1902. Sekino Tadashi (関野貞), an art historian and archaeologist

1893. Yagi Sōsaburō (八木奘三郎), a
Japanese anthropologist, visits Korea
and starts “scientific research” on
Three Kingdom period tombs
1902. Sekino Tadashi (関野貞), an
art historian and archaeologist,
makes first research trip to Korea
1909-1914 – Sekino conducts a
regular survey of Korean
antiquities, on the bequest of the
Japanese colonial authorities
To boost the “legitimacy” of their conquest of Korea, the
Japanese sponsor the “restoration” of such symbols of Silla’s
glory as Pulguksa and Sŏkkuram.
1913 – Society for Preservation of Kyŏngju Relics (慶州古蹟保會) is
organized
1916 – Law on Preservation of Cultural Relics is promulgated
Pulguksa – Japanese photos from 1910s
Japanese vision of Kyŏngju – first and foremost,
as pre-history of Nara Japan. Silla was seen as a
”vassal state” of ancient Japan until mid-7th C. In
this way, the ”reconquest” of Korea was
legitimised.
Japanese photos of Kyŏngju, 1910s
Society for Preservation of Kyŏngju Relics (慶州古蹟保存會)
ß
『慶州古蹟及遺物調書』(1931; «Investigation on Kyŏngju Relics and Artifacts») – the work of two leading members
of the Society, Moroka Hideō (諸鹿央雄) and Ōsaka Kintarō (大坂金太郞). Suggests most localizations for the nonexistant ancient temples known only from textual sources (廢寺址) that are accepted as facts of common knowledge
today in South Korea.
«Society…» moves the
famed Emillae Bell from
Ponghwangdae to its office
(today’s Kyŏngju Cultural
Centre). 1915.
As a counter-hegemonic paradigm, Korean nationalists
(Sin Ch’aeho etc.) suggested a vision of Silla in which
the hwarang tradition – supposedly Korean equivalent
of bushido – had the dominant place. Bushido being
the main reference point, this paradigm was not fully
independent from the dominant Japanese narrative.
Comic strip edition of Sin’s main historical work
Koreans, “born gentle”
ß
The 1920s was concurrently the time of world-wide disillusionment
with violent militaristic nationalism. A number of moderate
nationalists in Korea followed this trend, and some of them wished
to use ancient Korean mythology to prove the «inherent kindness»
of Koreans. Typically, Kim Kijŏn (1894-1948), a Ch’ŏndogyo
nationalist, maintained that Tan’gun myth «demostrated the
inherently ethic nature of the ancient Korean society»
(«朝鮮民族만이 가진 優越性», <開闢>, 61, 1925)
Kim Kijŏn
A contemporary popular
image of Tan’gun
Hyŏn Chin’gŏn’s (1900-1942) Shadowless Pagoda
(Muyŏngt’ap, 1938) – a romantic recreation of Silla,
as a country of loyal and brave hwarangs, virtouos
women and selfless love.
A poster for Sin Sang’ok’s 1957 film based on Hyŏn’s
novel.
Yi Kwangsu’s (1892-1950) Grand Preseptor Wŏnhyo (Wŏnhyo
Taesa, 1942) showed Silla’s representative Buddhist, Wŏnhyo, as a
former hwarang, loyal subject of the state and a brave fighter, who
understands that, in the very end, Buddhist spirit of nirvana and
patriotism are one and the same thing (both are based on
selflessness). The book showed ancient Koreans as strong and
dignified people, but also contributed to the Japanese wartime
propaganda purposes
Park Chong Hee and «Kyŏngju
Renaissance»
ß
ß
ß
ß
(re)creating/(re)imagining
ancient past as a
political/cultural legitimation
strategy
1969 – «restoration» of
Pulguksa ordered (already
«restored» by Japanese in
1924)
1971 – «Ten years Kyŏngju
Tourism Comprehensive
Development Plan» is
promulgated
Photo: Park Chong Hee and Yuk Yŏngsu,
touring the «recreated» Pulguksa
«Historical Opposition» – the
Liberals
ß
Some historians of more liberal persuasion, however, had serious qualms about joining the ultranationalist chorus. Typically, Yi Kibaek (1924-2004), a scion of a prominent Protestant nationalist
family, alerted the South Korean public throughout the 1960-80s about the danger of absolutising
the «nation» and over-emphasising its «ancient glory». However, he implicitly backed the conservative
interpretation of Korea’s ancient history by making the «change of ruling forces» the criterion for
history periodization. Even in his books, their attempt to place Korea’s history into the worldwide
context notwithstanding, it is the Korean ethno-nation (minjok) that is presumed to act as the
subject of the historical process since ancient times. Even Yi Kibaek assumed that the populations
of diverse proto-Korean states must have belonged to the same ethno-national/linguistic entity and
share a broadly similar culture (although this thesis lacks convincing proofs).
Silla hero/model hwarang – Kim
Yusin
Erected by Park Chong
Hee government in 1969,
later moved to Namsan
Park (originally the site of
Japanese Shinto shrine
during the colonial period)
Ancient History of «our Nation» – for
domestic and international
consumption
ß
ß
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iEGxTrR0lxg
(Kingdom of the Winds/바람의 나라, 2008-9)
North Korea: from the 1960s, a
combination of Stalinist “historical
materialism” and emphasis on
“patriotism” and “national culture”
ß
ß
By the 1970s, “ancient
history”/”slave-owning
society’s history” referred
to Ancient Chosŏn, Puyŏ
and Chin’guk, which
supposedly existed from
10th C. BC and until the 1st
C. AD
In the mid-1990s, with the
“discovery” of Tan’gun’s
grave, the beginnings of
Ancient Chosŏn were further
shifted to the 3rd millennium
BC.
North Korea: Koguryŏ as the
centerpiece of Korea’s ancient
history
ß
Following the traditions of the
nationalist historiography,
represented by Sin Ch’aeho,
North Korean historians
strongly emphasized the
centrality of the “feudal state of
Koguryŏ” for Korea’s ancient
history. Koguryŏ was
understood to fight for the
recovery of the Ancient Chosŏn
territories lost to Han Empire
the defeat in 108 BC.
ß
ß
ß
ß
ß
ß
The defeat of Tang
Taizong’s troops in the
battle of Ansi Fortress in
645 is celebrated in
North Korean narratives:
“민족의 자주권과 존엄을 지키기 위한 반침략투쟁사의 갈피에는 당나라의 침략을
반대하여 싸운 우리 인민의 투쟁과 함께 안시성의 명장 양만춘도 있다.
양만춘은 고구려의 장군으로서 642년이전부터 안시성의 성주로 있었다.
당시 당나라는 수나라의 패배에서 심각한 교훈을 찾을 대신 고구려를 완전히
예속시키고 인민들을 노예화하자는 목적에서 645년 4월 도합 100만명에 달하는
침략군을 이끌고 전면적인 침공을 개시하였다.
전쟁 초기 료동성을 비롯한 전연의 일부 중요한 성들이 수적으로 우세한 적들에게
각개격파당함으로써 전선의 모든 중하는 료하류역의 안시성에 쏠리게 되였다.
안시성(해성부근 영성자산성)은 료하동쪽의 기본방어성으로서 이곳을 빼앗기면
적들이 천산산줄기를 넘어 오골성, 환도성(북평양성)을 거쳐 압록강으로 들어올수 있는
길을 열어주게 되였다. 그러나 안시성을 가운데 두고 신성, 건안성에 있는 10만의
고구려병력이 북남에서 적을 협공하는 경우 적들은 혼란에 빠져 고구려의
전연방어선을 뚫지 못하게 되고 종심깊이 기여들수도 없게 되여있었다.
안시성의 고구려군대와 인민은 애국적장군 양만춘의 지휘밑에 성을 끝까지 사수하기
위한 투쟁에 한결같이 떨쳐나섰다.”
(http://www.naenara.com.kp/ko/history/?figure+5+811 )
North Korea: Silla as a
“treacherous state”
ß
By contrast with “patriotic”
Koguryŏ, Silla has been
described by North Korean
historians since the 1960s
as a “treacherous” state
mostly reliant on “external
forces” (first and foremost
Chinese). Parhae/Bohai,
its northern neighbour in
8-10th C., was given much
more positive evaluation –
as Koguryŏ’s “heir”.
ß
ß
Kim Yusin, venerated by
Park Chong Hee, is
described in North Korean
history books as a “great
power flunky” (事大主義者).
His wars against Koguryŏ
and Paekche are
characterized as “背族
行爲” (ethnic treason).
North Korea: special emphasis
on Koryŏ
ß
Koryŏ’s fight against Khitan
Koryŏ Dynasty (918-1392)
Liao Dynasty, and the struggle
is routinely described in a
against Mongolian invasions
positive way in North
is attached great significance
Korea, as the first-ever
in North Korean
authentic unified Korean
historiography – indeed, not
state. After all, its capital
unlike the South Korean one.
(Kaesŏng) was in today’s
North Korean territory –
like the capitals of
Koguryŏ or (according to
North Korean historians)
Ancient Chosŏn
In Place of Conclusion: is it
possible to transcend nationalist
history?
ß
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ß
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- in South Korea, post-nationalist approach to ancient history
acquired visible popularity among the academics since the 2000s.
- However, textbooks and mass culture in both Koreas continuously
rely on the narratives which paint all the cultures of the ancient
Korean Peninsula as uniformly “Korean” and accentuate “our”
struggle against “foreign forces”
- Given the international “competition of nationalisms” in today’s
East Asia, such patterns are unlikely to change soon, especially
given the post-colonial nature of the statehood in both Koreas and
consequent importance of nationalist credentials for the ruling
groups.
- In the neo-liberal age, historical nationalism is being easily
commodified.

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