What role did New Media play in the Arab Uprisings, and to what extent is New Media a useful tool in conflict situations? Caroline Hofman Introduction New media refers to the way in which news or information is accessed at any time by means of using a digital device, and can also describe user participation and interaction through use of social media or news-related websites. From the use of online news websites and social media, we cannot ignore the way in which new media has played, and continues to play, a major role in civil and international conflict situations. The United States Institute of Peace (2011) states that tools associated with new media, such as smart phones, “can help hold governments accountable and coordinate relief efforts... but they can also convey inaccurate information and promote violent agendas”. This certainly suggests that whilst new media may have positive aspects, it also has some negatives associated with it. This article is concerned with analysing the impact and role played by social media and online content as a whole, such as internet news websites, in relation to the Arab Uprisings and conflict situations. Focusing in particular on the Arab Uprisings, I will begin by giving a general historical background of the Uprisings, before proceeding to delve into the overall role of new media in relation to the spread of the conflict, and Government and Politics Review 2014 throughout the conflict itself. Background to the Arab Uprisings The protests initially began in Tunisia, but eventually spread to Egypt, Algeria, Libya, and Morocco. Despite Syria appearing to be rather stable by early 2011, the uprisings subsequently spread there by March 2011, and consequently spread to other countries such as Yemen, Bahrain, Lebanon, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Iran, and even Iraq, and to some extent, Sudan (UCDP, 2011). It can be argued that the arrest on March 6th, 2011 of fifteen young boys aged between 10 and 15, who had painted anti-regime graffiti in the town of Daraa, acted as a catalyst for the civil war that was to eventually occur in Syria. Macleod (2011) describes how this “small act of defiance... catapulted Syria to the frontline to the Arab revolution”. The young boys painted the slogan "As-Shaab Yoreed Eskaat el nizam!", which means "the people want to topple the regime!", which was used in the revolutions of Tunis and Cairo (Macleod, 2011). Public protests took place throughout Syria after some of the young boys were killed whilst they were in detention, with the government failing to punish the perpetrators. Macleod (2011) grimly describes how the young boys were “beaten and bloodied, burned and had their fingernails pulled out”. It is strongly suggested that the demography of Arab states in general makes them far more vulnerable to uprisings compared to other areas (Gelvin, 2012). Roughly sixty per cent of the population is under the age of thirty in Arab states, which Gelvin (2012: 19) describes as a “youth bulge”. With young people making up approximately twenty-five per cent of the unemployed population across the region, it can be argued Government and Politics Review 2014 that this level of unemployment among young people has had its consequences, and has in a way contributed to the conflict; although Gelvin (2012: 20) disagrees with this view and suggests that youth unemployment may not necessarily “translate into rebellion”. However, Lesch (2008: 82) states that, for example, Syria is suffering from the same “socio-economic underlying factors” as those existing in other non-oilproducing Arab countries, which have led to the creation of a “well of disenfranchisement and disempowerment, especially among an energized and increasingly frustrated youth”. Other possible reasons cited as having caused the Arab Uprisings include “unilateral attempts by regimes to renegotiates ruling bargains”, along with “demographic challenges, a food crisis, and brittleness”; these may have made autocracies in the Arab world vulnerable, but they are ultimately not to blame as the cause of the uprisings (Gelvin, 2012: 24). In relation to the actual spread of the uprisings, Lesch (2013: 81) believes that social media websites such as Twitter and Facebook, along with news websites on the internet, played a major role the spread of the uprisings in the Arab world, as the aforementioned sources “could not be controlled as it in the past”. New Media Whether it's using a smart phone on the go or using a computer in the comfort of your own home, there is no escaping the role that new media plays in our daily lives; for example, social media websites such as Twitter. It has been stated that the internet overall offers a number of ways to “connect cultural-political content in a variety of forms and styles to audiences” (Collins, 2006: 353). Washbourne (2010: 138) additionally suggests that the internet allows for “some equalisation of political voice between very powerful and very much less powerful actors”. It also acts as a valuable Government and Politics Review 2014 tool for minority groups, being used as a means of “addressing the broader public with issues and concerns they feel should be addressed”. The internet also allows for “linkages between citizens in oppressive regimes to reach other and to those in the international sphere” (Washbourne, 2010: 139), which certainly shows how powerful it can be. Street (2011: 262) interestingly describes how new media is essentially “changing the political landscape” in various parts of the world, with the growth of the internet being rather extraordinary with “every aspect of human life, including politics, being transformed by this new form of communication”. Street (2011: 261) even proceeds to suggest how, in particular, new media may in fact be “reconfiguring democratic participation”. This is a rather remarkable statement, showing the power that new media may ultimately have in the promotion of great change, particularly in repressed countries, such as in the Arab world. It has also been suggested that the emergence of new media is one of the developments which changed warfare and “the conduct of persuasion and propaganda” (Louw, 2005: 210). An example of the true extent the likes of the internet can play, is the use of the internet by Al Qaeda hijackers. It emerged through subsequent investigations of the 9/11 attacks by Al Qaeda hijackers that the terrorists were in fact dependent “upon the internet for their flexibilized, just-in-time, distributed modes of operation” (Luke, 2010: 163). This is a particularly good example of how the internet can also be used negatively. Journalist and media commentator, Tom Felle, talking about new media and the Arab Government and Politics Review 2014 Uprisings, states that... 'Absolutely new media had a role to play. But it’s often overstated how important it was. Al Jazeera had a much more potent role in Egypt, for example, as access to Twitter was confided to a technologically literate and mainly younger elite. Al Jazeera spoke in Arabic to a mass audience of millions' (Felle, 2014). The digital divide may be considered to be one factor which has an effect on the extent of power new media may ultimately have. Chadwick (2006: 50) argues that many consider the digital divide to be of little significance however, as “the natural play of market forces makes Internet access available to all who want it”. Although “disparities in internet access” can be found in Northern Canada and the Australian outback, and additionally in “rural and disadvantaged parts of Europe”, the so-called digital divide is far more pronounced in developing countries, “where access to information and communications technology (ICT) remains much more limited” (Hudson, 2010: 311). The digital divide is also evident in the Middle East, with Stewart (2009: 146-7) stating that the area has “very low levels of information technology”, and in 2002, approximately only 0.6 per cent of the Arab region used the internet, with only 1.2 per cent actually owning a computer. However, in 2001, Egypt introduced a project providing free dial-up internet access to all of its population (Stewart, 2009), and similar projects have been introduced in a number of other countries. Social Media and Mapping Services in Conflict Situations Broadly speaking, it cannot be denied that social media plays a vital role in Government and Politics Review 2014 heightening awareness in relation to present day conflict situations; not solely in the country of origin of the conflict, but also making the wider world aware of what is occurring. In addition to this, the role of social media role and its success in alerting people to breaking news has, according to Sambrook (2010: 39), raised the question of its effectiveness as a “free news agency”. In addition, Sambrook (2010: 39) gives examples of how social media has worked remarkably well as a form of an “early alert” system; from Mumbai terrorist attacks to Iranian protests, with “traditional news operations” embracing the role of social media. When conflict occurs, “first the tweets come, then the pictures, then the video and then the wires” (Sambrook, 2010: 39). Mapping services are also becoming of increasing importance, with the mapping service 'Ushahidi' being given as an example by Sambrook (2010) of how increasingly important new media is becoming. The service was born following the disturbances of the 2007 elections in Kenya, collating reports “sent in via SMS, email, Twitter and the web” in order to “provide a map of incidents around any major event” (Sambrook, 2010: 42). In 2008, Al Jazeera used the Ushahidi platform, which arguably amplified the voices of people, by means of allowing Palestinians and Israelis to update reports of the attacks that were occurring during the Gaza conflict. New Media and the Arab Uprisings Perhaps one of the most prominent examples of the immense effect that social media can have, is undoubtedly the Arab Uprisings, and the manner in which they spread to various countries. Aday et al. (2012: 3) describe how a wave of protests spread through the Arab world back in 2011, with the massive popular mobilization bringing Government and Politics Review 2014 down “ long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt”, which helped to “spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen”, and fundamentally reshaping “the nature of politics in the region”. However, Aday et al. (2012: 3) are also critical of new media actually playing a role in this success, suggesting that it did not “appear to play a significant role in country collective action or regional diffusion during this period”, but this of course does not mean that social media was entirely unimportant and irrelevant. It is stated by Ghannam (2011: 4) that throughout the Arab world, “the rise of an independent vibrant social media and steadily increasing citizen engagement on the Internet” is being witnessed, and social media is “expected to attract 100 million Arab users by 2015”. Social media websites act as “a way of informing, mobilizing, entertaining, along with creating communities, increasing transparency, and also aiming to hold governments accountable” (Ghannam, 2011: 4). This increasing reliance and use of the internet and social media can arguably be attributed to the fact that, in the Middle East, until quite recently, media in the area had been tightly controlled, and “government-run newspapers continue to be routinely censored in many countries” throughout the region (Stewart, 2009: 184). The increased use of the internet and satellite television during the 1990s, however, allowed this government control to be somewhat bypassed and overcome to an extent. A major turning point occured in 1996, when AlJazeera started a trend in satellite television channels providing “controversial coverage that contained dissenting views rather than the official viewpoint of any one government” (Stewart, 2009: 184). Social media may be harnessed and used in order to prevent conflict, as a means of peacebuilding, although Himelfarb (2012) admits that recent attention has been Government and Politics Review 2014 focused on the part social media has played in relation to the Arab Spring and the spread of conflict rather than the promotion of peace. However, a “quieter revolution” has emerged around the world, with social media being used at the community level to “try and mitigate the causes of violence” (Himelfarb, 2012). Luke (2010: 163) also states how it is “difficult to ignore how online technologies affect power and political culture”. Another example of the role which social media can play can be seen following the Tunisian Revolution from December 2010 to January 2011, when young Egyptians are stated as having joined a "Khaled Said" Facebook group, calling “for an uprising against tyranny, oppression, torture, corruption and injustice”. These calls for an uprising began spreading to blogs, and other social media websites such as Twitter (Abdallah, 2012: 5). Furthermore, Abdallah (2012: 5) suggests that “Egypt’s revolution is, to a significant extent, the outcome of the media’s relationship with politics and democracy”, and the spread of the Uprisings throughout the Arab world may ultimately be heavily attributed to the media and social media, particularly as such a high level of communication and mobilization took place on the likes of these social networking websites. Felle (2014) refers to what he calls the “citizen journalist”, and the so-called rise of this phenomenon “means anyone can now publish anything, anywhere, and the 'gate keepers' that were traditional journalists are being bypassed” as a result. Aday et al. (2012: 3) analysed four major Arab Spring protests, in Bahrain, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, and “large differences were found across the four”, in relation to “the amount of information consumed via social media”. It was found that the events Government and Politics Review 2014 that occurred in Egypt and Libya “garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs”, compared to those in Tunisia and Bahrain (Aday et al., 2012: 3). This suggests that the extent of the influence of new media can vary in different countries, but nevertheless cannot be underestimated in countries where it is less prominent. It is important to note that what is reported by means of new media is not always entirely accurate, however, with Bruno (2012) noting how you should always be aware of errors in regards to the likes of Twitter. This was particularly evident during the uprisings in Egypt. Bruno recalls the coverage of the Egypt uprising, remembering “the reports on Twitter that the Google executive had just been released”, and how during the morning she had read reports on news websites that “he was going to be released”, but posts on Twitter were saying “he has been released” (Bruno, 2012: 45). This highlights the possibility of inaccurate, or even completely untrue, information being spread through the channels of social media websites. Ghannam (2011: 4) suggests that “Arab social media sites, blogs, online videos, and other digital platforms” have led to “what is arguably the most dramatic and unprecedented improvement in freedom of expression, association, and access to information in contemporary Arab history”. This is certainly excellent evidence of the strength and impact social media can have, but of course, there are also negatives associated with it. As Blanchard et al. (2014: 14) put it, “social media outlets and news reports can help verify information”, but caution must also be exercised. Conclusion Government and Politics Review 2014 Ultimately, new media has a vital role in highlighting issues to the wider world; gaining support in the process. However, it also has its downfalls and negatives, as has been seen in the case of the Uprisings in the Arab world where some consider it to have acted as somewhat of a catalyst in the spread of the conflict. The influence of social media within the region is less powerful than outside the region however; it is more likely that any information will be spread in the latter, with Aday et al. (2012: 3) describing social media as “acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry” because of this. Additionally, we cannot argue that social media has a vital role in acting as an “early detection system” for major incidents and events, with the increasing use of mapping services as a means of compiling reports being a major step forward, as data may be available from social media users in areas where there is no other means of gathering information. The role of new media as a whole is arguably becoming of increasing importance; it's accessible 24/7, 365 days a year, and makes us aware of the world around us. However, it does possess one particularly dangerous flaw. Inaccurate or untrue reports and information may be spread. Therefore, caution certainly needs to be exercised when accessing or using new media. Is there any escaping what can essentially be coined as “hashtag syndrome”? It seems that throughout the world, we are becoming overly reliant on what is the citizen journalist; where reports may be inaccurate, and in some cases, entirely untrue. The spread of information such as this is far too easy with the likes of social networking websites, where in merely a few seconds something can be “re-tweeted” to anyone, anywhere in the world. Caution should be strongly exercised; of course, new media Government and Politics Review 2014 has a vital role to play in conflict situations, but in some cases, the information which is spread should be taken with a pinch of salt. References Abdallah, N. (2012) 'The Role of the Media in the Democratic Transition in Egypt: A Case Study of the 2011 Revolution', Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper, University of Oxford [Online] https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/fileadmin/documents/ Publications/fellows__papers/20102011/The_Role_of_the_Media_in_the_Democratic_Transition_in_Egypt.pdf (Accessed on 10/12/2013) Aday, S., Farrell, H., Lynch, M., Sides, J., and Freelon, D. (2012) 'New Media and Conflict After the Arab Spring', United States Institute of Peace, Peaceworks No. 80 [Online] http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW80.pdf (Accessed on 10/12/2013) Blanchard, C.M., Humud, C.E., and Nikitin, M.B.D. (2014) 'Armed Conflict in Syria: Overview and U.S. Response', Congressional Research Service, January 15th, 2014 [Online] http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL33487.pdf (Accessed on 20/02/2014) Bruno, N. (2012) 'Tweet First,Verify Later?', Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper, University of Oxford [Online] https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/fileadmin/documents/Publications/ fellows__papers/2010-2011/TWEET_FIRST_VERIFY_LATER.pdf (Accessed on 10/12/2013) Chadwick, A. (2006) Internet Politics: States, Citizens, and New Communication Technologies, Oxford: Oxford University Press Collins, R. (2006) 'Internet governance in the UK', Media, Culture & Society, Vol. 28 No. 3, pp. 337-354 Gelvin, J.L. (2012) The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know, Oxford: Oxford University Press Ghannam, J. (2011) 'Social Media in the Arab World: Leading up to the Uprisings of 2011', Center for International Media Assistance, February 3rd 2011 [Online] http://www.edots.ps/internews/userfiles/CIMA-Arab_Social_MediaReport_1.pdf (Accessed on 18/12/2013) Government and Politics Review 2014 Himelfarb, S. (2012) 'Social Media and Conflict Prevention', United States Institute of Peace [Online] http://www.usip.org/publications/social-media-and-conflictprevention (Accessed on 03/12/2013) Hudson, H.E. (2010) 'Universal Access to the New Information Infrastructure', in Lievrouw, L.A. and Livingstone, S. (Eds.) The Handbook of New Media, pp. 308-325, London: Sage Publications Lesch, D.W. (2013) 'The Uprising That Wasn't Supposed to Happen: Syria and the Arab Spring', in Haas, M.L. and Lesch, D.W. (Eds.) The Arab Spring: Change and Resistance in the Middle East, pp. 79-92, Colorado: Westview Press Louw, E. (2005) The Media and Political Process, London: Sage Publications Luke, T.W. (2010) 'Power and Political Culture', in Lievrouw, L.A. And Livingstone, S. (Eds.) The Handbook of New Media, pp. 160-178, London: Sage Publications Macleod, H. (2011) 'How schoolboys began the Syrian Revolution', Global Post, April 25th 2011 [Online] http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503543_16220057082-503543.html (Accessed on 05/11/2013) Sambrook, R. (2010) 'Are Foreign Correspondents Redundant? The changing face of international news', Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism [Online] https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/fileadmin/documents/Publications/ Challenges/Are_Foreign_Correspondents_Redundant.pdf (Accessed on 12/12/2013) Stewart, D.J. (2009) The Middle East Today, London: Routledge Street, J. (2011) Mass Media, Politics and Democracy (2nd Edition), London: Palgrave MacMillan UCDP (2011) 'Arabian Spring: 2010 – 2011', The Upsalla Conflict Programme, Upsalla University Sweden [Online] http://www.ucdp.uu.se/gpdatabase/info/Background%20narrative%20arabian %20spring.pdf (Accessed on 10/11/2013) United States Institute of Peace (2011) The Impact of New Media on Peacebuilding and Conflict Management, Washington: United States Institute of Peace [Online] http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/Adan/20112012_study%20guide_final_full.pdf (Accessed on 10/12/2013) Washbourne, N. (2010) Mediating Politics: Newspapers, Radio, Television and the Internet, Maidenhead: Open University Press E-mail Government and Politics Review 2014 Felle, T. (2014) Re: Social Media, [email protected], January 30th 2014 Government and Politics Review 2014
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