Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 45 (1999), 121-138
From Isidore to Claudius of Turin :
The Works of Ambrose on Genesis
in the Early Middle Ages
Ambrose composed and published several works on the book of Genesis :
Exameron, De paradiso, De Cain et Abel, De Noe, De Abraham, De Isaac, De
bono mortis, De Iacob, De loseph, and De patriarchis1. What was known of
these works on Genesis in the period which stretches from Isidore to the
beginning of the ninth century ?2.
The extant manuscripts tell us little, for very few manuscript books
containing Ambose's writings on Genesis which were copied out before the
year 900 have survived 3 . The very oldest are two items from the sixth
century : one lonely quire of the Exameron which is now in Orléans 192,
written in uncial at the end of the sixth century, and the venerable manuscript
of De loseph and De patriarchis, Boulogne 32, written in uncial in the first
half of the sixth century. From the early Carolingian period before the year
800 we have three copies of the Exameron : Cambridge, Corpus Christi
1. Clauis 123-132 ; ed. Karl SCHENKL, CSEL 32/1-2 (Vienna, 1896-1897). See Luigi Franco
PIZZOLATO, La dottrina esegetica de Sant' Ambrogio (Milan, 1978).
2. Although almost totally submerged by the writings on Genesis of Augustine, Jerome and
Gregory and then by those of Isidore and Bede, Ambrose's various works on Genesis were
known to a few early medieval exegetes, and it seemed worthwhile to present the evidence of
this knowledge - limited though it was - which I have occasionally encountered over the years.
I thank Martine Dulaey, Mirella Ferrari, Burton Van Name Edwards, Jacques Fontaine, Michael
Fox, Jocelyn Hillgarth and Paul Meyvaert for the comments and information they kindly
offered while I was writing this note.
3. See the lists in the Appendix. A brief excerpt, De Abraham 1.3.15-16, CSEL
32/1.512,16-514,6 (not studied by Schenkl), on the number 318, the 318 bishops at the council
of Nicaea and the significance of the Greek letter τ was copied twice into the Codex Muratorianus, Milan I 101 sup., f. 11-12, saec. VIII med., written in uncial. CLA 3.352 : «Written
probably at Bobbio». See Mirella FERRARI, «II Codex Muratorianus e il suo ultimo inedito»,
Italia medioevale e umanistica 32 (1989), p. 27.
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MICHAEL GORMAN
College 193, written in North France, Paris lat. 1718, written in the Rhein
area and 'possibly in the Palace School', as Lowe suggested4, and Paris lat.
12135, 'written probably at Corbie'. For the ninth century, the situation has
improved, but the general impression remains that Ambrose's works on
Genesis were not widely circulated before the twelfth century. From these
witnesses we can conclude that Ambrose's works on Genesis were copied5,
although in small numbers6, and thus we know they were in circulation and
presumably they were read as well. How were they used by commentators in
the early Middle Ages ?
A related question is : what knowledge did educated men in this period have
of the life and works of Ambrose ? For example, what did Boethius (t
522 ?)7, Eugippius (t 536 ?), or their contemporary St Benedict know of Am
brose ? We have been aware for several decades that Augustine might have
acquired Platonic and neo-Platonic doctrine from the sermons on Genesis
preached by Ambrose during Holy Week in the year 3868, but what could men
like Boethius, Eugippius and St Benedict know of his life ? Would they have
even known that he baptized Augustine ? For that matter, what did Isidore or
Bede know of the life and times of Ambrose ?
This is perhaps not the place to recall what Jerome said about Ambrose in
his De uiris illustrious, 'Ambrosius, Mediolanensis episcopus, usque in praesentem diem scribit, de quo, quia superest, meum iudicium subtraham, ne in
4. Paris lat. 1718 was not used by Schenkl for his edition. See Bernhard BISCHOFF, «The
Court Library of Charlemagne», Manuscripts and Libraries in the Age of Charlemagne, trans.
Michael GORMAN (Cambridge, 1994), p. 65, n. 45, who notes : «the graceful script beginning
on f. 17 ... seems to be slightly similar to Godescalc's».
5. These works rarely appear in ninth-century library catalogues ; an exception (as usual) is
Lorsch where both the Exameron and the Ό e patriar chis are listed (Becker 37.284-293, p. 100101).
6. Ancient manuscripts of Ambrose are few indeed when compared with those of Au
gustine ; see my article, «The Manuscript Traditions of St. Augustine's Major Works», Atti del
Congresso internazionale su S. Agostino nel XVI Centenario della Conversione, Studia
Ephemeridis Augustinianum 24, ed. Vittorino GROSSI 1 (Rome, 1987), p. 381-412.
7. Ambrose's works on Genesis are not mentioned by Henry CHADWICK, Boethius : The
Consolations of Music, Logic, Theology and Philosophy (Oxford, 1981), or by any of the
contributors to Boethius : His Life, Thought and Influence, ed. Margaret GIBSON (Oxford,
1981).
8. Peter BROWN, Augustine of Hippo (London, 1967), p. 84 : «Augustine may have heard
his opening sermons on the Book of Genesis». On Plotinian influences in Ambrose's sermons,
see Goulven MADEC, Saint Ambroise et la philosophie (Paris, 1974), p. 61-80.
THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
123
alterutram partem aut adulatio in me reprehendatur, aut ueritas' 9 , but little
useful information about Ambrose was available in the typical 'biographical'
sources compiled in Late Antiquity. In his Institutiones, Cassiodorus (t 580)
speaks favourably of Ambrose, 'Sanctus quoque Ambrosius, lactei sermonis
emanator, cum grauitate acutus, in uiolenta persuasione dulcissimus, cui fuit
aequalis doctrina cum uita ...' 10 . In one passage Cassiodorus includes his name
alongside those of Augustine, Jerome and innumerabile s Graeciu. The very
brief chapter devoted to Ambrose is sandwiched in after those on Hilary and
Cyprian and before those on Jerome, Augustine, Eugippius, and Dionysius
Exiguus - and Ambrose gets the least attention. Cassiodorus tells us that
'sanctus Ambrosius, planus atque suauissimus doctor,' wrote the six books of
the Exameron12, and seven books 'on the patriarchs'13.
Jacques Fontaine has explained how Ambrose's Exameron profoundly
influenced Isidore of Seville and his cosmological thinking14.
«La liste des citations d'Ambroise montre l'importance essentielle des homélies sur
Y Exameron parmi ces sources. A travers cette œuvre, Isidore recueillait le long héritage des
spéculations des Pères grecs sur les premiers chapitres de la Genèse. Mais cette
confrontation du donné révélé avec la science antique avait été très simplifiée pour le peuple
de Milan. Le contenu de la prédication populaire du quatrième siècle est ainsi devenu le
dernier mot de la science pour l'élite du septième ...»
In his De natura rerum, Isidore quotes several passages or phrases from
Ambrose, and Ambrose is cited by name on ten occasions, so it is clear that
Isidore considered Ambrose to be a very important authority15. In fact, Isidore
places the name of Ambrose and words from his works prominently at the
beginning of nine chapters16. Isidore was a keen student of the Exameron in
9. De uiris illustrious 124, PL 23.751. In Jerome's hands Ambrose fared better than
Augustine, who is not even mentioned ! Jerome concludes his work with an account of his
own activities, and more space in his work is devoted only to St Paul and Origen. Ambrose is
not mentioned in the De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis of Gennadius of Marseilles, PL 58.10591120, Clauis 957, a text worth new, detailed study. Since Ambrose is not mentioned in the De
uiris illustrious of Isidore (PL 83.1081-1106, Clauis 1206), just where would the educated
reader in the seventh or eighth century turn for basic information about the life of Ambrose ?
10. Institutiones 1.20, ed. MYNORS, p. 58,22-24.
11. Institutiones 1.28, ed. MYNORS, p. 70,25-28.
12. Institutiones 1.1, ed. MYNORS, p. 11,25. The Exameron is also mentioned at p. 12,7,
along with Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram and Basil.
13. Cassiodorus refers to the 'seven books' de patriarchis, evidently meaning the works we
know as : De Abraham (2 books), De Isaac, De Iacob (2 books), De Ioseph, and De
patriarchis ; see Institutiones 1.1, ed. MYNORS, p. 13,10-12. The third book of the De
patriarchis (that is, De Isaac) is mentioned at Institutiones 1.5, p. 24,17, and the De Ioseph at
Institutiones 1.5, p. 27,15.
14. Jacques FONTAINE, Isidore de Seville et la culture classique dans VEspagne wisigothique,
2nd ed. (Paris, 1983), vol. 2, p. 581.
15. See the edition oí De natura rerum, Isidore de Seville, Traité de la nature, éd. Jacques
FONTAINE (Bordeaux, 1960). Ambrose is mentioned just once in the Etymologiae 11.3.35.
16. Chapters 7, 12, 13, 14, 15, 28, 34, 42, 45.
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MICHAEL GORMAN
particular, for it is specifically mentioned by name on three occasions17. For
Isidore, Ambrose was a major scientific authority, as Fontaine has noted :
'UExameron d'Ambroise initiait aussi Isidore à plus de sérénité envers la
pensée platonicienne et stoïcienne, en matière de philosophie naturelle'18. In the
preface to his commentary on the opening books of the Old Testament, from
Genesis to Kings19, 'Ambrosius' is included in the list of sources which Isidore
cites :
«Sumpta itaque sunt ab auctoribus Origene, Victorino, Ambrosio, Hieronymo, Cassiano,
Augustino, Fulgentio ac nostri temporis insigniter eloquenti Gregorio»20.
This list as it appears on the first page of the copy of this work which was
executed for Theodulf, bishop of Orléans, in the first years of the ninth century, Paris lat. 15679, can be seen in plate 1 (col. 1, lines 40-43) 21 . The list
was evidently designed by Isidore to pay respect to his auctoritates in general
and to impress his readers. In chapters 28, 30 and 31 of his commentary on
Genesis, Isidore made a very selective use of Ambrose's works on Genesis,
especially his De loseph and De patriar chis11. Isidore had studied Ambrose
with diligence and care and Ambrose was an essential element of his
intellectual culture.
Soon after Isidore's commentaries on the opening books of the Old
Testament were completed, an epitome of it was made 23 . This epitome was
17. De natura rerum 12, p. 217 : «De caeli autem nomine sic dicit sanctus Ambrosius in
libris quos scripsit de creatione mundi ...»Denatura rerum 13, p. 223 : «Ambrosius sanctus in
libro Exameron sic eloquitur dicens ...» De natura rerum 15, p. 227 : «Haec sunt uerba
Ambrosi in libro Exameron ...»De natura rerum 28, p. 277 : «Ambrosium in libro Exameron
legidicentem...»
18. Jacques FONTAINE, Isidore de Seville et la culture classique dans l'Espagne wisigothique,
2nd ed. (Paris, 1983), vol. 2, p. 730.
19. Of fundamental importance for the study of Isidore's exegesis are the recent remarks of
Jacques FONTAINE, «Isidore de Seville pédagogue et théoricien de l'exégèse», Stimuli : Exegese
und ihre Hermeneutik in Antike und Christentum : Festschrift für Ernst Dassmann (Münster,
1996), p. 423-434.
20. PL 83.209A.
21. On this manuscript, see below, p. 128, n. 36.
22. See the comments of Martine Dulaey in the introduction to the new edition of Isidore on
Genesis which will be published by Études Augustiniennes in Paris ; in the meantime, it is
available in a colour version on the World Wide Web (http ://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/jod/genesis).
For the manuscripts and manuscript tradition of Isidore's commentaries on the Old Testament,
see the stemma codicum and list of items in my article, «The Commentary on the Pentateuch
Attributed to Bede in PL 91.189-394», Revue Bénédictine 106 (1996), p. 290-293.
23. The first section of this work was published in my article, «Wigbod and the Lectiones on
the Hexateuch Attributed to Bede in Paris lat. 2342», Revue Bénédictine 105 (1995), p. 310347. The complete text of the Retractatio de paradiso on Genesis is available at the World Wide
Web site whose address is given above. To the eleven manuscripts, four others have come to
light :
Cologne, Stadtarchiv W* 139, f. 1-28, saec. XII.
Mantua, Biblioteca comunale 266, f. 1-20, saec. XII, Polirone.
THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
125
used by Wigbod who compiled the commentary on the Octateuch for Charlemagne in the 790s. In the twelfth century, this epitome found great favour in
Cistercian circles, many copies were made, and it survives in at least fifteen
extant manuscripts. The epitome was known as the Ps. Ambrose Retractatio de
paradiso, an authentic Ps. Ambrose work - by which I mean a work which
actually circulated under Ambrose's name during the Middle Ages. I suspect
that Ambrose's name got attached to this epitome for the simple reason that the
first words in it happen to be identical to the opening works of Ambrose's
genuine De paradiso. The opening of this work in one of the best manuscripts,
Cambrai 407, is presented in plate 2, but note how the scribe has added
Isidore's statement about his sources in an attempt to provide a kind of
censura, warning the reader that this is really Isidore, not Ambrose - an
interesting example of twelfth-century textual scholarship.
Isidore's approach to Genesis was exclusively allegorical, but we are
fortunate to have a literal commentary on Genesis preserved in the oldest
manuscript written in Visigothic half-uncial, Autun 27 (S. 29). This
commentary, which I have recently edited and call the Intexuimus, was
probably compiled in the second half of the seventh century, in the age of Taio
of Saragossa and Julian of Toledo. The commentary is largely based on Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram, but there happens to be one excerpt taken
from Ambrose's Exameron24.
Taio, bishop of Saragossa (651-683), and Julian, bishop of Toledo (667698), do not seem to have made much use of Ambrose in their works. In the
five books of his Sententiae25, a patristic florilegium arranged according to
theological topics, Taio of Saragossa depends mostly upon Augustine and
Gregory. In his Antikeimenon26, a long series of questions and answers on
difficult passages drawn from twenty-five books of the Bible, including the
Pentateuch, Julian of Toledo too relies mostly upon Augustine and Gregory27.
Turning from the Iberian peninsula to the far north of England, we can
ask : what did Bede know of Ambrose and what use did he make of his
works ? At the beginning of the praefatio to Bede's commentary on Genesis,
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 13079, f. 153-194, saec. XII.
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 14399, f. 146-183, saec. XII.
24. See my article, «The Visigothic Commentary on Genesis in MS. Autun 27 (S.29)»,
Recherches Augustiniennes 29 (1996), p. 244, line 111-117 ; the excerpt is taken from
Ambrose, Hex. 1.10.36, CSEL 32/1.38,5-12, and includes a quotation from Ambrose's text of
Genesis. It is of interest to note that the same excerpt was included in the quaestiones on the
Octateuch and the books of Kings in Lisbon Alcobaça 38 (136), f. l-69v, saec. XI, which were
published by Gotth. HEINE, Βibliotheca anecdotorum (Leipzig, 1848), p. 26-107 ; on this
work, see my article, p. 219, n. 157.
25. PL 80.727-990, Clauis 1268.
26. PL 96.595-704, Clauis 1258. I have not been able to consult an article by Jocelyn
HILLGARTH, «Las fuentes de San Julián de Toledo», Anales Toledanos 3 (1971), p. 97-118.
Hillgarth notes that Julian used Ambrose ; see his comments in CCSL 115, p. xvi.
27. Julian mentions Ambrose along with Augustine and Gregory in the Prognosticum 2.3,
CCSL 115, p. 45, and together with Fulgentius in the Apologeticum 18, CCSL 115, 138.
126
MICHAEL GORMAN
Ambrose is prominently cited alongside Basil and Augustine, but in the work
itself we find only one verbatim quotation from Ambrose28, while there are
many from Augustine and several from Basil. Bede seems to have used
Isidore's De natura rerum as a guide to the cosmological content in Ambrose's
Exameron, a work which is cited by name four times in his De temporum
ratione29. In general, Bede seems to have known the works of Ambrose and
mentions Ambrose by name in his commentaries on Ezra and Nehemiah, the
Song of Songs, Luke, Acts, and the Catholic Epistles.
Wigbod was the diplomat who on Charlemagne's behalf attended the synods
held in England in 786 where papal legates were present30. Wigbod prepared
an encyclopedic commentary for Charlemagne on the Octateuch. Ambrose's
name was known to Wigbod, for he included it in the title of his commentary
on Genesis :
«Incipit liber quaestionum super librum Genesis ex dictis sanctorum patrum Augustini,
Gregorii, Hieronymi, Ambrosii, Hilarii, Isidori, Eucherii et Iunilii»31.
But this title does not accurately reflect the sources actually used and was
evidently designed mainly to impress his readers ; Wigbod did not cite any
work from Ambrose, Hilary or Eucherius. Wigbod used the name of Ambrose
often as a rubric in his commentary on Genesis, placing it before selections
from Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram or other works. It seems that Wigbod
did not know any works by Ambrose.
The title, 'Recapitulado de paradiso, fonte ac fluminibus, et Ugno uitae', and
the opening passage of the Ps. Ambrose epitome of Isidore were incorporated
by Wigbod in his commentary on Genesis, but the attribution of this work to
Ambrose does not appear. This title appears in Laon 279, f. 50v, written in the
early ninth century. A copy of Laon 279 was made and this is the manuscript
which is today Laon 273, the book which was read, studied and annotated by
Martin of Laon 32 . The title appears on f. 45, where some of the comments
28. CCSL 118A.62,1996-2001. Another passage, «Beati qui sub uite ... sterilis ad
fructum», CCSL 118A.62,1991-1995, would seem to be intended as a citation of Ambrose, but
the source has not been identified. Unfortunately, the apparatus fontium and hence the index
auctorum (p. 253-264) in this edition existed largely as figments in the imagination of its editor,
C.W. Jones, and cannot be used as a reliable guide to Bede's sources.
29. De temporum ratione, 5, CCSL 123B.286,69 ; 7, p. 298,46 ; 28, p. 364,2 ; and 31,
p. 376,8.
30. See my articles, «The Encyclopedic Commentary on Genesis Prepared for Charlemagne
by Wigbod», Recherches Augustiniennes 17 (1982), p. 173-201, with the review by Henri
SILVESTRE, Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 78 (1983), p. 950-951, and «Wigbod and Biblical
Studies under Charlemagne», Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997), p. 40-76.
31. PL 93.1105-1106.
32. Plates of the folios in Laon 279 and Laon 273 were presented in my article, «Wigbod and
Biblical Studies under Charlemagne», Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997), p. 43-44. On these
manuscripts, see John CONTRENI, The Cathedral School of Laon from 850 to 930 : Its
Manuscripts and Masters, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 29
(Munich, 1978), p. 68.
THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
127
made by Martin, a schoolmaster at Laon, as he studied the commentary on
Genesis which Wigbod had prepared for Charlemagne can also be seen.
The Explanatio sex dierum is an early medieval commentary on Genesis
which is at the same time also a commentary on Augustine's De Genesi ad
litteram. The work was used by Wigbod when he was preparing his commentary on Genesis for Charlemagne in which it is frequently cited33. It is
found in several manuscripts as a preface to Wigbod's long commentary on the
Octateuch. In this work too we encounter the name of Ambrose, but only once
- on the title page, which is seen in plate 3 in the oldest manuscript which
preserves it, Mons 43, written in the second half of the ninth century : 'Incipit
explanatio sex dierum in quibus deus caelum et terram ceteraque condidit.
Sumpta ex dictis beati Augustini episcopi et sancti Ambrosii uel ceterorum'. In
the title for this work, only two names are given : Augustine and Ambrose.
Although Ambrose's name is featured prominently in the title, no words were
taken from the works of Ambrose in the work itself. The Explanatio contains
many excerpts from De Genesi ad litteram and nearly all of Isidore's
commentary on the first three chapters of Genesis, to which are added personal
thoughts and reflections on Augustine's commentary and the book of Genesis.
There is nothing of Ambrose, however, except the ideas and excerpts transmitted by Isidore.
The works of Ambrose on Genesis do not seem to have been known to
Wigbod's contemporaries, Alcuin and Theodulf. Alcuin wrote a commentary
on Genesis in the form of 281 questions and answers in his lnterrogationes et
responsiones in Genesim, a work which we know enjoyed an incredible success
in the ninth century since it is preserved in fifteen manuscripts written in that
century. Ambrose's works on Genesis were not used by Alcuin34. Theodulf left
33. The work is printed in a very inaccurate version in PL 93.207-234. See the note on the
manuscripts of this work in my article, «Wigbod and Biblical Studies under Charlemagne»,
Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997), 41, η. 5.
34. In a letter to me dated 30 November 1996, Michael Fox (Clare Hall, Cambridge), who is
preparing a new edition of the work, outlined in detail the major sources of the work : «For the
entire commentary, Alcuin's main sources are Augustine's Quaestiones in Heptateuchum,
Jerome's Hebraicae Quaestiones and Bede's In Genesim. These three commentaries are used
approximately in equal proportion, though Augustine's work is cited most often. After that,
there are three commentaries in the intermediate range : Augustine's De ciuitate dei, Origen's
homilies on Genesis and the De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae. Other works, definitely cited
more than once, include : Bede's De natura rerum, the Ambrosiaster's Quaestiones,
Augustine's Contra Faustum and De Genesi contra Manichaeos and Paterius. Isidore's
commentary on Genesis is cited once in the main commentary and once in Int. 281 ; Eucherius'
Instrucciones are cited once, as is Jerome's Epistola 36 ad Damasum and De situ et nominibus.
There is a hint of Julian of Toledo's Antikeimenon in one question and Rufinus' De
benedictionibus patriarcharum appears only in Int. 281. Int. 26-82 and Int. 93-4 are the
questions which, in approximate order of the scriptural narrative, address Gen. 1-3. In this
section of the lnterrogationes, Alcuin quotes overwhelmingly from Bede's In Genesim, on a
couple of occasions from Augustine's De Genesi contra Manichaeos and De ciuitate dei, and
once from Eucherius. Interestingly, however, if the quotations from Bede are traced to their
sources, we find that most of them are from Augustine, and largely from De Genesi ad litteram.
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MICHAEL GORMAN
us no exegetical treatise, and no knowledge of Ambrose's works on Genesis is
betrayed in the Libri Carolini*5. In Paris lat. 15679, a great miscellany of exegetical material which was prepared for Theodulf and copied under his
supervision (see plate 1), there are complete copies of Isidore's commentaries
on the Old Testament and Bede's XXX Quaestiones on the book of Kings, but
none of Ambrose's works on Genesis36. Both Alcuin and Theodulf placed the
name of Ambrose in their poems on what they had read37.
The first scholar in the Carolingian age to study carefully and then actually
use and cite some of the exegetical works of Ambrose on Genesis was the
extraordinarily learned bishop Claudius of Turin, one of the most dedicated
Only a third of the quotations from Bede originate with Bede. Just as Wigbod's knowledge of
De Genesi ad litteram was second-hand, so Alcuin does not once cite De Genesi ad litteram
directly. One could say that Alcuin, in Bede, had an Anglo-Saxon epitome of De Genesi ad
litteram.»
35. In a letter to me dated 30 November 1996, Paul Meyvaert wrote : «In chapter 15 of Book
2 of the Libri Carolini, Theodulf deals with a question that involves Ambrose, and this shows
that he knew the De fide, etc. This would not have included Ambrose's Exameron. On the other
hand, since he had no occasion to use this work in the Libri Carolini, one cannot assume that it
was not present in his library. There just is no evidence in his total production to conclude one
way or the other.»
36. On this manuscript, see Bernhard BISCHOFF, «Libraries and Schools in the Carolingian
Revival of Learning», Manuscripts and Libraries in the Age of Charlemagne, trans. Michael
GORMAN (Cambridge, 1994), p. 109, n. 84. Bonifatius Fischer refers to Paris lat. 15679 as
Theodulf s 'Vademecum' ; see his article, «Bibeltext und Bibelreform unter Karl dem
Großen», Karl der Große : Lebenswerk und Nachleben, IL Das geistige Leben (Düsseldorf,
1965), p. 177-178 ; reprinted in Lateinische Bibelhandschriften im frühen Mittelalter (Freiburg,
1985), p. 138. But neither Fischer nor Bischoff described the contents of this great manuscript
which includes Isidore on the Old Testament (p. 1-63), Bede's XXX Quaestiones (p. 65-75),
selections from Jerome on Isaiah (p. 85-128) and the minor prophets (p. 129-225), excerpts
from Gregory's Moralia (p. 227-293), Justus of Urgel on the Song of Songs (p. 325-336),
followed by material on the New Testament : excerpts from Jerome on Matthew (p. 337-350),
the Ps. Jerome commentary on Mark (p. 350-354), Ambrose on Luke (p. 354-367), Augustine
on John (p. 369-402), and the commentaries on Paul which have been attributed to a 'Ioannes
diaconus' (p. 402-464 ; Clauis 952), the translation of John Chrysostom on the Epistle to the
Hebrews prepared for Cassiodorus (p. 464-474), and unidentified commentaries on Psalms 195 (p. 294-324), the Catholic Epistles (p. 474-486), Acts (p. 485-495), and the Apocalypse
(p. 496-504). The sententiae on Kings ('Incipiunt sententiae expositae in Regnorum libris de
diuersis doctoribus', p. 75-83) is perhaps a compilation of Theodulf himself on Kings.
Bischoff believed that a few words, expanding and completing a title on p. 219, may be in
Theodulf s hand. See Elisabeth Dahlhaus-Berg, Noua antiquitas et antiqua nouitas : Typologische Exegese und isidorianisches Geschichtsbild bei Theodulf von Orléans (Cologne,
1975), p. 69-71 & pi. vi (of p. 352, showing the Micy ex-libris written in the outer margins).
See my forthcoming article, «Theodulf of Orleans and the Exegetical Miscellany in Paris lat.
15679», Revue Bénédictine, 109, 1999.
37. Alcuin in his 'Versus de patribus regibus et Sanctis Euboricensis ecclesiae', Alcuin : The
Bishops, Kings and Saints of York, ed. Peter GODMAN (Oxford, 1982), p. 122. Theodulf in
'De libris quos legere solebam', Peter GODMAN, Poetry of the Carolingian
Renaissance
(London, 1985), p. 168.
THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
129
students of the bible in his day and a prolific author of commentaries which
covered the Octateuch, Kings, the Gospel of Matthew and the Epistles of
Paul 38 . The first work Claudius commented on when he was a young man
studying with Leidrad in Lyons was the Book of Genesis. Claudius'
commentary on Genesis is largely a set of excerpts from the Fathers. There
was no question here of using your own words to write a commentary. The
idea was to re-use exactly the precise words of the patristic authorities.
The oldest manuscript of a work of Claudius, Paris lat. 9575, contains his
commentary on Genesis. This manuscript bears a subscription which tells us it
was written in the royal palace of Louis the Pious at Chasseneuil near Poitiers
in the year 811. It is likely that Claudius himself wrote the subscription (f.
109) and made a correction (f. 89) in this manuscript. From his study of the
commentaries on Mark and Luke of Bede, Claudius had learned to indicate the
sources of his excerpts in the margins. The names of Isidore and Ambrose are
found as source marks in the margin for the first time on f. 83v, opposite line
11, where Claudius begins to tell the story of Joseph as related in Genesis 3739.
Why did Claudius link the names of Ambrose and Isidore in this marginal
note ? Apparently he had learned from his studies that one of Isidore's main
sources was Ambrose, and began to study the works of Ambrose he could find
in Lyons and then in the royal palace at Chasseneuil. In this manuscript the
traces of how Claudius studied and then used Ambrose directly can be seen.
The passage marked on f. 83ν is taken from Isidore's commentary on Genesis
which itself derives from various works of Ambrose, including De patriarchis
and De loseph. The same is the case for the passage marked at the very bottom
of the folio, where the name, 'Ambrosius', can be seen. This passage too comes
from Isidore and Ambrose is among Isidore's sources40. On f. 87, opposite line
38. On Claudius, see my articles, «The Commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and
Biblical Studies under Louis the Pious», Speculum 72 (1997), p. 279-329, and «The
Commentary on Kings of Claudius of Turin and its two Printed Editions (Basel, 1531 ;
Bologna, 1755)», Filologia mediolatina 4 (1997), p. 99-131.
39. Plates of Paris lat. 9575, f. 83v and f. 87, were included in my article, «The
Commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and Biblical Studies under Louis the Pious»,
Speculum 72 (1997), p. 289 and 292.
40. The passages which correspond to these source marks are :
f. 83v :
'Ysd & ambrosi' 'FG. loseph unus ... domus Israel. '
Claudius in Genesim 3.37, PL 50.1013B-D
= Isidore in Genesim 30, PL 83.271B-272A
['Senescenti ... cumpatre' (271B)= Ambrose, De patriarchis 11.48, CSEL
32/2.151,16-19 (verbatim) ; Obiurgatio ista ... adorare' (271D-272A) =
Ambrose, De loseph 2.8, CSEL 32/2.76,14-17 (rewritten)]
'ambr'
'Inuenit ergo ... ostenderet regnum.'
Claudius in Genesim 3.37, PL 50.1013D-1014B
= Isidore in Genesim 30, PL 83.272A-C
[=Ps. Augustine, Sermo 13, PL 39.1765 ; Ambrose, De loseph 3.15,
CSEL 32/2.82,21 ; 3.15, CSEL 32/2.82,18 ; 3.18, CSEL 32/2.84,14-17 ;
3.18, CSEL 32/2.84,20-85,6]
130
MICHAEL GORMAN
3, the source, 'Ambrosi', is clearly written out. This was entered opposite a
passage which Claudius seems to have taken directly from Ambrose's De
apologia Dauid. This seems to be the first direct use of a work of Ambrose in a
Carolingian commentary on Genesis.
Except for Claudius of Turin, the influence of Ambrose's works on Genesis
in the ninth century seems to have been very limited. Hrabanus began his
lengthy commentary on Genesis with a series of excerpts from the opening of
Ambrose's Exameron which are used as a kind of preface to his long selections
from Bede, but otherwise he does not seem to cite the work41. Little or no
trace of Ambrose's works on Genesis can be found in the commentaries on
Genesis prepared by Angelomus of Luxeuil, Haimo of Auxerre or Remigius of
Auxerre - all of whom treated Genesis at length42. On the other hand, John
Scottus Eriugena knew Ambrose's works on Genesis and quoted De Paradiso in
his Periphyseon43.
Nevertheless, the works continued to be copied and were read and studied on
occasion. The cruel and vindictive Hincmar, archbishop of Reims and archenemy of Gottschalk of Orbais, marked up his copy of Ambrose's De paradiso,
today Reims 377, evidently while involved in the predestinarían controversy in
the 850s44. On f. 44v, Hincmar entered the comment, 'Nota Godelsc' followed
f. 87:
'ambrosi'
'Cur patriarcha ... nasceretur.'
Claudius in Genesim 3.39, PL 50.1018B-C
= Ambrose, De apologia Dauid ad Theodosium Augustum 3.11, CSEL
32/3.306,18-307,5 (verbatim)
'ambr'
'Sicut enim Ioseph descendit... labiis tuis.'
Claudius in Genesim 3.39, PL 50.1018D
= Isidore in Genesim 30, PL 83.272C-273A
41. PL 107.443A-444B = Exameron 1.1.1-2.5, CSEL 32/1.3,2-6, 3,10-13, 3,17-4,8, 4,1722; 1.3.8-9, 7,6-9, 7,12-26, 8,11-15, 8,17-23; 1.4.12, 10,2-3, 10,11-22; 1.6.22, 20,17;
1.6.20, 16,18-20.
On the manuscripts of Hrabanus' commentary, see Burton Van Name EDWARDS, «The
Commentary on Genesis Atributed to Walahfrid Strabo : A Preliminary Report from the
Manuscripts», Proceedings of the Patristic, Medieval and Renaissance Conference, Villanova
University 15 (1990), p. 78-79.
42. On Angelomus, see my forthcoming article, «The Commentary on Genesis of
Angelomus of Luxeuil and Biblical Studies under Lothar». On the commentaries of Haimo and
Remigius, see the forthcoming editions of these works prepared by Burton Van Name Edwards
in the Corpus Christianorum.
43. On the use made of De paradiso by John Scottus Eriugena in his Periphyseon, see W.
OTTEN, «The Texture of Tradition : The Role of the Church Fathers in Carolingian Theology»,
The Reception of the Church Fathers in the West, ed. I. BACKUP, 1 (Leiden, 1997), p. 3-50.
44. This note was deciphered as 'Godelsc. eius' by Bernhard BISCHOFF, «Paläographie und
Geschichte», Bibliotheksforum Bayern 9 (1981), p. 14, η. 49, See also Simona GAVINELLI,
«Per un'enciclopedia carolingia (Codice Bernese 363)», Italia medioevale e umanistica 26
(1983), p. 18-19. On another book marked up for use during this controversy, see my article,
«Harvard's Oldest Latin Manuscript (Houghton Library, fMS Typ 495) : A Patristic Miscellany
THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
131
by Tironian notes in the margin (see plate 4), evidently highlighting a passage
which he perhaps thought could be useful in a future debate or polemical work
against his adversary.
It would be instructive to interrogate twelfth-century authors and see how
the knowledge of Ambrose's works had increased at that time. About the time
the famous edition of the opera omnia of Augustine was being prepared at
Clairvaux under St Bernard (t 1153)45, Martino Corbo put together an edition
of the works of Ambrose in six volumes at the church of St Ambrose in Milan
during the years 1135-1152, as Giuseppe Billanovich has explained in detail.
The volumes prepared by Corbo were the very books which were taken by
Franceso Pizolpasso, archbishop of Milan, to the council held in Basel in the
year 143746.
A young scholar should work out in detail how the oldest manuscripts of
Ambrose's works on Genesis are related to each other and how they are related
to those copied in the twelfth century47. Such an exercise would probably lead
to many interesting discoveries about the influence of the exegetical works
Ambrose, such as the one presented here in the case of Claudius of Turin.
from the Predestinarían Controversy of the Ninth Century», Scriptorium 39 (1985), p. 185196, especially p. 193, n. 16.
45. I refer to the ten manuscript books which are preserved today as Troy es 40/1-10 ; see
Joseph DE GHELLINCK, «Une édition ou une collection médiévale des opera omnia de saint
Augustin», Liber Floridus : Mittellateinische Studien Paul Lehmann zum 65. Geburtstag
gewidmet, ed. Bernhard BISCHOFF & Suso BRECHTER (St Ottilien, 1950), p. 63-82. Cat. gén.
40 2, p. 33-42.
46. The six books are conserved today in the Archivio capitolare di S. Ambrogio under the
shelfmarks : M 14, M 31 (Exameron), M 32, M 33, M 34, M 35 (De paradiso, De Cain et
Abel, De Abraham, De Isaac, De bono mortis, De fuga saeculi, De Iacob, De Ioseph, De
patriarchis). Giuseppe BILLANOVICH, «La tradizione milanese delle opere di sant'Ambrogio :
Testi ambrosiani nelle biblioteche dei canonici di Sant'Ambrogio e del capitolo di Santa Tecla»,
Ambrosius episcopus : Atti del Congresso internazionale di studi ambrosiani nel XVI
centenario della elevazione di sant Ambrogio alla cattedra episcopale, Milano, 2-7 dicembre
1974, ed. G. LAZZATI, Studia Patristica Mediolanensia 6 (Milano, 1976), (Milano, 1976), voi.
l , p . 7-13 & p. 20.
47. The first steps in this direction were taken by Mirella FERRARI, 'La tradizione milanese
delle opere di sant'Ambrogio : Recensiones milanesi tardo-antiche, carolinge, basso-medioevali
di opere di sant'Ambrogio', Ambrosius episcopus : Atti del Congresso internazionale di studi
ambrosiani nel XVI centenario della elevazione di sant Ambrogio alla cattedra episcopale,
Milano, 2-7 dicembre 1974, ed. G. LAZZATI, Studia Patristica Mediolanensia 6 (Milano, 1976),
voi. 1, p. 59-76.
132
MICHAEL GORMAN
Appendix
THE OLDEST MANUSCRIPTS OF THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
CODICES ANTIQVIORES48
Exameron :
C Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 193, 170 ff., saec. VIII ex., North
France. Written in 'Corbie ab-script'. CLA 2.124. Schenkl 1, p. xxxiv.
A Orléans 192 (169), f. 7-14, saec. VI ex., written in uncial. CLA 6.807 :
Origin uncertain ; Italy and Southern France seem possible. Provenance :
Fleury.' One quire [Hex. 1.8.29-2.1.3]. Schenkl 1, p. xxxiii.
Paris lat. 1718, 153 ff., saec. VIII-IX, in Caroline. CLA 5.533 : 'Written
presumably in the Rhenish area and possibly in the Palace School as suggested
by the script and the name 'Hildebaldus' on the back fly-leaf. Belonged later to
St. Remi at Rheims.' BN Cat. 2, p. 140-141. [Not used by Schenkl.]
G Paris lat. 12135, 155 ff., saec. VIII2. Written in 'Corbie ab-script'. CLA
5.622 : 'Written probably at Corbie. Schenkl 1, p. xxxiv.
Salzburg, Stiftsarchiv St Peter Frag. s.n. + Salzburg, Studienbibliothek
M.I.477, 3 ff., saec. VIII ex. CLA 10.1464 : 'Written doubtless at Salzburg.'
(Hex. 6.4 & 6.9) [Not examined by Schenkl.]
De loseph & De patriarchis :
Β Boulogne 32 (37), 190 ff., saec. vi*, written in uncial. CLA 6.735 :
'Written probably in Italy. Provenance presumably St Bertin. The manuscript
may have reached North France by way of England.' Cat. gén. 4° 4, p. 592593. Schenkl 1, p. xxi.
CODICES SAEC. IX49
Exameron :
U Karlsruhe Aug. CXXV, 131 ff., 'saec. IX in.'so Schenkl 1, p. xxxvi.
U' Karlsruhe Aug. CCXVI, 114 ff., 'saec. IX in.'si Schenkl 1, p. xxxvii.
48. The sigla are those of Karl Schenkl, CSEL 32/1-2.
49. These lists are based on Schenkl's edition and make no claim to be complete. It would be
worthwhile to search for additional items and verify the dates offered for them by Bernhard
Bischoff.
50. HOLDER 1, p. 311-312.
51. HOLDER 1, p. 492-493.
THE WORKS OF AMBROSE ON GENESIS
133
Monza c-1/61, f. l-122v, saec. IX i, St Gall (?) (Ferrari)52. Schenkl 1,
p. xxxviii-xxxx. [Not used by Schenkl for the Exameron.]
M' Munich Clm 3728, f. l-177v, saec. IX2, North France, from Augsburg
(Ferrari)53. Schenkl 1, p. xxxvii.
M Munich Clm 6258, 140 ff., saec. IX1, Freising (Ferrari)54. Schenkl 1,
p. xxxvii.
Ρ Paris lat. 3984, 152 ff., saec. IX. Schenkl 1, p. xxxiv-xxxv.
V Verona XXVII (25), 138 ff., saec. IX. Schenkl 1, p. xxxv.
De paradiso :
Monza c-1/61, f. 123-151, saec. IX1 (Ferrari). [Not used by Schenkl.]
M Munich Clm 3728, f. 177v-226v, saec. IX 2 , North France, from
Augsburg (Ferrari). Schenkl 1, p. liiii.
Ρ Paris lat. 1913, f. 250-268v, saec. IX.55 Schenkl 1, p. lii.
fl Reims 377 (olim 355), f. 32-63, saec. IX. Schenkl 1, p. liiii.
A St Omer 72, f. 89v-108, saec. ix.56 Schenkl 1, p. lii.
V Vatican lat. 296, f. 83v-l 14v, 'saec. Χ' 5 λ Schenkl 1, p. liiii.
De Cain & Abel :
M Monza c-1/61, f. 151-180v, saec. IX1 (Ferrari). Schenkl 1, p. lviii.
De Noe & De Abraham :
U' Karlsruhe Aug. CCXIII, f. l-28v, 'saec. IX'58. De Abraham, liber i only.
Schenkl 1, p. lxviii.
Ρ Paris lat. 12137, f. l-25v, f. 25v-60v, saec. IX, Corbie. Schenkl 1, p. lxi.
De Isaac & De bono mortis :
U' Karlsruhe Aug. CCXIII, f. 29-54, f. 54-76, 'saec. IX'. Schenkl 1,
p. lxviii.
Ρ Paris lat. 1913, f. 196-209v, f. 209v-221, saec. IX. Schenkl 1, p. lxxiii.
A St Omer 72, f. 1-24, f. 24-43v, f. 61v-89v, saec. IX.
52. Annalisa BELLONI & Mirella FERRARI, La biblioteca capitolare di Monza (Padova, 1974),
p. 42-44.
53. Cat. 1/2, p. 128.
54. Cat. 1/3, p. 80.
55. BN cat. 2, p. 236.
56. Cat. gén. 4 o 3, p. 45.
51. Cat. 1(1902), p. 213-214.
58. HOLDER 1, p. 488-489.
134
V
MICHAEL GORMAN
Vatican lat. 5759, f. 1-21, f. 21-42, saec. IX. Schenkl 1, p. lxxiii.
De Iacob :
tf ' Karlsruhe Aug. CCXIII, f. 96-125v, 'saec. IX'. Schenkl 1, p. lxviii.
Ρ
Paris lat. 1913, f. 232v-250, saec. IX. Schenkl 2, p. xx.
A
St Orner 72, f. 61v-89v, saec. IX. Schenkl 2, p. xx.
V
Vatican lat. 5759, f. 67-ff., saec. IX.
De loseph & De patriarchis :
tf ' Karlsruhe Aug. CCXIII, f. 126-149, 'saec. IX'. De loseph only. Schenkl
1, p. lxviii.
Ρ Paris lat. 12137, f. 75v-90, f. 90-ff., saec. IX, Corbie. Schenkl 2,
p. xxiii.
Michael GORMAN
Via Quadronno, 9
I - 2 0 1 2 2 MILAN
RÉSUMÉ : Étude de l'influence sur les commentateurs du Haut Moyen Âge des ouvrages
d'Ambroise sur la Genèse. Leur impact fut profond, mais d'un autre côté il semble qu'ils
n'étaient pas amplement lus. Cette impression est confirmée par la tradition manuscrite. Claude
de Turin découvrit certaines des sources des commentaires d'Isidore sur la Genèse, au nombre
desquelles figure Ambroise.
ABSTRACT : A survey of the influence of Ambrose's works on Genesis on the early
medieval commentators. Their impact was profound, but otherwise it would seem that they
were not widely read. This impression is confirmed by the manuscript traditions. Claudius of
Turin tracked down some of the sources in Isidore's commentary on Genesis, including
Ambrose.
From Isidore to Claudius of Turin :
The Works of Ambrose on Genesis in the Early Middle Ages
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plate 1: Paris lat. 15679, ρ. ι
The opening page of Isidore's commentaries on the Old Testament in a manuscript
created under the supervision of Theodulf of Orléans. The name 'Ambrosius' can be seen
in the list of Isidore's sources, col. I, lines 41.
From Isidore to Claudius of Turin :
The Works of Ambrose on Genesis in the Early Middle Ages
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piate 2: Cambrai 407, f. 59
The opening page of Ps. Ambrose 'Retractatio de paradiso'. Note how Isidore's
statement about his sources, 'Isidorus in prologo : Sumpta... Gregorio', has been placed
after the title and before the beginning of the work, 'Plantauerat autem dominus deus
paradisum...\
From Isidore to Claudius of Turin :
The Works of Ambrose on Genesis in the Early Middle Ages
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plate 3: Mons 43, f. 66
Note how the name 'Ambrosii' is included in the title of the Explanatio sex dierum on line
7, even though no work of Ambrosius was used.
From Isidore to Claudius of Turin :
The Works of Ambrose on Genesis in the Early Middle Ages
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plate 4: Reims 377, f. 44v
Hincmar entered the comment, 'Nota Godelsc', followed by Tironian notes in the margin
of his copy of Ambrose's De Paradiso, evidently highlighting a passage which he perhaps
thought could be useful in a future debate or polemical work against his adversary,
Gottschalk of Orbais.
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