Book Reviews Russia’s Islamic Threat, Gordon M. Hahn. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007. 368 pp. $35.00 G ordon Hahn’s study of the rise of radical Islam in the northern Caucasus, Russia’s Islamic Threat, provides an important reference for understanding the changing political dynamics of the Caucasus since the Soviet Union’s collapse. Like the valuable contributions of Matthew Evangelista, John Dunlop, and Moshe Gammer, this book significantly deepens our understanding of radical Islam’s spread across the region. Hahn claims that Russia is experiencing the beginning of an Islamist jihad that has spread from Chechnya to five Russian Muslim republics—Ingushetia, Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkariya, KarachaevoCherkessiya, and Adygeya (with possible extensions into Tatarstan and Bashkortostan). The factors that caused combat organizations, called jamaats, to proliferate originated from several sources, including the two separatist wars in Chechnya, rising nationalism, Putin’s federalist counterattack on the nationalist insurgencies, regional poverty, and the spread of radical wahhabism in the region. This book argues that this burgeoning movement poses a significant threat to Russia’s territorial integrity and, given the terrorist groups’ close proximity to weapons of mass destruction, to the international community. In Hahn’s view, this threat should be taken seriously as a major policy issue. The book is divided into seven chapters. The first two chapters emphasize the Muslim and Islamist challenge in the Russian Federation, the Chechen wars, and their consequences for the spread of radical Islam across the region. Chapter 3 concentrates on the development of a jihadist network more broadly in Russia, with chapters 4, 5, and 6 offering case studies included to elaborate this point: jihadism’s rise in Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkariya, the western North Caucasus, and Tatarstan. The final chapter is devoted to some conclusions and suggestions for international policymakers on the basis of the case studies provided. Hahn offers the reader a far more comprehensive and elaborate picture of the Islamist jihad’s spread to other regions of the Northern Caucasus and the Volga. The book elaborates the ways in which al Qaeda’s operative strategies, based on the “freescale network” (59), were adopted in the region and provides very effective primary source citations from Internet sources to illustrate the anti-American, anti-Israel, and anti-Western sentiments held by radicalized Chechen separatists and their supporters. The political agenda of the jihad movement to establish a Eurasian Islamist caliphate across the region does, as Hahn argues, diminish as it spreads further outward from Chechnya—but it is difficult to ascertain whether this agenda will strengthen in the future. Determining the degree of indigenous support and structural capabilities of the jamaats remains largely elusive and unpredictable. The reader may question Hahn’s assumptions that Russia remains a weak state and risks becoming a failed one, however. I would argue that Russia risks becoming an increasingly authoritarian state, as the counterfederalism initiative and the formation of a 93 94 DEMOKRATIZATSIYA largely corporatist state under the control of the silovki (politicians from the old security and military services who gained power under Putin’s presidency) has demonstrated. The renewed assertion of the power ministries and the Federal Security Service and the transfer of power to Ramzan Kadyrov’s forces in Chechnya, with their inside intelligence and brutal methods similar to those adopted by Russian forces, are all sympotmatic of these trends. I would therefore dispute Hahn’s alarmist claim that “one or more of Russia’s ethnic Muslim groups could spark a successful secessionist movement, or a Russia-wide Islamist terrorist network could so weaken Russia through war as to precipitate Russia’s overall collapse” (226). Where the threat looms large is with the security challenge of nuclear weapons. Recent research and monitoring trips have exposed, as Hahn rightly argues, the grossly insufficient security at Russia’s military weapon of mass destruction sites. He alerts us also to the frequent transportation of nuclear weapons across Russia by rail that could also provide ample opportunity for seizure of military weapons of mass destruction by terrorist groups. Although controlling the expansion of jamaats remains essential to the security of the Russian Federation, it is the security around these weapon sites that remains one of the most vital policy issues for both the Russian government and the near abroad. Hahn’s book does well to remind us of the absolute urgency of this matter. Emma Gilligan University of Connecticut Copyright © 2009 Heldref Publications Russia and Globalization: Identity, Security, and Society in an Era of Change, Douglas W. Blum, ed. Washington, DC/Baltimore, MD: Woodrow Wilson Center Press/Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. 383 pp. $60.00 R ussia and Globalization: Identity, Security, and Society in an Era of Change, edited by Douglas W. Blum, a professor at Providence College and an adjunct professor at Brown University’s Watson Institute of International Studies, assembles an impressive array of scholars specializing in fields as far ranging as demography, human rights, and geopolitics. This breadth is one of the book’s great strengths, but also one of its biggest weaknesses, as it prevents the authors from adopting a consistent understanding of globalization. The book is divided into two sections, one covering domestic policy and the other foreign policy. Both sections feature contributions from leading scholars at universities in the United States, the European Union, and Russia, with Russian scholars penning seven of the book’s thirteen substantive chapters. The individual chapters are generally of high quality, and some, such as Alla Kassianova’s essay (chap. 6) on the Russian defense industry or Eduard Solovyev’s examination (chap. 11) of the “geopolitical” school of thought, make real contributions to our understanding of how different segments of the Russian elite have coped with having globalization thrust on them at a moment when they were still sorting out the transition from Communism. Nonetheless, because the book suffers from a haphazard selection of themes and conceptual confusion, it ends up being less than the sum of its parts. Any edited volume, especially one with over a dozen separate chapters, runs the risk of being Book Reviews 95 unfocused. However, this problem is compounded by the book’s failure to clearly explain what “globalization” means and its inability to ensure that all of the chapters were written specifically with the aim of charting globalization’s impact on Russia. In the introduction, Blum and Ulf Hedetoft initially define globalization as “a process of intensifying transnational flows, leading to changed spatial and social relations” (2). They then supplement that fairly neutral definition by adding that globalization is also “an increasingly controlled and politically engineered process of neo-imperial design” (ibid.). Needless to say, the Chinese, South Koreans, and many other beneficiaries of globalization might beg to differ with this rather tendentious definition. The contributors to this volume largely refuse to take up this somewhat tendentious definition of globalization; instead, they adopt widely varying understandings of what globalization actually means and in the process deprive the book of conceptual unity. Some chapters, including Andrey Korotayev and Darya Khaltourina’s otherwise very interesting analysis (chap. 2) of the Russian demographic crisis (which, they argue, is almost entirely attributable to high rates of alcohol consumption), address issues rooted principally in the specifics of Russia’s post-Communist transition rather than in responses to global dynamics. Others, including Gennady N. Konstantinov and Sergey R. Filonovich’s chapter (chap. 5) on educational reform and Rick Fawn’s discussion (chap. 10) of Russia’s relationship to the Council of Europe in the context of the wars in Chechnya equate globalization with European integration. Given the importance of transnational economic flows as a driver of globalization, it is also surprising that a work of this nature does not include more articles on business and finance. Kassianova’s chapter (chap. 6) on the defense industry is the only one in the entire book addressing how Russian firms have coped with the emergence of a global economy. Given the defense industry’s importance as a source of revenue for the state and as a lever of foreign policy, it is in many ways sui generis, and the book would have benefited significantly from more attention to energy, civil aviation, and other sectors of the Russian economy that have a significant transnational presence. Other quintessentially global phenomena, including international terrorism and cross-border investment, also receive short shrift. The level of scholarship evident in Russia and Globalization is undoubtedly high. However, as might be expected from a large collected volume, the work’s accessibility is not uniform. Although only the demographics chapter (chap. 2) employs (relatively accessible) statistical analysis, several chapters are on the textually dense side. For that reason, the book’s primary audience should be academics, social science graduate students, and some advanced undergraduates. On the whole, Russia and Globalization assembles an impressive array of intellectual talent, but in a needlessly haphazard manner. Instructors would be better served picking and choosing some of the stronger individual chapters, rather than assigning the book as a whole. Jeffrey Mankoff Yale University and Council on Foreign Relations Copyright © 2009 Heldref Publications Guidelines for Contributors SCOPE Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization is an international and interdisciplinary quarterly journal that covers the historical and current transformations in the Soviet Union and its successor states. The journal welcomes submissions by academics, policymakers, and other specialists on the political, social, and economic changes begun in 1985. 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