University of Innsbruck Institute of Public Economics Discussion Paper 2000/4 When the ‘Decision Maker’Matters: Individual versus Team Behavior in Experimental ‘Beauty-Contest’Games* Martin G. Kocher and Matthias Sutter Institute of Public Economics University of Innsbruck Universitaetsstrasse 15/4 A-6020 Innsbruck Austria e-mail: [email protected] – [email protected] Abstract: In our beauty-contest game participants simultaneously guess a number in [0,100], the winner being whose number is closest to two-thirds of the average number. We compare behavior of individuals and small teams, a hitherto unexplored issue in the context of beauty-contest games. Our findings suggest that teams have the same depth of reasoning (number of steps of eliminating dominated strategies) as individuals in the first round, but that teams learn faster in subsequent rounds, applying deeper depths of reasoning. Learning direction theory describes individuals’ and teams’ behavior very well. However, teams’behavior is even better accounted for by that theory. JEL classification: C7, C91, C92 Keywords: beauty-contest experiments, bounded rationality, team behavior, individual behavior, learning direction theory * We would like to thank Colin Camerer, Rupert Sausgruber, and, in particular, Rosemarie Nagel for many helpful suggestions and comments. All remaining errors are ours, of course. Financial assistance by the Royal Economic Society’s Small Budget Scheme is gratefully acknowledged. I. Introduction In economics a ‘decision maker’ is usually modeled as an individual. However, in many real-life bargaining situations the negotiators are, in fact, teams rather than individuals, such as families, boards of directors, legislatures or committees. Think, e.g., of an oligopolistic market. When firms try to optimize their production decisions by thinking through the strategic structure of the game and forming expectations about competitors’ decisions, it should not make a difference from a theoretic point of view whether all firms in the market are either run by a single entrepreneur or by an executive board. Similar arguments are at stake, when one studies, e.g., jury decisions and political or military decisions, which are mostly dealt with by small groups of experts or politicians. Experimental economics provides a suitable tool to study behavior of individuals and teams under controlled conditions which differ only with respect to the ‘decision maker’. The beauty-contest game – which was likened by Keynes (1936) to professional investment activity – has been studied extensively, and exclusively, with individuals as decision makers (see Rosemarie Nagel, 1995; John Duffy and Nagel, 1997; Teck-Hua Ho, Colin Camerer and Keith Weigelt, 1998). Individual behavior shows very similar patterns across very different subject pools (see survey results in Camerer, 1997; Nagel, 1999; Nagel et al., 2000). By extending the beauty-contest game to a team setting and comparing individual and team behavior, we are able to explore whether the ‘decision maker’ matters, which is a hitherto neglected issue in the context of the beauty-contest game. The main purpose of this paper is to address two basic questions: (1) Does it make a difference in outcomes with regard to the iterated elimination of dominated strategies, whether individuals or small teams compete against each other? (2) Is there a difference in dynamic learning processes between individuals and small teams? The characteristics of the game are straightforward. Decision makers compete for a fixed prize by simultaneously guessing a number in a given interval, the winner being the person or team whose number is closest to a positive fraction of the average of all chosen numbers. The game-theoretic structure makes the beauty-contest game an ideal tool to study how many iterations of eliminating dominated strategies a ‘decision maker’ actually applies (Camerer, 1997). Textbook rationality would require the decision maker to iterate infinitely. Since this is only seldom observed, the beauty1 contest game enables us to study bounded rationality. By repeating the beauty-contest game for four rounds we are also able to observe learning dynamics. A. Individual versus team reasoning The widely held belief that teams reach ‘better’ decisions than individuals is far from being confirmed by psychological literature.1 In the idealized form of the team superiority argument teams are, e.g., considered to balance biases, catch errors and stimulate thoughtful work (James Davis, 1992). Since the 1950s the conventional wisdom of team superiority has been challenged by numerous experiments (among other classics, see Irving Lorge and Herbert Solomon, 1955; Solomon Asch, 1956), leading to the conclusion that group discussion “can attenuate, amplify, or simply reproduce the judgmental bias of individuals” (Norbert Kerr et al., 1996, p. 693). First, team conformity and self-censorship may lead to so-called ‘groupthink’, which may result in dangerous symptoms like stereotyping outside people, putting pressure on inside people who disagree and creating the illusion of invulnerability (Kleindorfer et al., 1993). Especially teams with designated leaders are prone to groupthink’s adverse effects, resulting in inefficient decision making. Second, teams tend to polarize individual attitudinal judgement in many circumstances, which is also known under the label ‘risky shift’ (James Stoner, 1968). This effect, which is contrasting the intuitive conjecture that teams tend to moderate extreme positions, has been proved in many different settings (Davis, 1992; Kerr et al., 1996) and is sometimes referred to as the ‘group polarization hypothesis’ (Timothy Cason and Vai-Lam Mui, 1997). Even when we would presuppose that there is a good deal of intuitive arguments that corroborates the superiority-conjecture of teams in a direct comparison with individuals, it is far from clear that teams generally perform better to the baseline 1 The poorly defined term ‘better’ cannot be substituted by a more precise term in general. Although there are some situations in which the ‘correctness’ of a decision may be evaluated, most decision contexts exhibit factual as well as value issues and, therefore, lack an unambiguous evaluation criterion (Randy Hirokawa et al., 1996). The beauty-contest game is also subject to this double-standard, which makes it difficult to define ‘better’concisely. Building on a central economic assumption the yardstick of measurement is provided by the degree of rationality of the decision. A faster adjustment of teams to the 2 aggregation of its members’ potential contributions (Davis, 1992). The comparative performance of individuals or teams hinges crucially on the kind of task in question. Basically, one can distinguish between intellective tasks (where there is a clear evaluation criterion for the quality of performance) and judgmental tasks (where there is no such criterion). Intellective tasks differ further with respect to their ‘demonstrability’, i.e., to which degree the knowledge of the solution to the task is shared by team members once it is voiced. The beauty-contest game exhibits characteristics of an intellective task (iterated elimination of dominated strategies), but also of a judgmental task (judgments on others’ bounded rationality), and it is partly demonstrable, since the rationale of the game can be explained relatively easy. We believe that the intellective characteristics outweigh the judgmental, leading to the hypothesis that teams should outperform individuals, especially with regard to the iterated elimination of dominated strategies. In other words, we expect teams to apply deeper levels of reasoning than individuals in the first round. Assessments of the differences between individual and team decisions are surprisingly scarce in experimental economics so far.2 Gary Bornstein and Ilan Yaniv (1998) have studied individual versus team behavior in a standard, one-shot ultimatum game, where a fixed amount of money c is split between a proposer and a responder. If the responder accepts the proposer’s offer x, she gets x and the proposer keeps c − x . However, if the responder rejects the offer, both get nothing. Bornstein and Yaniv compare two treatments, one with individuals playing against individuals and one with teams (of three subjects each) playing against teams. Their main result is that teams are more (game-theoretically) rational players than individuals by demanding more than individuals in the role of proposer and accepting less in the role of responder. theoretic Nash equilibrium might be viewed as an indicator for ‘better’ decision making. The discussion of our reasoning and learning models will clarify the notion more precisely. 2 The team game literature (see, e.g., Bornstein et al., 1996, 1997) is related to our team treatment, but not to our individual treatment. A team game involves two groups, or teams of players. Each player chooses how much to contribute towards the team effort. Since contribution is assumed to be costly, but benefits associated with winning are public goods for the members of a team, this situation corresponds to a prisoner’s dilemma situation within teams. Payoff to a player is an increasing function of the total contribution made by members of her own team, and a decreasing function of the total contribution made by members of the opposing team. In contrast to the team game literature, our beauty-contest does not exhibit this intra-team prisoner's dilemma situation, since contribution to the group discussion is not costly (at least in monetary terms), but might raise chances of winning. 3 James Cox and Stephen Hayne (1998) have explored decision making of teams and individuals in common value auctions, characterized by risky outcomes. Though both teams and individuals deviate from rational bidding when they have more information, teams are more affected by the ‘disadvantage’ of information, leading to the conclusion that teams are less rational decision makers than individuals. Contrary to the studies of Bornstein and Yaniv and of Cox and Hayne, in the beauty-contest game no fairness or distribution arguments are involved and loss or risk aversion cannot occur. These characteristics of the beauty-contest game constitute, in our mind, a very favorable environment for testing the rationality of players. B. Individual versus team learning Learning theories are naturally numerous in psychology and they have started to find attention in economics as well. Due to the simplicity of the beauty-contest game and the possibility to control for many disturbance variables in individual decision making processes, several learning theories have been tested for the individual setting. Nagel (1995) tests a simple ‘directional’ learning model, based on previous work of Reinhard Selten and Rolf Stoecker (1986; see also Selten and Joachim Buchta, 1994; Selten, 1998). Learning direction theory is related to reinforcement learning models by implying that subjects change unsuccessful behavior in the direction of behavior which would have been successful in the past. The reinforcement learning model by Alvin Roth and Ido Erev (1995) captures the basic insights from psychology that choices leading to good outcomes in the past are more frequently repeated in the future (law of effect; Edward Thorndike, 1898) and that learning curves are relatively steep in early periods, but flattening out afterwards (power law of practice; Julian Blackburn, 1936). Using Nagel’s (1995) data, Dale Stahl (1996) finds the best fit to the data by combining reinforcement and directional learning. He rejects, however, a Bayesian reasoning model. Camerer and Ho (1999) integrate reinforcement learning models and beliefbased models into a single experience-weighted attraction (EWA) learning model which, using data of Ho et al., performs better than the reinforcement or belief-based learning model alone. Recently, Camerer et al. (2000) have estimated an EWA-learning model with data from experienced subjects who participated twice in a beauty contest. Camerer et al. find that experienced players are more likely to be sophisticated, i.e., to anticipate how others learn. 4 Our experimental design allows to compare learning of individuals with learning of teams. So far, no learning model has been used for such a comparison. We take a first step in this direction by applying a relatively simple learning direction theory as a yardstick for comparing individual and team learning. There might be several reasons for expecting teams and individuals to behave differently in a dynamic setting. One of them stems from social psychology research, stating that teams are more competitive or aggressive than individuals (Bornstein and Yaniv, 1998). But it might also be that teams are more rational in a sense that team discussion helps to understand the strategic situation of a game faster than individuals are able to do on their own and this superiority is revealed gradually through a team learning process. More (and possibly competing) explanations of a strategic game might be voiced in team discussions than individuals can (or are willing to) think through in their mind; dominated solutions may be ruled out faster by good arguments. Therefore, we expect teams to learn faster in the course of the game. Put differently, they should converge faster to the game theoretic solution and apply deeper levels of reasoning immediately after the first round of experience with the game. The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section II introduces the beauty-contest game and its game-theoretic solution. Section III reports on our experimental design. In Section IV we present results for individuals and teams by distinguishing between first round and consecutive rounds behavior. The learning direction theory is confronted with the data in Section V. Finally, Section VI concludes the paper. II. The Beauty-Contest Game and its Game-Theoretic Solution In our experiment N individuals or small teams (of three subjects each) simultaneously choose a real number from the closed interval I ≡ [0,100]. The mean of all choices for round t is denoted xt . The winner is the individual or team whose 5 number is closest to a number x* , being defined as p ⋅xt , where p ∈ (0,1) is fixed for all rounds and announced at the beginning of the game. We chose p = 2/3.3 This game is dominance solvable. The process of iterated elimination of dominated strategies leads to the game’s unique equilibrium at which all players choose zero.4 Nevertheless, it has been shown by Nagel, Stahl, Duffy and Nagel and Ho et al. that a model of iterated best reply describes subjects’ behavior better than the equilibrium obtained by iterated elimination of dominated strategies. Classifying subjects according to the number of steps of their reasoning, in the first round we have level-0 players choosing arbitrarily in the given interval I, with the mean being 50, whereas level-1 players give best replies to level-0 players by choosing 50 ⋅p = 33.3&. A level-2 player chooses 50 ⋅p² and so on. Only players with infinite steps of reasoning will choose the equilibrium number zero. III. Experimental Design In our experiments we had an ‘individual’ treatment, where individuals compete in the beauty-contest, and a ‘team’ treatment, where teams of three subjects each compete against each other. Experiments were conducted at the University of Innsbruck. We ran two parallel sessions on May 11th (with 17 individuals and 17 teams, respectively) and on June 6th 2000 (with group sizes5 of 18)6. In total, 140 subjects participated in our experiments, providing us with 35 observations per treatment and round.7 3 Nagel (1995) has shown that players are systematically influenced by the parameter p of the game. Since we are interested in differences between individuals and teams, but not in the influence of p, we restrict ourselves to the single parameter p = 2/3. 4 Rational players will exclude the interval [100·p,100] because any number in this interval is dominated by 100·p. If a rational player believes all others to be rational as well (by also excluding the interval [100·p,100]), she will exclude [100·p²,100], and so on. Choosing zero remains the only nonexcluded strategy, given common knowledge of rationality. 5 Henceforth, we denote the number of observations per session with ‘group’ size (i.e., the sample size) and the groups in the experimental treatment (consisting of three individuals) with ‘teams’. 6 We have chosen a relatively large group size, like in Nagel (1995), because convergence of behavior towards the game-theoretic solution is faster in relatively large groups, since single players have less influence on group outcome. Therefore, if we will observe systematic differences between teams and individuals in a relatively large group, where convergence has been shown to be rather quick and stable, 6 Subjects were participants of three parallel undergraduate courses in public economics (May) and two parallel undergraduate courses in microeconomics (June).8 Students had not been confronted with game theory in any class before participating in the experiment. Participants in parallel courses were assigned randomly to experimental treatments (individuals versus teams) and to teams in the team treatments. The winner of each round in the individual treatment was paid 140 Austrian Schillings (about 10.5 Euro or 10 US$ at that time), whereas winning teams were paid three times the individual amount (420 Austrian Schillings). Hence, we keep the persubject monetary incentives constant across the individual and team treatments. In case of a tie, the amount was split equally between individuals or teams. Winners were paid privately in cash at the end of the experiment, all others received nothing. Each session lasted at most 40 minutes and was conducted as follows. Subjects got written instructions9, which were read aloud, offering subjects the opportunity to ask private questions. In each session there were four rounds. In each round subjects wrote their guesses on a separate response card. These cards were collected after each round and numbers were read aloud and written on an overhead projector without identifying individuals or teams. Then we calculated and announced the total sum, the average, two-thirds of the average, and the winning number. Once this information had been revealed, the next round was started. Subjects in the individual treatment were isolated from one another and were not allowed to communicate with each other. They were given up to five minutes time per round to decide on their number. Teams in the team treatment gathered in the Aula of the faculty, which gives room for 500 persons. Each team sat at a separate table. The minimum distance to the next team (table) was about 5 meters. Teams had five minutes time10 to discuss face-to-face we can exclude differences to arise from comparatively erratic behavior in very small groups (see Ho et al., 1998, who had groups of three and seven, respectively). 7 The raw data are available upon request from the authors. 8 Due to a specific course schedule at Innsbruck University we had no subject attending both types of courses. Therefore, it was guaranteed that each subject could only participate in one session. 9 The one-page instructions, originally in German, are included in a translated version in an appendix to this paper. 10 The time limit was not strictly enforced in either of the treatments. Discussions in teams were finished in less than five minutes in most cases in round 1 and in all cases in subsequent rounds. 7 and agree on a single number to be written down on the ‘team card’ for a given round.11 Team members were requested to speak with as low voice as possible and were strictly forbidden to speak to members of other teams. IV. A. Experimental Results First Round Behavior The mean and median of first round chosen numbers are 34.9 and 32 for individuals as well as 30.8 and 29.05 for teams. The mean and median for individuals are close to 36.73 and 33 reported in Nagel (1995) for first round choices. The cumulative frequencies of guesses in round 1 are plotted in panel A of Figure 1. Individual guesses are more evenly spread than those of teams. However, we cannot reject the null hypothesis that both samples are drawn from the same population ( p = 0.61 , MannWhitney U-test; p = 0.32 , Kolmogorov-Smirnov test). INSERT FIGURE 1. CUMULATIVE FREQUENCIES OF GUESSES Like in previous studies of the beauty-contest game, first-round choices are far from equilibrium, and 0.01 was the smallest number chosen. Numbers below 10 are also infrequent (6% of teams and 12% of individuals). Dominated choices (those larger than 100 ⋅p ) rarely occur; we have only one observation for teams (3%) and four observations for individuals (11%). Contrary to most previous studies we have a considerable number of non-integer numbers already in the first round, namely 11 and 14 for individuals and teams, respectively. Given this evidence we have to reject our hypothesis that teams outperform individuals with regard to the iterated elimination of dominated strategies. They do not apply deeper levels of reasoning in the first round. 11 Team cards with more than one number on it would have been invalid. Yet, there was no such case. 8 B. Behavior in Rounds 2, 3, and 4 In Figures 2 and 3 we plot the transitions from round t to round t + 1 for t = 1, 2, and 3. Observations below the diagonal indicate that the chosen number in round t + 1 is smaller than the number in round t. As can be seen, chosen numbers decline significantly over time in both the individual and the team treatment ( p < 0.025 and p < 0.001 for each transition in the individual and team treatment, respectively; Wilcoxon signed-ranks test). Only 18, respectively 11, out of 105 observations lie above the diagonal in the individual and team treatment. INSERT FIGURE 2. TRANSITIONS FROM ROUND T TO ROUND T + 1 – INDIVIDUALS INSERT FIGURE 3. TRANSITIONS FROM ROUND T TO ROUND T + 1 – TEAMS Comparing both treatments with respect to chosen numbers in rounds 2 to 4 we find that teams choose systematically lower numbers ( p < 0.001 in any round; MannWhitney U-test). This is also immediately clear from looking at panels B, C and D in Figure 1, where cumulative frequencies of team guesses are systematically to the left of individual guesses. Given the fact that there was no statistical difference in chosen numbers in the first round, the results seem to be an indication for team learning to be faster than individual learning. However, the mean as well as the median of chosen numbers were already lower for teams than for individuals in the first round. Therefore, the reason for systematic differences in chosen numbers in rounds 2 to 4 might be due to the lower reference point (mean of round 1) in the team treatment. To check for that possibility, we recalculated chosen numbers in rounds 2 to 4 as a fraction of the corresponding previous round’s mean and tested whether percentages were different between individuals and teams. Actually, teams choose systematically lower fractions ( p < 0.001 in any round; Mann-Whitney U-test), corroborating our hypothesis that teams converge much faster towards the equilibrium level than individuals do. The same pattern can be detected in the percentage changes of median guesses from round to round, which are shown in Table 1. Percentage changes of medians are considerably larger for teams than for individuals until round 3. From round 3 to round 4 there seems to be no difference in the percentage changes of the median guess between individuals and teams. However, this is mainly due to the fact that the medians 9 in team sessions were already very low in round 3 (2.63 and 3.74, respectively, but 9.71 and 15.74 for individuals). TABLE 1 – MEANS AND MEDIANS OF ROUNDS 1 – 4 A. Individuals Session 1 round 1 2 3 4 mean 39.66 21.86 12.59 6.34 median 28.40 16.50 9.71 5.30 Session 2 median(t)/ median(t-1) 0.58 0.59 0.55 mean 30.32 27.50 16.99 7.830 Median 33.00 22.00 15.74 7.60 median(t)/ median(t-1) 0.67 0.72 0.48 B. Teams Session 1 round 1 2 3 4 mean 30.71 11.39 6.13 7.56 median 30.32 9.51 2.63 1.70 Session 2 median(t)/ median(t-1) 0.31 0.28 0.65 mean 30.86 13.94 6.24 7.18 Median 28.52 12.35 3.74 1.74 median(t)/ median(t-1) 0.43 0.30 0.47 According to the definition of step reasoning, after round 1 level-0 players will choose, on average, the mean of the previous round, level-1 players will choose p ⋅mt − 1 , with mt − 1 as the previous round’s mean, and so on. Denoting player i’s guess in round t by xi ,t , then player i’s depth of reasoning in round t (indicating her iterated best reply) is defined as the value of d that solves xi ,t = p d ⋅mt − 1 . We group the continuous d values into discrete categories (d = 0, 1, 2, 3, 4) by defining neighborhood intervals for guesses in round t with boundaries [ p d + 1 2 ⋅mt − 1 , p d − 1 2 ⋅mt − 1 ], the right-hand boundary for d = 0 being mt − 1 . All guesses xi ,t > mt − 1 are aggregated into a single category with d < 0 . For t = 0, we set m0 = 50 , which has been shown to be a reasonable assumption in this type of beauty-contest (see Duffy and Nagel, 1997; Ho et al., 1998). Table 2 reports (pooled) relative frequencies of individual’s or team’s depth of reasoning. The underlined figures represent the modal values of d. For individuals we have either d = 1 or d = 2 as modal values, which was also the case in Nagel (1995). This is in marked contrast to teams, for which we also have d = 3 (round 4) and even d = 4 (round 3) as modal values. A Mann-Whitney U-test confirms the impression 10 arising from Table 2 that teams apply deeper levels of reasoning (higher d’s) than individuals for rounds 2 to 4 ( p < 0.003 in any case). Note that the difference was not significant for the first round ( p > 0.6 ). TABLE 2 – RELATIVE FREQUENCIES OF DEPTHS OF REASONING IN ROUNDS 1 – 4 depth d<0 d=0 d=1 d=2 d=3 d=4 d>4 Round 1 0.11 0.14 0.37 0.14 0.06 0.09 0.09 A. Individuals Round 2 0.11 0.09 0.26 0.34 0.17 0.03 0.00 Round 3 0.11 0.03 0.34 0.34 0.17 0.00 0.00 Round 4 0.03 0.06 0.09 0.66 0.09 0.06 0.03 depth d<0 d=0 d=1 d=2 d=3 d=4 d>4 Round 1 0.09 0.06 0.40 0.31 0.09 0.03 0.03 B. Teams Round 2 0.00 0.09 0.06 0.40 0.34 0.09 0.03 Round 3 0.06 0.03 0.03 0.17 0.23 0.37 0.11 Round 4 0.06 0.00 0.03 0.23 0.29 0.20 0.20 Contrary to Nagel (1995) and Duffy and Nagel (1997), who did not find any significant evidence that subjects employ increasing depths of reasoning over the first four rounds of the beauty-contest game, we provide clear evidence that teams apply increasing depths of reasoning in the transitions from round 1 to round 2 ( p < 0.01 , sign test on whether team i's depth of reasoning increased, decreased or remained unchanged from round t to round t + 1 ) and from round 2 to round 3 ( p < 0.01 , sign test). There is no further increase in depth of reasoning between rounds 3 and 4. For individuals we find no statistically significant increase in depth of reasoning from round 1 to round 3, but in the transition from round 3 to round 4 we observe an increase ( p = 0.043 , sign test). Comparing individual patterns of learning with the one of teams leads to the conclusion that teams learn faster and adapt faster to a competitive environment than individuals do. We trace this back to the possibility of discussing the structure of the beauty-contest game in teams. Yet, our result that even individuals increase their depths of reasoning in the final round might be an indication that more experience with the game can serve as a substitute for team discussion. We can, therefore, confirm our 11 hypothesis that teams learn faster than individuals in the context of the beauty-contest game. Nagel et. al. (2000) provide evidence that once subjects reach the second, or third reasoning level, they often jump all the (infinite) steps towards the Nash equilibrium: one, two, (three), infinity. In our sessions we never had any individual or team choosing zero.12 This is a quite reasonable behavior since zero could pay off only in case all other competitors would choose the Nash equilibrium as well. In other words, the Nash solution is not trembling-hand proof. What is usually taken for rational behavior (choosing Nash) represents, in fact, a boundedly rational ignorance of other players’ bounded rationality.13 In our experiments, teams – as well as individuals – correctly predict that other competitors do not go all the way long to infinite reasoning. However, teams proceed systematically further to the theoretical rationality threshold than individuals immediately after the first round of experience with the game. V. Learning Direction Theory Learning direction theory (proposed initially by Selten and Stoecker, 1986) suggests that players adjust their guesses from round to round by applying an ex-post reasoning process, taking into account the previous period’s outcome. The theory captures the idea of reducing errors in chosen strategies by switching strategies in the direction of higher payoffs. We call the relation of player i’s guess in round t (xi,t) to the mean in the previous period ( mt − 1 ) her adjustment factor ai ,t . (Remember that we set m0 = 50 .) From an expost point of view it is clear that player i would have won if she had chosen the optimal adjustment factor aopt ,t , which is given by (see Nagel, 1995) 12 In Nagel (1995) only three subjects choose zero in the fourth round in treatment p = 0.5 and none in p = 2/3. Therefore, our results are very similar to hers in this respect. 13 This is related to the false consensus-phenomenon in psychology, which implies that people assume others to reason as themselves. See, e.g., Robin Dawes (1990). 12 aopt ,t = xopt ,t p ⋅mt = 50 50 for t = 1 xopt ,t p ⋅mt = mt − 1 mt − 1 for t = 2 ,3,4. Learning direction theory then states that if ai ,t > aopt ,t ⇒ ai ,t + 1 < ai ,t , or if ai ,t < aopt ,t ⇒ ai ,t + 1 > ai ,t . This means that a player adapts ex post her adjustment factor in the direction of the optimal adjustment factor. Similar kinds of adjustment processes have been successfully used to explain behavior in a wide variety of different games (see, e.g., Michael Mitzkewitz and Nagel, 1993). Table 3 shows the relative frequencies of changes in adjustment factors due to experience in the preceding rounds. Contrary to Ho et al.'s (1998) rejection of learning direction theory in their ten-round versions using considerably smaller group sizes (of three and seven), we find that learning direction theory is a very good predictor for changes in adjustment factors in our experiment.14 Using aggregated data for each treatment, between 69% and 83% of individuals and between 86% and 89% of teams adapt their adjustment ratio in accordance with learning direction theory.15,16 In any transition from one round to the next teams adapt more frequently in the direction predicted by learning direction theory than individuals. From round 2 to round 3 this difference (31 adjustments consistent with learning direction theory for teams, 24 for individuals) is statistically significant ( χ ² = 3.05, p < 0.05 ; one-tailed). 14 One explanation for this difference is offered by Duffy and Nagel (1997) who state that learning direction theory might only predict well when aggregate behavior adheres to a certain established time trend, which is more likely to evolve with group sizes of 15-18 (as in Nagel, 1995) or 17-18, as in our case, but not necessarily with group sizes of three or seven (as in Ho et al., 1998), where erratic behavior of single players influences the time path of means much stronger. 15 This might also be an indication that participants took the experiment very serious, although it was run in class without paying show-up fees. 16 In each of the three round-to-round transitions and in each of the four sessions the relative frequencies of correct adjustment are greater than 0.5 (p = 0.062 for any transition; one-sided binomial test; N = 4). 13 TABLE 3 – RELATIVE FREQUENCIES OF CHANGES IN ADJUSTMENT FACTORS DUE TO EXPERIENCE IN PREVIOUS ROUNDS A. Individuals ai,t > aopt,t ai,t < aopt,t adjustment ratio is decreased increased increased decreased consistent with L.D.T.* rounds 1 – 2 0.46 0.20 0.29 0.06 rounds 2 – 3 0.43 0.20 0.26 0.11 rounds 3 – 4 0.66 0.14 0.17 0.03 0.74 0.69 0.83 rounds 1 – 2 0.69 0.06 0.17 0.09 rounds 2 – 3 0.77 0.09 0.11 0.03 rounds 3 – 4 0.26 0.06 0.60 0.09 B. Teams ai,t > aopt,t ai,t < aopt,t adjustment ratio is decreased increased increased decreased consistent with 0.86 0.89 0.86 L.D.T.* * Sum of the frequency numbers in boldface type, which are consistent with the predictions of learning direction theory (L.D.T.) We were also interested whether the absolute difference between the adjustment factor ai ,t and the optimal adjustment factor of the previous period aopt ,t − 1 is smaller for teams than for individuals. If that were the case it might be an indication that teams adjust more precisely to the competitive outcome of a previous round. Indeed, absolute differences between adjustment factors in round 2 and the optimal adjustment factor in round 1 are significantly smaller for teams than for individuals ( p < 0.01 , MannWhitney U-test). However, for rounds 3 and 4 we find no significant differences, which is another indication for the intuition that teams learn faster but team discussion can be substituted by individuals,when they are more experienced with the game.17 17 We also tested whether the relative deviation δi,t of chosen numbers from the target number of the same round ( δi,t = xi ,t xt* ) is different between both treatments. δi,t can be interpreted as a measure of competitiveness. If, e.g., relative deviation was significantly smaller in the team treatment, that would be evidence for the conjecture that competition for the prize is tougher between teams than between individuals. However, we do not find any significance for that. 14 VI. Conclusion In psychology, the literature is ambiguous on whether teams are more rational or whether they can learn faster than individuals. Our paper has addressed the importance of the ‘decision maker’ and the capabilities of teams versus individuals with respect to rationality and learning in an experimental beauty-contest game. So far, the beauty-contest game has been studied extensively with individuals as decision makers. Our data for individuals are in line with most previous studies. Drawing subjects from the same subject pool we have shown that depth of reasoning and learning is different if either individuals or teams compete against each other: (1) Our findings do not lend support to the view that teams are more rational players in the sense that they have deeper levels of reasoning than individuals per se. First round behavior with respect to rationality is uniform across the individual and the team treatments. (2) However, in the course of the experiment, teams increase their depth of reasoning. They learn faster than individuals which might be due to the opportunity to discuss the game before making their team decision. Another explanation for teams learning faster might be that teams anticipate other teams to learn faster than they would anticipate individuals to learn. (3) The learning direction theory of Selten and Stoecker (1986) is a good predictor for both individual and team behavior. However, teams’ behavior is even better accounted for by the theory than individuals’behavior. 15 REFERENCES Asch, Solomon E. “Studies of Independence and Conformity: A Minority of One against a Unanimous Majority.” Psychological Monographs, 1956, 70 (Whole No. 416). Blackburn, Julian M. “Acquisition of Skill: An Analysis of Learning Curves.” IHRB Report No. 73, 1936. 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The winning team is the one whose number is closest to x , defined as: n 2 ∑ x = ⋅ i =1 3 n xi I.e., winner is whose number is closest to two thirds of the average of all chosen numbers. [It was either announced that n = 17 or n = 18.] The winning team receives 420.-- Austrian Schillings. If there are more teams equally close to x , then the prize is split equally among those teams. After all teams have written down their number, response cards will be collected. Chosen numbers will be announced and written down on a transparency sheet, without revealing team codes. Then we will calculate the total sum, the average, two-thirds of the average (= x ), and we will encircle the winning number. There will be four rounds, so that each team has to make four separate decisions on xi . After each round you will be informed about the decisions of all other teams and the winning number, before the next round starts. In each round, a team has a maximum of 5 minutes time to discuss and agree on a single number xi . If there is more than one number on a response card, the card is invalid. We would be grateful if you could write down your motives for choosing a certain xi on the explanation sheet at your table. In discussions, please, speak with as low a voice as possible! You are not allowed to speak to members of other teams! If you have any further questions, please raise your hand and the instructor will come to you. FIGURE 1: CUMULATIVE FREQUENCIES OF GUESSES Cumulative frequency A. Round 1 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Individuals 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Teams 80 90 100 Guessing range Cumulative frequency B. Round 2 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Individuals 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Guessing range 70 Teams 80 90 100 FIGURE 1: CONTINUED Cumulative frequency C. Round 3 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Individuals 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Teams 80 90 100 Guessing range Cumulative frequency D. Round 4 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Individuals 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Guessing range 70 Teams 80 90 100 FIGURE 2: TRANSITIONS FROM PERIOD T TO PERIOD T+1 – INDIVIDUALS A. Individuals 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Choices in First Round Individuals B. 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 70 80 90 100 Choices in Second Round C. Individuals 100 90 Choices in Fourth Round 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Choices in Third Round FIGURE 3: TRANSITIONS FROM PERIOD T TO PERIOD T+1 – TEAMS A. T eam s 100 90 Choices in Second Round 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Choices in First Round B. T eam s 100 90 Choices in Third Round 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Choices in Second Round C. T eam s 100 90 Choices in Fourth Round 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Choices in Third Round 70 80 90 100
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