The Theory of Mind Atlas Tiffany L. Hutchins & Patricia A. Prelock © 2016 All entries in the Theory of Mind Atlas (ToMA) were developed for use with the Theory of Mind Inventory-2 (ToMI-2) for the purposes of explaining theory of mind in the conduct of research and clinical practice. This document may be downloaded, adapted, and shared for professional purposes provided that the names and copyright appearing in this header are retained. Item 29: My child understands the word “if” when it is used hypothetically as in, “If I had the money, I’d buy a new house.” Subscale(s): Basic This item is intended to tap counterfactual reasoning (sometimes referred to as counterfactual conditional reasoning). Counterfactual reasoning “is a reasoning process that allows us to answer counterfactual questions of the form “If X then Y?” where X is a proposition that is known to be false; for example, “If fish couldn’t swim, could they live in the sea?” (Grant, Riggs, & Boucher, 2004, p. 178). Counterfactual reasoning is a complex cognitive process that depends on the coordination of multiple information processing systems (Van Hoeck et al., 2014) and can take many forms. It could involve thinking about situations that are inconsistent with current events, thinking about the past or the future, or employing additive (“what if the coffee had been hot?”) or subtractive logic (“what if the coffee had not been hot?”). It can also be employed in the inference of physical versus psychological states, ‘upward’ (comparing a current situation with a better alternative) or ‘downward’ (comparing a current situation with a worse alternative), and close (something “almost happened”) or far (e.g., a wildly fictional circumstance; Beck & Guthrie, 2011) scenarios. It also appears to be affected by our sense of agency to prevent negative outcomes and improve our future conditions (Begeer, De Rosnay, Lunenburg, Stegge, & Terwogt, 2014). Depending on what is taken as evidence for counterfactual reasoning, there is mixed evidence regarding when this capacity emerges with estimates ranging anywhere from age 2 to 12 years (Rafetseder, Cristi-Vargas, & Perner, 2010; Rafetseder & Perner, 2012; Rafetseder, Schwitalla, & Perner, 2013; for an excellent review see Beck & Riggs, 2013). As such, one reasonable conclusion from the literature is that the development of counterfactual reasoning is protracted: some early emerging aspects are observed in infancy which continue to develop into the preschool years and through late childhood and perhaps even into adolescence at which point counterfactual thought is increasingly spontaneous and automatized (Beck & Riggs, 2013; Guajardo, McNally, & Wright, 2016). All this said, most studies tend to identify the age of 3- to 5- years as the point when children reliably pass structured counterfactual reasoning tests and are thusly credited as having achieved “basic counterfactual reasoning” (German & Nichols, 2003; Guajardo & Cartwright, 2016; Guajardo, McNally, & Wright, 2016, p. 90; Guajardo & Turley-Ames, 2004; Harris, German, & Mills, 1996; Riggs, Peterson, Robinson, & Mitchell, 1998). As such, there is good justification for counterfactual reasoning as a Basic theory of mind competency. From a developmental standpoint, there is evidence that counterfactual reasoning in the preschool years is most likely to be observed for explanations of negative outcomes due to the mishap of a protagonist (as opposed to a positive outcome) and counterfactual reasoning may be easiest for youngsters when counterfactual chains are short as opposed to long (German & Nichols, 2003) and when thinking about additive, as opposed to subtractive, counterfactual scenarios (Guajardo & Turley-Ames, 2004). 1 Counterfactual reasoning appears to have wide-applicability for cognitive and social development. Counterfactual reasoning is related to executive function, cognitive flexibility, and performance on false belief tasks (Drayton, Turley-Ames, & Guajardo, 2011; German & Nichols, 2003; Guajardo et al., 2009; Guajardo, McNally, & Wright, 2016; Guajardo & Turley-Ames, 2004). As a pervasive cognitive activity, people employ counterfactual reasoning to learn from their mistakes, “make sense of the past, plan courses of action, make emotional and social judgments, and guide adaptive behavior” (Van Hoeck, Watson, & Barbey, 2015, p. 420). This ability to compare reality to an imagined alternative contributes (perhaps as a necessary but not sufficient condition) to developmental shifts in emotion attribution (Gummerum, Cribbett, Nicolau, & Uren, 2013), false belief reasoning (Grant et al., 2004; Muller, Miller, Michalczyk, & Karapinka, 2007; Peterson & Bowler, 2000; Riggs, Peterson, Robinson, & Mitchell, 1998), and narrative comprehension (Guajardo & Cartwright, 2016; Guajardo & Watson, 2002; Trabasso & Bartolone, 2003). Counterfactual reasoning has also been identified as pivotal in the development of (later emerging) moral reasoning and the understanding of complex emotions like regret (Rafetseder & Perner, 2012) and relief (Begeer et al., 2014) which, when experienced, are typically accompanied by imagined, counterfactual outcomes. Counterfactual Reasoning in ASD Deficits in counterfactual reasoning have been widely (but not universally) observed in ASD. Counterfactual reasoning in ASD is related to autism severity, language ability, and intellectual and executive functioning (Guajardo, Parker, & Turley-Ames, 2009) as well as a range of specific task demands. For example, there is some evidence that downward counterfactual reasoning maybe impaired in ASD more than upward counterfactual reasoning (Begeer et al., 2014) and that counterfactuals that require inferences of physical or psychological states are more difficult compared to those where all information is explicitly provided (Grant et al., 2004). Some ASD researchers have attributed deficits in counterfactual reasoning to a more general impairment in generativity that is often seen in ASD (i.e., a general impairment in spontaneous and generative action as opposed to cued action; Peterson & Bowler, 2000). Others have emphasized the relation between impairments in counterfactual reasoning and deficits in pretense (Scott, Baron-Cohen, & Leslie, 1999). With regard to the latter, it is noteworthy that while performance on counterfactual reasoning tasks is enhanced in typically developing children through prompting to engage in pretense or mental imagery, the use of these strategies may actually hinder performance in children with ASD (Dias & Harris, 1990; Leevers & Harris, 2000; Scott et al., 1999). Accordingly, many children with ASD may benefit from counterfactual premises that are explicitly conditional (e.g., “If all snow were black…”) and where they recognize another’s intention that they “accept the premise as a basis for reasoning despite [its] literal falsehood” (Leevers & Harris, 2000, p. 81). Counterfactual Reasoning in ADHD One might expect children with ADHD to have difficulty with counterfactual reasoning given its relations to executive function (EF), cognitive flexibility, and false belief attribution; all of which are documented deficits in ADHD. We are aware of only one study, however, that has specifically examined counterfactual reasoning in ADHD. Hutchins et al. (2016) compared typically developing (TD) males, males with ASD, and males with ADHD for their comprehension of counterfactual reasoning using a caregiver report measure (i.e., the Theory of Mind Inventory). Results revealed that the comprehension of counterfactuals appeared to be uniquely disrupted in ASD yet spared in ADHD and there were no differences in counterfactual comprehension as judged by caregivers between the TD and ADHD groups. 2 Caution is warranted, however. As noted above, the development of counterfactual reasoning is a complex and protracted process: much more research is needed to elucidate whether and under what conditions children with ADHD might exhibit deficits in counterfactual reasoning. Counterfactual Reasoning in DoHH We are aware of only one study examining counterfactual reasoning in children who are DoHH. Hutchins, Allen, and Schefer (2017) analyzed caregiver report data (i.e., the Theory of Mind Inventory) from a small sample of children (ages 5 – 11) with corrected hearing loss. They found that deficits in counterfactual reasoning were reported for 33% of the children (i.e., 4/12 children). Hutchins et al. concluded that these difficulties were related to more limited access to language in the prelinguistic and toddler years. REFERENCES Beck, S. & Guthrie, C. (2011). Almost thinking counterfactually: Children’s understanding of close counterfactuals. Child Development, 82(4), 1189-1198. Beck, S. & Riggs, K. (2013). The development of counterfactual reasoning. In H. Markovits (Ed.), The developmental psychology of reasoning and decision-making (pp. 165-181). Hove: Psychology Press. Begeer, S., De Rosnay, M., Lunenburg, P., Stegge, H., & Terwogt, M. (2014). Understanding of emotions based on counterfactual reasoning in children with autism spectrum disorders. Autism, 18(3), 301-310. 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