Local Perceptions of the Forest and Management of Malaria in Rural
Nigeria
Ali Arazeem Abdullahi1, Anton Senekal2 and Cecilia Van Zyl-Schalekamp2
Abstract
In this study, a qualitative research methodology (methods triangulation) was used to
undertake an in-depth sociological analysis of local perception of forest and management of
malaria in children younger than five years of age in two selected rural areas of Kwara State,
Nigeria. The study found that forests and plants are socially and culturally constructed. They
do not simply supply means of livelihoods they also serve as the sources of health and
wellbeing. The majority of the caregivers preferred to begin treatment of malaria with these
local resources. High level of optimism and conviction about the efficacy of herbal
medicines, at least at the onset of symptoms of malaria in children, was demonstrated by the
majority of the caregivers, a factor identified by the majority of health officials interviewed
as major stumbling block in early utilization of modern health care services. The most
frequently mentioned plants and leaves were dogonyaro (Azadirachta indica), ewe akintola
(Chromolaena odorata), mango leaves (Mangifera indica), pawpaw (Carica papaya), orange
leaves, lemon grass, cashew leaves, and a local resource known as panseke. Where different
leaves and plants are mixed together they are called ija-kuja. Although agunmu (ground
herbal medicine) is commonly used by the adults, some informants considered it as viable in
the management of malaria in children. Modern health care facilities are generally considered
as alternative to indigenous medicine. The paper therefore suggests the need to preserve
indigenous knowledge of medicine in Nigeria for a sustainable development.
1
Department of Sociology, University of Ilorin, Nigeria and University of Johannesburg, South Africa.
Corresponding author Email: [email protected]. Cell: +234 806 969 6844
2
Department of Sociology, University of Johannesburg, South Africa.
Background
From time immemorial, malaria has been a major public health problem in Nigeria and the
rest of Africa. It was a major stumbling-block to the take-off of the Western imperialistic
occupations across West African societies as several White colonialists and evangelists died
from malaria. Indeed, to many White colonialists, West African societies were the ‘White
man’s grave’ (Curtin, 1990: 63). Hence, the fight against the scourge of malaria in West
Africa and Nigeria in particular became one of the priorities of the colonialists using Western
science and medicine not only to ‘help’ the local people but to match-forward colonialism
and ‘civilization’. Ronald Ross has arrogantly observed in 1900 that the fight against:
“Malaria fever is important not only because of the misery it inflicts upon
mankind but because of the serious opposition which it has always given to the
march of civilization in the tropics... it strikes down not only the indigenous
barbaric population but with still greater certainty, the pioneers of civilization –
the planter, the trader, the missionary, the soldier” (quoted from Alubo, 1995: 41).
However, more than a century since the war against malaria started in Africa the burden of
malaria is yet to be abated. Like other malaria endemic regions, children younger than five
years of age are the most vulnerable populations. Approximately 80% of children younger
than five years who die from malaria related complications are from Sub-Sahara Africa
(SSA) (Crawley et al., 2010). In Nigeria, several reports have shown that more than 250 000
children below the age of five die from malaria every year (FMoH, 2009: 10) representing
30% of infant mortality (Okafor and Amzat, 2007: 156) and 25% of the global malaria deaths
in children (Abdullahi et al. 2012; Abdullahi, 2011). Furthermore, more than 50% of
outpatient visits, 40% of hospital admissions, and 10% of maternal mortality are due to
malaria infections in Nigeria (Okafor and Amzat, 2007: 156).
Retrospectively, several years prior to colonial contact, local people across African
indigenous communities, including Nigeria, had coped with and managed the threat of
malaria not only because they had developed immunity against malaria as reported by Curtin
(1990), but because they had developed a home grown health care system that had endured
and subdued the threat of malaria. However, the colonial government appeared to be
sceptical, apprehensive and pessimistic about the authenticity, validity, reliability and quality
assurance of indigenous knowledge of medicine (IKM). Consequently, the home grown
health care system was discountenanced and became an object of ridicule under the colonial
tutelage across African societies. In some societies at the time the use of traditional medicine
(TM) was completely banned and criminalized. This was the situation across Southern
African colonies. The Witchcraft Suppression Act of 1957 and Witchcraft Suppression
Amendment Act of 1970 were deliberately enacted to destabilize and criminalize TM practice
in South Africa (Abdullahi, 2011). Protests by the traditional medical practitioners against
such an institutional gang-up and discrimination against TM were reported in Nigeria in the
1920s (see Erinosho, 1998, 2006). The moves against IKM were due to widespread belief
among the colonialists that IKN was ‘unscientific’, ‘backward’ and ‘uncivilised’.
However, in spite of the institutionalized gang-up and negative remarks against IKM across
Africa, particularly in Nigeria, IKM has continued to thrive and blossom. The demand for it
has grown exponentially. Currently, more than 70% of African population is said to use TM
to treat various ailments (Abdullahi, 2011). Recent scientific studies of medicinal plants have
identified more than 500 medicinal species used in the management of numerous ailments in
Nigeria, many of which are used by traditional healers (Weintritt, 2007: 119). It is in view of
this that this study examined IKM used in the management of malaria in children in rural
Nigeria with a view to contribute to the on-going global discourses around indigenous
knowledge (IK) preservation for sustainable development.
Study Area and Methodology
The study was conducted in Okanle and Fajeromi rural areas in Ifelodun Local Government
Area of Kwara State, Nigeria. Kwara State occupies a land area of about 32 500 sq
kilometres. It has a population of more than two million people based on the 2006 census
(Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2009: 34). The headquarters of Kwara State is Ilorin. The State
is bounded in the north by Niger state, Osun and Ondo States in the south, Kogi State in the
east and Oyo State in the west. It shares an international boundary with the Republic of
Benin. There are two main climate seasons in the State: the dry and wet (raining) seasons
with an intervening cold and dry harmattan (windy) period usually experienced between
December and January. Figure 1 indicates the map of Kwara State highlighting Ifelodun
Local Government where the study was carried out.
Figure 1: Map of Kwara State Indicating Ifelodun Local Government Area. The insert
is the map of Nigeria.
Specifically, Okanle Village Area Council was established in 1956 with other seven villages
that included Fajeromi (Okanle Descendant Union [ODU], 2009: 3). Both communities are
very close to each other and have maintained a cordial relationship over the years. They are
less than 2km away from each other. The villages are about 30km from Ilorin along
Offa/Ajase Ipo Road and exactly 6km from Idofian town. Both communities are rich in forest
resources hence the majority of the people derive their livelihood from the forests through
farming and hunting. Apart from providing sources of income to the local people, forest
resources are also used to maintain wellbeing, which are readily available in their natural
forms. Knowledge about local medicines is usually handed down from generation to
generation in oral form. Figure 2 shows the environmental characteristics of Okanle in terms
of natural resources where the key to wellness lies. Like the rest of the State, the communities
also experience wet or raining season as well as dry season. Even though raining season
brings fresh plants and leaves it could also create a breeding ground for mosquitoes
responsible for malaria causation. Coincidentally, cases of malaria, especially in children, are
most rampant in the communities during raining period.
Data Collection Techniques
This study adopted complementary qualitative methods to collect data. The methods included
twenty (20) semi-structured interview, ten (10) in-depth interview and two (2) focus group
discussions (FGDs). Respondents were selected using purposive sampling technique.
Participants included mothers, fathers and grandparents of children under the age of five
years whose child or ward had manifested malaria symptoms at one time or another and who
could have used home treatment (HT). However, the majority of the respondents were
women because they were in the best position to discuss the issues under investigation. They
were involved in domestic responsibilities more than men. The qualitative techniques were
employed to achieve the objectives of the study. Other reasons for using these techniques are
that a) the majority of the potential respondents were illiterate and therefore could not read
nor write; b) it was assumed that the potential respondents were familiar with the interview
method as a communicative event considering the fact that discourses about malaria
sometimes between health practitioners and caregivers or within members of the family
usually occurred in interview format using direct verbal questions; and c) it is common
knowledge that qualitative interviewing is useful in exploring an individual’s attitude and
values (Byrne, 2004: 182) and that it is a veritable tool that allows the voices of caregivers to
be heard in health studies like this (see Gysels et al., 2008). These methods were corroborated
with visual methods.
The data for the study were gathered between October and December 2009 and a follow-up
took place between September and October 2010. An update of the field work was carried out
in May 2013. All interviews and FGDs were conducted in the local language and later
transcribed into English for analysis. All interviews and discussions were tape-recorded. A
note book (jotter) was also used to take field notes, particularly on non-verbal aspects of the
interview that included distractions, respondent’s nervousness or otherwise, key terms and
names where important. Interviews usually took place in the evening when people had
returned from the farm. Throughout the course of the interviews, the participants were given
the freedom to start and end the conversation when they felt like, yet making sure that all
elements of the issues were covered. Data were analysed using content analysis.
Results
Perceptions of the Forests among the Locals
This section addresses the nuances surrounding local people’s perceptions of the forests and
management of malaria in children. Perception is the process by which information is
gathered, processed, interpreted and acted upon by a person or a group of persons (Jegede,
2002). Forest perception is therefore important in the understanding of the relationship
between the people and the forests. Rural people who have lived around forests have
graciously benefited from them and they have also given back to the forests in terms of
ownership and protection. In a study of forest perception and forest use among the Tiriki
community in Western Kenya Taubert and Pretzsch (2007) found that the local people held
the forests tenaciously because apart from providing a home, forests also provide livelihood
for a great number of rural people living in and around them. They serve as vital safety nets,
helping rural people rising above poverty (Sunderlin et al. 2003), especially where they have
been politically neglected by the government. Beyond the alleviation of poverty, forests are
enormous sources of natural products for human well-being in rural communities. Experience
has shown that extracts from trees and plants contain a variety of bioactive compounds which
possess biological activities and which the rural people have utilized through the ages for TM
to improve their well-being (Karjalainen et al., 2010). The benefits people derive from the
ecosystems are generally referred to as ecosystem services (Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment [MA], 2005).
Interviews with the leaders and other members of the communities revealed that the local
people studied have a positive attitude towards the forests and perceived it as a major part of
their livelihood, identity and well-being. The forests are seen as both cultural and natural
rights different from those “rights” provided by the states. The local people see the forests
and everything in them as “theirs” and any attempt to ‘snatch’ natural rights away from the
people may be met with some degree of hostility and protest. Hence, like the Tirikis of
Western Kenya, forests are held tenaciously by the local people studied thereby giving the
forests a new ‘developmental’ symbolism and characterisation. The interviews showed that
the people are emotionally, spiritually and culturally attached to their forests. Apart from
meeting their profane and daily needs such as firewood, grazing ground for cattle and
farming, forests provide trees and plants that contain biological components which are
transformed into medicines and health diet by the local people. To obtain these medicinal
ingredients is highly convenient. Most of the plants are readily available in the forests
without any fee attached. This makes them conveniently accessible and affordable to most
families (Figures 2&3 show the natural environment of Okanle/Fajeromi). The following
submissions were used to buttress argument by the respondents:
“Forests are natural resources bestowed upon us by God. They are our gifts from
God. They have become our cultural and natural assets. So, we are grateful to God
for this wonderful opportunity. The forests give us everything we need. They are
the sources of firewood. They contain varieties of fruits that are good for the body.
We eat them and become strong. Can’t you see people here are stronger than people
living in urban centres?” (smiling). (One of community leaders).
“Our people here have benefitted from the forests over the years. To the east and
west they are blessings of God to us. I have seen a lot of people benefitting from
them. This is where we farm and hunt for animals of all kinds. To me, the forest is a
place where people get food when they have no food. It is where they get meat
when they have no meat. As you can see people here are poor. We depend on these
forests for survival.” (Another community leader).
“Apart from serving as sources of food and animal for the majority of the people
here, forests are places where we get well when we sick. They house some of the
best biological ingredients that are beneficial to human well-being. For instance, to
prepare herbs for malaria is simple. All you have to do is enter the forest of your
choice and assemble the most appropriate leaves and plants. After preparation take
as prescribed. They cost no money.” (A mother in Fajeromi).
Figure 2&3: The Natural Environment of the Study Communities
Perceived Symptoms and Management of Malaria in Children
Biologically, a distinction is often drawn between complicated and uncomplicated malaria.
On the one hand, the symptoms of uncomplicated malaria include fever, vomiting, high body
temperature, coldness, headache, muscle aches and tiredness. These could be accompanied by
shivering, loss of appetite (anorexia) and joint pains (see Crawley et al. 2010: 1470; Makundi
et al. 2006: 2). The symptoms of complicated malaria on the other hand include anaemia
(blood deficiency), convulsions, coma and even death (see Jamison, et al. 2006: 73). In the
communities studied, the majority of the caregivers interviewed believed that malaria in
children is manifested through high body temperature, vomiting, headache, uncharacteristic
quietness, loss of appetite, shivering and weight loss. From this argument, it surfaces that
there may be a correspondence or a point of convergence between biomedical construction of
symptoms of malaria (uncomplicated) and community’s representations of malaria
symptoms. In other words, biomedical views of symptoms of uncomplicated malaria
particularly in children are contained in the traditional views of how malaria is manifested in
children. Similar findings have been reported in previous studies. In the study by Ahorlu et al.
(1997: 491) in Ghana, headache, high body temperature, vomiting, weakness of body and
loss of appetite were mentioned as the principal manifestations of uncomplicated malaria.
The perceived symptoms of malaria in children in the current study are illustrated in the
following quotation:
“There are many symptoms of malaria in children. Once my child refuses to
play around the way he used to; when he is weak and the body temperature is
beyond ordinary; then I know malaria is coming. These symptoms, however,
vary from child to child. Some children don’t run temperature when they have
malaria but they may have a kind of cold. I have come to know these through
my everyday experience and not through health talks with any health official. I
use to observe the activities of my children and when something goes wrong I
quickly notice and react immediately. A responsible mother should know
when her child begins to have malaria problems because it is a common
problem here. As you can see him now (pointing to her baby), once he starts
crying unnecessarily or stops playing or becomes aggressive, then I know it
has something to do with malaria”. (a 33 year old mother from Fajeromi with
a child under the age of five).
Consequently, following the positive attitude towards the forests, especially as sources of
wellbeing and health, treatment of diseases like malaria episode in children usually
commences at home with herbal medicines generally known as oogun-ibile or agbo-ibile.
High level of optimism and conviction about the efficacy of herbal medicines at least at the
onset of symptoms of malaria in children was demonstrated by the majority of the
participants. Herbal medicine is usually seen as the first point of treatment and the most
convenient. It is also the cheapest form of treatment. It is a home-grown system of care and
culturally compelling. The therapies comprised principally of local plants, bark of a tree or
root which are usually boiled together to make malaria herbs specifically known as agbo-iba.
They are sourced from the nearby forests. The agbo-iba is used as a normal wash either with
or without local soap known as ose-dudu after boiling. Some of the leaves are also used as
sponge. Agbo-iba is also used as a medicinal drink usually administered at least three times
daily as long as the symptoms persisted. As informants argued, this practice has been
entrenched in the community’s knowledge of medicine over a period of time. The majority
therefore expressed satisfaction with the use of herbal medicine in the management of
malaria in children. One of the women interviewed in Fajeromi said with some level of
confidence that “everybody in this village knows that I don’t go to the clinic when I’m sick
and I don’t take my children there either. I prefer herbal medicines… It’s what I inherited
from my parents” (Abdullahi et al. 2012).
Sometimes, children above three years of age are asked to inhale the vapour from warm herbs
for a few minutes while covered with thick shrouds (usually blankets) to allow the generation
of sweat, which was believed to be a sign of recovery. The use of herbal medicine was
despite the fact that there was a community clinic within a distance that can be traversed.
This act confirms that most parents usually ignore the modern health facilities, especially at
the onset of malaria symptoms in children. Surprisingly, there were no specific individual
persons regarded or known as traditional healers professionally endowed with IKM in the
rural areas studied. Almost everybody in the village is believed to be a “healer”. A 70 year
old grandfather in Fajeromi argued that “almost everybody in this village is a healer. We all
know the kind of leaves, plants or root to assemble to treat malaria either in children or
adult”. This position has been supported by empirical studies. Some studies have shown that
the commonality of malaria in some indigenous communities has rendered the services of the
traditional healers unattractive to caregivers as people already knew how to prepare herbal
remedies to cure malaria (Abyan and Osman, 1993: 17). The locals learn the medicinal values
of leaves, root and bark of trees from each other. However, the elderly people in the village
were believed to have more experience than the younger ones.
Some Plants Used in the Treatment of Malaria in Children
Dozens of local plants, leaves and roots are available in the communities studied used in the
management of malaria, especially in children. The most frequently mentioned plants and
leaves during the interviews were dogonyaro (Azadirachta indica), lemon grass
(Cymbopogon citrates), akintola (Chromolaena odorata), cashew leaves and nuts
(Anacardium occidentale), pawpaw (Carica papaya), mango leaves, orange leaves and
panseke. In most cases, different leaves and plants are mixed together to treat malaria and
they are called ija-kuja. It could be drunk or bathed with or steamed. A type of preparation is
known as akida or aseda. The name comes from the mode of preparation. In this mode of
treatment, mothers prepare herbs using a combination of plants and after use in the first
instance they throw it away. This is repeated until the child is well. The nature of preparation
of aseda or akida was considered by the majority of the respondents as too tedious and timeconsuming. As a result, they opt for a less tedious preparation which includes the mixture of a
number of plants with either 7UP drink, osan-wewe (Citrus aurantifolia) also known as
oronbo (lime). Although agunmu (ground herbal medicine) is commonly used by the adults,
some mothers administered it on children to treat malaria. The agunmu substance can be used
together with a locally made eko (pap) or ordinary water or omikan or omidun. It is usually
administered 2-3 times daily. The efficacies of these plants were expressed by the majority of
the respondents in the following statement:
The injections given in government hospital only suppress malaria. They don’t cure
it. To treat malaria holistically in my children you mix a number of local plants.
These include ewe mangoro, egbo-egbesi, and ewe laali and many others. I cook
them together and give to them to drink and bath. Where necessary, I also
administer agunmu on them. The agunmu is added to the pap. The herbs make the
baby defecate. I swear, once the baby defecates or urinates, the whole parasites will
be forced out of the system even if the parasite was hiding under the finger-nail ... I
prefer to use traditional medicine because it is faster and more effective depending
on the plants combined ... I believe that traditional medicine is more effective in the
management of malaria in children than the white man’s tablets because the herbs
will penetrate the nooks and crannies of the body to attack malaria parasites. In fact,
I don’t wait for my children to have malaria before I give them herbs. There are
different kinds of them. They use it to bath and drink. You can see that my children
are looking very healthy (pointing at the children). They hardly have malaria. (a
mother in Fajeromi).
I have a belief in traditional medicine than oogun oyinbo (White man’s medicine).
People who detest traditional medicine are only wasting their time. The reason is
that even most of the Oogun oyinbo are extracted from local plants and trees. So,
why would somebody condemn what he or she will eventually use only that it is in
a different form? They are well packaged. (A mother in Okanle).
Although there are several local plants and leaves used in the management of malaria in the
local communities, the following pictures only showcase very few of them:
Dry Mango leaves (Azadirachta indica) locally known as “ewe mangoro”.
Dry Guava leaves (Psidium guajava).
Dry Alstonia boonei locally known as “ewe ahun”
Discussion
Malaria is one of the oldest diseases that have threatened the world for a long time. Curtin
(1990) noted that malaria constituted a great threat to the realization of Western imperialistic
occupations in West Africa during colonial period as many White colonialists succumbed to
the disease. Consequently, malaria became one of the major priorities of the colonial
administration at the onset of Western imperialism across West African societies (Curtin,
1990). Unfortunately, the threat posed by malaria has continued to linger in the 21st century
with more than 40% of the world’s population at risk of malaria in more than 100 endemic
countries (Crawley et al. 2010: 1468; Medicines for Malaria Venture [MMV], 2000: 1).
Reports have also indicated that more than 400 million clinical cases of malaria are reported
around the world every year (Crawley et al. 2010: 1468; Sadiq et al. 2009: 116) while more
than 70% of malaria deaths occur among children in Sub-Sahara Africa (Crawley et al. 2010).
Apart from reported deaths attributed to malaria in children, several critical health conditions
are also associated with complicated malaria. They include anaemia (moderate or severe),
convulsions, kidney failure, jaundice (yellow colouring of the skin and eyes) and coma
(Jamison et al. 2006: 73). An association between malaria and diarrhoea has also been
documented in Nigeria where children with dehydration are found to manifest malaria
parasites (Ibadin et al. 2000: 117). Retinopathy has also been reported in children with severe
malaria in Ghana (Essuman, et al. 2010: 4). Like other malaria endemic regions, the worst
malaria cases in Nigeria occur in rural areas following certain socio-cultural and
environmental bottlenecks (Ajadi et al. 2012). Fortunately, the threat and severity posed by
malaria to children was overwhelmingly acknowledged by the majority of the caregivers
interviewed in this study, which informed early reaction from parents. Among the people
studied, like the rest of Yoruba communities, malaria is commonly known as iba. This term is
used to accommodate different phases or dimensions of malaria sometimes with some
prefixes and suffixes. For instance, iba-apanju (symptoms of typhoid fever) was considered
by the majority as an example of ako-iba (complicated malaria) (Abdullahi et al., 2012).
Thus, local people studied demonstrated gook knowledge of symptoms of uncomplicated
malaria.
However, while the popular voice in the medical circle advocates for an immediate response
to malaria using approved modern health care services, in the communities studied, response
to malaria is clouded by cultural imperatives because as observed by scholars every people
has a way of investigating and ascertaining the cause, symptoms and treatment of diseases
(Jegede, 2005: 122). Among the people studied, management of malaria depends largely on
indigenous knowledge of plants and leaves thereby giving natural resources like forests some
social meanings. IK, including those of medicine, is an integral part of culture and history of
a people (Gorjestani, 2000). It is often seen as problem-solving strategies available to local
communities (World Bank, 1998). Forests do not just supply means of livelihoods they also
form an essential, integral and intimate part of their social and cultural existence. Most
importantly, forests are perceived by the people studied as sources of health and wellbeing.
This perception coincides with a submission made by Karjalainen et al. (2010) that forests
and trees supply an abundance of ecosystem services that help in creating healthy living. This
also agrees with a report by the World Health Organisation in Nigeria, Gambia, Ghana and
Mali that more than 60% of children with malaria are treated at home with indigenous
medicines (Abdullahi, 2011: 116).
The local plants and leaves used in the management of malaria in the communities studied
were believed by the majority to be effective. The statements by some of the respondents that
“everybody in this village knows that I don’t take my children to the hospital” and that “most
modern drugs are extracts from local trees and plants” are testimonies to the perceived
efficacies of local plants in the management of malaria. This cannot be disconnected from the
fact that people who have lived in or around the forests have rich knowledge of local
medicine which is embedded in IK. IK is a kind of knowledge built up by groups of people
through generations of living in close contact with nature. Such knowledge is usually
transferred from one generation to the other via oral tradition. According to Brockman
(1997:1) IK is built upon the historic experiences of a people and adapts to social, economic,
environmental, spiritual and political change. IK is used by the local people at the local level
as the basis for making vital decisions concerning health and other important activities
(Gorjestani, 2000).
Incidentally, investigations into the biological components and efficacies of local plants in
the management of diseases have attracted researchers and this is currently taking a centre
stage in academic discourses. Randrianarivelojosia et al., (2003) have documented local
plants used by traditional healers in the Eastern region of Madagascar in the treatment of tazo
(malaria). Pascaline et al., (2011) have taken an inventory of medicinal plants used by the
Nandi people of Kenya in the management of malaria. Pierre et al., (2011) have also
documented medicinal plants used in the management of malaria in Cameroon. Each of the
chapters in A Text Book of Local Plants From Nigeria is devoted to local plants used in the
management of different diseases across Nigeria (Odugbemi, 2008). Specifically, Odugbemi
et al. (2007) identified more than 50 local medicinal plants used for malaria therapy in
Okeigbo, Ondo State, Nigeria, some of which have been mentioned in the current study.
These are presented in tabular form.
Table 2: Medicinal Plants Used in the Management of Malaria in Okeigbo, Ondo state,
Nigeria
S/No
Local Names
Scientific Name (Species)
Family Names
1.
2.
Akerejupon
Asofeyeje
Sphenocentrum jollyanum
Rauvolfia vomitoria
Menispermaceae
Apocynaceae
3.
Osopa
Awopa
Dokita igbo
Oganwo
Iroko
Kasia
Asunwonibile
Dogonyaro
Mangoro
Koropo
Enantia chlorantia
Annonaceae
African yellow
wood
Khaya grandifoliola
Melicia excelsa
Senna siamea
Senna podocarpa
Azadirachta indica
Mangifera indica
Physalis angulata
Meliaceae
Moraceae
Caesalpiniaceae
Caesalpiniaceae
Meliaceae
Anacardiaceae
Solanaceae
Mahogany
Iroko
Senna
N/A
Neem
Mango
N/A
Ewe Akintola
Ewe Awolowo
Ibepe
Jogbo
Agbale
Gilofa
Akika
Laali-pupa
Ajo, Ata-ile
Egberesi
Gberesi
Osan wewe
Chromolaena odorata
Compositae
Siam weed
Bark
Root, bark
Bark
Bark, leaves
Bark, leaves
Bark, leaves
Leaves, whole
plant
Root, leaves
Carica papaya
Tithonia diversifolia
Caricaceae
Compositae
Pawpaw
Tree marigold
Leaves, fruit
Leaves
Psidium guajava
Lecaniodiscus cupanioides
Curcuma longa
Zingiber officinale
Nauclea latifolia
Myrtaceae
Sapindaceae
Zingiberaceae
Zingiberaceae
Rubiaceae
Guava
N/A
Turmeric
Ginger
African peach
Citrus aurantifolia
Rutaceae
Lime
Bark, leaves
Roots
Rhizome
Rhizome
Roots, bark,
leaves
Root,
bark,
stem-twigs,
fruit.
20.
Osanganinganin
Citrus aurantium
Rutaceae
Sour lime
Root,
bark,
stem-twigs,
leaves,
21.
Osan gerepu
Citrus paradisi
Rutaceae
Grape
Fruit,
stemtwigs, leaves,
root
22.
Isirigun
Mondia whitei
Periplocaceae
N/A
23.
24.
25.
Owu
Ela owu
Ahun
Gossypium barbadense
Gossypium hirsutum
Alstonia boonei
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Apocynaceae
Cotton
Cotton
Stool wool
Root,
whole plant
Leaves
Leaves
Root,
bark,
leaves.
26.
Ogbo
Parquetina nigrescens
Periplocaceae
N/A
Whole
leaves
27.
Ananas comosus
Bromeliaceae
Pineapple
Unripe Fruit
28.
Ope-Oyinbo
Ehin-ahun
Ekunkun
Asunje
Hypericaceae
Ako-ire
Dragons blood
tree
Funtumia
Bark, leaves
29.
Harungana
madagascariensis
Funtumia africana
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Apocynaceae
Common
names
N/A
N/A
Parts used
Roots,
Roots,
leaves
Bark
Root
bark,
plant,
30.
Xylopia aethiopica
Annonaceae
N/A
Hyptis suaveolens
Acanthospermum hispidum
Labiatae
Compositae
N/A
Starrburr
33.
Erinje
Eeru
Jogbo
Egungunarugbo
Oruwo
Morinda lucida
Rubiaceae
Brimstone tree
34.
35.
Ewuro
Agbalumo
Vernonia amygdalina
Chrysophyllum albidum
Compositae
Sapotaceae
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
Anacardium occidentale
Canna indica
Ocimum gratissimum
Cymbopogon citratus
Ceiba pentandra
Trema orientalis
Musa sapientum
Anacardaceae
Cannaceae
Labiatae
Poaceae
Bombacaceae
Ulmaceae
Musaceae
43.
44.
Kasu
Ido
Efirin-nla
Kooko-Oba
Araba
Afefe
Ogede were
ibile
Ata-Ijosi
Atufa, isirigun
Bitter leaf
African star
apple
Cashew nut tree
Indian shot
Tea bush
Lemon grass
Kapok tree
N/A
Banana
Capsicum frutescens
Pergularia daemia
Solanaceae
Asclepiadaceae
Cayenne
N/A
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
Ayuu
Igi dudu
Ira odan
Akomu
Odu
Ogberi-akuko
Allium sativum
Diospyros mespiliformis
Bridelia ferruginea
Pycnanthus angolensis
Solanum nigrum
Heliotropium indicum
Liliaceae
Ebeneceae
Euphorbiaceae
Myristicaceae
Solanaceae
Boraginaceae
Garlic
Ebony tree
N/A
N/A
N/A
Heliotrope
31.
32.

Fruits, bark,
leaves
Leaves
Leaves, whole
plant.
Bark,
leaves
Leaves
Bark, leaves
Bark, leaves
Leaves
Leaves
Leaves
Leaves
Leaves, bark
Fruits
Fruits
Roots
and
leaves
Bulb
Bark, leaves
Bark, leaves
Bark
Leaves
Whole plant
N/A represents not available
Sources: Odugbemi et al. (2007: 193).
Conclusions
Human health, biodiversity and ecosystems are intimately connected. Such connections have
been established in the current and previous studies. Classical studies such as those of
Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942) among the Trobriand Islanders off the Coast of Guinea,
Edward Evans-Pritchard (1902-1973) among the Nuer people in Southern Sudan, Alfred
Reginald Radcliffe-Brown (1881-1955) among the Andaman Islanders in Australia and Emile
Durkheim (1858-1917) among the Australian Aborigines have shown that the local people
have maintained a close-knit relationship with the nature, especially forests. The forests had
served as sources of food and health to the people who have lived in and around them. The
forests have not only benefitted rural people they have benefitted humanity in general. For
instance, quinine which was used to cure malaria for several hundreds of years was made
from the bark of the cinchona tree, commonly found in Peru and Ecuador (Tren and Bate,
2005). Quinine helped to reduce the incidence and prevalence of malaria across Europe prior
to the development of resistance in South America which later spread to the rest of the world.
At the time, in Italy, malaria-related deaths decreased from 15 000 to just over 2 000 (BruceChwatt and Zulueta, 1980: 94; Tren and Bate, 2005: 10). In the same vein, Artemisinin-based
combination therapies (ACTs) which is currently acknowledged as the most effective
treatment regimens against malaria parasites, including p. falciparum is a derivative of the
Chinese medicinal plant, Artemisia annua with an ancient Chinese name, qinghao (Biesen et
al., 2010). Therefore, the argument by one of the respondents in this study that “why would
somebody condemn what he or she will eventually use (TM)” further confirms the
authenticity of IKM and the connection between nature and human health.
Thus, as the search for anti-malaria vaccines continues, the alternative drugs, usually the
artemisinin-based Combination Therapies (ACTs) are becoming too expensive for the poor
people who feel the brunt of malaria problem. Reports have shown that of the 34 African
countries that have updated their national drug formularies to reflect WHO’s
recommendations (Stratton et al. 2008: 859), only eleven of them are distributing ACTs
through the public health sector - one on which many people depend (WHO, 2010: xi).
Therefore, IKM as explicated in this study and other studies might hold the key to affordable,
cheaper and better alternative therapy to malaria in both the children and adults. Hence, there
is a controversial proposal in some quarters about the need to integrate IK into modern
knowledge in global health discourse (World Bank, 1998).
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