with both locative and allative uses and has affected both syntactic contexts
in which ΕΙΣ was originally found, that is, as a simple preposition (1) and as
the left-occurring member of circumpositions of the type ΕΙΣ + NP +
SPATIAL ADVERB (2).
(1)
a. τράνσε κι το μεϊdάν εν άβια
(Dawkins 1916: 348)
b. τα ερυο ντα qαρντάσα έβγαν το qονάq (Dawkins 1916: 354)
(2)
έμη τα qονάκια μέσα, κιρύσdε το γιασd q πίσω (Dawkins 1916: 348)
In this paper, we set out to provide (a) a diachronic account of the loss of ΕΙΣ
in Asia Minor Greek, and (b) a synchronic analysis of its ramifications for
the encoding of the semantic and grammatical functions it had prior to its
loss.
The diachronic development of ΕΙΣ is traced by comparing the
Ulaghátsh data with those obtained from Cappadocian varieties that have
neither lost it nor do they show signs of losing it and, crucially, also from
varieties in which EIS is in the process of being lost. The comparative
analysis shows that the loss first became manifest in circumpositions in
which EIS was preposed to the complement to which in turn a wide range of
adverbs expressing topological relations were postposed (έμη σα qονάκια
μέσα > έμη τα qονάκια μέσα). This finding is accounted for in terms of Sinha
and Kuteva’s (1995) distributed spatial semantics framework, which accepts
that the elements involved in the constructions under investigation—the
verb (έμη), ΕΙΣ and the spatial adverb (μέσα)—all contribute to the
expression of the spatial relational meaning but with differences in
weighting. Of the three, ΕΙΣ made the most minimal contribution, the bulk of
it being distributed over the verb and the adverb. This allowed for it to be
optionally dropped from circumpositions, a stage attested in Phloïtá
Cappadocian and Silliot, and to be later completely abandoned, originally in
allative and subsequently in locative contexts (earlier: έβγαν σο qονάq >
έβγαν το qονάq; later σο μεϊdάν εν άβια > το μεϊdάν εν άβια). The earlier loss
in allative contexts is also dealt with in distributed semantics terms as verbs
of motion such as έβγαν are semantically more loaded than vacuous verbs
like the copula εν and therefore the preposition could be left out in the
former context more easily than in the latter. The analysis also addresses the
possibility that the loss of ΕΙΣ may ultimately originate in substandard forms
of Medieval Greek, which according to Tachibana (1994) displayed SPATIAL
ADVERB + NP constructions. Consider, for example, κατέβημεν χαρζανιστοὶ
ἀνάμεσα τὸν κάμπον (Διγ. Ε, 509).
General session
Applying the semantic map model (Croft 2003, Haspelmath 2003),
the synchronic analysis of the varieties that retain ΕΙΣ reveals that—like
many other allative markers crosslinguistically—it displays a pattern of
multifunctionality in expressing nine different functions (among others
allative, locative, recipient, addressee, experiencer), which can be mapped
against four domains, viz. the spatiotemporal, the social, the mental and the
logico-textual (cf. Rice & Kabata 2007). In Ulaghátsh Cappadocian, none of
these functions is overtly marked as such. In cases like (1), the intended
spatial relational meaning is arrived at through the combination of the
syntax and the inherent semantics of the verb and the zero-marked NP as
well as from the context. In environments of the type exemplified by (2), the
adverb contributes further to the correct interpretation. The analysis
additionally shows that, despite the loss of ΕΙΣ, Ulaghátsh patterns with all
other Cappadocian varieties in one important aspect: Goal and Location are
expressed similarly (by zero in Ulaghátsh, by ΕΙΣ in the other varieties)
whereas Source is being kept distinct (expressed by ΑΠΟ in all varieties).
Goal-Location polysemy is very common across the world’s languages and,
most crucially, prevails over other possible polysemies in the tripartite
distinction Source—Location—Goal (Lestrade 2010, Nikitina 2009). Taking
into account this empirical observation, our findings suggest that the
reorganisation of spatial systems can have a local effect—in our case the
loss of a member of the prepositional paradigm—but will keep the original
global picture intact, thus conforming to crosslinguistically robust
tendencies.
References
Croft, W. 2001. Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic Theory in
Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dawkins, R. M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of the Dialects
of Sílli, Cappadocia and Phárasa with Grammar, Texts, Translations
and Glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Haspelmath, M. 2003. The geometry of grammatical meaning: semantic
maps and cross-linguistic comparison. In M. Tomasello (Ed.), The New
Psychology of Language, Volume 2. New York: Erlbaum, 211–243.
Lestrade, S. 2010. The Space of Case. Doctoral dissertation. Radboud
University Nijmegen.
Nikitina, T. 2009. Subcategorization pattern and lexical meaning of motion
verbs: a study of the source/goal ambiguity. Linguistics 47, 1113–1141.
Rice, S. & K. Kabata. 2007. Cross-linguistic grammaticalization patterns of
the allative. Linguistic Typology 11, 451–514.
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Sinha, C. & T. Kuteva. 1995. Distributed spatial semantics. Nordic Journal
of Linguistics 18:2, 167–199.
Tachibana, T. 1994. Syntactic structure of spatial expressions in the “Late
Byzantine Prose Alexander Romance”. Propylaia 6, 35–51.
Revisiting the borrowability scale(s) of grammatical elements: evidence
from Modern Greek contact induced varieties
Dimitra Melissaropoulou & Michalis Marinis
University of Patras
Borrowability of a wide range of categories and category domains is
admittedly a hotly debated issue in language contact studies. In this vein,
several hierarchies, well-known as borrowability scales ‒some of them
based on specific case studies (e.g. Haugen 1950, Muysken 1981)‒ have
been formulated (see among others Moravçsik 1975, 1978; Thomason &
Kaufman 1988; Campbell 1993;Thomason 2001; Field 2002; Winford 2003;
Elsík and Matras 2006; Matras 2007, 2009) to measure ease of borrowing
bearing temporal, implicational, quantitative and probabilistic
interpretations irrespectively of the typology of the involved languages,
advocating thus a universalist approach to borrowing.
The aim of this paper is to offer further insights on the borrowability
of grammatical elements, which are usually thought of as less amenable to
borrowing due to their nature as structurally cohesive, closed-class items,
using as empirical test bed two Modern Greek contact induced varieties. Our
data1 set involves on the one hand, Cappadocian in contact with the
agglutinative Altaic Turkish, while, on the other hand, Grico in contact with
the semi-fusional analytic Indo-European Italian.
More specifically, the questions that are going to be addressed are as
follows:
a) Do the above mentioned case studies confirm the general outline of the
proposed hierarchies concerning borrowability of grammatical elements?
Do dialectal data challenge their universal character? To what extent a
need of refinement or revision proves to be necessary?
1
The data under investigation are extracted from the available written
sources (among others Tommasi 1996, Stomeo 1996, Karanastasis 1997,
Rohlfs 1977, Cassoni 1999, Filieri 2001, Dawkins 1916, Mavrochalyvides
1990, Janse forthcoming etc.) as well as from the oral corpora of the
Laboratory of Modern Greek dialects at the University of Patras.
General session
b) What type of constraints (social and/or linguistic) could account for the
observed divergence in the borrowability of overt grammatical elements?
To this end, our data reveal that the existing scales (cf. Muysken 1981) are
not verified raising issues either on the universality of grammatical
borrowing or on the existing formulation, thus calling for refinement. For
example neither of the systems under scrutiny display borrowed clitic
pronouns while they seem to have adapted a vast range of subordinating
conjunctions which are thought of as the last items to be borrowed in the
relevant hierarchy, many more than the coordinating ones which are ranked
relatively higher in the scale. Similar issues arise with respect to
borrowability of prepositions.
In an effort to account for the observed divergence we propose that
apart from factors which relate to the duration and intensity of contact (cf.
Thomason and Kaufman 1988; Haspelmath 2008), linguistic constraints,
such as the structure of the involved systems and the (in)compatibility
factor, play crucial role in the borrowability of grammatical elements.
Interestingly, in some cases borrowability of grammatical elements is
captured more efficiently when interrelated with grammatical pattern
replication (cf. Matras & Sakel 2007). In this spirit, a more generalized
version of borrowability scale is advocated, incorporating the proposed
constraints in order to be able to capture the cross-linguistic divergence.
Findings contribute to our understanding of the long-term
consequences of language contact, the universality of borrowing and the
dimensions and parameters within it can be pursued.
Selected References
Campbell, Lyle 1993. On proposed universals of grammatical borrowing. In
Henk Aertsen & Robert J. Jeffers (eds.), Historical Linguistics 1989, 91–
109. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Elsík, Viktor and Yaron Matras 2006. Markedness and Language Change:
The Romani Sample. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Field, Frederic W. 2002. Linguistic Borrowing in Bilingual Contexts.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Haspelmath, Martin. 2008. Loanword typology: Steps toward a systematic
cross-linguistic study of lexical borrowability. In Thomas Stolz, Dick
Bakker & Rosa Salas Palomo (eds.), Aspects of language contact: New
theoretical, methodological and empirical findings with special focus on
Romancisation processes, 43-62. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
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Haugen, Einar 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language 26,
210–31.
Matras, Yaron 2007. The borrowability of grammatical categories. In Yaron
Matras & Jeanette Sakel (eds.), Grammatical Borrowing in CrossLinguistic Perspective, 31–74. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Matras, Yaron 2009. Language Contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Matras, Yaron & Jeanette Sakel. 2007. Investigating the mechanisms of
pattern replication in language convergence. Studies in Language 31,
829-865.
Moravcsik, Edith A. 1978. Language contact. In Joseph H. Greenberg (ed.),
Universals of Human Language, vol. 1: Method and Theory, 94–122.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Moravcsik, Edith 1975. Borrowed verbs. Wiener Linguistische Berichte 8,
3–30.
Muysken, Pieter 1981. Halfway between Quechua and Spanish: the case for
relexification. In Arnold Highfield & Albert Valdman (eds.), Historicity
and Variation in Creole Studies. Ann Arbor: Karoma, pp. 52–78.
Myers-Scotton, Carol 2002. Contact Linguistics: Bilingual Encounters and
Grammatical Outcomes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Thomason, Sarah G. 2001. Language Contact: An Introduction. Edinburgh
and Washington, DC: Edinburgh University Press and Georgetown
University Press.
Thomason, Sarah G. & Terrence Kaufman 1988. Language Contact,
Creolization and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
Winford, Donald 2003. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Oxford:
Blackwell.
Thumb's Up! Our Updating of Thumb's Classic Work on Modern Greek
Mark Janse1 and Brian D. Joseph2
Ghent University1, Ohio-State University2
With funding from the Center for Hellenic Studies in Washington, DC,
during 2013-2014, we began the first steps toward an updating of Albert
Thumb’s classic work, Handbuch der neugriechischen Volkssprache,
originally published in 1895 (second edition, 1910) in German and then
translated into English by Samuel Angus and published in 1912 under the
title Handbook of the modern Greek vernacular: grammar, texts, glossary.
In this presentation, we report on our overall plan for the updating and on
our progress to date, and touch on a particularly important aspect of the
General session
project for the study of Greek dialects. That is, we found that the variety of
Modern Greek which Thumb describes – late 19th century vernacular Greek,
treated by Thumb as an emerging κοινή – showed greater affinities with
varieties that in present-day Greek are found in regional dialects than with
anything approximating the present-day demotic κοινή, roughly the standard
language as spoken in the capital of Athens and its environs. Thus we
document here some of the forms that led us to this assessment, with
particular attention to forms within a subclass of neuter nouns, and we
discuss them against a backdrop of the Greek language question (το
γλωσσικό ζήτημα) and its accompanying language ideology. In particular,
we show how they together played a role in the reshaping of present-day
demotic in the direction of Classical Greek, thereby leaving older forms to
occur today only in regional dialects.
The acoustic properties of the vowel system of Pontic: Comparison
between the variety of Argiroulopi and the variety of Kerasounda
Dimitris Papazachariou
University of Patras
The aim of this paper is to compare the acoustic characteristics of the vowel
systems of two Pontic varieties, as they are spoken by two different groups
of Pontic speakers in Greece, one having their origin at Argiroupolis of
Pontos, and the second at Kerasounda.
Previous studies have presented a variety of Pontic vowel systems,
some of them quite complex, with ten different vowel sounds (Οικονομίδης
1958), and some of them with fewer vowels, but at the same time more than
the five vowels of the standard Modern Greek (Drettas 1999 & 2000,
Ρεβυθιάδου & Σπυρόπουλος 2012, Χατζησαββίδης 1985), suggesting that
the above difference could be result of the variation between different Pontic
varieties.
At the same time, Pontic speakers have lived in Greece for more than
90 years, and even though some of them live in homogeneous speech
communities, they have certainly come in contact with standard Greek, as
well as with other local Greek dialects. Although Pontic communities are
considered quite closed networks, at least until the late 60’s, processes of
leveling – i.e. the first long-term mechanism that leads to the formulation of
a new koine – have started immediately afterwards.
In our study, we analyzed the casual speech of eight old women,
between 78 and 84 years old, four from each group of origin. Although this
particular age cannot be involved in processes of a new koine formation,
there is an obvious shift of their pontic variety towards the standard Modern
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Greek. In particular, although both of the groups present a vowel system of
six vowel sounds (i.e. [i, e, æ, a o, u]), at the same time, they do not present
vowel sounds, which were described by previous scholars (Οικονομιδης
1958, Παπαδόπουλος 1953).
References
Drettas, G. 1999. Το ελληνο-ποντιακό διαλεκτικό σύνολο. Στο Διαλεκτικοί
θύλακοι της ελληνικής γλώσσας, επιμ. Α.-Φ. Χριστίδης (σε συνεργασία
με τη Μ. Αραποπούλου και τη Γ. Γιαννουλοπούλου), 15-24. Αθήνα:
ΥΠΕΠΘ & ΚΕΓ.
Drettas, G. 2000. Η ποντιακή διάλεκτος και η χρησιμότητά της στην
παιδαγωγική της σύγχρονης ελληνικής. Στο Η ελληνική γλώσσα και οι
διάλεκτοί της, επιμ. Α.-Φ. Χριστίδης (σε συνεργασία με τη Μ.
Αραποπούλου και τη Γ. Γιαννουλοπούλου), 35-42. Αθήνα: ΥΠΕΠΘ &
ΚΕΓ.
Οικονομίδης,
Δ. 1958. Γραμματική της Ελληνικής διαλέκτου του Πόντου.
Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών [Παράρτημα 1 περιοδικού Αρχείον Πόντου]
Παπαδόπουλος, Α. 1953. Χαρακτηριστικά της Ποντικής διαλέκτου. Αρχείον
Πόντου 18. Αθήνα.
Ρεβυθιάδου, Α. & Β. Σπυρόπουλος. 2012. Οφίτικη: Πτυχές της Γραμματικής
Δομής μιας Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου. Θεσσαλονίκη: Αδελφοί Κυριακίδη.
Χατζησαββίδης, Σωφρόνης. 1985. Φωνολογική Ανάλυση της Ποντιακής
Διαλέκτου (Ιδίωμα Ματσούκας). Διδακτορική διατριβή, Αριστοτέλειο
Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης.
Instances of sibilant palatalization in the dialect of Naousa
Ioanna Kappa & Konstantinos Sipitanos
University of Crete
The dialect of Naousa belongs to the group of semi-northern Greek dialects,
thus it only exhibits the phenomenon of unstressed mid vowel raising and
lacks in the phenomenon of unstressed high vowel deletion, which is typical
in the northern group (Kontosopoulos 1981:70). The present study examines
data collected during our field-work in Naousa in Spring 2013. Our
collected corpus consists of recordings of natural conversational speech of
two female speakers of the dialect (Speaker-1, age 83 and Speaker-2, age
86).
In this paper we present our findings on the palatalization of sibilants
(strident fricatives/affricates) triggered by the following stressed front
General session
vowels /i/, /e/ and unstressed primary /i/ and secondary [i] (arising from
raised underlying /e/). The palatalization is attested (i) in /sV+front/ syllables
(data 1-5) and (ii) in /sCV+front/ syllables (data 6-10). In our corpus are also
attested cases of sibilant palatalization in /sCV-front/ syllables, i.e. not in the
proper vocalic environment (data in 11). The phonetic realizations of
palatalized sibilants, both in CV and CCV syllables, are verified by acoustic
measurements.
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
U.R
/pézi/
/xrisí/
/íse/
/korítsi/
/ksérete/
/kostí/
/nistía/
/ímaste/
/aróstisa/
/spíti/
/anástasi/
Dialectal (speaker-2)
[péži]
[xriší]
[íši]
[kurítši]
[kšériti]
[kuští]
[ništía]
[ímašti]
[aróštisa]
[špíti]
[anáštaši]
Gloss
‘(s)he plays’
‘Chrisi’, proper name
‘(you) are’
‘girls’
‘(you, Pl.) know’
‘Kosti’, proper name
‘fasting’
‘(we) are’
‘(I) fell ill’
‘house’
‘resurrection’
In the above data (1-5) emerges the sibilant palatalization, which is attested
in the most (or even all) northern dialects (cf. Newton 1972, a. o.), and it is
triggered by a strictly adjacent (following) front vowel, thus resulting in
change of place of articulation (PoA), i.e. the alveolars /s/ and /ts/ shift to
postalveolars (palato-alveolars) [š] and [tš] respectively. Along the lines of
feature geometry model (Clements 1991) and its further development by
Hume (1992), the front vowel spreads its V-Place[cor[-ant]] features to the
preceding [+ant] consonant (e.g. /s/) which delinks its original [+ant] PoA
and promotes the vocalic [-ant] feature.
In the data (6-10) the triggering vowel is not strictly adjacent to the
palatalized sibilant, due to an intervening stop, namely a Coronal [+ant] as
in (6-9) or Labial unspecified for the feature [ant] as in (10), thus violating
the strict adjacency. We assume that the latter stops may not be palatalized
due to the action of a language-specific markedness constraint which
prohibits secondary palatalizations such *[tj], *[pj]. The spreading of
Vocalic-Place [-ant]] feature may affect only the strident /s/, changing its
anteriority.
In the data in (11) it seems that the (properly) palatalized sibilant
triggers, at a distance, the palatalization of the sibilant in the preceding
[sCV-front] syllable. We assume that the palatalized stridents agree with a
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6th MGDLT
sibilant occuring in the preceding syllable to their left (Agreement as
Correpondence, Rose & Walker 2004) and intervening oral stops or vowels
are transparent. Τhe application of palatalization at distance is optional,
emerges in the speech of older generation and it is subject to inter-speaker
variation.
References
Clements, G. N. 1991. Place of articulation in consonants and vowels: A
unified theory. In J. Brugman, A. Riehl (eds.), Working Papers of the
Cornell Phonetics Laboratory 5. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University. 77123.
Hume, E. 1992. Front vowels, coronal consonants and their interaction in
nonlinear phonology. PhD diss. Cornell University [published in 1994
by Garland.]
Kontosopoulos, N. 1981. Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της Νέας Ελληνικής.
Αθήνα.
Newton, Β. 1972. The generative interpretation of dialect. A study of
Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Rose, S. & R. Walker. 2004. A typology of consonant agreement as
correspondence. Language 80, 475-531.
The Cretan fall: an analysis of the declarative intonation melody in the
Cretan dialect
Mary Baltazani1 & Evia Kainada2
University of Oxford1, University of Ioannina1,2
The recent rise of interest in intonational variation (e.g., Grabe et al. 2000;
Arvaniti & Garding 2007; Ladd et al. 2009; Leemann & Zuberbühler 2010)
provides insights into two directions: on a descriptive level it showcases
intonational differences among dialects of a language; on a theoretical level,
it uses these differences as probes on the typology and phonology of
intonation. Modern Greek still lacks substantial research on cross-dialectal
intonation differences. We present instrumental evidence for differences
between Cretan Greek (CrG) and other Greek varieties (Standard Modern
Greek (SMG), Cypriot Greek (CyG), Ipiros Greek (IG)) in the realization of
broad focus declarative utterances.
Our analysis, couched within the framework of AutosegmentalMetrical (AM) phonology, follows the guidelines of GRToBI (Arvaniti &
Baltazani 2005). Our corpus contains ten hours of spontaneous speech of 10
speakers from a rural area in the county of Heraclion, Crete (5M, 5F X 1
General session
hour each). Each speaker talks freely about personal experiences and their
past.
The melody of broad focus declarative utterances, the well-known
fall from high pitch at the end of an utterance, has been described as either
H* L-L% or H*+L L-L% for SMG. This melody is shared by many Greek
dialects, e.g. CyG and IG. CrG, however, while it still employs a fall from a
high pitch as a marker of declaratives, differs significantly from SMG. We
analyse the nuclear pitch accent in CrG as H+L*. The difference between
SMG’s H*+L and CrG’s H+L* resides on the location of the fall (Figure 1,
right and left respectively); while for SMG the fall reaches the bottom of the
speaker’s voice at the end of the accented syllable ([le] of [ti’lefono]), in
CrG the fall is completed early in the accented syllable ([ɣa] of [me’ɣalos])
and for the rest of the accented syllable there is a low plateau, suggesting
that the L tone is the head of the bitonal HL pitch accent. This creates a
markedly and strikingly different tune from the other melodies of Greek,
rendering it easily recognizable as Cretan.
What is the origin of this tune? Why does CrG differ from most Greek
dialects which share the same nuclear pitch accent for broad focus
declaratives? We argue that one possible reason behind this difference is
contact with Italian during four centuries of Venetian occupation of Crete.
Italian has the H+L* nuclear pitch accent for broad focus declaratives (e.g.
Ladd 2008). Although language contact studies commonly discuss lexical or
morphological influences, there are reports of intonation transfer between
languages in contact that belong to different families, e.g. Turkish and
German (Queen 2001) and Quechua and Spanish (O’Rourke 2003).
Moreover, contact induced transfer of the steep fall (H+L*) is reported
between Italian and Argentinian Spanish (Colantoni & Gurlekian 2004).
Aside from its descriptive purpose, the present paper highlights how
cross-dialectal studies of intonation can enrich our understanding not only of
the typology and phonology of intonation, but also of the mechanisms of
55
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6th MGDLT
transfer between languages in contact.
References
Arvaniti, A. and M. Baltazani. 2005. Intonational analysis and prosodic
annotation of Greek spoken corpora. In Prosodic Typology: The
Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing, ed. Sun-Ah Jun, Oxford
University Press, 84-117.
Arvaniti, A. and G. Garding. 2007. Dialectal variation in the rising accents
of American English. In Papers in Laboratory Phonology 9, eds. J. Cole
& J. H. Hualde, Mouton de Gruyter, 547-576.
Colantoni, L. and J. Gurlekian. 2004. Convergence and intonation: historical
evidence from Buenos Aires Spanish. Bilingualism: Language and
Cognition 7 (2), CUP, 107–119.
Grabe, E., B. Post, F. Nolan and K. Farrar. 2000. Pitch accent realisation in
four varieties of British English. Journal of Phonetics 28.
Ladd, D. R. 2008. Intonational phonology. Cambridge Studies in Linguistics
79. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2nd edition.
Ladd, D. R., A. Schepman, L. White, L.M. Quarmby and R. Stackhouse.
2009. Structural and dialectal effects on pitch peak alignment in two
varieties of British English. Journal of Phonetics 37:145-161.
Leemann, A. and L. Zuberbühler. 2010. Declarative sentence intonation
patterns in 8 swiss German dialects. Interspeech, 1768-1771.
O’Rourke, E. 2003. Peak alignment in Peru: Spanish in contact with
Quechua. Paper presented at the 33 Linguistic Symposium of Romance
Languages, Bloomington, Indiana.
Queen, R. 2001. Bilingual intonation patterns: Evidence of language change
from Turkish-German bilingual children. Language in Society, 30, 55–
80.
Blocking of velar palatalization in child speech
Nitsa Paracheraki & Ioanna Kappa
University of Crete
In this study, we analyze the naturalistic production data from one normally
developing child, acquiring Greek as L1, in the dialectal environment of a
village in eastern Crete. The child at the age of 2;06 is in the intermediate
developmental phase. This phase is characterized universally by the
emergence of more marked sounds, its duration is quite long lasting and it is
characterized by a variety of type production, until the child systematically
realizes all target words (Ingram 1989; Macken 1992, among many others).
General session
The child has already acquired and realizes all consonants, but /r/, in simple
onsets of [CV] syllables. The child does not realize yet the complex onsets
of [Stop/Fricative + Sonorant], e.g. [kl/kr, kn, pl/pr, pn, fl/fr/, xl/xr, γr/γl],
but applies the widely attested pattern of reduction to the less sonorous
consonant, thus it is realized only the Stop or the Fricative member of the
target CC-cluster.
The topic of our study focuses on the palatalization of target Dorsals
/k, g, x,γ/ in the environment of a following front vowel. The rule of Dorsal
palatalization is active in the child’s system (1-4), as well as the rule of
Sonorant palatalization, e.g. /l/ changes to [ʎ] (5) and /n/ to [ɲ] (6) in the
environment of the (un)stressed high, front vowel /i/; the application of
latter rule has a very high frequency in the ambient (dialectal) language. The
following palatalizations are attested only in primary (underlyingly) CVsyllables.
In case of a target /Dorsal+Sonorant+V+front/ syllable, e.g. /kli/, /kre/, /xri/,
after the cluster simplification/ reduction of Sonorant, the child does not
realize a single onset with an expected palatalized Dorsal, e.g. [ci], [ce], [çi]
respectively, i.e. Dorsal palatalization is blocked (7-13). This is a paradox
phenomenon, because the child was highly exposed in a dialect with
idiosyncratic velar palatalizations, namely from plain palatalized velars up
to dialectal palatal [cç] and alveolo-palatal [tɕ] affricates (Lengeris & Kappa,
under review).
In the above data, after the Sonorant reduction interacts with the following
changes: (a) the front, mid unstressed vowel /e/ is centralized to [ə] (7, 10);
(b) the stressed front vowels are realized as long ones (8, 9, 11). The high
front unstressed vowels are unaffected (12, 13).
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6th MGDLT
We claim that Dorsal palatalization only occurs if the interacting C-V
segments are underlyingly strictly adjacent, as in (1-4). In the case of
clusters, the Sonorant reduction interacts with centralization of the
unstressed mid front vowel; the centralized unmarked [ǝ] lacks in [+front]
features, thus palatalization can not take place in (7, 10). The target
unstressed vowel /i/ in (12, 13) can not change to a centralized [ɨ]. The child
has not any external evidence from his ambient dialect for the centralized
marked vowel [ɨ] which does not belong to his phonological system. In this
case the lack of palatalization is opaque. The Sonorant reduction seems to
result in compensatory lengthening of the tautosyllabic stressed vowel in (8,
9, 11) (see Topintzi 2006, for similar findings in the dialect of Samothraki).
References
Ingram, D. 1989. First language acquisition. Method, description and
explanation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lengeris, A. and I. Kappa (submitted/under review). ‘Palatalization and
affrication of velar stops in the (western) Cretan dialect’. Selected
Papers. 21th International Symposium on Theoretical and Applied
Linguistics. University of Thessaloniki.
Macken, M.A. 1992. Where’s phonology? Phonological Development:
Models, Research, Implications, (Eds.) C.A. Ferguson, L. Menn, & C.
Stoel-Gammon, (249-269). Timonium, MD: York Press.
Topintzi, N. 2006. ‘A (not so) paradoxical instance of compensatory
lengthening: Samothraki Greek and theoretical implications’. Journal of
Greek Linguistics 7: 71-119
Επιτονισμός των ερωτήσεων ολικής άγνοιας στην Κερκυραϊκή διάλεκτο
Maria Giakoumelou
University of Patras
Στόχος του συγκεκριμένου άρθρου είναι να προσδιορίσουμε και να
περιγράψουμε τον επιτονισμό των ερωτηματικών προτάσεων ολικής
άγνοιας στην Κερκυραϊκή διάλεκτο. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, δεδομένου ότι δεν
υπάρχει καμία μελέτη που να αφορά τον επιτονισμό των Κερκυραϊκών,
επιμέρους στόχοι μας είναι να δείξουμε α) την εσωτερική δομή της
μελωδίας ερωτηματικών προτάσεων ολικής άγνοιας, ποια είναι δηλαδή
εκείνα τα επιτονικά χαρακτηριστικά που τις προσδιορίζουν β) πώς
επηρεάζεται η μελωδία ανάλογα με την εστίαση σε διαφορετικά σημεία του
εκφωνήματος (συγκεκριμένα στην αρχή και στο τέλος) γ) σε ποια σημεία
διαφέρει η μελωδία των ερωτηματικών προτάσεων της διαλέκτου από την
General session
Κοινή Νέα Ελληνική (ΚΝΕ). Το υλικό μας συλλέχθηκε με πειραματικές
μεθόδους, υπό μορφή ερωτηματολογίου, και αποτελείται από ερωτηματικές
προτάσεις ολικής άγνοιας οι οποίες είτε ήταν ενσωματωμένες σε μικρούς
διαλόγους είτε ακολουθούσαν ένα πολύ συγκεκριμένο περικείμενο που
δινόταν ώστε το αποτέλεσμα να είναι πιο φυσικό και να έχουμε τη δομή που
επιθυμούμε. Στο πείραμα πήραν μέρος 14 φυσικοί ομιλητές της
Κερκυραϊκής διαλέκτου2.
Τα αποτελέσματα της ανάλυσής μας έδειξαν ότι η δομή των
ερωτηματικών προτάσεων της διαλέκτου παρουσιάζει διαφορές σε σχέση με
την ΚΝΕ. Συγκεκριμένα, στην ΚΝΕ η μελωδία συνίσταται από έναν χαμηλό
πυρηνικό τόνο L* ο οποίος βρίσκεται στην εστιασμένη λέξη του
εκφωνήματος, και ακολουθείται από έναν δίτονο L+H- φραστικό τόνο και
έναν χαμηλό L% οριακό τόνο. Στις περιπτώσεις που η εστίαση βρίσκεται
στην αρχή του εκφωνήματος ο φραστικός τόνος ευθυγραμμίζεται με την
τελευταία τονισμένη συλλαβή του εκφωνήματος, ενώ όταν βρίσκεται στο
τέλος πραγματώνεται στην τελευταία συλλαβή μαζί με τον οριακό τόνο (βλ.
Arvaniti 2009). Στην διάλεκτο παρατηρήσαμε τα εξής: α) όταν η εστίαση
βρίσκεται στην αρχή του εκφωνήματος, η μελωδία του εκφωνήματος
συνίσταται επίσης από έναν χαμηλό L* πυρηνικό τόνο ο οποίος βρίσκεται
στην εστιασμένη λέξη, και αμέσως μετά ακολουθεί μία άνοδος που
πιθανότατα αποδίδεται σε έναν δίτονο L+H- φραστικό τόνο. Η διαφορά με
την ΚΝΕ είναι ότι ο φραστικός τόνος δεν ευθυγραμμίζεται με την τελευταία
τονισμένη συλλαβή του εκφωνήματος, αλλά αμέσως μετά την εστίαση,
δημιουργώντας ένα υψηλό πλάτωμα μέχρι την τελευταία συλλαβή, όπου και
πέφτει στο τελευταίο φωνήεν καταλήγοντας σε έναν χαμηλό L% οριακό
τόνο. β) όταν η εστίαση βρίσκεται στο τέλος, ο φραστικός τόνος
πραγματώνεται στην τελευταία συλλαβή. Χαρακτηριστικό της διαλέκτου
είναι ο μεγάλος χρόνος πραγμάτωσης
της τελευταίας λέξης του
εκφωνήματος και κυρίως της τελευταίας συλλαβής, ο οποίος γίνεται ακόμα
μεγαλύτερος σε περιπτώσεις τονικού συνωστισμού.
Βιβλιογραφία
Arvaniti, Amalia. 2009. Greek intonation and the phonology of prosody:
polar questions revisited. Proceedings of the 8th International
Conference on Greek Linguistics, pp. 14-29.
2
Για τα δεδομένα της ΚΝΕ στηριχτήκαμε σε σχετικές έρευνες για τον
επιτονισμό των ερωτηματικών προτάσεων ολικής άγνοιας της ΚΝΕ (π.χ.
Arvaniti 2009).
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6th MGDLT
Retroflexion of /l/ in Modern Greek dialects: The case of Aperathou
(Naxos) dialect
Maria Xefteri1, Angelos Lengeris2 & Kalomoira Nikolou3
University of Athens1, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki2, University of
the Aegean3
Aperathou dialect is spoken in the north-eastern part of Naxos island,
including the population of the villages of Aperathou (Apiranthos), Danakos
and Triakatha/Moutsouna. This dialectal variety of the Cycladic island
group exhibits an intriguing combination of both Cycladic and Cretan
linguistic features in all levels of grammar (Oikonomidis 1952, among
others). In this paper, we will focus on a phonological one, namely the
allophonic realization of lateral /l/, which constitutes the most typical and
well recognized feature of Aperathou dialect (Xefteri, 2009; 2010; 2011).
Impressionistic descriptions of the dialect report that the lateral /l/
has a rhotic allophone before back vowels, namely retroflex [ɻ], which has
generally been referred to as the ‘thick l’ (Oikonomidis, 1952; Zevgolis
1937). This distinctive and quite rare among European languages sound is
not found in Standard Greek, but it is witnessed only in Crete (Kappa &
Vergis, 2011; Kontossopoulos 1972; Newton, 1972; Pangalos, 1955;
Trudgill & Mansfield, 1994; Vergis, 2012). In a recent experimental study,
Lengeris et al. (submitted) examined the phonetics and phonology of the
Western Cretan retroflex allophone and report that it differs from the
standard [l] pronunciation in terms of F1 and F3 formant frequencies.
The present study examines the realization of retroflex approximant
in Aperathou village with the goals of (a) determining the phonological
environments which favor its occurrence (e.g. following vowel, syllable and
word position, stressed vs. unstressed syllable); (b) comparing the acoustic
characteristics of the retroflex allophone with the standard [l] pronunciation;
and (c) comparing the acoustic characteristics of the retroflex allophone of
Aperathou with the Cretan one.
For this purpose, six speakers of the dialect (3 female and 3 male)
with a mean age of 81 years (range 77-88 years) were recorded conversing
freely with a native speaker of the dialect. Acoustic phonetic analysis was
performed in PRAAT (Boersma & Weenink, 2008), in order to measure the
duration and F1-F3 formant frequencies of [l] and [ɻ ].
The results confirmed that the process of retroflexion is triggered by
a back vowel context. In fact the lateral allophone was used almost
exclusively in this environment by dialectal speakers. More specifically,
retroflex [ɻ] occurs in word-initial and word-medial position (a, b), in
General session
stressed and unstressed syllables (b, c), as well as in consonant clusters (d),
as evidenced by the following examples.
a.
b.
c.
d.
Standard Greek
[lukúmi]
[kaθólu]
[mɲaló]
[ɣlástɾa]
Aperathou dialect
[ɻukúmi]
‘Turkish delight’
[kaθóɻu]
‘not at all’
[mɲaɻó]
‘mind’
[ɣɻástɾa]
‘flower pot’
The acoustic analysis of these novel data revealed that the retroflex
allophone differed from /l/ in terms of F1 and F3. Interestingly, a
comparison between the allophonic realization of retroflex of Aperathou and
the Cretan one showed no difference in their acoustic characteristics in
terms of duration and F1-F3 frequencies. Our results provide the first
instrumental analysis of the retroflex allophone and support a close
resemblance of the dialects spoken in Aperathou Naxos and Western Crete
(see also Kontossopoulos 2000).
References
Boersma, P. & Weenink, D. (2008). Praat: doing phonetics by computer.
http://www.praat.org.
Kappa, I. & Vergis, N. (2011). “Delateralization and Retroflexion in the
Cretan Dialect: a Case Study”. In: M. Janse, B. Joseph, P. Pavlou & A.
Ralli (eds) Studies in Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory.
Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference of Modern Greek
Dialects and Linguistic Theories. Nicosia: Kykkos Cultural Research
Centre, 47-57.
Kontossopoulos, Ν. (1972). “Enorganos meleti kritikon tinon fthongon”.
Kritika Xronika 24: 448-464.
Kontossopoulos, N. (2000). Dialekti kai idiomata tis Neas Ellinikis. Athens:
Ekdoseis Grigori.
Lengeris, A., Kappa, I., Paracheraki, N. & Sipitanos, K. (submitted). “On
the Phonetics and Phonology of Retroflexion in the (western) Cretan
Dialect”. In: Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of Greek
Linguistics. Aegean University.
Newton, B.E. (1972). The generative interpretation of dialect. A study of
Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Οikonomidis, D. (1952). “Peri tou glossiku idiomatos Aperathou Naxou”.
Athina 56: 215-275, Athens.
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6th MGDLT
Pangalos, G. (1955). Peri tu glosiku idiomatos tis Kritis. Athens.
Trudgill, P. & Mansfield, P. (1994). “A sex-specific linguistic feature in a
European dialect”. Multilingua 13(4): 181-186.
Vergis, N. (2012). “Women, language and stereotypes: Evidence from a
rural community of Greece”. In: G. Fragaki, T. Georgakopoulos & C.
Themistocleous (eds) Current Trends in Greek Linguistics. Newcastle:
Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 148-176.
Xefteri, M. (2009). “Koinonioglossiki prosegissi tu idiomatos Aperathou
Naxou (opos diatirite stin Athina)”. In: N. Lavidas, E. Nouhoutidou et al.
(eds) Proceedings of the 4th Athens Postgraduate Conference of the
Faculty of Philology (1-3 June 2007). Athens: National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens, 251-260.
Xefteri, M. (2010). “Staseis apenadi sto aperathitiko idioma. Apopseis ton
neoteron geneon t’ Aperathou apenadi sti glossiki epilogi kai xrisi”. In:
E. Vrinioti, T. Georgakopoulos, C. Themistocleous et al. (eds)
Proceedings of the 5th Athens Postgraduate Conference of the Faculty of
Philology (29-31 May 2009). Athens: National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens, 212-221.
Xefteri, M. (2011). “I tautotita tou (sin)omiliti os ermineftiki metavliti sti
glossiki epilogi. I periptosi tu idiomatos t’ Aperathou Naxou”. In: G.
Giannoulis, E. Korre et al. (eds) Naxiaka – Epetirida Omospondias
Naxiakon Sillogon 1. Athens: Omospondia Naxiakon Sillogon &
Graphopress, 385-402.
Zevgolis, G. (1937). To sinxrono laiko tragoudi stin Apirantho tis Naxou.
Athènes [now in: Zevgolis, G. (2006). “Glossika phenomena apo ta
idiomata tis Naxou”. In: M. Vardanis et al. (eds) Philologika kai
laografika meletimata. Athens, 53-103].
Coherence ‘in the mix’? Coherence in the face of diglossia and language
shift in Cypriot Greek
Stavroula Tsiplakou1, Dimitris Evripidou2 & Spyros Armosti3
Open University of Cyprus1,3, University of Central Lancashire2
Contemporary Cypriot Greek presents an interesting case of what at first
blush would appear to be ‘dialect incoherence’. The Cypriot Greek koiné,
arguably a system that is emerging concomitantly with the ongoing
levelling of local subvarieties (Tsiplakou et al. 2006) has been characterized
as a ‘mixed system’ in the relevant literature (Arvanti 2010) in the sense
that (a) it displays innovative grammatical structures that in some respects
indicate grammatical convergence to Standard Greek, the ‘H’ variety in
Cyprus’ diglossic sociolinguistic setting (Melissaropoulou et al. 2013,
General session
Tsiplakou forthc.), such structures often co-occurring with the Cypriot
variants thereof, and (b) that it displays patterns that could be --cautiously-placed on a continuum from dense code-mixing between Cypriot and
Standard Greek (Tsiplakou 2009) to a ‘fused lect’ (Auer 1999). This invites
an examination of the hypothesis that the koiné is in fact ‘incoherent’, in the
sense that the range of variants that speakers have at their disposal is used
differentially for different indexical purposes (cf. Eckert 2008), also
depending on ongoing restructurings of the indexical field (cf. Tsiplakou &
Ioannidou 2012 on extreme dialect stylization and bricolage), and that
therefore one ought not to expect consistency in the sense of correlation in
rates of occurrence of particular variants in dialect production. In this paper
we test this hypothesis in two ways (a) through the examination of four
variables, two phonological and two morphosyntactic ones, each with two
alternant variants, one more ‘Cypriot’ and one more Standard-like’, namely
the palatoalveolar vs. palatal alternation ([ʃ] vs. [ç] and [tʃ] vs. [c]),
intervocalic fricative elision or non-elision, pronominal enclisis vs. proclisis
and non-periphrastic vs. periphrastic perfect tenses in data from
sociolinguistic interviews; (b) through the examination of reactions to the
co-occurrence or non-co-occurrence of these variables as elicited in focus
group interviews. A preliminary look at the data indicates that the use of
Cypriot phonological variants induces the use of Cypriot morphosyntactic
ones, but the use of Standard-like morphosyntactic variants does not induce
the use of Standard-like phonological ones; the data therefore attest to the
complexity of the notion of ‘coherence’ (cf. Guy 2013) but do not suggest
its abandonment as a useful analytical construct.
References
Arvaniti, A. (2010) Linguistic practices in Cyprus and the emergence of
Cypriot Standard Greek. Mediterranean Language Review 17, 15-45.
Auer, P. (1999) From code-switching via language mixing to fused lects:
Toward a dynamic typology of bilingual speech. The International
Journal of Bilingualism 3, 309-332.
Auer, P. (1997) Co-occurrence restrictions between linguistic variables: A
case for social dialectology, phonological theory, and variation studies.
In Hinskens, F., R. van Hout & W. L. Wetzels (eds) Variation, Change,
and Phonological Theory, 69-99. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Eckert, P. (2008) Variation and the indexical field. Journal of
Sociolinguistics 12, 453-476.
Guy, G. R. (2013) The cognitive coherence of sociolects: How do speakers
handle multiple sociolinguistic variables? Journal of Pragmatics 52: 6371.
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Melissaropoulou, D., C. Themistocleous, S. Tsiplakou & S. Tsolakidis
(2013) The Present Perfect in Cypriot Greek revisited. In Auer, P., J. C.
Reina & G. Kaufmann (eds) Studies in Language Variation - European
Perspectives IV. Selected Papers from the 6th International Conference
on Language Variation in Europe (ICLaVE 6), University of Freiburg,
27 June - 1 July 2011, 159-172. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Tsiplakou, S. (forthc.) How ‘mixed’ is a mixed system? The case of the
Cypriot Greek koiné. Linguistic Variation, Special Issue: Three Factors
and Beyond, vol. 1 - Socio-Syntax and Language Acquisition.
Tsiplakou, S. (2009) Code-switching and code mixing between related
varieties: establishing the blueprint. The International Journal of
Humanities 6, 49-66.
Tsiplakou, S., A. Papapavlou, P. Pavlou & M. Katsoyannou (2006)
Levelling, koineization and their implications for bidialectism. In
Hinskens, F. (ed.) Language Variation – European Perspectives.
Selected Papers from the 3rd International Conference on Language
Variation in Europe (ICLaVE 3), University of Amsterdam, 23-25 June
2005, 265-276. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Tsiplakou, S. & E. Ioannidou (2012) Stylizing stylization: the case of Aigia
Fuxia. Multilingua 31, 277-299.
A non-finite period in early Cypriot Greek?
Renos Georgiou, Christos Papatzalas & Arhonto Terzi
Technological Educational Institute of Western Greece, Patras
Introduction A number of studies crosslinguistically have focused on an
early period in language acquisition, during which children produce nonfinite verbs in a position adults would use finite verbs instead (Wexler 1994,
Pierce 1992, Hyams 2002). These forms are known as Root Infinitives (RI),
or optional infinitives, they occur around the age of 2;0, and their proportion
varies from language to language and from child to child. In the literature on
the early stages of Standard Greek (SG), it has been noted that children
overuse a verb form that employs the suffix –i, often referred to as 3rd
person singular (Katis 1984, Stephany 1981, 1997), Tsimpli 1992/1996).
(1) opaci
vali
aopaki.
person-dim put-perf person-dim
‘(I want to) place the little person.’
Varlokosta et al. (1996, 1998) make the novel suggestion that this form is
not the 3rd person form of the verb, but a non-finite form, comparable to the
(non-finite) RIs crosslinguistically. The additional observation that, when
General session
misused, this form appears predominantly with the perfective aspect, offers
Varlokosta et al. an additional argument for the idea that it is the counterpart
of RIs: this is because it is very much reminiscent of a form that is non-finite
in adult language as well, the one constituting the second part of periphrastic
tenses, (2):
(2) exo/ixa vali
have-1sg/had-1sg put ‘I have/had put’
Hypothesis Cypriot Greek (CG), among other varieties of Greek, lacks
present perfect A, using what is known as present perfect B instead (exo
_cavazmeno in place of exo dhiavasi), Menardos (1969) a.o. Although
periphrastic tenses are used to some extent when interacting with speakers
of SG, see Melissaropoulou et al. (2013), one wonders whether CG children
receive less input of the non-finite forms in (2), and, moreover, what may be
the effect on early language. The specific questions we address are:
a) what is the non-finite form CG speaking children use at a similar age, if
any?
b) if early CG overgeneralizes the –i forms as well, what could be the source
of these forms
and what are the implication this may have for the existing accounts of the
RI stage in SG?
In order to investigate these issues we collected spontaneous speech from
three CG speaking children, aged 1;07 to 2;03. Two of them were followed
for a short period of time (1;07, 10;8 and 2;00, 2;02) an one over a period of
seven months, once per month (1;07 to 2;02).
Findings and Discussion Data analysis revealed that agreement error rate
under the age of 2;00 is generally around 10%, which is much lower than
what has been observed by Varlokosta et al. (op.cit), but way above the
error rate of Doukas & Marinis (2012), (0,7- 1,9%). Agreement errors of all
children of the study seriously decline after age 2;00. An important finding
that emerges, however, is that there were periods in two of the children’s
language during which the rate of agreement errors is particularly high, (Phi
1;8 – 35,29%, Aris 1;8 – 43,75%, Aris 1;11 – 23,80%). In particular,
although i-forms were present throughout, during these specific periods, the
overwhelming majority of agreement errors involved the –i form (Phi 1;8 –
10/12, Aris 1;8 – 7/7, Aris 1;11 – 13/15).
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(3) Adult: thelis kati na fais?
want something to eat
Aris: titsi (= aniksi/aniksume)
open-perf (Aris, 1;8)
An equally important finding was that the overwhelming majority of
children’s utterances containing non-agreeing i-forms used them with null
subjects, in accordance with crosslinguistic findings on the RI stage (and
despite the fact that children used two-word utterances already). The above
lead us to conclude that CG speaking children do go through a non-finite
verb period, and, moreover, employ the same form of the verb as SG
(despite a potentially impoverished input in forms such as (2), which have
often been associated with the non-finite stage of SG). Perfective aspect,
another characteristic of the non-finite stage of SG, was less obvious for two
of the aforementioned stages, i.e., 3/10, 7/7, 8/13 (but probably more
pronounced than in the findings of Doukas & Marinis (2012), in which no
perfective aspect trend was attested). We also discuss the interpretation of
non-agreeing i-forms, and compare them to those of SG and of RIs
crosslinguistically, and conclude with the insights CG offers into the verb
form and agreement pattern of early SG (cf. Tsimpli 2005, Varlokosta
2005), and, potentially, of other similar languages, cf (Avram & Coene
2011).
References
Avram, L. & Coene, M. (2011). The root infinitive stage in a null subject
language: Romance in the Balkans. Revue roumaine de linguistique 4:
347-370.
Doukas, T., & Marinis, T. (2012). The acquisition of person and number
morphology within the verbal domain in early Greek. Language Studies
Working Papers 4: 15-25.
Hyams, N. (2002). Clausal structure in Child Greek: a reply to Varlokosta,
Vainikka and Rohrbacher and a reanalysis. The Linguistic Review, 19(3),
225-270.
Katis, D. (1984). The acquisition of the Modern Greek verb: with special
reference to the Imperfective Past and Perfect classes. Ph.D.
Dissertation, University of Reading.
Melissaropoulou, D., Themistocleous, C., Tsiplakou, S., & Tsolakidis, S.
(2013). The Present Perfect in Cypriot Greek revisited. In A. Peter, J. C.
Reina & G. Kaufmann (Eds.), Language Variation – European
Perspectives IV: Selected papers from the Sixth International
Conference on Language Variation in Europe (pp. 159-172). John
Benjamins Publishing.
General session
Menardos, S. (1925). Κυπριακή γραμματική. Γ Ρήματα [Cypriot Grammar.
C: Verbs]. Athena 37. 35-79. Reprinted in Menardos, Simos. (1969).
Γλωσσικαί μελέται [Language Studies]. Nicosia: Cyprus Centre for
Scientific Research.
Pierce, A. (1992). Language Acquisition and Syntactic Theory: A
Comparative Analysis of French and English Child Grammars.
Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Stephany, U. (1981). Verbal grammar in early Modern Greek child
language. In P.S. Dale & D. Ingram (Eds.), Child Language: An
International Perspective (pp. 45-57). Baltimore: University Park Press.
Stephany, U. (1997). The acquisition of Greek. In D. I. Slobin (Ed.), The
Crosslinguistic Study of Language Acquisition 4 (pp. 183-333).
Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Tsimpli, I. M. (1992). The Acquisition of Functional Categories. Ph.D.
dissertation, UCL. Published as The Prefunctional Stage of First
Language Acquisition: A Crosslinguistic Study. Garland Publishing,
New York and London, (1996).
Tsimpli, I.M. (2005) Peripheral Positions on early Greek. In M. Stavrou &
A. Terzi (Eds.),
Advances in Greek Generative Syntax (pp. 179-216). Amsterdam: John
Benjamins.
Varlokosta, S. (2005). Eventivity, modality and temporal reference in child
Greek. In M. Stavrou & A. Terzi (Eds.), Advances in Greek Generative
Syntax (pp. 217-240). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Varlokosta, S., Vainikka, A., & Rohrbacher, B. (1996). Root infinitives
without infinitives. In Proceedings of the 20th Annual Boston University
Conference on Language Development (pp. 816-827). Somerville, MA:
Cascadilla Press.
Varlokosta, S., Vainikka, A., & Rohrbacher, B. (1998). Functional
projections, markedness, and "root infinitives" in early child Greek. The
Linguistic Review, 15(2-3), 187-208.
Wexler, K. (1994). Optional Infinitives, Head Movement and the Economy
of Derivations. In N. Hornstein & D. Lightfoot (Eds.), Verb Movement
(pp. 305-350). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Referential clauses as/and relative clauses in Pharasiot Greek
Metin Bağrıaçık
Ghent University
Data: Pharasiot Greek exhibits head-final relative clauses (RCs) with an
invariant complementizer (tu) which always occurs at the left-edge of the
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relative clause. The surface word order can be schematically represented as
[C-relative clause-NP]. The same sequence, albeit without an overt NP
yields a free relative clause (2). Moreover, the complementizer tu can also
introduce ‘referential’ complementizer phrases (RCPs) (in the sense of
Haegeman and Ürögdi 2010), such as complements to factive predicates
(3)–(4), finite subject clauses (5) or PP complements (6).
Aim: In this talk, I offer a unified account of the examples in (1)–(6). More
specifically, adopting the promotion analysis to relative clauses (Kayne
1994, Bianchi 1999 a.o.), I will first argue that RCs (both headed and free
(1)–(2)) are a CP-level projection dominated by a DP, and (ii) that the
structure invariantly involves C-to-D raising (cf. Roussou and Roberts
2001), yielding an ‘individual’ reading in both structures. Secondly, free
relatives, I argue, involve a silent head, but C-to-D raising nonetheless.
Finally, concerning the structures in (3)–(6), I argue that their derivation
involves an event operator moving to Spec,CP (following Haegeman 2006
and Haegeman and Ürögdi 2010; see also Aboh 2005 and Torrence and
Tamba 2013 among others), but they are, similar to RCs, also CPs selected
by a D-head (cf. Roussou 1994). Hence the analysis proposed here based on
Pharasiot data offers further evidence for the unification of RCs and RCPs
which involve (nearly) identical structures with distinct heads, which is
responsible for the special semantics of the respective derivations. Further
issues concerning their island status are also going to be discussed.
The overall argument is enriched with discussion concerning the
diachrony of the complementizer tu as well as the possible role of contact
with Turkish in the structures (1)–(6); and with a comparison of the
structures in (1)–(6) with their counterparts in Cappadocian (and Pontic). In
addition, I offer some observations on the functional projections of the left
periphery in Pharasiot and their relative order.
General session
References
Aboh, Enoch. 2005. Deriving relatives and factive clauses. In Contributions
to the 13th Icontro di Grammatica Generativa, February 26–28, 2004,
eds. Laura Brugè, Giuliana Giusti, Nicola Munaro, Walter Schweikert,
and Giuseppina Turano, 265–285. Venice: Università Ca’ Foscari.
Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Consequences of Antisymmetry: Headed Relative
Clauses. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Haegeman, Liliane. 2006. Conditionals, factives and the left periphery.
Lingua, 116:1651–1669.
Haegeman, Liliane and Barbara Ürögdi. 2010. Referential CPs and DPs: An
operator movement account. Theoretical Linguistics, 36(2/3):111–152.
Kayne, Richard. 1994. The Antisymmetry of Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press.
Roussou, Anna. 1994. The Syntax of Complementizers. Doctoral
dissertation, UCL.
Roussou, Anna, and Ian Roberts. 2001. Pou-complements and acc-ing
constructions: a comparative analysis. In Proceedings of the 4th
international conference on Greek linguistics, eds. Georgia Agouraki,
Amalia Arvaniti, J.I.M Davy, Dionysios Goutsos, Marilena
Karyolaimou, Anna Panagiotou, Andreas Papapavlou, Pavlos Pavlou,
and Anna Roussou, 201-208. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
Torrence, Harold and Khady Tamba. 2013. Factive relative clauses in
Wolof. Ms. University of Kansas.
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Griko subjunctive as a contact-induced phenomenon
Marika Lekakou1 & Josep Quer2
University of Ioannina1, ICREA-Universitat Pompeu Fabra2
We adopt a micro-comparative perspective on clause structure in Griko,
focusing on the category ‘subjunctive’. Griko is an indigenous Greek
language spoken in the Salento area of Southern Italy. We propose that
Griko encodes subjunctive not just via the complementizer/modal particle
na, as does Standard Modern Greek (SMG), but also in verbal morphology.
This situation, we suggest, results from contact with the Romance varieties
of the area, and in particular with Salentino, which (quite exceptionally for
Southern Italian dialects) also encodes subjunctive in verbal morphology
(Damonte 2010). This analysis has implications for the clause structure of
Griko, and moreover for the contact situation between Italo-Greek and Italo
Romance. As highlighted by Baldissera (2013) and Ledgeway (in press (a)),
several phenomena in Griko seem to have originated from contact with
Romance, such as the formation of passive, the syntax of non-volitional
‘want’, and the post-nominal placement of adjectives. If we are right, the
realization of subjunctive should count as another contact-induced feature.
SMG encodes subjunctive through na (Rivero 1994, PhilippakiWarburton 1998, Roussou 2000). From a morphological point of view, the
verbal form in na-clauses is taken to be indicative (Lightfoot 1979,
Tsangalidis 2002, Roussou 2009). Greek verbs inflect for tense
(P=past/NP=non-past) and aspect (P=perfective/I=imperfective: INP, PNP,
IP, and PP). SMG thus has four verbal forms available as complements to na
that yield different temporal and aspectual interpretations (Tsangalidis 1999;
Roussou 1999). Although na-clauses have a rather similar distribution in
Griko and SMG, na in Griko is only compatible with the perfective nonpast
form (PNP) (dependent) form. This is so, even though the other forms (INP,
IP and PP) occur elsewhere in the language. This difference between Griko
and SMG is illustrated in (1)-(2).
(1) Spiccetsa na polem-iso/*polem-o stes etse. (Griko) finished-1SG SUBJ
work-PNP.1SG/work-INP.1SG at six “I finished working at six.”
(2) Stamatisa na *dulep-so/ dulev-o stis eksi. (SMG) stopped-1SG.SUBJ
work-PNP.1SG/work-INP.1SG at six “I stopped working at six.”
The restriction of Griko na-clauses to PNP forms follows if the PNP in
Griko is analyzed as realizing verbal subjunctive morphology, and if a
General session
concord relation is established between na in Finº and the verb in Tº, in the
spirit of Damonte (2010) for Salentino. Salentino examples like (3) show
that the language employs, next to a specialized complementizer cu,
morphological subjunctive on the verb (cf. Ledgeway 2005). In addition to
morphological marking of subjunctive as in (3), Salentino has been argued
to display, in a diachronically and diatopically consistent way, marking of
subjunctive dependents through raddoppiamento fonosintattico (Ledgeway
in press (b)).
(3)
Ulia *ca/cu bbegna qualchedunu. (Salentino) wanted.1SG
that.IND/that.SUBJ come-SUBJ.3SG someone ‘I wanted someone to
come.’
Thus, SMG differs from Griko in that na in Finº is the single carrier of the
mood feature, and no concord relation between na and the indicative verb is
established. The restrictions on the distribution of the PNP in SMG derive
from its temporal-aspectual semantics (Giannakidou 2009, Lekakou &
Nilsen 2009). By contrast, the PNP in Griko, as an aspectually neutralized
form, instantiates verbal marking of the category subjunctive. If indeed
verbal subjunctive in Griko developed as a result of contact with Salentino,
more evidence is adduced in favour of the idea that borrowing between
Greek and Romance in southern Italy proceeded in both directions.
References
Baldissera, V. 2013. Il dialetto grico del Salento: elementi balcanici e
contatto linguistico. PhD Thesis, University of Venice.
Damonte, F. 2010. Matching moods: mood concord between CP and IP in
Salentino and Southern Calabrian subjunctive complements. In P.
Benincà & N. Munaro (eds.), Mapping the left periphery, Oxford:
Oxford University Press. 228-256.
Giannakidou, A. 2009. On the temporal properties of mood: the subjunctive
revisited. Lingua 119:1883-1908.
Ledgeway, A. 2005. Moving through the left periphery: the dual
complementiser system in the dialects of southern Italy. Transactions of
the Philological Society 103:336-96.
Ledgeway, A (in press a). Greek Disguised as Romance? The Case of
Southern Italy. In M. Janse, B. Joseph & A. Ralli (eds.), Proceedings of
the 5th I’national Conference on Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory.
Ledgeway, A. (in press b). Reconstructing Complementiser-drop in the
Dialects of the Salento: A Syntactic or Phonological Phenomenon? In
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Theresa Biberauer and George Walkden (eds), Syntax Over Time:
Lexical, Morphological, and Information-structural Interactions.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lekakou, M. & Ø. Nilsen 2009. What aspect can tell us about the future of
MUST. Proceedings of 8th ICGL. Ioannina: University of Ioannina.
Available
at:
http:[email protected]/CvTeSHMT?10
Lightfoot, D. 1979. Principles of Diachronic Syntax. Cambridge: CUP.
Philippaki-Warburton, I. 1998. Functional categories and Modern Greek
Syntax. The Linguistic Review 15:158-186.
Rivero, M.-L. 1994. Clause structure and V-movement in the languages of
the Balkans. NLLT 12:63-120.
Roussou, A. 1999. Modals and the subjunctive. In A.Alexiadou, G.Horrocks
& M.Stavrou (eds.),
Studies in Greek Syntax. Dordrecht: Kluwer. 169-183.
Roussou, A. 2000. On the left periphery: modal particles and
complementizers. Journal of Greek Linguistics 1:65-94.
Roussou, A. 2009. In the mood for control. Lingua 119:1811-1836.
Tsangalidis, A. 1999. Will and tha: a comparative study of the category
future. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
Tsangalidis, A. 2002. Gia tous xronous tou neoellinikou rimatos. Studies in
Greek Linguistics 22: 647-658.
Greek dialects in Southern Italy: nominal syntax between Greek and
Romance?
Cristina Guardiano1 & Melita Stavrou2
Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia1, Aristotle University2
Background. In recent work about adjectival syntax in Southern Italy, the
two Greek dialects spoken in that area (in Salento, henceforth Grico, and
Southern Calabria, henceforth Bovese) have been shown to display
interesting peculiarities in the syntax of adjectives that, once compared to
that of other Romance dialects spoken in the same area, might reveal
phenomena of contact-induced change.
The syntax of adjectives in Greek. In the Modern Greek Determiner Phrase
(DP), adnominal adjectives are unexceptionally prenominal, despite some
apparent evidence to the contrary ((a) postnominal adjectives BUT with
their own definite article; (b) unarticulated postnominal adjectives in
indefinite noun phrases; (c) unarticulated postnominal adjectives in
predicative position). Articulated adjectives, constituting the phenomenon of
polydefiniteness or determiner spread (to pedi to kalo), and postnominal
General session
adjectives in indefinite DPs have a number of properties setting them apart
from ordinary modification of nouns by pronominal adjectives ((to) kalo
pedi) (Alexiadou&Wilder 1998; Campos&Stavrou 2004; Kolliakou 2004;
Alexiadou 2006).
Furthermore, it has been shown (Stavrou 2013) that the so-called
polydefinite construction corresponds to a subset of postnominal adjectives
in Romance, namely those that are restrictively interpreted.
Data. In Italian, Speaker-Oriented and (a subclass of) Manner adjectives can
only be prenominal; all other classes surface postnominally (la bella nuova
macchina blu tedesca vs. *la bella nuova blu tedesca macchina). In the
Romance dialects of Southern Italy (here we refer in particular to Salentino,
a few Sicilian dialects, and Northern Calabrian (Guardiano 2014)),
prenominal adjectives are restricted to beautiful (i.e. bello/a and its variants)
and a few other synonyms/antonyms. All other adjectives (with the
exception of numerals) are postnominal. Grico (data from interviews with
native speakers and from written sources) behaves exactly like these three
dialects: only orrio (‘nice/beautiful’) can occur prenominally. All other
adjectives (with the exception of numerals) are postnominal, with no
determiner spreading, precisely like in the neighboring Romance varieties.
In Bovese (data from written sources), apart from numerals, only the
equivalents of nice/bad, as well as liga (i.e. ‘a few’), can be prenominal. All
other adjectives are postnominal and always articulated in definite DPs, just
as in (all the other varieties of) Greek. Postnominal adjectives occur without
their own article only in indefinite DPs and in predicative position, again as
in Greek.
Proposal. The facts regarding postnominal adjectives in both GR and BO
suggest that, in both dialects, an innovation was introduced, plausibly under
the Romance influence and induced by lexical borrowing of adjectives from
this group; namely movement of the noun to a functional layer above the
lexical projection (probably the same as in the neighboring Romance
dialects), in contrast with (the rest of) Greek, where no noun movement is
assumed. Yet, while Grico has adopted the Romance pattern as a whole,
Bovese (despite showing pervasive effects of the contact with the Romance
system both in the lexicon and in the syntax) partially preserved the Greek
pattern, since postnominal adjectives in definite DPs are articulated. The
hypothesis we will pursue is that both Greek dialects had the polydefinite
pattern, found already in Ancient Greek and surviving in Modern Greek, but
in Grico it was lost under the pressure of Romance, whereas in Bovese it
was retained. If this line of reasoning is correct, then Bovese ends up as
more conservative and less subject to contact than Grico. Further support
comes from the fact that sequences of articulated adjectives preceding the
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articulated noun are not found in the texts we searched, therefore we assume
that, even if they existed, they must have been very rare. This draws a line
between Bovese and all the other varieties of Greek, where this ordering is
very common (Campos & Stavrou 2004), and is reminiscent of Ancient
Greek, where prenominal polydefinite adjectives are very rare as well
(Guardiano 2003). Another nominal domain where similar phenomena can
be detected is the pattern displayed by demonstratives (Guardiano 2014);
here, Romance and Greek display at least two main differences: (a) in
Romance, demonstratives never cooccur with the definite article while in
Greek they must; (b) in Romance, demonstratives always surface DPinitially while in Greek they might also occurr DP-internally. According to
our evidence, Grico displays a pattern that is identical to Romance, while
Bovese exhibits a more complex system (where the lexical shape of
demosntratives seems to play a crucial role). According to standard
assumptions, the behavior of Bovese in general turns out to be aberrant. This
is not surprising, given the ‘semi-artificial’ nature of the variety (Bovese is
no more used as an actual vehicular language nor learned by native
speakers, it is essentially artificially maintained and retained mostly as a
symbol of cultural heritage and for the transmission of folkloristic
memories). Finally, the patterns observed here seem to be typical of similar
cases of language contact (Thomason and Kaufmann 1988), where
sociolinguistic factors such as geographic isolation, low social prestige,
diaspora, play a crucial role in determining language change.
General session
D. Poster presentations
Παρακείμενος
Yoryia Agouraki
Cyprus University
Ο παρακείμενος θεωρείται γενικά υποκατηγορία του ποιού ενεργείας με τη
γενική σημασία που περιγράφεται στο 1(α).
(1) Η ‘γενική’ σημασία του Παρακειμένου
Περασμένα συμβάντα που αφορούν, με κάποιον τρόπο, το παρόν
Πέρα από τη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου, στις γλώσσες/διαλέκτους
με παρακείμενο διακρίνονται και μια σειρά από ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του
παρακειμένου (βλ. (2)). Από αυτές, ο παρακείμενος της Κοινής φαίνεται να
έχει τις σημασίες 2(β)-(δ).
(2) Οι ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του Παρακειμένου
α. Καθολική σημασία/ σημασία διάρκειας
β. Υπαρκτική σημασία/ σημασία της εμπειρίας
γ. Σημασία του αποτελέσματος
δ. Σημασία του πρόσφατου παρελθόντος/ σημασία ‘φρέσκα νέα’
ε. Σημασία της συνήθειας/ επαναλαμβανόμενης πράξης
Δημιουργούνται τα εύλογα ερωτήματα στο (3).
(3) Βασικά ερωτήματα
α. Πώς μπορούν/γίνεται τόσες ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες να ‘συνδέονται’ με
μία/ τη συγκεκριμένη ‘γενική’ σημασία;
β. Τι σχέση έχει η κάθε μία από τις ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου
με τη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου;
Ο στόχος του άρθρου είναι διττός και περιγράφεται στο (4).
(4)
α. Να ‘τοποθετήσουμε’ τη σημασία του Παρακειμένου μέσα στο πλαίσιο
της σημασίας της πρότασης.
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β. Να βρούμε τα ανεξάρτητα, ενδεχομένως, κομμάτια σημασίας τα οποία
προστίθενται στη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου για να ‘παραχθούν’
οι θεωρούμενες ως ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου.
Προτείνεται η διάκριση ±εξωτερική χρονική ροή (βλ. (5)), η οποία
συσχετίζεται με μία δεύτερη προτεινόμενη διάκριση, τη διάκριση ανάμεσα
σε δυναμικό και στατικό τρόπο παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας (βλ. (6)).
(5) ±εξωτερική χρονική ροή
α. Στην +εξωτερική χρονική ροή έχουμε διαδοχή γεγονότων.
β. Στην –εξωτερική χρονική ροή ο ομιλητής εστιάζει σε μια συγκεκριμένη
χρονική στιγμή/περίοδο και περιγράφει ή συνοψίζει την κατάσταση
πραγμάτων (μέχρι) εκείνη τη χρονική στιγμή/περίοδο.
(6) Δυναμικός ή στατικός τρόπος παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας
Ο Παρακείμενος ως δείκτης του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης μιας
πληροφορίας για περασμένα συμβάντα.
Οι ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου παράγονται όπως περιγράφεται
στο (7).
(7)
α. Οι ανεξάρτητες ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου περιλαμβάνουν
τη σημασία της διάρκειας, τη σημασία της συνήθειας/ επαναλαμβανόμενης
ενέργειας, την αόριστη σημασία και την οριστική σημασία.
β. Τα ανεξάρτητα κομμάτια σημασίας τα οποία προστίθενται στη ‘γενική’
σημασία του παρακειμένου για να ‘παραχθούν’ οι ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες
περιλαμβάνουν τη διάκριση συγκεκριμένη/γενικευτική πρόταση και τη
διάκριση πρόταση κατηγόρησης/ υπαρκτική συμβάντος.
Διακρίνονται τρεις χρήσεις του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης μιας
πληροφορίας (βλ. (8)).
(8) Χρήσεις του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας
α. η χρήση ως προϊστορίας
β. η τροπική χρήση
γ. η χρήση εκτός συμφραζομένων
Εξετάζεται, τέλος, αν ο παρακείμενος είναι υποχρεωτικός δείκτης του
στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας για περασμένα συμβάντα
General session
στην Κοινή ή πώς μαρκάρεται ο στατικός τρόπος παρουσίασης μιας
πληροφορίας για περασμένα συμβάντα σε διαλέκτους χωρίς παρακείμενο.
Ετερόκλιση και Παραδειγματική Ομοιομορφία στην Ονοματική Κλίση
της διαλέκτου της Λέσβου και των Κυδωνιών – THALIS PROJECT
Vaso Alexelli & Angela Ralli
University of Patras
"Ετερόκλιση (heteroclisis) ονομάζεται η ιδιότητα του λεξήματος να
περιλαμβάνει στο κλιτικό του παράδειγμα δύο ή περισσότερες κλιτικές
τάξεις" (Stump 2006: 278). Σύμφωνα με τον Maiden (2009: 59-86), η
ετερόκλιση επηρεάζεται από μορφολογικούς, κυρίως, παράγοντες και
ενισχυτικά για την εμφάνισή της φαίνεται να λειτουργεί η παρουσία
θεματικής αλλομορφίας.
Σε αυτή την παρουσίαση θα δείξουμε ότι η παρουσία θεματικής
αλλομορφίας διαδραματίζει σημαντικό ρόλο όχι μόνο στην περίπτωση της
ετερόκλισης -κατά την πρόταση του Maiden- αλλά και στην ενεργοποίηση
δια-παραδειγματικής ομοιομορφίας (inter-paradigmatic levelling). Αυτό
άλλωστε προκύπτει και από τον ορισμό της παραδειγματικής ομοιομορφίας,
η οποία κατά τον Bussmann (1996) ορίζεται ως η μείωση ή εξάλειψη των
μορφολογικών και φωνολογικών διαφοροποιήσεων σε ένα κλιτικό
παράδειγμα. Στη συγκεκριμένη συμβολή θα ελέγξουμε το ρόλο της
θεματικής αλλομορφίας στην εμφάνιση των δύο παραπάνω φαινομένων
(ετερόκλιση
και
δια-παραδειγματική
ομοιομορφία)
αντλώντας
παραδείγματα από την ανάλυση της ονοματικής κλίσης της λεσβιακής
διαλέκτου.
Για τον σκοπό αυτό συγκεντρώσαμε ένα corpus ουσιαστικών
προερχόμενων από ηχογραφήσεις αφηγήσεων που συνελέγησαν στο
πλαίσιο δύο ερευνητικών προγραμμάτων της καθ. Αγγελικής Ράλλη και τα
οποία εκπονήθηκαν/εκπονούνται στο Εργαστήριο Νεοελληνικών Διαλέκτων
(1. Καταγραφή και Μελέτη της Διαλέκτου Κυδωνιών και Μοσχονησίων,
Υπουργείο Αιγαίου 2002-2004, 2. Καταγραφή, μελέτη και χαρτογράφηση
των ιδιωμάτων της Λέσβου, Γενική Γραμματεία Αιγαίου και Νησιωτικής
Πολιτικής 2010-2016). Η συλλογή έγινε σύμφωνα με την εθνογραφική
μεθοδολογία συλλογής πρωτότυπου υλικού, όπως αυτή περιγράφεται από
τους Παπαζαχαρίου & Αρχάκη (2003). Όλοι οι πληροφορητές είναι φυσικοί
ομιλητές της Λεσβιακής διαλέκτου, άνω των 60, άνδρες και γυναίκες, του
ιδίου μορφωτικού περιεχομένου, και προέρχονται κυρίως από χωριά της
Ανατολικής Λέσβου.
Ως προς τη λεσβιακή διάλεκτο, πρέπει να σημειωθεί ότι πέραν των
φωνολογικών αποκλίσεων που παρουσιάζει από την Κοινή Νέα Ελληνική
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(ΚΝΕ), καθώς ανήκει στα βόρεια ιδιώματα, εμφανίζει και έντονες
μορφολογικές αποκλίσεις. Αυτό έχει ως αποτέλεσμα τη διαμόρφωση ενός
νέου και αρκετά διαφορετικού κλιτικού συστήματος από αυτό της ΚΝΕ.
Συγκεκριμένα, στη διάλεκτο διαφαίνεται μια τάση αναδιάρθρωσης των
κλιτικών παραδειγμάτων και συρρίκνωσης των Κλιτικών Τάξεων (ΚΤ), όπως
αυτές έχουν προταθεί από τη Ralli (2000) και Ράλλη (2005). Στο υλικό μας
εφαρμόσαμε τα κριτήρια που η Ράλλη (2005) χρησιμοποίησε για την
οργάνωση των Κ.Τ. της ΚΝΕ., δηλαδή τη συστηματική αλλομορφία του
θέματος και την μορφή των κλιτικών επιθημάτων, προσθέτοντας και το
επιπλέον χαρακτηριστικό του γένους. Με βάση αυτά τα κριτήρια,
οδηγηθήκαμε στο συμπέρασμα ότι το ονοματικό σύστημα της Λεσβιακής
αναδιαρθρώνεται σε λιγότερες Κ.Τ., την κατανομή των οποίων θα
αναλύσουμε κατά τη διάρκεια της παρουσίασης. Προτείνουμε ότι βασικός
λόγος για αυτή την αναδιάρθρωση είναι η εμφάνιση ή η εξάλειψη μιας
θεματικής αλλομορφίας, διαφορετικής από αυτή που υπάρχει στην ΚΝΕ,
όπως άλλωστε έχει επισημανθεί στο παρελθόν από τους Ράλλη,
Μελισσαροπούλου και Τσιάμα (2003: 568-579).
Για παράδειγμα, το ουδέτερο ουσιαστικό λάθους (ΚΝΕ λάθος)
εμφανίζει τον τύπο λάθητα στον πληθυντικό, δηλαδή τύπο που κλίνεται
κατά το παράδειγμα των ουσιαστικών σε -ο (π.χ. βουνό πληθ. βουνά). Παρ’
όλα αυτά, ο τύπος αυτός συνυπάρχει με τον αρχαιοπρεπή τύπο λάθ (< ΚΝΕ
λάθη με αποβολή του άτονου τελικού /i/), δείχνοντας αφενός μεν ότι το
φαινόμενο της αναδιάρθρωσης του κλιτικού παραδείγματος των ουδετέρων
είναι σε εξέλιξη, αφετέρου την εμφάνιση ετερόκλισης λόγω της δημιουργίας
του νέου αλλομορφικού τύπου.
Όπως ήδη αναφέραμε, στην παραδειγματική ομοιομορφία και στην
εμφάνιση ετερόκλισης σημαντικό ρόλο δεν παίζει μόνο η εμφάνιση
θεματικής αλλομορφίας αλλά και η εξάλειψη μιας ήδη υπάρχουσας
αλλομορφίας. Για παράδειγμα, ο πληθυντικός του αρσενικού ουσιαστικού
μπακάλ’ς (< ΚΝΕ μπακάλης) αναλλάσσσει τους τύπους μπακάλ’δις (< ΚΝΕ
μπακάληδες) με θεματικό αλλόμορφο το μπακαληδ-, και μπακαλοί, χωρίς
θεματικό αλλόμορφο. Ο δεύτερος τύπος του πληθυντικού είναι νεωτερικός
και αφορά αρσενικά ουσιαστικά με αλλόμορφο σε -δ. Η εμφάνισή του όμως
υπόκειται και σε κάποιους φωνολογικούς περιορισμούς, αφού εφαρμόζεται
στα ουσιαστικά σε -ανη(ς) και -αρη(ς).
Τέλος, αξίζει να επισημάνουμε ότι τόσο το φαινόμενο της
ετερόκλισης όσο και το φαινόμενο της παραδειγματικής ομοιομορφίας, στη
διάλεκτο της Λέσβου, εμφανίζονται κυρίως στον πληθυντικό αριθμό.
Θεωρούμε ότι η επιλογή του πληθυντικού έναντι του ενικού αριθμού
δικαιολογείται από το γεγονός ότι ο πληθυντικός είναι σημασιολογικά
General session
μαρκαρισμένη κατηγορία, σε αντίθεση με τον αμαρκάριστο ενικό, και ως εκ
τούτου είναι περισσότερο επιρρεπής στην αλλαγή.
Επιλεγμένη Βιβλιογραφία:
Bussmann, H. (1996). Routledge dictionary of language and linguistics.
London & New York: Routledge.
Maiden, M. (2009). Where does heteroclisis come from? Evidence from
Romanian dialects: Morphology 19: 59-86.
Παπαζαχαρίου, Δ., & Αρχάκης, Α. (2003). Εθνογραφικός προσδιορισμός
δεδομένων από νεανικές συνομιλίες. Μελέτες για την Ελληνική Γλώσσα:
23, σσ. 289-300.
Ralli, A. (2000). A Feature-based Analysis of Greek Nominal Inflection.
Glossolojia 11-12, 201-228
Ράλλη, Α. (2005). Μορφολογία. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Πατάκη.
Ράλλη, Α., Μελισσαροπούλου, Δ. & Θ. Τσιάμας. (2003). Φαινόμενα
Αναδιάρθρωσης του Ονοματικού Κλιτικού Παραδείγματος στη
Μικρασιατική Διάλεκτο των Κυδωνιών και Μοσχονησίων. Μελέτες για
την Ελληνική Γλώσσα, 568-579.
Stump, G. (2006). Heteroclisis and paradigm linkage. Language 82: 279322.
Orthographic trends for a non-standardised variety: the representation of
the CiV sequence in Cypriot Greek
Marianna Katsoyannou,1 Kyriaki Christodoulou,2 Spyros Armosti3
University of Cyprus1,2, Open University of Cyprus3
Cypriot Greek (CG), a variety of Modern Greek spoken in the Republic of
Cyprus, lacks a standardised orthography, something that poses problems
for its written representation.
One of the challenges for standardising the CG orthography is the
representation of synizesis. Synizesis is the phonological process whereby
an unstressed /i/ in a CiV sequence does not surface as a syllable nucleus,
and hence either turns into a consonant or deletes. For instance, after
voiceless obstruents the outcome is the palatal [c], while after the tap /ɾ/ the
outcome is the velar [k]: e.g. /pio/
[pco] ‘more’; /po tiɾiɐ/
[po tiɾkɐ]
‘drinking glasses’. The challenge this phenomenon poses for CG
orthography is whether to represent it more phonetically (e.g. 〈πκιο〉,
〈ποτήρκα〉) or phonologically (e.g. 〈πιο〉, 〈ποτήρια〉). Any solution selected
should be based on theoretical considerations but also on the preferences of
native speakers of CG. The present paper reports the results of a pilot study
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which investigates the tendencies of Greek Cypriots in writing various types
of the CiV sequence. This study was part of an on-going research program
undertaken in Cyprus for the creation of lexicographic resources of the
dialect. Subjects of different sex, age, and educational backgrounds were
exposed to audio stimuli of words containing the CiV sequence and were
asked to write down on paper what they heard. The main findings indicated
that there was a preference for writing phonologically rather than
phonetically in cases whereby /i/ was preceded by plosive consonants, such
as /p/ or /t/. This way of writing concurs with Standard Greek orthography.
However, a systematic phonetic representation dominates in cases whereby
/i/ is preceded by fricative consonants, such as /θ/ or /f/, or the tap /ɾ/. In the
light of these findings, we discuss the factors that may affect the preferences
of Greek Cypriots in writing CG, such as the influence of the writing system
of Standard Modern Greek, and phonotactic constraints of CG.
References
Cahill & Karan (2008) Factors in designing effective orthographies for
unwritten languages. SIL Electronic Working Papers 2008-001: 16.
Coutsougera, P. & G. V. Georgiou (to appear) An Orthographic System for
Cypriot Greek. Actes du XXX Colloque International de Linguistique
Fonctionnelle (Nicosia, 18–21 October 2006). Paris: L’Harmattan.
A typology of vowel-vowel and consonant-vowel-consonant phenomena in
the dialectal variants of Western Crete and its use in education
Marina Tzakosta
University of Crete
Since vowels are considered to be structurally solid and, therefore, remain
unchangeable in the Cretan dialect (both the eastern and western variants), it
is not strange that front vowels /e/and /i/ trigger fronting to adjacent
consonants (data in (1a-b)). In general, in the dialects of Crete vowels seem
to be triggers of harmonic phenomena targeting not only other vowels but
also consonants even non-adjacent (data in (1c-d)) (Κοντοσόπουλος 2001,
2006). This goes against Autosegmental Theory (cf. Goldsmith 1984)
according to which vowels and consonants are located at different harmonic
tiers, a fact which implies that vowels can harmonize with vowels and
consonants can harmonize with consonants.
In this paper, we argue that vowel harmony phenomena depend on
several morphophonological principles, such as the position of the vowels in
the word, i.e. whether they belong to stressed or unstressed syllables or
General session
whether they are located in word initial, medial or final position, or whether
they belong to certain morphological environments (Revithiadou et al.
2005). Aim of this paper is to make a typology of vowel affecting and vowel
affected phenomena. The typology will be the product of the study and
processing of a) longitudinal developmental data from two children who
acquire Greek as a mother language (age range 1;05-3;00), b) samples of
free speech and c) data stemming from a structured picture naming task, d)
indexed dialectal data (Tzakosta 2010, Tzakosta & Karra 2011). The
typology will be supported by a statistical analysis which will underline the
frequency of emergence of the Greek vowels and the salience of vowel
affecting and vowel affected phenomena.
The value of the typological/ theoretical and statistical analysis of our
data is: on the one hand, we will offer a complete theoretical account of the
vowels emerging in the dialects of Western Crete. On the other hand, vowel
frequency and salience rates will facilitate the designation of certain
strategies used in the teaching of vowels in preschool and primary school
education.
Examples
(1a) mikrόs
mićos ‘small-MASC. NOM.SG.’
(1b) lύzi
lύji ‘shampoo-3PRES.SG.’
(1c) oloéna
oļoéna ‘continuously-ADV.’
(1d) salvárja
çaluvάrja ‘costume-NEUT.NOM.PL.’
References
Κοντοσόπουλος, Ν. 2001. Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της νέας ελληνικής.
Αθήνα: εκδ. Γρηγόρη.
Κοντοσόπουλος, Ν. 2006. Γλωσσικός άτλας της Κρήτης. Ηράκλειο/ Αθήνα:
Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Κρήτης.
Tzakosta, M. 2010. ‘The Importance of Being Voiced:’ Cluster Formation in
Dialectal Variants of Greek. In Ralli, A., B. Joseph, M. Janse and A.
Karasimos (eds.) E-proceedings of the 4th International Conference of
Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. University of Patras.
213-223.
http://www.philology.upatras.gr/LMGD/el/index.html (ISSN: 1792-3743).
Tzakosta, M. and A. Karra. 2011. A typological and comparative account of
CL and CC clusters in Greek dialects. In Janse, Μ., B. Joseph, P. Pavlou,
A. Ralli & S. Armosti (eds.) Studies in Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic Theory I. Nicosia: Kykkos Cultural Research Centre, 95–105.
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Compiling the microstructure of a multi-media tri-dialectal online
dictionary: Decisions and practices – THALIS PROJECT
Eleonora Dimela, Dimitra Melissaropoulou, Christos Papanagiotou,
George J. Xydopoulos & Angela Ralli
University of Patras
In this paper we discuss a series of methodological issues in the compilation
of a multi-media tri-dialectal online dictionary of the Asia Minor Greek
Dialects of Aivali, Pontus and Cappadocia (TDGDAM). This dictionary is a
deliverable of the “Thales AMIGRE” project and, we believe, constitutes an
innovative piece of reference work in the area of dialectal (e-)lexicography,
both in terms of theory and application, taking into consideration the rather
scarce literature available (for relevant discussion see e.g. Barbato &
Varvaro 2004, Karanikolas et al. 2014 and Xydopoulos & Ralli 2013). In
other words, in making decisions for the compilation of TDGDAM we have
been challenged by various issues pertaining to the particularity of these
non-standard varieties of Greek, e.g. orality and the lack of established
writing/spelling systems, historicality of existing written resources, intradialectal variation (e.g. Béjoint 2010, Xydopoulos 2011, Dimela to appear).
In particular, we investigate all major issues concerning the way we
structured the microstructure of TDGDAM, pertaining to pronunciation,
grammar, origin, meaning and usage accompanied by illustrative examples
from different entries of all three dialects. We put special emphasis on the
following:



Regarding the form of the headword, we decided to adopt the
capitalized form (in the sense of Penhalluric 2009), i.e. the most
appropriate and advantageous option. This decision has helped us avoid
prescription, through the (re)conventionalization of (semi-phonetic)
spelling rules in the dialect, by adding special symbols or diacritics,
while it allowed us to include alternative orthographic forms found in
different written sources of the three dialects.
The phonetic form, we believe, is of major significance in a dialectal
dictionary. In this vein, we transcribe dialectal data, in a broad phonetic
transcription, solely using IPA characters (see e.g. Atkins & Rundell
2008). Phonetic forms are accompanied by sound files (WAV)
containing the authentic pronunciation performed by native speakers.
This decision has proved to be crucial in disentangling discrepancies
between written resources and actual pronunciation.
In the formal comment we also include information on (i) etymology
(ii) the morphological process involved in the formation of the lemma
General session

(iii) the lexical category of each different realization form. We restrict
etymological information to the most recent origin, while we pay
particular attention to loan forms from other languages in contact as
well as cases with common form of reference for all three varieties,
highlighting both their common and diverse characteristics. We also
include categorial information next to each alternative phonetic form in
order to highlight micro-dialectal differentiations, e.g. in gender.
In the semantic-pragmatic comment, we mainly use synonymic
definitions, while sentential versions (e.g. Geeraerts 2003) are opted for
in difficult cases or in dialect-specific meanings. In selected lemmas,
definitions are enriched with multimedia information (pictures and/or
videos, hyperlinks), a small thesaurus of synonyms and antonyms and
cross-references to other related lemmas. Moreover, we provide
authentic examples of use, accompanied by translation in the standard
form of Greek, that help the user to better understand the definitions. In
addition, we use labels of usage to indicate the thematic domain for
every different meaning of each entry (e.g. agriculture, fishing, religion)
when available and the “pragmatics” that limit its range of application.
The discussion in our work is intended as a contribution to the lexicographic
treatment of dialectal variation, emphasizing Modern Greek Dialects as well
as to the preservation of Asia Minor’s linguistic heritage.
Selected References
Atkins, B. T. S. & M. Rundell 2008. The Oxford guide to practical
lexicography. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Barbato, M. & A. Varvaro 2004. Dialect dictionaries. International Journal
of Lexicography 17.4, 429-439.
Béjoint, H. 2010. The lexicography of English. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Burke, S. M. 2003. The design of online lexicons. In P. van Sterkenburg
(ed.), A practical guide to lexicography. Amsterdam: John Benjamins,
240-249.
Dimela, Ε. (to appear). Τα Λεξικά Διαλέκτων [Dialectal Dictionaries]. In G.
J. Xydopoulos and G. Trapalis (eds.), Εγχειρίδιο λεξικογραφίας
[Handbook of Lexicography]. To be published in Athens by Patakis.
Karanikolas, N., E. Galiotou, G. Xydopoulos, A. Ralli, K Athanasakos & G.
Koronakis. 2013. Structuring a Multimedia Tri-Dialectal Dictionary.
Lecture Notes in Computer Science 8082, 509-518.
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Geeraerts, D. 2003. Meaning and definition. In P. van Sterkenburg (ed.), A
practical guide to lexicography. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 83-93.
Penhallurick, R. 2009. Dialect dictionaries. In A. P. Cowie (ed.), The Oxford
History of English Lexicography. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
Volume II, 290-313.
Xydopoulos, G. J. 2011. Μεταλεξικογραφικές παρατηρήσεις στα λεξικά Μ.
Μπεναρδή & Α. Σύρκου [Metalexicographic observations on the
dialectal dictionaries of M. Benardis and A. Syrkou]. In Patras Working
Papers in Linguistics 2.1 (Special Volume on the dialect of Megara), 96113.
Xydopoulos, G. J. & A. Ralli. 2013. Greek dialects in Asia Minor: Setting
lexicographic principles for a tridialectal dictionary. In M. Janse, B. D.
Joseph, A. Ralli & M. Bagriacik (eds.), Online Proceedings of the 5th
International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic
Theory (MGDLT 5, Ghent Belgium, 20-22 September 2012 ), 524-536.
Vowel raising and deletion in Kozani Greek
Evia Kainada1, Angelos Lengeris2 & Nina Topintzi3
University of Ioannina1, University of Thessaloniki2, University of Leipzig3
Northern Greek dialects are phonologically characterized by two hallmark
phenomena: raising of unstressed /e/ and /o/ (henceforth VR) and deletion of
unstressed /i/ and /u/ (henceforth VD) (Chatzidakis 1905; Papadopoulos
1927; Newton 1972; Browning 1991; Kondosopoulos 2000; Trudgill 2003).
While impressionistic reports of the phenomena in various Northern dialects
are abundant, systematic and experimental research is very limited. Two
notable exceptions are Topintzi & Baltazani (2012; henceforth T&B) and
Kainada & Baltazani (submitted; on Ipiros Greek). Focusing on VD in
Kozani Greek (KG), T&B report that (a) VD does not apply categorically
even when conditions favour its application; (b) its phonetic output is also
gradient involving a number of stages in its implementation; and (c) there
are several asymmetries between i-VD vs. u-VD application.
The present paper follows-up on T&B in the examination of KG –
allowing for direct comparison of the results in the two studies –but seeks to
extend it in two significant ways: by also considering VR and by exploring
further aspects relevant to VD. Notably, the results of T&B were deemed
rather tentative given that they relied on recordings of only one KG speaker
who read aloud a text written in the dialect. Our current data aspires to
eliminate this potentially confounding effect as they are based on recordings
of spontaneous speech (describing their lives, hobbies, etc.) from 6 KG
speakers collected for the VOCALECT Thalis project (Baltazani et al. 2012-
General session
2015). For the purposes of this paper, we selected and analyzed 5 minutes of
dialectal speech from each KG speaker (from a total of around 45 minutes of
speech recorded for each speaker).
Preliminary results suggest that both VR and VD are variable and
gradient phenomena, with VD however applying more frequently than VR.
This result comes in stark contrast with Dinas (2005: 36-37, 43), who claims
that VR applies deterministically unlike VD, but is in accord with Kainada
& Baltazani (submitted) for Ipiros Greek. The comparison of i-VD vs. u-VD
verifies the asymmetries also identified in T&B, although in a somewhat
different way. For instance, T&B found that u-VD applies more commonly
than i-VD, while our results indicate a rather comparable distribution of the
two processes, although differences do emerge. For example, i-VD is more
frequent post-tonically, but u-VD pre-tonically.
Acoustically, the KG vowel space extends to a smaller area than the
area reported for Standard Modern Greek (e.g. Arvaniti 2007). Fig. 1 shows
that raised /e, o/ of KG female speakers are much closer to non-raised
(unstressed) /i, u/ respectively than to non-raised (unstressed) /e/ and /o/.
Figure 1: Position in the vowel space of unstressed /e, o, i, u/ for KG female speakers and for
raised /e, o/.
The acoustic characteristics of VR and VD (duration, F1 and F2 formant
frequencies, gradient acoustic manifestations) as a function of factors such
as position within the word and position of V related to stress are discussed
in an attempt to determine the conditions that favour or block the application
of the two phenomena.
References
Arvaniti, Amalia. 2007. Greek phonetics: The state of the art. Journal of
Greek Linguistics 8: 97–208.
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Baltazani, Mary et al. 2012-2015. VOCALECT. VOwels of greek dialects:
phonetiC and phonologicAL analysis, dialect index construction, and
diffusion of results through educational material. Thalis Project. Greek
Ministry of Education Grant.
Browning, Robert. 1991. Medieval and Modern Greek [Η ελληνική γλώσσα
μεσαιωνική και νέα]. 1st edition 1962, 2nd edition 1983; Greek edition
1991. Athens: Papadima Publications
Chatzidakis, Georgios. 1905. Medieval and Modern Greek A' [Μεσαιωνικά
και Νέα Ελληνικά Α']. Athens: P.D. Sakellarios.
Dinas, Kostas. 2005. The dialect of Kozani [Το γλωσσικό ιδίωμα της
Κοζάνης]. Kozani: Instituto Vivliu ke Anagnosis.
Kainada, Evia & Mary Baltazani. submitted. The vocalic system of the
dialect of Ipiros. In Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on
Greek Linguistics.
Kondosopoulos, Nikolaos. 2000. Dialects and Idioms of Modern Greek
[Διάλεκτοι και Ιδιώματα της Νέας Ελληνικής]. 3rd edition. Athens:
Gregori Publications.
Newton, Brian. 1972. The Generative Interpretation of Dialect: A Study of
Modern Greek Phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Papadopoulos, Anthimos. 1927. Grammar of Modern Greek Northern
Idioms [Γραμματική των Βορείων Ιδιωμάτων της Νέας Ελληνικής].
Athens: P.D. Sakellarios.
Topintzi, Nina & Mary Baltazani. 2012. The acoustics of high-vowel loss in
a Northern Greek dialect and typological implications. In Consonant
clusters and structural complexity, Phil Hoole et al. (eds.), Interface
Explorations series, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 369-398.
Trudgill, Peter. 2003. Modern Greek dialects: a preliminary classification.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 4: 45-64.
Challenges of Annotating a Multi-Dialect, Multi-Level Corpus of Spoken
and Written Modern Greek Dialects – ΤΗALIS PROJECT
Athanasios Karasimos1, Eleni Galiotou2, Nikitas Karanikolas2, George
Koronakis2, Kostas Athanasakos2, Dimitris Papazachariou3 & Angela Ralli3
Academy of Athens & University of Patras1
TEI Athinon2, University of Patras3
Πολλές από τις διαλέκτους και ιδιώματα της Κοινής Νέας Ελληνικής
ομιλούνται στην καθημερινή ζωή, ενώ κάποιες από αυτές χρησιμοποιούνται
από συγκεκριμένες ομάδες – κυρίως ατόμων της τρίτης ηλικίας και
κινδυνεύουν να εξαφανιστούν. Αυτές οι διάλεκτοι διαφέρουν σε
φωνολογικό, μορφολογικό και σημασιολογικό επίπεδο. Λιγοστά ερευνητικά
κέντρα συμμετέχουν ενεργά και συστηματικά στη συλλογή διαλεκτικού
General session
προφορικού και γραπτού υλικού. Ωστόσο, η μόνη συστηματική προσπάθεια
για ψηφιοποίηση, καταλογογράφηση και κωδικοποίηση διαλεκτικών
δεδομένων έχει γίνει από το Εργαστήριο Μελέτης Νεοελληνικών
Διαλέκτων του Πανεπιστημίου Πατρών με τη δημιουργία της βάσης
δεδομένων GREED.
Στην παρούσα μελέτη που αποτελεί μέρος του προγράμματος
«AMIGRE – Πόντος, Καππαδοκία, Αϊβαλί: στα χνάρια της Μικρασιάτικης
Ελληνικής Γλώσσας» παρουσιάζεται η επισημείωση ενός διαλεκτικού
σώματος αρχείων που διαφέρει από τα υπόλοιπα σε δύο βασικά σημεία.
Πρώτον, έχει συμπεριληφθεί ένα μεγάλο εύρος δειγμάτων από τις
διαλεκτικές ποικιλίες του Πόντου, της Καππαδοκίας και του Αϊβαλιού και
αποτελεί την πιο ευρεία κάλυψη των συγκεκριμένων διαλεκτικών περιοχών
σε προφορικό και γραπτό υλικό. Επιπροσθέτως, παρέχονται τα
αποτελέσματα από μια συστηματοποιημένη προσπάθεια επισημείωσης με
κοινή στρατηγική σε γραπτά και προφορικά δεδομένα.
Το συγκεκριμένο διαλεκτικό σώμα κειμένων έχει μια μεγάλη
ποικιλία χαρακτηριστικών που συνδυαστικά δημιουργούν ένα εξειδικευμένο
εργαλείο για τη γλωσσολογική και διαλεκτολογική μελέτη. Αυτά τα
χαρακτηριστικά είναι μεταξύ άλλων: γλωσσολογικό περιεχόμενο (διάλεκτοι
από τρεις περιοχές που συσχετίζονται), multi-tiers επισημείωση (μεταγραφή
και απεικόνιση προφορικού και γραπτού υλικού με βάση διεθνή στάνταρ,
π.χ. SAMPA), πολυεπίπεδα μεταδεδομένα (TEI), αναβαθμισμένη μηχανή
αναζήτησης (βασισμένη σε γλωσσολογική πληροφορία και μεταδεδομένα),
ψηφιακές συλλογές χειρογράφων και ηχητικών αρχείων, χάρτες
απεικόνισης των δεδομένων και συνοδευτικό multimedia τρι-διαλεκτικό
λεξικό.
Σημαντικά ζητήματα για την επισημείωση σε φωνολογικό επίπεδο
αντιμετωπίστηκαν κατά τη μελέτη καθότι έγινε μια συστηματική
προσπάθεια να ενοποιηθούν όλες οι διαφορετικές μεταγραφές διαλεκτικού
γραπτού υλικού που δεν υπήρχε κοινή στρατηγική απεικόνισης. Παράλληλα
προτείνεται πολυεπίπεδη φωνολογική (παράλληλα με μορφολογική)
επισημείωση του σώματος κειμένων καθιερώνοντας ένα βασικό πρότυπο
επισημείωσης διαλεκτικού υλικού για τις Νεοελληνικές Διαλέκτους σε
καθιερωμένα λογισμικά ανάλυσης ομιλίας.
Ανίχνευση πολιτισμικών στοιχείων στο διαδίκτυο: Ψηφιακές προκλήσεις
στην έρευνα Διαλεκτολογίας και Εθνολογίας
Athanasios Karasimos1 & Iraklitos Souyioultzoglou2
Academy of Athens & University of Patras1, Academy of Athens2
Ένας από τους κύριους θεωρητικούς προβληματισμούς των διάφορων
μελετών της Ανθρωπολογίας της Γλώσσας (Foley 1997) και της Εθνολογίας
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(Ferraro 2006) αναφέρεται στη συσχέτιση της γλωσσικής έκφρασης με το
ευρύτερο κοινωνικό και πολιτισμικό περιβάλλον, καθώς και -σε ένα
ευρύτερο πλαίσιο- στη σχέση μεταξύ πολιτισμικών παραγώγων, εθνοτικών
ταυτοτήτων και κοινωνικών συμπεριφορών. Η πρόσφατη ανάπτυξη του
κλάδου των Digital Humanities (DH) θέτει νέες μεθοδολογικές προκλήσεις
για την Εθνολογία και τη Γλωσσολογία, που πλέον καλούνται να
υπερκεράσουν τα όποια μεθοδολογικά ζητήματα προέκυψαν κατά τη
διεπιστημονική μελέτη του λαϊκού πολιτισμού, αλλά και να ανταποκριθούν
στις νέες προκλήσεις που γεννιούνται από τη χρήση ψηφιακών εφαρμογών
για την αναπαραγωγή της πολιτισμικής πληροφορίας.
Στο πλαίσιο του προγράμματος DARIAH-GR (Ανάπτυξη της
Ελληνικής Ερευνητικής Υποδομής για τις Ανθρωπιστικές Επιστήμες),
εστιάζουμε στην καταγραφή ψηφιακών και μη συλλογών που περιέχουν
τεκμήρια ανθρωπο-γλωσσολογικού ενδιαφέροντος (διαλεκτικά κείμενα,
ηχογραφήσεις, οπτικοακουστικό υλικό), οι οποίες είναι κατά κάποιο τρόπο
απομακρυσμένες και απομονωμένες από το πολιτισμικό συμφραζόμενο.
Ειδικά κατά τη διαδικασία τεκμηρίωσης των διαθέσιμων στο διαδίκτυο
πηγών, προκύπτουν τα ακόλουθα ζητήματα:
Μπορούμε, έχοντας πρόσβαση μόνο σε ά-χρονα και ά-χωρα
δεδομένα (ψηφιακό περιεχόμενο) να αποδώσουμε τη διαχρονικότητα και
την ποικιλία που χαρακτηρίζουν τον λαϊκό πολιτισμό σε διαλεκτικό και
ανθρωπολογικό επίπεδο; Είναι δυνατή η ποιοτική αξιολόγηση τεκμηρίων
αυτής της μορφής, ο έλεγχος αξιοπιστίας των δεδομένων και η αξιοποίησή
τους για την εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων σχετικά με τα είδη και την εξέλιξη
των μορφών πολιτισμικής έκφρασης; Επιπλέον, πώς πρέπει να αξιολογούμε
τα τεκμήρια, όταν η προβολή τους γίνεται «ερασιτεχνικά», όπως στην
περίπτωση των διάφορων πολιτιστικών συλλόγων, που πλέον παράγουν και
δημοσιοποιούν την πλειονότητα της διαλεκτικής και ανθρωπολογικής
πληροφορίας; Τέλος, είναι εφικτό -μέσω των τεχνολογιών, της
μεθοδολογίας και των εφαρμογών των DH- να αναβαθμίστει ποιοτικά το
διαθέσιμο πολιτισμικό υλικό, ίσως και να αναπαραχθεί συνδυαστικά με το
βιωματικό πλαίσιο εντός του οποίου παράγεται;
Η ευρύτερη έρευνα βασίζεται στη χρήση ερωτηματολογίου για την
απάντηση των παραπάνω ερωτημάτων από φορείς και συλλόγους που
εμπλέκονται με διαλέκτους, λαογραφία και ανθρωπολογία. Έτσι γίνεται και
μια γεωγραφική διαλεκτική χαρτογράφηση και κατανομή συλλόγων, μια
αξιολόγηση της πληροφορίας που παρέχεται για έρευνα και παράλληλα
προτείνουμε βασικές αρχές, κριτήρια και στρατηγικές για την αντιμετώπιση
των προαναφερθέντων ζητημάτων στην ελληνική πραγματικότητα με βάση
πρακτικές των DH (Hirsch 2012).
General session
Determiner spreading in Cappadocian Greek
Petros Karatsareas1 & Marika Lekakou2
University of the West of England & Open University of Cyprus 1,
University of Ioannina2
In this paper, we take a micro-comparative approach to determiner
spreading (DS) in Cappadocian Greek (CG). DS involves the multiple
morphosyntactic realization of the definite article in a construction that is
semantically monodefinite. In Standard Modern Greek (SMG), DS is
optional and has special syntactic and semantic properties vis-à-vis monadic
definites (see Androutsopoulou 1995; Alexiadou & Wilder 1998; Kolliakou
2004; Campos & Savrou 2004; Lekakou & Szendrői 2012, 2013; Alexiadou
2014, among others). DS licenses word order freedom unavailable to
monadic definites, as shown in (1) and (2). Moreover, DS imposes a
restrictive interpretation on the adjective; hence, in (3) from Kolliakou
(2004), DS is infelicitous, in virtue of all cobras being poisonous.
(1)
(2)
(3)
a.
to
the
‘the green box’
prasino to
green
b.
to
the
‘the green box’
kuti
box
a.
to
the
‘the green box’
prasino kuti
green box
b.
*to
kuti
the
box
‘the green box’
to
the
the
kuti
box
prasino
green
prasino
green
Idhame tis dhilitiriodhis (#tis) kobres.
saw.1PL the poisonous
the cobras
‘We saw the poisonous cobras.’
In CG, DS is obligatory: adjectival modification in general triggers an
additional determiner as (4) shows. The only case of apparent non-doubling
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involves the null definite determiner, which Karatsareas (2013) argues
surfaces in specific morphological contexts, namely with historically
masculine and feminine nouns, which employ a phonologically null definite
article as in (5):
(4)
(5)
a.
du
omurfu
the
beautiful
‘the beautiful girl’
du kuritʃ
the girl
b.
*du
omurfu
the
beautiful
‘the beautiful girl’
kuritʃ
girl
c.
*omurfu
du
beautiful
the
‘the beautiful girl’
kuritʃ
girl
a.
ando
irte
Ø aðelfos
when
came.3SG the brother
‘when their brother came’
b.
to
meɣa Ø
the
old
the
‘the older brother said’
tun
their
aðelfos ipen
brother said.3SG
Contrary to SMG, the word order in CG is rigidly DADN:
(6)
a.
b.
du omurfu
du kuritʃ
The beautiful
the girl
‘the beautiful girl’
*du kuritʃ
du
omurfu
the girl
the
beautiful
‘the beautiful girl’
Finally, in virtue of being obligatory, DS does not impose semantic
restrictions on the adjective. As (7) shows, non-restrictive interpretations are
readily available.
General session
(7)
Rantsam ula spitçu da domata scepasin=da d’aspru du çon.
saw.1PL all house.GEN the.PL roof.PL covered=them the white the snow
‘We saw tha the white snow had covered all the house roofs.’
Following Lekakou & Szendrői (2012), DS in SMG is an instance of close
apposition involving noun ellipsis. By contrast, DS in CG is an instance of
definiteness agreement as in Scandinavian and the Semitic languages, where
doubling is the only option (hence its obligatory status) and yields no
ordering freedom. In particular, like Hebrew DS (but unlike Scandinavian
DS), DS in CG yields multiple determiners in the presence of multiple
adjectives, on a par with SMG, in fact:
(8)
Aniksi
du tʃenurʝu du
open.IMPV the new
the
prasinu du xuti
green
the box
tʃ’ epar
na lokum.
and take.IMPV a Turkish_delight
‘Open the new green box and take a piece of Turkish delight.’
The locus of microvariation resides in D: the SMG determiner is uniformly
expletive (Lekakou & Szendrői 2012, 2013), which enables DPs in SMG to
combine semantically as predicates in an appositive relation. By contrast, in
CG, the nominal determiner is semantically contentful and the adjectival
one(s) are exponents of an agreement relation, in the spirit of Sichel’s
(2002) proposal for Hebrew. This difference is finally argued to be due to a
truly language-internal innovation of the dialect that, unlike many other CG
developments, evolved independently of contact with Turkish.
References
Alexiadou, A. 2014. Multiple Determiners and the Structure of DPs.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Alexiadou, A. & C. Wilder. 1998. Adjectival modification and multiple
deteminers. In A. Alexiadou & C. Wilder (Eds.), Possessors, Predicates
and Movement in the DP. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins,
303–332.
Androutsopoulou, A. 1995. The licencing of adjectival modification.
Proceedings of WCCFL 14, 17–31. Campos, H. & M. Stavrou. 2004.
Polydefinites in Greek and Aromanian. In O. Tomić (Ed.), Balkan
Syntax and Semantics. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 137–
173.
Karatsareas, P. 2013. Understanding diachronic change in Cappadocian
Greek: the dialectological perspective. Journal of Historical Linguistics
3, 192–229.
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Kolliakou, D. 2004. Monadic definites and polydefinites: their form,
meaning and use. Journal of Linguistics 40, 263–333.
Lekakou, M. & K. Szendrői. 2012. Polydefinites in Greek: ellipsis, close
apposition and expletive determiners. Journal of Linguistics 48, 107–
149.
Lekakou, M. & K. Szendrői. 2013. When determiners abound: implications
for the encoding of definiteness. In P. Cabredo-Hofherr & A. Zribi-Hertz
(Eds.), Cross-linguistic studies in noun phrase structure and reference.
Leiden: Brill, 212–238.
Sichel, I. 2002. Phrasal movement in Hebrew adjectives and possessives. In
A. Alexiadou, E. Anagnostopoulou & S. Barbiers (Eds.), Dimensions of
Movement: From Features to Remnants. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins, 297–339.
General session
Loanword integration substantiating the realization of gender in
Heptanesian, Grekaniko and Cretan
Vasiliki Makri
University of Patras
This paper deals with the congruities in the main mechanisms governing
nominal loanword integration, with respect to gender assignment, drawing
data from three contact-induced dialectal systems of Greek, i.e. Grekaniko
(Griko and Bovese spoken in Southern Italy) which has been influenced by
the local Romance varieties and Italian, as well as Heptanesian (spoken on
the Ionian islands) and Cretan (spoken on the island of Crete) which have
been both affected by Venetian and Italian.
Corbett (1991) argues that the assignment of this property depends
on semantic and formal factors. Ralli (2002, 2003) maintains that gender
constitutes a lexical feature actively involved in Greek word-formation
processes.
In this paper, we examine the grammatical factors that determine the
assignment of gender value to loanwords in Greek, encapsulated as follows:
(a) Animacy, as codified in grammatical gender (cf. Dahl 2000), is prevalent
in the integration of non-human nouns as neuter, in correspondence with
natural gender, corroborating the universal premise according to which
gender has a semantic core (cf. Aksenov 1984) (1A, 1B, 1C for human
and 2-3A, 2B for non-human loanwords). Thus, gender functions as a
device of nominal classification in terms of the grammatical encoding of
animacy, and “humanness” in particular for Greek loanwords.
(b)Morphological factors regulate gender assignment to Romance
loanwords, in line with Ralli (2002, 2003) who argues that in Greek the
determination of gender seems to be heavily dependent on
morphological criteria relevant to inflection and derivation. More
specifically, the non-human loanwords are not exclusively assigned to
the neuter gender, but are divided in the three genders by virtue of the
employment of formal assignment rules that clearly outweigh the
semantic principles (cf. Ralli 2002). Moreover, Ralli’s (2012a, b)
assertion that the inherent morphological properties of the recipient
language are crucial for the integration of loanwords in a language
affected by contact, is corroborated by our data.
(c) A certain matching of phonological features between languages in
contact, the so-called ‘diaforms’ by Selinker (1992: 83-84) or
‘interlingual correspondences’ by Weinreich (1953: 39-40), may also act
as a facilitating factor for borrowing and gender assignment.
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6th MGDLT
For an illustration, consider the following data, drawn from the oral
and written corpora of the Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects of the
University of Patras:
Group A: Heptanesian
(1) avokatos. MASC ‘lawyer’ < ital. avvocato. MASC [ic1]
(2) apartamento. NEU ‘apartment’ < ital. apartamento. MASC [ic5]
(3) premurarisma. NEU ‘rush, anxiety, care, willingness’ < ital. premura.
FEM ‘care’ (-ma NEU) [ic8]
Group B: Grekaniko
(1) patruna. FEM ‘hostess’ < ital. padrona. FEM ‘mistress, owner’ [ic3]
(2) kapetali. NEU ‘pillow’ < ital. capitale. MASC ‘pillow’ [ic6]
(3) akula. FEM ‘eagle’ < ital. acula. FEM ‘eagle’ [ic3]
(4) xiuraci. NEU ‘small flower’ < ital. fiore. MASC (-aci NEU) [ic6]
Group C: Cretan
(1) δatseris. MASC ‘tax collector’ < ven. dazièr. MASC ‘customs officer’
[ic2]
(2) embos. NEU ‘dark rain cloud’ < ital. nembo. MASC [ic7]
(3) mosteritsa. FEM ‘lizard’ < ital. mostro. MASC ‘monster’ (-itsa FEM)
[ic3]
By assuming Ralli’s (2000) division of Greek nouns into 8 inflection
classes, we notice that loanwords behave as native nouns in terms of
inflection:
(i) Nouns of inflection-class types 1 and 2 are masculine (IC 1: 1A; IC2:
1C);
(ii) Nouns of inflection-class type 3 are feminine (1B, 3B, 3C);
(iii) Nouns of inflection-class types 5, 6, 7, and 8 are neuter (IC5: 2A; IC6:
2B, 4B; IC7: 2C; IC8: 3A).
The dialectal data:
(I) that loanword integration in Greek and the Greek dialects is constrained
by the language’s intra-linguistic actuality, as borrowed words are
modified/hellenicized to fit the Greek word pattern which combines a
stem and an inflectional ending (see 1,2A, 1-3B, 1,2C), or in the case of
derivation, a stem and a derivational suffix (3A, 4B, 3C) (Ralli 2014);
(II)show that the phonological compatibility between the inflectional
suffixes -o and -a (2A, 3B) in both the donor and the recipient language
General session
entails assignment of a specific gender value (neuter and feminine) and
membership in a certain inflectional class (IC5 and IC3);
(III) reveal that in derived nouns the choice of the gender value is dictated
by the derivational suffix, since this is the head of the construction (Ralli
2002, 2003), which is also applicable to loanwords (3A, 4B, 3C). As a
case in point in (4B), the diminutive suffix -aci determines the feature
[+neuter] of the word xiuraci.
In a nutshell, both a semantic (a) and a morphological (b) basis of gender
assignment to loanwords are traceable in confirm Ralli’s (2014) hypothesis
Greek. Furthermore, gender serves as an inflectional classifier in the
organization of nominal classification, on the grounds that nominal
loanword inflection of the varieties under examination is organized
according to (i), (ii), (iii). Additionally, there is a one-to-one correspondence
between gender and inflectional class in Romance borrowings, contrary to
SMG in which IC1 encompasses both masculine and feminine nouns.
Finally, the recipient systems resort to the available word-formation
mechanisms in order to effect loanword integration (I). Overall, this paper
demonstrates that the integration of loans in a recipient linguistic system,
which bears an overtly marked gender, may offer invaluable insights into
grammatical gender assignment.
Selected bibliography
Aksenov, A. T. 1984. K Probleme èkstralingvističeskoj motivacii
grammatičeskoj kategorii roda. Voprosy jazykoznanija 1, 14-25.
Dahl. Ö. 2000. Animacy and the notion of semantic gender. In B.
Unterbeck, M. Rissanen, T. Nevalainen and M. Saari (Εds.), Gender in
grammar and cognition, I: approaches to gender, 99–115. Berlin:
Mouton de Gruyter.
Corbett, G. 1991. Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ralli, A. 2000. A feature-based analysis of Greek nominal inflection.
Γλωσσολογία/Glossologia 11-12, 201-227.
Ralli, A. 2002. The role of morphology in gender determination: evidence
from Modern Greek, Linguistics 40, 519-551.
Ralli, A. 2003. The definition of the grammatical gender in nouns in Modern
Greek. A theoretical proposal (in Greek). In: A. Anastasiadi-Symeonidi,
A. Ralli & D. Cheila–Markopoulou (eds.) To genos [Gender], 57-99.
Athens: Patakis.
Ralli, A. 2012b. Verbal loanblends in Griko and Heptanesian: a case study
of contact morphology. L’ Italia Dialettale LXXIII: 111-132.
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Ralli, A. 2014. On the Romance influence on Modern Greek Dialects. In:
Atti del Terzo Convegno "Parole per parlare e per parlarne" Patrizia del
Puente (ed.). Potenza.
Selinker, L. 1992. Rediscovering interlanguage. London: Longman.
Η Κατωιταλική διάλεκτος του Σαλέντο σε σχέση με τις υπόλοιπες
νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους
Vladimir Panov
Instutute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences
Από τη μέση του 19ου αιώνα, η ελληνική διάλεκτος του Σαλέντο (Griko)
προσέλκυσε την προσοχή των γλωσσολόγων. Τα πρώτα έργα που
ασχολούνται με τις διαλέκτους του Σαλέντο και της Καλαβρίας είναι
Morosi (1870), Comparetti (1866).
Υπάρχουν δύο κύρια έργα (Rohlfs 1977, Καραναστάσης 1997) που
περιγράφουν με λεπτομέρειες και τα δύο ιδιώματα, υπάρχουν και μεγάλα
λεξικά (Rohlfs , Καραναστάσης 1984-92) αυτών των ιδιωμάτων. O Rohlfs
έχει ασχοληθεί εκτενώς και με την ιστορία και με την προέλευση των
ιδιωμάτων (Rohlfs 1973, 1972).
Μιλώντας για το πρόβλημα της προέλευσης των ελληνικών
ιδιωμάτων της Κάτω Ιταλίας πρέπει να αναφέρουμε ότι για τους
περισσότερους γλωσσολόγους το κύριο ερώτημα σε σχέση με την
προέλευσή τους από την αρχή των ερευνών ήταν, αν αυτά τα ιδιώματα είναι
“Αρχαίας Ελληνικής” ή “Βυζαντινής” προέλευσης.
Κατά την άποψή μου, ένα τέτοιο ερώτημα δε βοηθάει στο να
καταλάβουμε βαθύτερα την αληθινή φύση των Κατωιταλικών ιδιωμάτων,
καθώς όλες οι διάλεκτοι της Νεοελληνικής γλώσσας είναι “αρχαίας”
προέλευσης. Παρ'όλα αυτά, όλες οι διάλεκτοι έχουν επηρεαστεί από την
ελληνική κοινή, άλλες σε μεγαλύτερο και άλλες σε μικρότερο βαθμό –
ακόμα και η Τσακωνική διάλεκτος που θεωρείται αρχαϊκή.
Σκοπός μου είναι να μελετήσουμε ποια είναι τα κοινά στοιχεία
μεταξύ των δύο κατωιταλικών ιδιωμάτων, καθώς και ποια είναι η σχέση
τους με τις διαλέκτους και με τα ιδιώματα του υπόλοιπου ελληνικού
κόσμου.
Θα εξετάσουμε συγκεκριμένα φωνητικά και γραμματικά φαινόμενα
όπως οι αλλαγές [ll<ddh, ld], η χρήση του Αορίστου και του Ενεστώτα στην
Προστακτική και την Υποτακτική σε διάφορες διαλέκτους (στα
Κατωιταλιώτικα του Σαλέντο και της Καλαβρίας, στα Δωδεκάνησα, στην
Κύπρο, στην Κρήτη, στην Τσακωνία, στη Νότια Ελλάδα, στην Ανατολική
Ουκρανία και σε άλλες τοποθεσίες). Επιπλέον, θα αναλύσουμε τη λεξική
General session
λίστα του Swadesh για μερικές ελληνικές διαλέκτους και για την τοπική
ρομανική διάλεκτο του Σαλέντο.
Μελετώντας φαινόμενα από διαφορετικά επίπεδα της γλώσσας, θα
προσπαθήσουμε να βρούμε ισόγλωσσα που ισχύουν για μια διαλεκτολογική
σύγκριση μεταξύ των διαλέκτων της Κάτω Ιταλίας και άλλων ελληνικών
ιδιωμάτων.
Η σύγκριση πρέπει να θεωρείται ως συνέχεια των διαλεκτολογικών
ερευνών του Κοντοσόπουλου (2001), Newton (1972), Kisilier (2012) και
άλλων διαλεκτολόγων. Στην έρευνά μου χρησιμοποιούνται τα δικά μου
υλικά ηχογραφημένα στο Σαλέντο το 2012.
Τα αποτελέσματα μπορούν να φανούν χρήσιμα για τον Πανελλήνιο
διαλεκτολογικό Άτλαντα που πιθανόν να χαρτογραφηθεί στο μέλλον.
Βιβλιογραφία
Comparetti, D. (1866) Saggi dei dialetti Greci dell’Italia meridionale.
Καραναστάσης Α. (1984-1992) Ιστορικόν Λεξικόν των ελληνικών ιδιωμάτων
της Κάτω Ιταλίας. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών
Καραναστάσης Α. (1997). Γραμματική των ελληνικών ιδιωμάτων της κάτω
Ιταλίας. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών
Kisilier (2012) Румейский язык и новогреческие диалекты (στα ρωσικά)
[Rumaiic
language
and
Modern
Greek
dialects].
In:
ИНДОЕВРОПЕЙСКОЕ ЯЗЫКОЗНАНИЕ И КЛАССИЧЕСКАЯ
ФИЛОЛОГИЯ-XVI (чтения памяти И. М. Тронского). SaintPetersburg: Nauka, 2012, 355-368
Κοντοσόπουλος Ν. (2001). Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της Νέας Ελληνικής.
Αθήνα: Εκδώσεις Γηργόρη
Morosi, G. (1870) Studi Sui Dialetti Greci Della Terra D'Otranto. Lecce:
Editrice Salentina
Newton, B. (1972). A generative interpretation of dialect: a study of
Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge studies in linguistics, 8
Rohlfs, G. (1972) Nuovi scavi linguistici nella antica Magna Grecia.
Palermo: Luxograph.
Rohlfs (1964) Lexicon graecanicum Italiae inferioris. 2., erw. u. völlig
neubearb. Aufl. Niemeyer, Tübingen
Rohlfs, G. (1972) Nuovi scavi linguistici nella antica Magna Grecia.
Palermo: Luxograph.
Rohlfs, G. (1977) Grammatica storica dei dialetti italogreci. Mόnchen:
Beck
97
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6th MGDLT
«Διαλεκτικά λεξικά και γλωσσάρια της Ηλείας» Μία λεξικογραφική
περιγραφή
Athina Prountzou
University of Patras
Στην εργασία αυτή ασχολούμαι με τη δομή και το περιεχόμενο των έντυπων
και ηλεκτρονικών διαλεκτικών λεξικών και γλωσσαρίων στα οποία έχει
καταχωρηθεί λεξιλόγιο από την περιοχή της Ηλείας.
Πιο συγκεκριμένα:
 Θα αναφερθώ στις βασικές αρχές της λεξικογραφίας για το σχεδιασμό
ενός έντυπου ή/και ηλεκτρονικού διαλεκτικού λεξικού/γλωσσαρίου
τοπικών διαλέκτων.
 Θα περιγράψω τη δομή και το περιεχόμενο αυτών των
λεξικών/γλωσσαρίων με βάση τις λεξικογραφικές αρχές και θα
επικεντρωθώ σε εκείνα τα χαρακτηριστικά που αναμένεται να
χαρακτηρίζουν ένα έντυπο ή/και ηλεκτρονικό διαλεκτικό λεξικό.
 Θα δώσω μία αδρομερή περιγραφή ενός σύγχρονου ηλεκτρονικού
λεξικού για τη συγκεκριμένη διαλεκτική ποικιλία παρουσιάζοντας τη
δομή και το περιεχόμενό του.
Βιβλιογραφία
Barbato, M. & A. Varvaro 2004. Dialect dictionaries. International Journal
of Lexicography 17.4, 429-439.
Béjoint, H. 2000. Modern lexicography: An introduction. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Giakoumaki, E., C. Karantzi & I. Manolessou. 2004. ΙLNE ke ilektroniki
lexikografia [HDAA and electronic lexicography]. Proceedings of the 6th
ICGL, Rethymno, Crete, 18-21 Sep. 2003, 921-929. Rethymno:
University of Crete.
Karanikolas, Ν., E. Galiotou, G. J. Xydopoulos, A. Ralli, K. Athanasakos, &
G. Koronakis. To Appear. Structuring a Multimedia Tridialectal
Dictionary. In Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Text,
Speech and Dialogue (TSD2013), Pilsen, Czech Republic, 1-5
September 2013.
Markus, M. & R. Heuberger 2007. The architecture of Joseph Wright’s
English Dialect Dictionary: preparing the computerized version.
International Journal of Lexicography 20.4: 355-368.
General session
Ξυδόπουλος Γ. 2011. Μεταλεξικογραφικές παρατηρήσεις στα
διαλεκτικά λεξικά Μ. Μπεναρδή και Α. Σύρκου. Patras Working Papers
in Linguistics 2.1 (2011), 96-113.
Xydopoulos, G. J. & A. Ralli 2012. Greek dialects in Asia Minor: Setting
lexicographic principles for a tridialectal dictionary. Paper read at the
5th MGDLT Conference (September 2012), Ghent, Belgium.
Parallel Voices: A socioprosodic study of Standard Modern Greek and
Cypriot Greek Vowels
Charalambos Themistocleous1 & Ageliki Logotheti2
University of Cyprus1, University of Athens2
The current study compares the production of vowels by ten female speakers
of Standard Modern Greek and ten female speakers of Cypriot Greek; all
speakers were university students in their early twenties. The study aims to
provide a model of young adults speech living in the main urban areas of
Greece and Cyprus. Both varieties phonetic inventory comprises of five
vowels, namely [ a e i o u ] (Arvaniti, 1999; Fourakis, Botinis, & Katsaiti,
1999). Speakers produced each vowel five times. Vowel f1 and f2 and
vowel duration were measured. The effects of vowel position, i.e., wordinitial and word-final and the effect of stress, i.e., stressed vs. unstressed
vowels, on the vowel formants and vowel duration were examined. The
results show that vowels vary considerably in their f1 and f2, as well as in
their intrinsic duration both within varieties and between varieties. We argue
that the differences between the vowels of the aforementioned varieties
represent variational differences in the varieties’ vowel spaces. Finally, the
socioprosodic implications of the findings are discussed.
References
Arvaniti, A. (1999). Illustrations of the IPA: Cypriot Greek. Journal of the
International Phonetic Association, 19 (173-176).
Fourakis, M., Botinis, A., & Katsaiti, M. (1999). Acoustic Characteristics of
Greek Vowels. Phonetica, 56 (1-2), 28-43.
Qualitative research in service of the Greek dialects and their teaching in
the Greek educational system: the case of the Digital Museum of Greek
Oral History
Marina Tzakosta1, Anna Sfakianaki2 & Angelos Patsias3
University of Crete1, University of Ioannina2, Fourfouras Primary School3
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6th MGDLT
Spontaneous speech data have greatly contributed to the theoretical and
typological analysis of the Greek dialects. In other words, free speech
constitutes a goldmine of dialectal data which are difficult to capture
through (semi-) structured experimental tasks. The Digital Museum of
Greek Oral History (DiMOHI) (Tzakosta et al. in progress) is a platform
which will serve as a pool of dialectal data for all major dialectal areas of
Greece and aims to be used as an educational tool for the teaching of the
Greek dialects in school.
Museums of oral history are usually limited to (theoretically)
presenting data related to their main focus. The innovative characteristic of
the DiMOHI is that, first, all dialectal data included in it have been
collected, processed and filed by pupils of primary and secondary education
and, second, the DiMOHI is constructed for educational purposes.
Regarding the first aspect of the DiMOHI, the direct outcome of pupils
being language researchers is that they get acquainted with the nature of
their mother language and realize similarities and differences between a
dialect and the norm, i.e. standard Greek. In addition, pupils’ language
awareness is improved regarding the knowledge of the grammatical system
of their mother language. Consequently, refinement of language awareness
will contribute to vocabulary development and enrichment of the linguistics
means used for language learning and language teaching.
In this paper we describe the structure of the DiMOHI in relation to
its pedagogical goals. More specifically, we outline the philosophy of the
pedagogical/ teaching activities included in the DiMOHI, i.e. the dialectal
data which emphasis is placed on, and the means through which dialectal
data are disseminated and exploited as educational tools.
Selected references
Tzakosta, M., A. Sfakianaki & A. Patsias. In progress. Museum of Oral
History: an 'experiential' research tool used for educational purposes.
John S. Latsis Foundation 2014 projects.
Περιγραφή του μορφολογικού συστήματος της Σύνθεσης στα γλωσσικά
ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και της Λήμνου
Xenofon Tzavaras
University of Athens
Με την παρούσα μελέτη περιγράφουμε το μορφολογικό σύστημα της
σύνθεσης στα γλωσσικά ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και της Λήμνου, τα οποία –
ως γειτονικά νησιά του βορειοανατολικού Αιγαίου– ανήκουν στην ευρύτερη
General session
ομάδα των βορείων νεοελληνικών ιδιωμάτων. Κατ’ επέκταση, το
ερευνητικό ερώτημα στο οποίο επιχειρούμε να απαντήσουμε με βάση τα
γλωσσικά δεδομένα και τα αποτελέσματα που προκύπτουν από την
συγκριτική προσέγγιση των 2 παραπάνω μορφολογικών συστημάτων είναι
η τυχόν ύπαρξη και ο βαθμός παρουσίας δομικών ομοιοτήτων σε επίπεδο
σύνθεσης ανάμεσα στο ιμβριακό και το λημνιακό ιδίωμα.
Το γλωσσικό-διαλεκτολογικό υλικό που αποτελεί το corpus για την
πραγματοποίηση της παρούσας μελέτης προέρχεται από τις εξής πηγές:
α) Ιδίωμα Ίμβρου: συγκέντρωση πρωτογενούς γλωσσικού υλικού από
επιτόπια έρευνα πεδίου με βάση την πραγματοποίηση μαγνητοφωνήσεων
και τη χρήση ερωτηματολογίων σε συνδυασμό με την αποδελτίωση του
συνόλου της χειρόγραφης και έντυπης βιβλιογραφίας που αφορά το
ιμβριακό ιδίωμα με αποτέλεσμα την συγκέντρωση 10.000 και πλέον
λημμάτων.
β) Ιδίωμα Λήμνου: αποδελτίωση των σύνθετων λεξικών μονάδων που
απαντούν αφενός στην ενότητα του γλωσσαρίου της διδακτορικής διατριβής
με τίτλο Η διάλεκτος της Λήμνου της Δ. Χ. Κοντονάτσιου (1989) σε σύνολο
2835 λημμάτων και αφετέρου στη Συλλογή γλωσσικού υλικού από τη Λήμνο
του Θ. Μπελίτσου (1999) σε σύνολο 2.000 περίπου λημμάτων αντίστοιχα.
Το θεωρητικό πλαίσιο που ακολουθούμε είναι αυτό που διαμορφώνεται από
τις αντίστοιχες μελέτες της Αγγ. Ράλλη αναφορικά με το φαινόμενο της
σύνθεσης στη Νεοελληνική Κοινή (πβλ. κυρίως Ράλλη (1989): 205-221,
(1996): 136-147, (1999): 183-205, (2005): 164-203, (2007), Ralli 1992:
143-174, Ράλλη – Ραυτοπούλου 1999: 389-403, Ράλλη – Γαλιώτου 2002:
135-146) στοιχιζόμενοι προς το οποίο ταξινομούμε τις σύνθετες λεξικές
μονάδες των 2 ιδιωμάτων σε διάφορες κατηγορίες με βάση:
α) Την γραμματική κατηγορία τόσο των συνθέτων όσο και καθενός από τα
2 συνθετικά.
β) Τον δείκτη σύνθεσης.
γ) Την δομή των συνθέτων, η οποία σχετίζεται με τα δομικά τους σχήματα,
με την έννοια της κεφαλής, με τις σχέσεις μεταξύ των συνθετικών καθώς
και με τη μορφή των συνθέτων (σχέση της σύνθεσης με την κλίση και
με την παραγωγή).
δ) Τα ρηματικά σύνθετα.
101
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6th MGDLT
Η πρόσληψη της γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας σε κείμενα μαζικής
κουλτούρας από μαθητές της Ε’ και ΣΤ’ Δημοτικού 3
Dimitris Papazachariou, Anna Fterniati, Argyris Archakis & Vasia Tsami
University of Patras
Στόχος της παρούσας έρευνας είναι να μελετήσει τις γλωσσικές στάσεις των
μαθητών της Ε’ και ΣΤ’ Δημοτικού απέναντι στην αναπαριστώμενη
γεωγραφική ποικιλότητα σε τηλεοπτικά κείμενα μαζικής κουλτούρας
(Kounnapi, 2006). Πιο αναλυτικά, θα μελετήσουμε σε ποιες γεωγραφικές
περιοχές και σε ποια επικοινωνιακά πλαίσια οι μαθητές αναμένουν τη
χρήση μιας διαλέκτου. Θα μελετήσουμε επίσης με ποιο τρόπο αξιολογούν
τα παιδιά τη γεωγραφική ποικιλία. Παράλληλα, θα επιχειρήσουμε να
διαπιστώσουμε αν η πρόσληψη των παιδιών επηρεάζεται από παράγοντες,
όπως το φύλο, η κοινωνική διαστρωμάτωση της περιοχής του σχολείου, η
σχολική επίδοση του μαθητή στο γλωσσικό μάθημα, κ.ά.
Κατά τη διαδικασία διεξαγωγής της έρευνας τα παιδιά
παρακολούθησαν ένα τηλεοπτικό απόσπασμα (διαφήμιση) στο οποίο
αναπαρίστανται φαινόμενα γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας. Η τηλεοπτική
διαφήμιση αποτελεί πρόσφορο έδαφος για τη μελέτη της πρόσληψης της
γλωσσικής ποικιλότητας, καθώς τέτοιου είδους κείμενα αξιοποιούν τις
κυρίαρχες γλωσσικές ιδεολογίες (Van den Bulck, 2001: 55) και
προϋποθέτουν τις ήδη διαμορφωμένες γλωσσικές στάσεις των ομιλητώντηλεθεατών. Η συλλογή των δεδομένων πραγματοποιήθηκε με τη
συμπλήρωση ερωτηματολογίου. Τα παιδιά κλήθηκαν να απαντήσουν σε
ερωτήσεις που αφορούν στο γεωγραφικό και επικοινωνιακό πλαίσιο
αποδεκτότητας της διαλέκτου, καθώς και σε ερωτήσεις εναρμονισμένων
αμφιέσεων (matched-guise technique, Preston, 1989). Η έρευνα διεξήχθη σε
τέσσερα δημόσια Δημοτικά σχολεία του νομού Αχαΐας, τα οποία
λειτουργούν σε περιοχές με διαφορετικό κοινωνικό επίπεδο.
Σύμφωνα με τα αποτελέσματα, η πλειοψηφία των παιδιών του
δείγματος αναμένουν τη χρήση μιας διαλέκτου σε επαρχιακές περιοχές και
σε ανεπίσημα επικοινωνιακά πλαίσια, ενώ στα επίσημα επικοινωνιακά
πλαίσια θεωρούν τη χρήση της διαλεκτικής ποικιλίας απαγορευτική.
Μελετώντας τις αξιολογήσεις των πληροφορητών μας, οι απαντήσεις τους
μας οδήγησαν στη διαμόρφωση συγκεκριμένων (μη προκατασκευασμένων)
κατηγοριών, οι οποίες αναδεικνύουν τους διαφορετικούς τρόπους με τους
οποίους χαρακτηρίζουν τα ίδια τα παιδιά τη γεωγραφική ποικιλία. Οι
αξιολογήσεις των μαθητών φαίνεται να επηρεάζονται από ανεξάρτητες
Το έργο υλοποιείται στο πλαίσιο του Επιχειρησιακού Προγράμματος «Εκπαίδευση και Δια
Βίου Μάθηση» και συγχρηματοδοτείται από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινωνικό
Ταμείο) και από εθνικούς πόρους.
3
General session
μεταβλητές όπως, η κοινωνική διαστρωμάτωση της περιοχής του σχολείου
που φοιτά ο μαθητής και η σχολική επίδοση του παιδιού στο γλωσσικό
μάθημα.
Βιβλιογραφικές Αναφορές
Kounnapi, Ε. 2006. Greek Cypriot Children’s Language Attitudes in a
Bidialectal Setting: Τhe Case of Primary Education in Cyprus. Στο
Φτιάκα, Ε., Γαγάτσης, Α., Ηλία, Ι., & Μοδέστου, Μ. (επιμ.) Η Σύγχρονη
Εκπαιδευτική Έρευνα στην Κύπρο, Πρακτικά του 9ου Συνεδρίου
Παιδαγωγικής Εταιρείας Κύπρου, 2-3 Ιουνίου 2006. Λευκωσία:
Πανεπιστήμιο Κύπρου, 691-704.
Preston D. 1989. Perceptual Dialectology. Dordrecht: Foris.
Van den Bulck, H. 2001. Public service television and national identity as a
project of modernity: Τhe example of Flemish television. Media, Culture
& Society 23(1): 53-69.
Voices of Thrace: A fieldwork-based morphophonological analysis of the
dialect spoken in the region of Evros
Theodosia Papadopoulou
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
The classification of Greek linguistic varieties has been challenging since
1938 when Triantaffilidis (1938:66) recognized the need for systematic
geolinguistic research. Linguistic fieldwork in Thrace has been limited
during the last decades, further heightening this need. This paper is an
attempt to examine the dialect as it is spoken today and investigate the main
morphological and phonological characteristics drawing examples from
primary data collected in the region of Evros. All the dialectal features are
juxtaposed to Standard Modern Greek (SMG) and discussed in relation to
the existing bibliography. While most of the findings are in compliance with
earlier bibliography regarding the Northern Greek dialects, there are some
features that have not been accounted for in the past. Noteworthy is the fact
that in several cases, both with proper names and common nouns, there is
zero (Ø) article in the nominative and genitive singular in cases where in
SMG the definite article would have obligatorily been used. Another point
of focus is the use of an atypical future tense which is formed with the
particle θαλά (/θa la/) and does not have a direct equivalent in SMG, since it
has a past imperfective quality and refers to habitual past actions. The
retention of the final /n/ in the accusative of nouns and adjectives is also
present in the data. This characteristic has served as a basis in identifying an
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eastern and a western dialectal zone (Thumb, 1910; Triantafillidis, 1938),
the region of Thrace however was not included in the dialects in which this
Ancient Greek relic has been retained. Lastly, the vitality of the dialect, as
well as its relation to other northern Greek linguistic varieties, is addressed.
References
Thumb, A. (1910). Handbuch der Neugriechichen Volkssprache (2nd ed.).
Strasbourg: Trübner
Triantafillidis, M. (1938). Νεοελληνική Γραμματική: Ιστορική Εισαγωγή
[Modern Greek Grammar: Historical Introduction]. In Apanta (1981).
Vol.3. Thessaloniki
Tsakonian: Problems and Approaches
Maxim Kissilier
St. Petersburg State University
Despite multiple descriptions Tsakonian still remains one of the most
mysterious Modern Greek (= MG) dialects. Brian Newton even prefers to
exclude it from his classification, and Peter Trudgill manages to find just
few isoglosses that are relevant both for Tsakonian and other MG dialects.
The fact is that many peculiarities of Tsakonian (for example, its phonetics
and analytic forms of Present and Imperfect) cannot be explained if just
Tsakonian data is taken into consideration. Even the best descriptions of
Tsakonian (those by Deffner, Pernot, Costakes and Haralambopoulos) keep
repeating the same stereotypical explanations: Tsakonian is the most ancient
existing dialect in Greece, it hasn’t passed the stage of Hellenistic Koine and
its strange features still exist because the speakers lacked contacts with the
speakers of other MG dialects or languages (the road was built only in
1960th and electricity appeared in 1970th).
The data I gathered during fifteen expeditions to Tsakonian villages
within the last three years makes me disagree with the widespread opinion.
The analysis of vocabulary definitely shows many loans from Italian
(/koléγa/ ‘friend’), especially from the Venetian dialect (/γánǯo/ ‘iron
anchor’ or bobóta ‘maize bread’) and various Balkan languages: Slavic
(/cérva/ ‘shoes’, /ambárja/ ‘granary’), Albanian (/kórbe/ ‘black goat’, /ljópre/
‘grey kid’), Aromanian (/búrda/ ‘sack’, /maljóra/ ‘a 1-year-old goat that has
not become pregnant’). Most Tsakonian words (regardless their origin) have
parallels in other MG dialects. For example, /strúnga/ ‘yard for cattle’,
/vlámi/ ‘lover’, /fára/ ‘family, tribe’ are also met in Thessalian. It means that
Tsakonian was in continuous contact with other languages and probably
General session
with other MG dialects. Probably this experience of permanent multilingual
situation helped Tsakonian to survive when Standard MG became dominant
in the region.
The comparative analysis of vocabulary and morphology makes me
believe that Tsakonian did not manage to avoid the influence of Hellenistic
Koine. This statement can be illustrated with just two examples here:
(1) main verb of speaking in Tsakonias is /[énji] aú/ (< λαλῶ); (2) Tsakonian
has analytic Present and Imperfect. It is well-known that both verb λαλῶ and
analytic forms of Imperfect became widespread during the period of
Hellenistic Koine and so-called Late Koine.
So my starting points are that:
1. Tsakonian should not be regarded the most ancient, intact or archaic of
the MG dialects. From this point of view it can be compared with
Cypriot, Pontic, Cretan, dialect of Karpathos probably, Cappadocian,
Griko etc.
2.
Tsakonian should not be regarded as something special, but it ought to
be integrated into general classifications of MG dialects. The
preliminary research clearly demonstrates that there are a lot of
common features, and most peculiarities of Tsakonian can be explained
only “from outside of the dialect”, i. e. by means of comparative
analysis.
The problem I am going to discuss in my report is the following: is it
enough to compare Tsakonian with other MG dialects or a wider Balkan
context is to be involved?
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