Name:
Entering 9th Grade Summer Reading Assignment
Welcome, New 9th Graders!
Your summer assignment is to read The Other Wes Moore and write an analysis
paragraph in response to it. You must also complete the planning pages that begin
on page 11.
This must all be done before Prep Academy
Before you read the novel, please read the following articles and fiction pieces to
help give you background on issues that the book discusses.
To help guide your thinking, here is the prompt for the writing assignment:
Writing Prompt Instructions
Write an analytical paragraph in which you respond to the following prompt:
Which do you think is more influential in determining outcomes in life: the choices individuals
make or the privileges and pressures society puts on them?
REQUIREMENTS:
1. Your paragraph must be 6-10 sentences.
2. Include a THESIS STATEMENT that responds to the prompt choosing a side.
3. Include at least one piece of EVIDENCE from Wes Moore text to support your response
4. EXPLAIN fully HOW your evidence supports your argument.
5. Include at least one piece of EVIDENCE from the news articles to support your response
6. EXPLAIN fully HOW your evidence supports your argument.
7. Make a CONNECTION to your own life, where you use an example from your own life to
prove your argument
8. Be written following the conventions of standard written English. PROOF READ!
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Name ___________________
At Harvesttime
By Maya Angelou
There is an immutable1 life principle with which many people will quarrel2.
Although nature has proven season in and season out that if the thing that is planted bears3 at
all, it will yield4 more of itself, there are those who seem certain that if they plant tomato seeds, at
harvesttime they can reap5 onions.
Too many times for comfort I have expected to reap good when I know I have sown6 evil. My
lame excuse is that I have not always known that actions can only reproduce themselves, or rather, I
have not always allowed myself to be aware of that knowledge. Now, after years of observation and
enough courage to admit what I have observed, I try to plant peace if I do not want discord7; to plant
loyalty and honesty if I want to avoid betrayal & lies.
Of course, there is no absolute assurance that those things I plant will always fall upon arable8 land
will take root & grow, nor can I know if another cultivator did not leave contrary seeds before I
arrived. I do know, however, that if I leave little to chance, if I am careful about the kinds of seeds I
plant, about their potency and nature, I can, within reason, trust my expectations.
1
Unchangeable
Argue
3
Results in
4
Produce
5
Gather/harvest
6
Past tense of “sow,” meaning to plant
7
Conflict
8
Farmable
2
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It’s the opportunity gap!
Unit 1 Text
#2
The evidence is overwhelming: Poverty is what produces the achievement gap. So why do we
ignore it?
BY PRUDENCE CARTER , KEVIN WELNER NEW YORK DAILY NEWS Monday, May 13,
2013, 4:05 AM
Harlem Success Academy works hard to combat poverty — and get kids achieving at the
same levels as their higher-income peers. The authors suggest this process is far more
difficult than reformers believe it to be.
Parents in New York City who compete for coveted slots in the most sought-after
preschools and kindergartens are often met with ridicule. But what these parents are doing is
logical. They recognize something that many leaders — including Mayor Bloomberg — have
largely ignored for years: Children learn when they have opportunities to learn, and the richer
those opportunities from the very earliest age, the greater the learning.
If you want the right outcome, you need the right inputs.
By the time young children enter kindergarten, education researchers already see a fully
developed test-score gap. The children at the top are those most advantaged by their parents’
wealth, having begun their academic development at very early ages. They board an elevator that
speeds them to academic success.
Children in middle-class families benefit from some of these resources, but their parents
must struggle to try to keep up. Effectively, their parents are able to put them on smoothly
operating escalators toward academic attainment goals; but theirs is no express elevator.
Meanwhile, children who are born into poor or lower-income families face enormous
disadvantages. They stare up at a steep stairwell, often with broken steps and no hand rails.
Although their test scores have increased some over two decades, the relative gap between them
and the other groups is still startling high. Nearly two-thirds of black and Latino youth under the
age of 18 fall into this group, and, though there are, of course, many exceptions, their talent is
being wasted year after year, generation after generation.
This all leads to the predictable, oft-lamented achievement gap — which is powerfully
present in New York City, home of some of the richest and some of the poorest people in America,
along with plenty in between.
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Lower-income children perform less well on high-stakes accountability tests; they then
graduate from high school and attend college at significantly lower rates than children of the
wealthy and the middle class. Achievement and opportunity are intricately connected. Without
one, you cannot have the other.
Politicians have responded to the markedly different educational outcomes among different
groups by raising expectations and demands through high-stakes accountability systems. This is
exactly the wrong response.
The No Child Left Behind law, New York’s new teacher evaluation law and other policies
implicitly, if not explicitly, insist that all three of these groups of children can reach the
metaphorical top floor. “No excuses,” they insist. The Common Core standards, while sound, are
an articulation of this same basic idea.
What is still missing, years after the education reform movement began, is sufficient
supports, capacity or resources — at the earliest age, which is when assistance is most critical —
to close the initial and enduring opportunity gap.
The undeniable fact of life in America, indeed the world, is that higher-income families are
fortunate to have the resources to supplement their children’s education with arts, science, history
and engaging, expansive learning. Children in lower-income families are usually denied such
opportunities. And as their schools become more test-focused, they have few places to turn for this
sort of vital enrichment.
The New York City parents mentioned at the outset — and parents throughout the United
States — know the truth: Policymakers cheat our children when they seek out magic beans and
silver bullets instead of the quieter but much more meaningful investments in the sort of deeply
engaging teaching and learning that will produce vibrant, intellectually curious young people in all
communities.
If we as a nation hope to narrow glaring achievement gaps among children of different
social classes, we must step up to provide low-income youth with a fair start. We need to think
much more seriously about the inputs.
Every American will not go to college. But all our children should be given an equitable
chance to be prepared for college.
For those now facing the steep stairwell, our leaders have a choice. They can continue the
breathless push for achievement now, regardless of where kids start. Or they can turn to solid
research about opportunities to learn. They can increase access to high-quality preschools, welltrained and culturally sensitive teachers, childhood nutrition, learning enrichment programs and
other inputs. We know how and why some students thrive while others falter. It’s the opportunity
gap, and we can close it.
Carter is professor of education and sociology at Stanford University, and Welner is professor of
education policy at the University of Colorado-Boulder. They are the co-editors of “Closing the
Opportunity Gap: What America Must Do to Give All Children an Even Chance.”
The New Jim Crow:
Unit 1 Text
#3
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How the War on Drugs Gave Birth to a Permanent American
Undercaste By Michelle Alexander
Ever since Barack Obama lifted his right hand and took his oath of office, pledging to serve
the United States as its 44th president, ordinary people and their leaders around the globe
have been celebrating our nation’s “triumph over race.” Obama’s election has been touted as
the final nail in the coffin of Jim Crow, the bookend placed on the history of racial caste in
America.
Obama’s mere presence in the Oval Office is offered as proof that “the land of the free” has
finally made good on its promise of equality. There’s an implicit yet undeniable message
embedded in his appearance on the world stage: this is what freedom looks like; this is what
democracy can do for you. If you are poor, marginalized, or relegated to an inferior caste,
there is hope for you. Trust us. Trust our rules, laws, customs, and wars. You, too, can get to
the promised land.
Perhaps greater lies have been told in the past century,
but they can be counted on one hand. Racial caste is alive
and well in America.
Most people don’t like it when I say this. It makes them
angry. In the “era of colorblindness” there’s a nearly
fanatical desire to cling to the myth that we as a nation
have “moved beyond” race. Here are a few facts that run
counter to that triumphant racial narrative:
*There are more African Americans under correctional
control today -- in prison or jail, on probation or parole -than were enslaved in 1850, a decade before the Civil War
began.
*As of 2004, more African American men were
disenfranchised (due to felon disenfranchisement laws) than in 1870, the year the Fifteenth
Amendment was ratified, prohibiting laws that explicitly deny the right to vote on the basis
of race.
* A black child born today is less likely to be raised by both parents than a black child born
during slavery. The recent disintegration of the African American family is due in large part
to the mass imprisonment of black fathers.
*If you take into account prisoners, a large majority of African American men in some urban
areas have been labeled felons for life. (In the Chicago area, the figure is nearly 80%.) These
men are part of a growing undercaste -- not class, caste -- permanently relegated, by law, to a
second-class status. They can be denied the right to vote, automatically excluded from juries,
and legally discriminated against in employment, housing, access to education, and public
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benefits, much as their grandparents and great-grandparents were during the Jim Crow era.
Excuses for the Lockdown
There is, of course, a colorblind explanation for all this: crime rates. Our prison population
has exploded from about 300,000 to more than 2 million in a few short decades, it is said,
because of rampant crime. We’re told that the reason so many black and brown men find
themselves behind bars and ushered into a permanent, second-class status is because they
happen to be the bad guys.
The uncomfortable truth, however, is that crime rates do not explain the sudden and
dramatic mass incarceration of African Americans during the past 30 years. Crime rates
have fluctuated over the last few decades -- they are currently at historical lows -- but
imprisonment rates have consistently soared. Quintupled, in fact. And the vast majority of
that increase is due to the War on Drugs. Drug offenses alone account for about two-thirds
of the increase in the federal inmate population, and more than half of the increase in the
state prison population.
The drug war has been brutal -- complete with SWAT teams, tanks, bazookas, grenade
launchers, and sweeps of entire neighborhoods -- but those who live in white communities
have little clue to the devastation wrought. This war has been waged almost exclusively in
poor communities of color, even though studies consistently show that people of all colors
use and sell illegal drugs at remarkably similar rates. In fact, some studies indicate that
white youth are significantly more likely to engage in illegal drug dealing than black
youth. Any notion that drug use among African Americans is more severe or dangerous is
belied by the data. White youth, for example, have about three times the number of drugrelated visits to the emergency room as their African American counterparts.
That is not what you would guess, though, when entering our nation’s prisons and jails,
overflowing as they are with black and brown drug offenders. In some states, African
Americans comprise 80%-90% of all drug offenders sent to prison.
This is the point at which I am typically interrupted and reminded that black men have
higher rates of violent crime. That’s why the drug war is waged in poor communities of color
and not middle-class suburbs. Drug warriors are trying to get rid of those drug kingpins and
violent offenders who make ghetto communities a living hell. It has nothing to do with race;
it’s all about violent crime.
Again, not so. President Ronald Reagan officially declared the current drug war in 1982,
when drug crime was declining, not rising. From the outset, the war had little to do with
drug crime and nearly everything to do with racial politics. The drug war was part of a
grand and highly successful Republican Party strategy of using racially coded political
appeals on issues of crime and welfare to attract poor and working class white voters who
were resentful of, and threatened by, desegregation, busing, and affirmative action. In the
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words of H.R. Haldeman, President Richard Nixon’s White House Chief of Staff: “[T]he whole
problem is really the blacks. The key is to devise a system that recognizes this while not
appearing to.”
A few years after the drug war was announced, crack cocaine hit the streets of inner-city
communities. The Reagan administration seized on this development with glee, hiring staff
who were to be responsible for publicizing inner-city crack babies, crack mothers, crack
whores, and drug-related violence. The goal was to make inner-city crack abuse and
violence a media sensation, bolstering public support for the drug war which, it was hoped,
would lead Congress to devote millions of dollars in additional funding to it.
The plan worked like a charm. For more than a decade, black drug dealers and users would
be regulars in newspaper stories and would saturate the evening TV news. Congress and
state legislatures nationwide would devote billions of dollars to the drug war and pass harsh
mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes -- sentences longer than murderers receive
in many countries.
Democrats began competing with Republicans to prove that they could be even tougher on
the dark-skinned pariahs. In President Bill Clinton’s boastful words, “I can be nicked a lot,
but no one can say I’m soft on crime.” The facts bear him out. Clinton’s “tough on crime”
policies resulted in the largest increase in federal and state prison inmates of any president
in American history. But Clinton was not satisfied with exploding prison populations. He
and the “New Democrats” championed legislation banning drug felons from public housing
(no matter how minor the offense) and denying them basic public benefits, including food
stamps, for life. Discrimination in virtually every aspect of political, economic, and social life
is now perfectly legal, if you’ve been labeled a felon.
Facing Facts
But what about all those violent criminals and drug kingpins? Isn’t the drug war waged in
ghetto communities because that’s where the violent offenders can be found? The answer is
yes... in made-for-TV movies. In real life, the answer is no.
The drug war has never been focused on rooting out drug kingpins or violent
offenders. Federal funding flows to those agencies that increase dramatically the volume of
drug arrests, not the agencies most successful in bringing down the bosses. What gets
rewarded in this war is sheer numbers of drug arrests. To make matters worse, federal drug
forfeiture laws allow state and local law enforcement agencies to keep for their own use
80% of the cash, cars, and homes seized from drug suspects, thus granting law enforcement
a direct monetary interest in the profitability of the drug market.
The results have been predictable: people of color rounded up en masse for relatively minor,
non-violent drug offenses. In 2005, four out of five drug arrests were for possession, only
one out of five for sales. Most people in state prison have no history of violence or even of
significant selling activity. In fact, during the 1990s -- the period of the most dramatic
expansion of the drug war -- nearly 80% of the increase in drug arrests was for marijuana
possession, a drug generally considered less harmful than alcohol or tobacco and at least as
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prevalent in middle-class white communities as in the inner city.
In this way, a new racial undercaste has been created in an astonishingly short period of
time -- a new Jim Crow system. Millions of people of color are now saddled with criminal
records and legally denied the very rights that their parents and grandparents fought for
and, in some cases, died for.
Affirmative action, though, has put a happy face on this racial reality. Seeing black people
graduate from Harvard and Yale and become CEOs or corporate lawyers -- not to mention
president of the United States -- causes us all to marvel at what a long way we’ve come.
Recent data shows, though, that much of black progress is a myth. In many respects, African
Americans are doing no better than they were when Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated
and uprisings swept inner cities across America. Nearly a quarter of African Americans live
below the poverty line today, approximately the same percentage as in 1968. The black
child poverty rate is actually higher now than it was then. Unemployment rates in black
communities rival those in Third World countries. And that’s with affirmative action!
When we pull back the curtain and take a look at what our “colorblind” society creates
without affirmative action, we see a familiar social, political, and economic structure -- the
structure of racial caste. The entrance into this new caste system can be found at the prison
gate.
This is not Martin Luther King, Jr.’s dream. This is not the promised land. The cyclical
rebirth of caste in America is a recurring racial nightmare.
Michelle Alexander is the author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of
Colorblindness (The New Press, 2010). The former director of the Racial Justice Project of the
ACLU in Northern California, she also served as a law clerk to Justice Harry Blackmun on the
U.S. Supreme Court. Currently, she holds a joint appointment with the Kirwan Institute for the
Study of Race and Ethnicity and the Moritz College of Law at Ohio State University. To listen to
a TomCast audio interview in which Alexander explains how she came to realize that this
country was bringing Jim Crow into the Age of Obama, click here.
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Stop the School-to-Prison Pipeline
Unit 1 Text
#4
“Every man in my family has been locked up. Most days I feel like it doesn’t matter what I do, how
hard I try—that’s my fate, too.” —11th-grade African American student, Berkeley, Calif.
This young man isn’t being cynical or melodramatic; he’s articulating a terrifying reality for many
of the children and youth sitting in our classrooms—a reality that is often invisible or
misunderstood. Some have seen the growing numbers of security guards and police in our schools
as unfortunate but necessary responses to the behavior of children from poor, crime-ridden
neighborhoods. But what if something more ominous is happening? What if many of our
students—particularly our African American, Latina/o, Native American, and Southeast Asian
children—are being channeled toward prison and a lifetime of second-class status?
We believe that this is the case, and there is ample evidence to support that claim. What has come
to be called the “school-to-prison pipeline” is turning too many schools into pathways to
incarceration rather than opportunity. This trend has extraordinary implications for teachers and
education activists. It affects everything from what we teach to how we build community in our
classrooms, how we deal with conflicts with and among our students, how we build coalitions, and
what demands we see as central to the fight for social justice education.
What Is the School-to-Prison Pipeline?
The school-to-prison pipeline begins in deep social and economic inequalities, and has taken root
in the historic shortcomings of schooling in this country. The civil and human rights movements
of the 1960s and ’70s spurred an effort to “rethink schools” to make them responsive to the needs
of all students, their families, and communities. This rethinking included collaborative learning
environments, multicultural curriculum, student-centered, experiential pedagogy—we were
aiming for education as liberation. The back-to-basics backlash against that struggle has been
more rigid enforcement of ever more alienating curriculum.
The “zero tolerance” policies that today are the most extreme form of this punishment paradigm
were originally written for the war on drugs in the early 1980s, and later applied to schools. As
Annette Fuentes explains, the resulting extraordinary rates of suspension and expulsion are linked
nationally to increasing police presence, checkpoints, and surveillance inside schools.
As police have set up shop in schools across the country, the definition of what is a crime as
opposed to a teachable moment has changed in extraordinary ways. In one middle school we’re
familiar with, a teacher routinely allowed her students to take single pieces of candy from a big
container she kept on her desk. One day, several girls grabbed handfuls. The teacher promptly sent
them to the police officer assigned to the school. What formerly would have been an opportunity
to have a conversation about a minor transgression instead became a law enforcement issue.
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Children are being branded as criminals at ever-younger ages. Zero Tolerance in Philadelphia, a
recent report by Youth United for Change and the Advancement Project, offers an example:
Robert was an 11-year-old in 5th grade who, in his rush to get to school on time, put on a dirty
pair of pants from the laundry basket. He did not notice that his Boy Scout pocketknife was in one
of the pockets until he got to school. He also did not notice that it fell out when he was running in
gym class. When the teacher found it and asked whom it belonged to, Robert volunteered that it
was his, only to find himself in police custody minutes later. He was arrested, suspended, and
transferred to a disciplinary school.
Early contact with police in schools often sets students on a path of alienation, suspension,
expulsion, and arrests. George Galvis, an Oakland, Calif., prison activist and youth organizer,
described his first experience with police at his school: “I was 11. There was a fight and I got
called to the office. The cop punched me in the face. I looked at my principal and he was just
standing there, not saying anything. That totally broke my trust in school as a place that was safe
for me.”
Galvis added: “The more police there are in the school, walking the halls and looking at
surveillance tapes, the more what constitutes a crime escalates. And what is seen as ‘how kids act’
vs. criminal behavior has a lot to do with race. I always think about the fistfights that break out
between fraternities at the Cal campus, and how those fights are seen as opposed to what the
police see as gang-related fights, even if the behavior is the same.”
Mass Incarceration: A Civil Rights Crisis
The growth of the school-to-prison pipeline is part of a larger crisis. Since 1970, the U.S. prison
population has exploded from about 325,000 people to more than 2 million today. According to
Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Color
Blindness, this is a phenomenon that cannot be explained by crime rates or drug use. According to
Human Rights Watch (Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs, 2000)
although whites are more likely to violate drug laws than people of color, in some states black
men have been admitted to prison on drug charges at rates 20 to 50 times greater than those of
white men. Latina/os, Native Americans, and other people of color are also imprisoned at rates far
higher than their representation in the population. Once released, former prisoners are caught in a
web of laws and regulations that make it difficult or impossible to secure jobs, education, housing,
and public assistance—and often to vote or serve on juries. Alexander calls this permanent
second-class citizenship a new form of segregation.
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Writing Prompt Instructions
Write an analytical paragraph in which you respond to the following prompt:
Which do you think is more influential in determining outcomes in life: the choices individuals
make or the privileges and pressures society puts on them?
REQUIREMENTS:
9. Your paragraph must be 6-10 sentences.
10. Include a THESIS STATEMENT that responds to the prompt choosing a side.
11. Include at least 1 piece of EVIDENCE from Wes Moore text to support your response
12. EXPLAIN fully HOW your evidence supports your argument.
13. Include at least one piece of EVIDENCE from the news articles to support your response
14. EXPLAIN fully HOW your evidence supports your argument.
15. Make a CONNECTION to your own life, where you use an example from your own life to
prove your argument
16. Be written following the conventions of standard written English. PROOFREAD!
Organization of an Analytical Paragraph
What is an
analytical
paragraph?
 6-10 sentences (quality not quantity)
 Includes thesis, evidence, explanation, and
connections
 Using texts for evidence
 Make an argument in response to a prompt
1) Thesis
1. Responds to the prompt: directly and no unrelated
points
2. Choose a side: do not stay in the middle
3. Debatable: no obvious answer, able to argue about
it
4. Supportable: can find evidence
5. Specific: avoid vague or cliché statements
2) Evidence (X2)
* Use an example from the texts (1 from book & 1
from article) that supports your argument
* introduces the example stating where it comes
from
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3) Explain (X2)
* clearly and specifically explain HOW your
evidence proves your argument
4) Connection
* EXPLAIN a text-to-self connection (example
from your own life) that supports your own
argument
What are some
1) always be specific (no vague language)
habits of great
2) persuade the reader (prove your argument)
analytical writers? 3) PROOFREAD: (check for organization, accuracy,
grammar)
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Planning Your Writing! Use the flow chart below to plan each part of your writing.
1. Respond to the prompt by choosing a side and
stating your rationale.
_________________________________ is more influential in
determining school outcomes because
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
_________
4. Brainstorm possible evidence from the
news articles to support your point.
A. _______________________________
B. _______________________________
C. _______________________________
5. Pick your best piece of evidence from above.
Explain specifically and clearly how it proves your
point.
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
2. Brainstorm possible evidence from
The Other Wes Moore to support your
point.
A. _______________________________
B. _______________________________
C. _______________________________
3. Pick your best piece of evidence from above.
Explain specifically and clearly how it proves your
point.
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
6. Think of an experience from your own life that
you could use as an example to prove your
argument. Explain clearly and specifically.
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
___________________________________________
_________
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EXAMPLE A
Both the individual and society are important influencers on life outcomes because of
choices and privileges and pressures that we all have in life. Other Moore chose to sell drugs
and Author More did not. I think that Author Moore made good choices in his life but Other
Moore definitely did not. Also, children from low income communities do not have good
educational opportunities, so it’s hard for them to learn and they fall behind. This connects
to my life because school is hard and my teachers are annoying :P
EXAMPLE B
Society is more influential in determining life outcomes because the educational and
economic pressures on low-income people make it extra challenging to be successful. In the
memoir “The Other Wes Moore” by Wes Moore, Other Moore was raised in a low-income
community with very little supports or opportunities and plenty of negative reinforcement.
For example, his brother Tony was involved in the drug trade, and even though Tony
encouraged him not to join, the example Tony set for Wes helped to lead him into the drug
trade himself since he had little opportunity for other ways to be successful. This example
shows that although Wes made decisions for himself, his choices were extremely limited by
the pressures of society around him. In addition, Michelle Alexander’s article “The New Jim
Crow” explains how African-American men have been the focus of police in the War on
Drugs, even though white and black communities use drugs at approximately the same rates.
This focus on African-Americans in the Drug War has led to a system of mass incarceration
where almost 50% of African-American men are in the prison or parole system, which
dramatically limits their opportunities in life. The New Jim Crow system creates extreme
pressures on low income people of color, which severely limits their potential to be
successful in life and shows that society plays a huge role in determining life outcomes. In
my own childhood, I saw how police rarely focused their drug enforcement efforts on people
in the high-income community where I was raised, even though many of my peers in school
used and/or sold drugs. This shows that children in high income communities have more
chances for success because of the privileges in their life.
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FINAL DRAFT
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