Street food as form of expression and socio-cultural differentiation
Donatella Privitera, University of Catania
[email protected]
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to give insight into street food. It also looks at the importance of roadside food
vending for the livelihoods of the people involved as well as at the role of street food plays in the urban
food provisioning. Street food can be found in nearly every corner of the world. It is an alternative to
globalization, an instrument of socialization, a means to do business, and to communicate also with
young people. Street vendors are a tourist resource in some destinations, and the presence of cooked
and uncooked food sellers brings life and colour to locations. Cities are now given new lease of life
with roles and new functions to be the final catalyst to incentive growth and economic development.
Food and gastronomy are keys of a local community, place and destination. The main purpose of this is
to create awareness about the multitude of opportunities that street foods can provide for visitors but
also the local community and enterprises. We will attempt to answer the following question: At what
point can street food become a resource and component of professional opportunities? To what extent
does this prove to be undeniably subject to the process of local ownership? Methodological note: I
emphasise that this discussion, which results from a study of a city in South of Italy, will attempt to
formally and accurately suggest a means of comprehending the process of street food success.
Key words: urban food system, street food vending, local food, sustainable cities, leisure, globalization
Introduction
Street is seen as places for exchange, sociability and a symbol of local and (informal) economic
culture. Street vendors are part of food systems in a city. Street vending serves as a livelihood basis and
major source of income for many people who do not fit into the formal economic sector, especially in
developing countries. The concept of street as public kitchen and dining room is as old and the vending
of street food creates an environment that is similar to a formal market space, though in a more
ephemeral way and on a smaller scale (Newman, Burnet, 2013). The food experience is a form of
intercultural exchange. Consuming food, gastronomic specialties, adopting local table manners are a
step towards understanding and apprehending cultural practices, taste, all the good things the country
visited has to offer. It’s note that food is an experience that each of us lives on a daily basis. To be as
one of the places you have to “eat” like it. When we think of a place, it is because of the food we have
eaten and the people we have shared it with (Montanari, 2006).
Food and gastronomy are keys of a local community, place and destination (Reynolds, 1994) but much
depends on the perception of the local food as authentic. If gastronomy can be linked to specific
countries, it becomes also a powerful tourism marketing tool. Authenticity has always been viewed as
an important aspect of tourism consumption, and seeking out ‘authentic’ local and regional foods can
become a motive for visiting a particular destination (Richards, 2004). Street food can be found in
nearly every corner of the world. It plays an important role in contemporary urban areas in South
America, Asia but really in all the world (Marras, 2014). It is an alternative to globalization, an
instrument of socialization, a means to do business, and to communicate also with young people.
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Known examples are hot dogs in New York - the most common and readily available street food in the
United States - the kebab in Istanbul, panelle in Palermo, and sauerkraut in Germany.
Street food could be useful to create more sustainable and healthy cities. This may, for example, be
through enhanced food security via local production or the more effective use of natural resources
leading to healthier lifestyles. Actually, local authorities, international organisations and consumer
associations are increasingly aware of the socioeconomic importance of street foods but also of their
associated risks. The major concern is related to food safety, but other concerns are also reported, such
as sanitation problems (e.g. waste accumulation in the streets), traffic congestion in the city also for
pedestrians (occupation of sidewalks by street vendors and traffic accidents), illegal occupation of
public or private space, and social problems.
This paper examines the theoretical discourse surrounding street food and tells an experience in
Catania, a city in the south of Italy where street food presents a tradition. It presents results from
interviews with policy-makers, local food vendors, and explores how street food is multidimensional
and spatially contingent but also food safety and security aspects and nutrition issues (Privitera, Nesci,
2015). Commonly these foods are prepared and consumed based on local knowledge and tradition. This
can be very location specific as foods can change within the same country, but they can also have
common connotations across regions of different countries. The culinary heritage experienced
corresponds to a collective memory and roots, which promote a sense of belonging to a territory
(Bessière, 1998, p. 203). It gives value to a place and can be the means and the motive for our
attachment to a place. Gastronomy has appeared like an indispensable element in order to get to know
the culture and lifestyle of a destination and so embodies all the traditional values associated with the
new trends in tourism and of “gastronomic revival” (Di Renzo, 2014, p. 27): respect for culture and
tradition, a healthy lifestyle, authenticity, sustainability, experience.
The main purpose of this is to create awareness about the multitude of opportunities that street foods
can provide for visitors but also the local community and enterprises. The role of the local community
is fundamental but the failure of the local residents to present convincing gastronomic evidence of their
sense of community and territorial attachment could poses a major barrier to the emergence of a
gastronomically attractive food image of the region (Hillel et al., 2013, p. 208).
Street vendors and street food
As cities experience urbanization and globalization, they face development challenges coupled with
cultural changes. Eating patterns, for example, tend to shift from traditional dishes towards fast food,
which is supplied by a booming but largely informal street food sector providing employment and
inexpensive food for urban dwellers (Nicolas et al., 2007). The definition of street foods (FAO, 1995,
p. 22) is: “street foods are ready-to-eat foods and beverages prepared and/or sold by vendors and
hawkers especially in streets and other similar public places”. Cultural, ethnic and religious differences
influence the variety and nature of such food: from fresh fruits and vegetables to prepared food. It is
often typical of the place, but in some cases, the variety is the point of having lost the original cultural
link with the territory of origin, characterized by multi-ethnicity and beyond (Steyn, Labadarios, 2011).
A long list of street foods linked to specific cultural environments, today are examples of globalized
food (e.g. Turkish kebab). In these cases the definition of street food refers to the mode of use or “...is
proof that the slowness and the values of a slow food are not in the mode of use of the food itself but
rather in the ingredients, in connection with the tradition, in stories related to its diffusion and creation,
in people who prepare and conviviality that develops where it is sold and consumed” (Petrini,
www.slowfood.it).
Around the world, a significant share of the informal workforce operates on streets, sidewalks and
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other public spaces. The term “street vendor” is used in both a narrow sense to refer to those who sell
goods in public space but also in a broader sense to refer to those who provide or sell services in public
spaces, such as: hairdressers; shoe repairers; and bicycle, motorcycle, car or truck mechanics (ILOWIEGO, 2013). Even when considered in the narrow and more precise sense of informal traders who
sell goods on the street or other public spaces, street vending is a large and diverse activity: from
producing or transforming goods at home and selling them in the streets; to sourcing from wholesalers
and selling at diverse locations; to provide easy access to a wide range of goods and services in the
public spaces of cities around the world. Those who sell a single product or range of products as street
vendors also often do so under quite different economic arrangements: some are truly self-employed
and independent, others are semi-dependent (e.g. agents who sell products for firms against a
commission), while still others are paid employees and fully dependent. Some sell from a fixed spot
while other are mobile hawkers. Current official statistics indicate that it is most prevalent in subSaharan Africa, where in many cities it accounts for 12 to 24 per cent of total urban informal
employment; in India, street vending makes up 11 per cent of total (non-agricultural) urban
employment, and 14 per cent of total (non-agricultural) urban informal employment; some Latin
American cities also see high concentrations of street vendors (ILO-WIEGO 2013). Street trade is a
cornerstone of the urban retail economy in many cities, particularly those with few opportunities for
formal employment or during economic crisis in developed countries. In most developing countries,
local governments and authorities are responsible for establishing regulations for food hygiene and
trade (Tinker, 2003). The risk of food poisoning from street food remains a threat in many parts of the
world, especially microbiological contamination. Particularly, in a report FAO (2009, p. 7) has
identified the following key factors in street food contamination: poor conditions of storage of raw
materials and finished products (exposure to dust, insects, pests, etc.); insufficient cleaning of raw
materials, ingredients and utensils before cooking, and of tableware used by customers; the use of
utensils (saucepans and other recipients) likely to release toxic or dangerous substances into the food;
inappropriate handling of ingredients and raw materials, of food during preparation and of finished
products; the prolonged holding of prepared food at inappropriate temperatures.
The literature suggests that street vending not only serves as an important income source for many
people in the business, but it also contributes to the food security of the poor and lower middle-class
strata especially of developing urban society. Street trade generates controversy in urban planning
debates but cities, currently, are using street vending as a way to provide diverse, affordable and quick
food options. Many cities experience cycles in which local authorities tolerate, then regulate, and then
evict street vendors in accordance with economic trends, election cycles and other urban management
pressures.
They also represent a major attraction for foreign tourists looking for an authentic experience. Street
food, in particular, has generated a substantial following among Western tourists (Chang et al., 2011).
Buying street food or locally made handicrafts in a bustling open-air market allows tourists and
residents to experience the vitality of public life in global cities. Outside of big cities, street vendors
represent a dynamic part of a country’s retail distribution network, particularly in the more isolated
areas. Street food provides an entrepreneurship opportunity that requires much less start-up capital than
traditional businesses. The vendors and their dishes have been hailed as symbols of local identity and
difference, embodying aspects of the societies and cultures in which they work. Street food vendors
mostly offer “zero-food-miles” menus. Their dishes are made with fresh, locally sourced food products.
By doing so, vendors support local economies and play an important role towards the achievement of
food sovereignty, food security, and a rural–urban sustainable food chain (Marras, 2014). They merit
support and protection against the negative outcomes of globalisation and internationalisation
(Consumers International, 2011) but they are a result of the complex mix of persecution, tolerance,
regulation and promotion (Bromley, 2000).
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In Italy, vendors and the activities of itinerant trade is governed by Legislative Decree no. 114 of 31
March 1998 (“Bersani Reform”) and by regional legislation. The definition is “retailing on public
area”, where public areas means roads, canals, square, including those of private property burdened
with servitude of public passage, and every other area intended for public use. The activities on public
area can be exercised exclusively by persons or partnerships properly constituted. Each autonomous
region or province has adopted a regional or provincial law implementing. But locally, some nearby
municipalities already allow limited street vending. Street trade is a cornerstone of the urban retail
economy in many cities, particularly those with few opportunities for formal employment. Street trade
also adds positive impacts on street vitality and neighborhood life in lower density residential
neighborhoods as well as in the high density downtown area (Kapell et al. 2008).
The food in Italy, a country whose culinary tradition is a cultural heritage, plays a key role in the
economic development of local communities. Food events diffusion is growing all over the world and
the importance globally is underlined by the relevance of UNESCO recognising them as playing a
prominent role in the building process of intangible cultural heritage. Festivals are a great occasion for
spreading product knowledge among participants, and local products can be a powerful tool for
disseminating the culture of a place (Cavicchi, 2013). Street food contributes to success of food
festivals (www.streeatfoodtruckfestival.com) and to the image of Italian food. According to the
definition of the Italian Association of Street food (www. streetfood.it), street food is a culture to bring
back that cannot be separated from the road or social experience in which it was born. At the same time
it is embedded in the framework of urban food system research. Urban food systems are complex
networks of production, distribution and consumption. They are also defined “localized food systems”
(LFS) where producers and consumers seek alternatives from mainstream globalized food chain which
dominate in developed countries (Tregear, 2011; O’Neill, 2014). One part of urban food system
distribution is the street food vending system.
A recent street food renaissance in North American (e.g. in Portland) and European cities (also in Italy)
has sparked interest among consumers and new debates regarding the proper role for city government
in regulating street vending (Smith-Bedford, 2011). This street food movement - Food truck - emerged
in part out of an economic recession that made it difficult for entrepreneurs to afford start-up
investments in brick-and-mortar restaurants (Pill, 2014). While vendors of hot dogs have a tradition in
the streets for decades, the recent movement has incorporated higher-end gourmet food trucks, as well
as street food spin-offs from large restaurants. They are driven by both economic advantage and sociocultural appeal. Food trucks are an example of street food, by seeking to meet sustainability criteria and
a good balance between quality and price, this growing sector is challenging long-standing fast foods
(Corvo, 2014, p. 139). Many operators are using only local products and have long-term relationships
with local farmers, who supply them on a daily basis. Furthermore, they strive to meet sustainability
standards for energy use, production, and the recycling of waste. American cities have seen a huge
growth of mobile street food vending in the last few years with great social and economic success and
positive environmental repercussions shared by all parties - consumers, food truck owners and local
authorities. The movement has led to the development of web-based tools to track the real-time
location of street food carts and vans serving professionals (see www.foodtruckfiesta.com). The food
vendors have incorporated new communications technologies into their marketing strategies (e.g. social
network). Articles, blogs, and varying websites dedicated to street food and mobile food offering is an
important tool in strengthening the acceptance of food truck culture in urban environments. Recent
example of mobile application is Street Food MApp. It is designed to promote and facilitate the sharing
of information regarding street food vending around the world. It is designed as a showcase for street
food chefs and an interactive guide for consumers. Consumers can find a specific street food business,
its location, schedule, menu, and description through search and filter functions.
At present street food is more than a fashion as the consumer on the road is part of the culture of the
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last generation; it is a necessity in line, looking for cheaper meals (given the crisis contingent), and at
the same time flexible (reduced time of consumption), and the ability to discover new tastes and then
get in touch with those places one does not know, realizing ethnic taste together with the emotion of
being a tourist-resident (Privitera, Nesci, 2015). Further, the influence of street food on popular culture,
such as in television programmes (in USA such as Eat St. and The Great Food Truck Race), is a factor
that increases local demand for street food (Newman, Burnett, 2013). It will be interesting to see if
food-on-wheels is an ephemeral trend or if it will have lasting power in creating country’s foodscape.
An experience of street food. Case study Catania
The study, part of a broader survey (Privitera, Nesci, 2015), in the first phase takes into account the
figures of street food vendors. The study area refers to the city of Catania (and province), city in
southern Italy. This highly attractive area was chosen also for its gastronomic and tourist potential. The
administration of a semi-structured questionnaire survey of a sample of 12 vendors took place in the
months of May–July 2014, in view of the mild climate. The methodology has provided a set of key
questions relating to specific areas of the model adapted of Kim and Eves (2012), especially the
emotions arising from the experience of gastronomic culture; the development of “integrated” in the
exchange of interpersonal relations between the vendor and customers; and perceptions appealing to
sensory, emotional, and healthy street food.
Catania is one of the pillars of the national street food. Arancini (rice with stuff), granite (ice with
flavour), seafood and so on, but actually the main product of the street food (and much of the eastern
Sicily) is the horse meat. On the racks towns several cuts are cooked to perfection and then go to stuff
succulent sandwiches. Eating horse meat is usual for some, for others sacrilege. Always the horse is
indeed the faithful traveling companion and working man. Its nutritional properties are known: low in
fat and cholesterol while high in protein and iron, which makes it attractive to sportsmen and an ancient
remedy for those who suffer from anemia. In Italy there is a moderate consumption of horsemeat,
although the practice concentrated in certain regions, where recipes for horse meat (and donkey) are the
corner stones of local food culture. The epicenter of vendors is Via Plebiscito, popular road of the old
town, where you will find at every step of catering establishments that engulf the sidewalks with their
proposal. The meat is exposed in refrigerated counters, in view: the customer choose the piece you
want and from there the manager takes it and puts it to cook. Once this was done on the coals also on
the sidewalk, but unfortunately health craze took root here and so restaurant owners have been forced
to acquire equipment for cooking electricity, far less poetic but more hygienic. The vendors operated
from permanent/fixed stall (kiosk), temporary stall, and portable trucks (e.g., vehicles; mobile cart).
The temporary architectural arrangement gave street vendors limited flexibility. But through careful
orchestration, they designed the physical environment to shape customer experiences. Street vendors
who operated from temporary facilities mounted shades to shield customers from direct contact with
sunlight. Those in temporary and permanent structures enhanced their space with decorations and
arranged their products for self-service.
Street food is also curious because the vendors have significantly improved their offers, although the
prospects of development of the street food appear strongly influenced from choices of urban and
commercial policies, and the territorial government. In fact, more sellers do not exactly know the
regulations on urban and commercial planning. Important is the conquest of urban space. Several issues
emerged consistently from the stories shared in the interviews. Most notably: (a) the participants
acknowledged being providers of services to their customers, and recognised the importance of, and
held strong belief in, treating customers as a priority. The importance of direct talk is recognized as an
element that vendor prefer. The customers/tourists heard from the vendor the perceived authenticity of
the product tied to tradition, culinary heritage, territorial, but is not fundamental.
The street vendors felt a sense of importance in what they do. For instance, many talked of the
5
enthusiasm and sense of self-reliance, as well as the need to survive–as features of their experience and
the reasons they were involved in street enterprise. These sentiments emerged as themes in the service
encounter interactions. This treatment of customers, and the acknowledgement of their central role in
the survival of their business, appeared to help street vendors stay in-tune with the service needs and
experiences of their clients (Brown, Rammidi, 2014).The new dimension of traveling is to “absorb a
territory.” This is done with the knowledge of its history and ways of life and the desire to establish a
familiarity with the residents. In many cases this means trying gastronomic experiences (including
street food) for the spirit of the place. Street food is a culture to bring back which cannot be separated
from the road or social experience in which it was born; therefore, while reiterating the old traditions,
recovering foods missing or endangered, it intends to different pathways related to common goals. As
Calloni (2013, p. 3407) affirms: “street food is the modern embodiment of an archaic past, when food
could have poisoned. It is represents the worries unknown changes in respect to daily routine” but
street food has an important role in the cities and towns of many developing countries in meeting the
food demands of urban dwellers. It feeds millions of people daily with a wide variety of foods that are
relatively cheap and easily accessible. Some comments regarding food scares of tourists (in terms of
food safety) show a state of concern founded by information relating to the products and production
conditions, which result especially in a request for more controls of hygiene and food conservation. A
good part of the respondents don’t specify control tests but put trust in their regular supplier, justifying
because they sell the products transformed.
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