Structural, functional and cognitive aspects of adjective-noun combinations Marcel Schlechtweg [email protected] www.marcelschlechtweg.com Workshop “Expanding the lexicon”, Trier November 18, 2016 Structural aspects How can we distinguish AN/NA compounds from AN/NA phrases? 1. Inflectional agreement is the primary factor, i.e. the factor that clearly defines AN/NA compounds and AN/NA phrases. à If the adjective and the noun agree, the construction is a phrase. à If the adjective and the noun do not agree, the construction is a compound. 2. Other factors, e.g. stress, do not define AN/NA compounds and AN/ NA phrases but can only characterize them. à e.g. AN phrases usually carry non-initial stress. à e.g. AN compounds usually carry initial stress. (Schlechtweg & Härtl 2016) 2 Structural aspects Table 1: Adjective-noun/noun-adjective (AN/NA) constructions: An example from German, French and English German French English Compound Schwarzbär - - Phrase schwarzer Bär ours noir - Compound-like Phrase-like - - BLACK bear black BEAR 3 Functional aspects Table 2: Preferences in German, French and English German French English compound-like constructions Typical naming units compounds phrases Typical descriptive units phrases phrases phrase-like constructions (cf. also, e.g., Bücking 2010; Hüning 2010; McCauley et al. 2012; Van Goethem 2009) 4 Functional aspects German/English Functional distinction (naming vs. descriptive units) Structural distinction (compounds/compound-like constructions vs. phrases/phrase-like constructions) 5 Functional aspects French Functional distinction (naming vs. descriptive units) Structural distinction (compounds vs. phrases) 6 Functional aspects Idea: Compounds/compound-like constructions are more appropriate to function as naming units than phrases/phrase-like constructions. Compounds/compound-like constructions: à Non-default structure immediately triggers a non-default/noncompositional interpretation and the naming function. Phrases/phrase-like constructions à Default structure triggers the default/compositional interpretation and the descriptive function. (cf. Härtl 2015a) 7 Functional aspects Idea: Compounds/compound-like constructions are more appropriate to function as naming units than phrases/phrase-like constructions. Empirical evidence against the idea (from German): Schlücker & Plag (2011) - Number of existing compounds/phrases containing a specific constituent decides whether a novel construction is a compound or phrase à Compounds and phrases fulfill the naming function equally well 8 Functional aspects Idea: Compounds/compound-like constructions are more appropriate to function as naming units than phrases/phrase-like constructions. Empirical evidence for the idea (from German): Härtl (2015b) - sogenannt (‘so-called’) and quotation marks = name-indicating devices - Phrases appeared more often with sogenannt than compounds - In sogenannt-contexts, phrases used more frequently with quotation marks than compounds à Naming status of phrases needs to be introduced, compounds naturally function as naming units 9 Functional aspects Idea: Compounds/compound-like constructions are more appropriate to function as naming units than phrases/phrase-like constructions. Empirical evidence for the idea (from English): Hall & Moore (1997) - Subjects heard compound- or phrase-like constructions and were asked to select a picture that showed what they heard - Compound-like constructions associated with a kind interpretation, phrase-like constructions associated with a descriptive interpretation 10 Cognitive aspects Do the structural and functional aspects have implications for the processing of compounds/compound-like constructions and phrases/ phrase-like constructions? We usually store only naming units (Booij 2010) (and not descriptive units). Compounds/compound-like constructions are by their nature more appropriate to function as naming units. Are compounds/compound-like constructions better candidates for memory storage? 11 Cognitive aspects Is there empirical evidence for a processing advantage of AN compounds/ compound-like constructions in comparison to AN phrases/phrase-like constructions? - Vogel & Raimy (2002): - Picture-selection task in English - Higher accuracy for compound-like constructions - But: Lexicalized compound-like constructions versus nonlexicalized phrase-like constructions - McCauley et al. (2012): - Lexical-decision task in English - Higher accuracy for compound-like constructions - But: Lexicalized compound-like constructions versus nonlexicalized phrase-like constructions 12 Cognitive aspects Advantages of compound-like constructions are probably based on lexicalization What happens if we use non-lexicalized constructions? - Kotowski et al. (2014) - Lexical-decision task on three days in German - Memorization advantage of compounds in comparison to phrases - Shorter response times and higher accuracy rates for nonmemorized phrases in comparison to non-memorized compounds - No significant difference between memorized phrases and compounds - Greater improvement for compounds if they contrasted nonmemorized and memorized constructions of either type 13 Cognitive aspects w Comparing the memorization of … w German compounds (e.g. Jungtourist) and French phrases (e.g. jeune touriste) w English compound-like and English phrase-like constructions (cf. Schlechtweg & Härtl 2016) 14 Cognitive aspects w Auditory memorization experiment on three days (day 1, day 4, day 8) with native speakers w On each day: Memorization phase (MP) and recall phase (RP) w MP: Memorization of non-lexicalized complex constructions (e.g. Jungtourist) and, as a baseline, nouns like Architekt of the respective native language (same items on each day) w RP: Response “yes” to items that subjects heard in the MP and response “no” to items that they did not hear in the MP w Items were controlled for several potentially confounding variables across the languages/groups (e.g. number of syllables) 15 Cognitive aspects 1100 Response time (in ms) 1050 1000 950 German French 900 850 800 Experimental items Control items Item type Figure 1: German versus French (RESPONSE TIME) 16 Cognitive aspects Response accuracy (in %) 100 95 German French 90 85 Experimental items Control items Item type Figure 2: German versus French (RESPONSE ACCURACY) 17 Cognitive aspects German compounds processed more efficiently than French phrases English compound-like constructions not processed more efficiently than English phrase-like constructions 18 Cognitive aspects High semantic compositionality in previous study ê How does the interaction of stress and semantic compositionality affect the memorization of complex English AN constructions? Connection between initial stress and semantic non-compositionality (Fudge 1984, Ladd 1986) w Non-initial stress + semantic compositionality (e.g. short BRUSH) w Initial stress + semantic non-compositionality (e.g. HARD shirt) 19 Cognitive aspects HARD shirt 1130 1120 Response (me (in ms) 1110 1100 SHORT brush Ini1al stress 1090 Non-‐ini1al stress hard SHIRT 1080 1070 short BRUSH 1060 Seman1c composi1onality Seman1c non-‐ composi1onality Seman(c composi(onality Figure 3: Interaction of STRESS x SEMANTIC COMPOSITIONALITY (F1) 20 Cognitive aspects 1240 s (p < .001) 1200 Response (me (in ms) s (p < .001) 1160 1120 Ini1al stress + seman1c non-‐ composi1onality (HARD shirt) ns 1080 Non-‐ini1al stress + seman1c composi1onality (short BRUSH) ns 1040 ns 1000 960 1 2 Day 3 Figure 4: “Initial stress + semantic non-compositionality” versus “Non-initial stress + semantic compositionality” on all three days (F1) 21 Cognitive aspects English compound-like constructions improved more than English phrase-like constructions from day one to day two/three 22 Conclusion Interplay of structural, functional and cognitive aspects in the compoundphrase distinction within languages such as German and English ê Compounds/compound-like constructions = typical/better naming units = stored more efficiently Interplay of structural, functional and cognitive aspects in the compoundphrase distinction between languages such as German and French ê Compounds (= naming units) stored more efficiently than phrases (= naming units) 23 References Booij, Geert. 2010. Construction Morphology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bücking, Sebastian. 2010. German nominal compounds as underspecified names for kinds. In Olsen, Susan (ed.), New impulses in word-formation (Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 17), 253-281. Hamburg: Buske. Fudge, Erik. 1984. English word-stress. London: George Allen & Unwin. Hall, D. Geoffrey & Moore, Catherine E. 1997. Red bluebirds and black greenflies: Preschoolers’ understanding of the semantics of adjectives and count nouns. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 67(2). 236-267. Härtl, Holden. 2015a. Semantic non-transparency in the mental lexicon: On the relation between word-formation and naming. In Brinker-von der Heyde, Claudia & Kalwa, Nina & Klug, Nina-Maria & Reszke, Paul (eds.), Eigentlichkeit: Zum Verhältnis von Sprache, Sprechern und Welt, 395-416. Berlin: de Gruyter. Härtl, Holden. 2015b. Normality at the boundary between word-formation and syntax. Appears in d’Avis, Franz & Lohnstein, Horst (eds., 2017), Normalität in der Sprache (Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 22). http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002670 (Accessed on July 27, 2016). Hüning, Matthias. 2010. Adjective + noun constructions between syntax and word formation in Dutch and German. In Onysko, Alexander & Michel, Sascha (eds.), Cognitive perspectives on word formation (Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs 221), 195-215. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton. Kotowski, Sven & Böer, Katja & Härtl, Holden. 2014. Compounds vs. phrases: The cognitive status of morphological products. In Rainer, Franz & Gardani, Francesco & Luschützky, Hans Christian & Dressler, Wolfgang U. (eds.), Morphology and meaning: Selected papers from the 15th Internatial Morphology Meeting, Vienna, February 2012 (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 327), 191-203. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Ladd, Robert D. 1984. English compound stress. In Gibbon, Dafydd & Richter, Helmut (eds.), Intonation, accent, rhytm: Studies in discourse phonology (Research in Text Theory 8), 253-266. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. McCauley, Stewart M. & Hestvik, Arild & Vogel, Irene. 2012. Perception and bias in the processing of compound versus phrasal stress: Evidence from event-related brain potentials. Language and Speech 56(1). 23-44. 24 References Schlechtweg, Marcel & Härtl, Holden. 2016. Memorization and the morphology-syntax divide: A cross-linguistic investigation. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics 13(2). 46-68. Schlücker, Barbara & Plag, Ingo. 2011. Compound or phrase? Analogy in naming. Lingua 121(9). 1539-1551. Van Goethem, Kristel. 2009. Choosing between A+N compounds and lexicalized A+N phrases: The position of French in comparison to Germanic languages. Word Structure 2(2). 241-253. Vogel, Irene & Raimy, Eric. 2002. The acquisition of compound vs. phrasal stress: The role of prosodic constituents. Journal of Child Language 29(2). 225-250. 25
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz