ISSN: 0377-0508
Volume 22
Number 1
Jan.-June 2012
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ISSN: 0377-0508
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Contents
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment
Implications
K.L. Krishna
5
Regulatory Readjustments to Neoliberal Capitalist Reforms:
A Case Study of Partial Privatization and Globalization of India’s
Telecom Sector
Mahendra Prasad Singh and Niraj Kumar
23
Bihar, 1912–C.1932: The Beginning of an Ambiguous
Transformation
Narendra Jha
34
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
Gerry Rodgers
49
Economic Growth & Employment-Unemployment Situation in
Bihar
J.S. Tomar
69
Irrigation–Energy Nexus: Analyzing Twin Hurdles of Accelerated
Agriculture Growth in Bihar
Rakesh Tiwary
80
Education in Bihar: Retrospect and Prospects
K.N. Pathak
89
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper
Primary School Education
S.M. Anwar Yousuf 98
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Transfers Explain a Long Term
Exclusive Stagnation
Asha Srivastava, N.M.P. Verma and Sheela Verma
126
‘IDIOSYNCRATIC’ INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT
IN INDIA: EMPLOYMENT IMPLICATIONS
K.L. Krishna1
INTRODUCTION
India launched its economic development efforts in early 1950s, some six
decades ago. It pursued the import substitution industrialisation (ISI) strategy
for nearly thirty years, and made much progress in raising the living standards,
compared to the pre-independence period. The ISI strategy helped India in
achieving a diversified industrial structure. However, its growth performance was
found to be much inferior to that of Asian countries such as South Korea and Taiwan.
India began to liberalise in 1980s and the major economic policy reforms were
undertaken in early 1990s. The reforms were largely concerned with the industry/
manufacturing sector. In spite of the major reforms, the GDP shares of the industry
sector, and that of the manufacturing sub-sector have remained stagnant at about
26 per cent and 15 per cent, respectively. The employment shares are much lower,
at 19 per cent and 12 per cent. In this respect, India compares very unfavourably
with China, the other “awakened giant”. This somewhat unique feature of industrial
development in India has been termed ‘idiosyncratic’, by some influential researchers
(see Kochhar et al., 2006).
During the past one decade or so, a number of research studies have attempted
to diagnose the problem of lack of dynamism affecting the manufacturing sector in
India and proposed some remedial measures. Very recently, the government of India
has announced the National Manufacturing Policy (NMP). This paper reviews the
broad features of Industrial development in India during the past six decades, with
a focus on growth of output (value added) and employment in the reform period.
The manufacturing sector consists of two broad segments: Registered/
organised/ formal segment and unregistered/ unorganised/ informal segment.
The former segment accounts for about 70 per cent of manufacturing GDP but only
15 per cent of manufacturing employment.
The plan of the paper is as follows. Section 2 describes the policy regimes
and pattern of growth over the sixty-year period since 1951–52. The nature of
structural transformation in the Indian economy in the Agriculture-Industry-Services
trichotomy is discussed in Section 3 both with respect to output (value added) and
employment. The implications of the ‘idiosyncratic’ aspect of the structural change
for the manufacturing sub-sector of the industry sector are brought out. The major
motivation for the focus on manufacturing is its potential for absorbing surplus labour
Centre for Development Economics at the Delhi School of Economics and Centre for Economic and Social
Studies, Hyderabad This paper is a revised version of the Dr. Gorakh Nath Singh Memorial Lecture
delivered at Dr. Anugrah Narayan Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna on March 26, 2012. The
author wishes to thank Prof. N.K. Chaudhary and Prof. D.M. Diwakar and other members of the audience
at the lecture for their comments, and Shri B. Sankara Reddy of CESS for his help in the typing of the
revised version of the paper.
1
6
Krishna
from the agriculture sector. The unsatisfactory performance of Indian manufacturing in
creating adequate job opportunities is reviewed in Section 4. India-China comparison
is one aspect covered in this section. India’s unique pattern of industrial development
highlighted, by several researchers is the subject matter of Section 5. The official
National Manufacturing Plan aimed at imparting dynamism to the manufacturing
sector is outlined in Section 6. Conclusions of the paper are in Section 7.
POLICY REGIMES AND PATTERN OF GROWTH2
The period since 1951 may be divided into five phases as in Table 1, according
to policy regime:
•
1951–52 to 1966–67: Evolution of Industrial Development Strategy
•
1967–68 to 1980–81: Inward orientation and Industrial Stagnation
•
1981–82 to 1990–91: Deregulation, and Acceleration of Growth
•
1991–92 to 2000–2001: Economic Reforms and Service-led Growth.
•
2001–02 to 2010–11: Growth Resurgence and Global Crisis.
Table 1 presents growth rates of GDP and major sectors for two phases in the
pre-independence period and five phases in the post-independence period. In the
first phase after independence, 1951–66, the industrialisation strategy was evolved
as part of the development planning process. The First Five Year Plan, 1951–­1956,
however, accorded primacy to agriculture, irrigation, and infrastructure. Compared
to the pre-independence era, growth performance, overall and in industry sector
was indeed impressive. The strategy in the Second Plan (1956–1961) based on
the celebrated Mahalanobis model emphasized heavy industry and public sector
dominance. Against a background of “export pessimism”, import substitution
industrialization (lSI) strategy was pursued. The foreign exchange crisis in 1957
prompted re-imposition of exchange controls. As a consequence of border wars with
China in 1962, with Pakistan in 1965 and 1966, development planning received
a setback. Average annual growth rate during the Third Plan (1961–1966) was
2.8 per cent compared to 4.3 per cent in the Second Plan. However, the industry
sector maintained the growth rate of over 6.5 per cent (Acharya et al., 2006, Table
3.16). The 1966 devaluation-cum-liberalization episode proved unsuccessful and at
the end of this first period, the anti­foreign trade pro-import substitution bias got
entrenched. Rather than shift to outward oriented policies and exploit the export
potential of labour-intensive products, as South Korea did in the early 1960s, India
extended import substitution to a diverse set of goods including machinery. Entry
barriers in the form of industrial investment licensing policy came in the way of
domestic competition, and as a result, efficiency gains from competition could not be
reaped. According to careful analysts (e.g. Panagariya, 2008), this was a colossal
policy mistake responsible for the lack luster performance of Indian manufacturing
in the second phase 1967–80.
Section draws upon Acharya et al. (2006)
2
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
7
Table 1: Annual Average Growth Rates of GDP and Major Sectors
Agriculture and
Allied
Industry
Services
GDP
GDP per
Capita
1900–01
to
1929–30
0.5
1930–31
to
1946–47
0.2
1951–52
to
1966–67
1.8
1967–68
to
1980–81
3.3
1981–82
to
1990–91
3.5
1991–92
to
2000–01
2.7
2001–02
to
2010–11
2.9
0.9
1.6
0.8
0.4
1.2
1.7
0.8
-0.5
6.3
4.8
3.4
1.4
4.1
4.3
3.8
1.5
7.1
6.8
5.6
3.4
5.7
7.6
5.6
3.7
7.8
9.4
7.9
6.2
Source: Acharya et al. (2006), Table 6 and Krishna (2012), Table 1.
Data Sources: Sivasubramonian (2000) and Central Statistical Organisation (2001) and EPW (2011).
In the second phase, 1967–1980, with the strengthening of import substitution
strategy and imposition of various government controls, namely, nationalization of
major banks and insurance in 1969–70, Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA),
small scale industries reservations, Monopoly and Restrictive Trade Practices (MRTP)
Act, the policy environment became increasingly statist. Industrial growth during this
phase decelerated to around 4.1 per cent per annum from 6.3 per cent attained in
the earlier phase, leading to doubts about the efficacy of the system of detailed
controls on industry, foreign trade and payments (Acharya et. al., 2006).
The third phase, 1981–1990, witnessed a substantial acceleration of overall
GDP growth from 3.8 per cent per annum to 5.6 per cent, industry GDP growth
increased by 3 percentage points from 4.1 to 7.1 per cent. Efforts at industrial
liberalization during 1980s, and better agricultural performance as a result of
Green Revolution, and increasingly expansionist fiscal policy seemed to be the
factors behind the vastly improved growth performance in this phase. However, the
end of the period witnessed a severe balance of payments crisis in the wake of the
1990 Gulf War and oil price hike.
As a policy response to the crisis at the beginning of the 1990s, wide ranging
reforms in industrial deregulation, foreign trade policy, exchange rate and payments
regime, capital markets and the banking sector, fiscal consolidation were introduced.
These major reforms of 1991–94 resulted in acceleration of GDP growth to above
7 per cent per annum and industry sector growth to above 9 per cent. However, the
pace of reforms slackened in mid 1990s and fiscal balances worsened thereafter,
investment and exports lost momentum and growth slowed after 1997. Agriculture
experienced significant slowdown and year-to-year fluctuations. Industry growth too
decelerated and displayed milder fluctuations (Ahluwalia, 2012).
In the final and most recent phase, 2001–02 to 2010–11, in Table 1, industrial
growth accelerated to 7.8 per cent per annum, services growth to about 9.4 per cent
and GDP growth to 7.9 per cent per annum. Per capita GDP growth accelerated
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
8
Krishna
appreciably by 2.5 percentage points to 6.2 per cent. The five year period 2003–04
to 2007–08 was remarkable for witnessing an average annual growth rate of
8.7 per cent in GDP and 10.3 per cent in industry. The growth rate in 2006–07 was
9.6 per cent in GDP and 12.7 per cent in industry, a very impressive performance.
However, as a consequence of the economic crisis in developed countries, GDP growth
rate in 2008–09 dropped to 6.7 per cent, but recovered in the following two years.
The first decade of the New Millennium as a whole witnessed most impressive growth
performance, especially in the services sector.
The Government of India Economic Survey for the year 2011–12 comments
on the growth trends in the Indian economy during the past six decades, since
1950–51. It divides the period into two sub-periods 1950–51 to 1990–91 and
1991–92 to 2011–12. The second sub-period corresponds to the period of major
economic policy reforms. In the latter (reform) sub period the GDP growth rate was
6.9 per cent per year, compared to 4.1 per cent in the first sub-period. In the 20
year period, 1992–93 to 2011–12, GDP growth rate exceeded 6.0 per cent in as
many as 14 years. The growth rate has accelerated significantly since 2003–04,
registering an average growth rate of 8.2 per cent. The variation in the GDP growth
rate appears to be largely due to variation in the growth rate of the industry sector,
according to the Economic Survey 2011–12.
The growth rate of the agriculture sector has accelerated from 2.3 per cent
during the 30 year period 1950–51 to 1980–81 to 3.1% during 1980–81 to
2011–12. Growth in the industry sector has increased from 5.2% to 6.4%; growth
in the service sector has accelerated very substantially from 4.4 per cent to 7.8 per
cent. Service sector has become the “engine of growth”. This pattern of growth has
been termed “Services Led Industrialisation”3.
Balakrishnan (2010) econometrically estimates the years of structural breaks
in the annual time series of GDP and sectoral GDP for the Indian economy for the
post 1950–51 period. The growth phases thus delineated and the annual growth
rates for overall GDP, GDP in manufacturing, GDP in registered manufacturing and
GDP in unregistered manufacturing in 1999–2000 prices are presented in Table 2.
It may be seen from Table 2 that the years 1978–79 and 1990–91 are the
structural break years for the GDP series. GDP growth rate has accelerated from 3.5
per cent per year in Phase I to 4.4 per cent in Phase II, the period of deregulation
and partial liberalization and to 5.9 per cent in Phase III, the period of major and
wide-ranging liberalization. Growth acceleration is higher from Phase II to Phase
III, than from Phase I to Phase II.
In the case of total manufacturing, the years of structural break were
estimated to be 1965–66 and 1994–95. The growth rates in the three phases are
5.9 per cent, 4.8 per cent and 6.6 per cent. Growth rate decelerated by
1.1 percentage points from Phase I to Phase II. This phenomenon of deceleration in
the mid 1960s has received considerable attention of researchers. It is gratifying
See Rakshit (2007) and Singh (2008) for detailed analyses of the relevant issues.
3
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
9
to note that growth rate in the manufacturing sector has accelerated significantly to
6.6 per cent in the post-reform era from 4.7 per cent during the pre-reform phase
1966–67 to 1994–95.
Table 2: GDP Growth Rates in the Different Growth Phases:
Economy and Manufacturing
Phase
Growth rate (% p.a.)
Phase
Growth rate (% p.a.)
Phase
Growth rate (% p.a.)
Phase
Growth rate (% p.a.)
1950/ 51
to
1978/ 79
3.48
1950/ 51
to
1965/ 66
5.93
1950/ 51
to
1965/ 66
7.77
1950/ 51
to
1964/ 65
4.79
Overall GDP
1979/ 80
1991/ 92
to
to
1990/ 91
2005/ 06
4.38
5.89
Manufacturing GDP
1966/ 67
1995/ 96
to
to
1994/ 95
2005/ 06
4.75
6.59
Registered Manufacturing GDP
1966/ 67
1983/ 84
to
to
1982/ 83
2005/ 06
4.66
6.89
Unregistered Manufacturing GDP
1965/ 66
1978/ 79
to
to
1977/ 78
1994/ 95
3.83
3.46
-
-
1995/ 96
to
2005/ 06
5.18
Source: Balakrishnan (2010), Appendix.
Note: Growth phases have been econometrically delineated by Balakrishnan (2010).
As far as registered manufacturing sector is concerned, the second structural
break occurred in 1982–83, during the period of deregulation. There has been no
structural break in the post-reform period, however.
Unregistered manufacturing sector has witnessed three, rather than two, structural
breaks, in 1964–65, 1977–78 and 1994–95. The growth rates are much smaller at
4.8 per cent, 3.8 per cent, 3.5 per cent and 5.2 per cent in the four phases compared
to registered manufacturing. The extent of deceleration from Phase I to Phases II
and III and the extent of acceleration from Phase III to Phase IV are also milder.
Thus the growth patterns of the two segments of the manufacturing sector are rather
dissimilar, and the registered segment has gained further in terms of output share.
STRUCTURAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE ECONOMY
The anomalous nature of structural transformation experienced in India and
some other South Asian countries has been analysed in several research contributions.
Kochhar et al. (2006), Islam (2008) and Panagariya (2011) are important examples.
Before we comment on these studies, we will present the basic facts about structural
transformation in India based on a recent paper by Papola and Sahu (2012).
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
10
Krishna
Changes in Sectoral Composition of GDP
Table 3 gives the sectoral composition of GDP for selected years since 1972–73.
Table 3: Sectoral Shares in GDP (%) 1972–73 to 2009–10
at 1999–2000 Prices
Sector
(1)
Primary sector (1)
Secondary sector (2)
Manufacturing (3)
Tertiary Sector (4)
Total (5) = (1) + (2) + (3)
1972–73
(2)
40.9
23.3
13.5
35.8
100.0
1983
(3)
37.2
24.3
14.5
38.6
100.0
1993–94
(4)
30.0
25.2
14.5
44.8
100.0
1999–00
(5)
25.0
25.3
14.8
49.7
100.0
2004–05
(6)
20.2
26.2
15.1
53.6
100.0
2009–10
(7)
15.2
25.9
15.4
58.8
100.0
Source: Papola and Sahu (2012), Table 17, page 36.
The GDP share of the primary/ agriculture sector has gone down by 26
percentage points, from about 41 per cent in 1972–73 to about 15 per cent in
2009–10. The share of the secondary (industry) sector has increased marginally
from about 23 per cent in 1972–73 to about 26 per cent in 2000s. The tertiary
(services) sector has improved its share from about 36 per cent in 1972–73 to about
59 per cent in 2009–10. The structural transformation has been almost entirely
from the primary sector to the tertiary sector, bypassing the secondary sector. This
phenomenon is at variance from the Kuznet’s hypothesis, which has been supported by
the historical experience of many developed countries and NICs (newly industrialized
countries). The GDP share of the manufacturing sub-sector of the secondary sector
too has increased only marginally from about 13 per cent in 1972–73 to about
15 per cent in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. The major domestic industrial policy
reforms and trade liberalization measures undertaken since the early 1990s, have
made little difference to the GDP share of the manufacturing sub-sector. This low
and stagnant GDP share of manufacturing has attracted considerable attention.
Changes in Sectoral Composition of Employment
Table 4 presents the employment shares of the different sectors for the
selected years. The share of the primary (agriculture) sector has declined by only
23 percentage points from about 74 per cent in 1972–73 to about 51 per cent in
2009–10. The sector still provides employment to a majority of the labour force.
The share of the secondary (industry) sector has increased from about 11 per cent
to about 16 per cent in 1999–2000, further to 19 per cent in 2004–05, and finally
to 22 per cent in 2009–10. The share of the tertiary (services) sector has increased
from 15 per cent in 1972–73 to about 27 per cent in 2009–10.
The manufacturing sub-sector of the secondary sector has had a low (10 to 11
per cent) and somewhat stagnant share. The low employment intensity of the Indian
manufacturing sector has been a cause for serious concern. It will be discussed in
detail in the section 5.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
11
Table 4: Sectoral Shares (%) in Employment (UPSS), 1972–73 to 2009–10
Sector
(1)
Primary sector (1)
Secondary sector (2)
Manufacturing (3)
Tertiary Sector (4)
Total (5) = (1) + (2) + (3)
1972–73
(2)
73.9
11.3
8.9
14.8
100.0
1983
(3)
68.6
13.8
10.7
17.6
100.0
1993–94
(4)
64.0
15.0
10.6
21.1
100.0
1999–00
(5)
60.3
16.2
11.0
23.4
100.0
2004–05
(6)
56.3
18.8
12.3
24.9
100.0
2009–10
(7)
51.3
22.0
11.5
26.7
100.0
Source: Papola and Sahu (2012), Table 16.
Date Source: NSSO Quinquennial Employment–Unemployment Surveys.
Structural Transformation: India Versus China
China and India, the “emerging giants” in the world economy have often been
compared. In Table 5 below, the nature of structural transformation in these two
economies in respect of GDP and employment during the period 1978 to 2004
is compared for three years: 1978, 1993 and 2004. In China, the GDP share of
industry, which was quite high at 48 per cent in 1978 increased to 51 per cent in
1993 and further to 58 per cent in 2004. During 1993–2004, the decline in the
share of the agriculture sector from 17 to 9 per cent was absorbed entirely by the
industry sector, with the services sector having the same share (33 per cent) both
in 1993 and 2004. By contrast, in India the GDP share of industry which was very
low in all the three years relative to China. It did not change at all, between 1993
and 2004. It remained at 28 per cent.
Table 5: Value Added and Employment Shares by Sector:
China and India, 1978, 1993 and 2004 (per cent)
Year
1978
1993
2004
1978
1993
2004
Country
China
India
China
India
China
India
China
India
China
India
China
India
Agriculture
Industry
Value Added (GDP)
28
48
44
24
17
51
33
28
9
58
22
28
Employment
71
17
71
13
56
22
64
15
47
23
57
18
Services
Total
24
32
33
39
33
50
100
100
100
100
100
100
12
16
21
21
31
25
100
100
100
100
100
100
Source: Bosworth and Collins (2008), Table 4.
The loss of the agriculture sector in regard to GDP share from 33 per cent in
1993 to 22 per cent in 2004 was absorbed entirely by the services sector.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
12
Krishna
The employment shares in China and India compared in the same table, show
that in both countries in 1978 agriculture accounted for 71 per cent of the total
employment, industry stood second in China with 17 per cent, while services had
the second place in India with 16 per cent. In 2004, the share of agriculture in total
employment in China went down by 24 percentage points to 47 per cent, while the
extent of decline in the Indian case was only 14 percentage points from 71 to 57
per cent. The share of industry in total employment in the case of India increased
moderately from 13 per cent in 1978 to 15 per cent in 1993 and further to 18
per cent in 2004.
China began reforming its closed and centrally planned economy in 1978. Since
reforms growth has accelerated, GDP growth rates were as high as 10 per cent.
Growth has been particularly high in industry, exceeding 11 per cent, with services
also growing at about 10 per cent. These growth rates are reflected in the structural
transformation seen in Table 5. The decline in the employment share of agriculture has
been modest. In China, growth has been based on rapid industrialization, increased
trade openness and exports, and gradual liberalization of financial markets.
High domestic savings rate coupled with large FDI inflows facilitated investments
in infrastructure Labour markets have been deregulated, contributing to labour
mobility. Industrial reforms were taken up after agricultural reform with the opening
up to foreign investment and the establishment of township and village enterprises.
Thanks to rapid economic growth, poverty in China has declined steeply in
recent decades. The role of agricultural growth has been far more important for
poverty reduction than growth in the secondary or tertiary sectors. Labour-intensive
industrialization has contributed to labour absorption and poverty reduction
(Kniivilla, 2008).
India has witnessed growth acceleration during the past three decades. Despite
structural changes, the employment share of agriculture is still above 50 per cent,
and that of industry around 20 per cent. The employment share of the manufacturing
subsector is only 11 to 12 per cent. The economy is services-led. The industry sector
has not been a significant source of poverty reduction. There have been several
obstacles to the expansion of labour-intensive industrialization. These will be covered
in section 5.
Thus, India and China differ considerably in regard to the contribution of the
different sectors to GDP growth, employment growth and poverty reduction.
INDIA’S UNIQUE PATTERN OF DEVELOPMENT
We now take up the uniqueness aspect of Indian industrial development. In
a very insightful analysis of Indian industrialization since Independence, Kochhar
et al. (2006) argue that India pursued a “idiosyncratic” pattern of development
which resulted in direct shift of labour from agriculture sector to the service sector,
bypassing the intermediate stage (industrial sector) to a considerable extent. Within
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
13
manufacturing, India has emphasized skill-intensive rather than labor-intensive
industries and industries with typically higher average scale. Analyzing the pattern
of growth of fast-moving Indian states in the reform era, they come to the conclusion
that it is unlikely that India will adopt the pattern of development followed by other
countries. This prediction has serious implication for the employment potential of
the manufacturing sector in the years to come.
OECD (2007) notes that India has followed a unique development path with
the share of manufacturing in total GDP not increasing with economic growth, and
attributes this feature to “deeply rooted problems” in the manufacturing sector
constraining its growth, although some of these have been eased with reforms.
Manufacturing firms were not able to fully exploit their comparative advantages
of low-labour costs and have remained very small in scale-yet capital-intensivelimiting productivity gains as well as job creation. In recent years, there has been
some employment expansion due to some liberalisation of labour laws, but many
of the new jobs are of low quality. Large firms still face obstacles to restructuring
employment, constraining their ability to compete effectively.
The analysis reported in OECD (2007) for 21 Indian states on product market
regulations (PMR) and employment protection legislation (EPL) shows that the PMR
indicator is negatively correlated with state level labour productivity while EPL
indicator is negatively correlates with the extent of job turnover, suggesting that both
types of regulations, PMR and EPL, adversely affect economic performance in India.
Dougherty et. al. (2009) rely on three micro-data sets: ASI plant level data,
Prowess data and NSS household data to identify a set of distortions responsible
for low productivity growth compared to that in some emerging economies. These
distortions exist at multiple levels and reflect long standing problems relating
to re-allocation of labour across sectors, very small scale of firms, poor market
integration, high concentration and state ownership. The most important explanation
for lack of dynamism of manufacturing sector is that anti-competition regulations
have deferred expansion of existing firms and the entry of new firms.
Gupta et. al. (2008) seeks to explain the weak record of growth in organised
manufacturing in India during the 25-year period 1980–2004. Using Annual Survey
of Industries (ASI) data for 42 three-digit industries for 15 major Indian states,
they analysed econometrically the effects of delicensing reform on the growth and
employment performance. They find that performance is heterogeneous across
states as well as across industries. In particular, labour intensive industries and
industries dependent on infrastructure have not benefited much from the reform.
Performance appears to depend on state-specific policy and economic environment.
States with relatively inflexible labour regulations have registered slower growth
of labour-intensive industries and slower employment growth overall. Also, states
with more competitive produced market regulations and with better infrastructure
have benefited more from reforms.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
14
Krishna
Howard Pack (2009) believes that the path followed by the East Asian Tigers
is not a viable option for South Asia because of difficulties of market penetration in
the heavily contested world market. The alternative he suggests is that of a balanced
effort at promoting agricultural and rural industry. The types of firms envisioned are
factories with 10 to 300 employees, labour intensive in nature and with high total
factor productivity. In his view, the balanced path has the advantage of being likely
to generate more jobs and incomes, thus limiting the growth of income inequality.
Pack’s prescription makes an important contribution to the debate on South Asia’s
industrialisation challenge. But this view is likely to be contested.
Nagaraj (2012) and Balakrishnan (2010) are of the opinion that acceleration in
agricultural growth and increase in rural incomes will make a significant contribution
to expansion in manufacturing output and employment.
EMPLOYMENT GENERATION IN MANUFACTURING
We have noted in Section 3 that the GDP share of manufacturing in India has
been quite low and has remained stagnant in spite of the reforms focussing on the
manufacturing sector. The employment share of the sector has been even lower.
Labour-intensive manufacturing has contributed significantly to poverty reduction
in several developing economies since 1960s. Indian manufacturing growth has not
been labour-intensive. This section attempts a selective review of the literature on
the “employment challenge” in Indian manufacturing with a view to drawing policy
conclusions. Some studies have covered total manufacturing, some others only
organised manufacturing and a few others have covered organised and unorganised
manufacturing separately. The third group of studies throw light on the differential
employment growth patterns in the two segments of manufacturing. The quality of
employment in the unorganised segment is much less satisfactory than that in the
organised segment, in respect of wages, job security and other benefits.
Review of Employment Growth Performance
In an interesting paper Islam (2008) empirically analyses the success of South
Korea and a few other countries in East and South East Asia in achieving labourintensive industrialization in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s and asks the question
whether India and other South Asian countries can emulate the South Korean example.
Noting that global context for industrialization and trade has changed substantially
he concludes that countries like India have adopt suitable technology and factor
market policies to promote labour-intensive industrialization.
Panagariya (2008) points out that unskilled-labour intensive manufacturing in
India has not expanded in accordance with relative factor endowments. He points
out the policy reforms of the 1990s have not proved sufficient for the movement
of workers into the modern organized sector. He attributes the slow expansion
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
15
of unskilled-labour-intensive sectors to the presence of labour market rigidities,
absence of modern bankruptcy law and infrastructure inadequacies. He notes that
Korea, Taiwan and China have relied primarily on manufacturing to transform their
economies.
Panagariya (2011) documents the low pace of urbanization and modernization
of the Indian economy. The key features related to the slow transformation are (a)
a low and stagnant share of manufacturing in GDP, (b) low and stagnant share of
labour-intensive products in manufacturing, (c) high and rising capital-labour ratio
in manufacturing production and (d) missing large-scale firms in labour-intensive
sectors. He suggests eight policy initiatives to deal with the problems noted above:
(a) a more flexible labour market regime (b) a transparent bankruptcy law (c)
land acquisition laws (d) reforms in higher education (e) modernizing social safety
nets (f) agricultural reforms (g) infrastructure development and (h) further trade
liberalization. He realizes that reforms are politically difficult. He wants them to be
undertaken whenever suitable opportunity arises.
Papola (2008) is a detailed account of the issue of employment growth in Indian
manufacturing over the period 1972–73 to 2004–05 in a sectoral perspective of
the economy. He notes that the growth of employment in manufacturing has been
above that in the whole economy. Employment elasticity of the sector has been high
and has increased towards the end of the period. However, the sector’s share in
total employment has not increased significantly because GDP growth in this sector
is only slightly higher than the GDP growth for the Indian economy. Services sector
GDP has grown much faster during 1983 to 2004–05. Papola argues that there
is little evidence in support of the contention that the deceleration in employment
growth and decline in employment elasticity in organized manufacturing is due to
highly protective labour laws.
Papola and Sahu (2012), covering the period 1972–73 to 2009–10, is a
comprehensive account of growth and structure of employment in the Indian economy
and its different sectors. It provides valuable statistics and analysis relating to the
manufacturing sector.
Table 6 presents growth rates of GDP and employment in manufacturing and
the total economy for four sub-periods of the long period 1972–73 to 2009–10.
As may be seen in Table 6, manufacturing GDP growth has accelerated from
4.9 per cent per annum during 1983 to 1993–94 to 6.9 per cent during 1993–94
to 1999–2000 and further to 8.0 per cent during 1999–2000 to 2009–10. But
employment growth in the manufacturing sector has decelerated from 2.0 per cent
during 1983 to 1993–94 to 1.6 per cent 1993–94 to 1999–2000. Although it has
accelerated to 1.9 per cent in the first decade of the 21st century, it is much lower
than the GDP growth in manufacturing and much lower than the employment growth
rate during 1972–73 to 1983. The employment elasticity declined from 0.61 to
0.41. It has been around 0.25 in the post-reform period.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
16
Krishna
Much of the growth in employment in manufacturing during the past two decades
seems to have occurred in the unorganized segment of the sector (See Goldar,
2009: Table 1).
Table 6: Growth of GDP and Employment (UPSS) in Manufacturing:
1972–73 to 2009–10 (Per Cent Per Annum)
1972–73
to
1983
(2)
(1)
Manufacturing
Total economy
5.5
4.7
Manufacturing
4.3
(0.61
2.4
(0.56)
Total economy
1983
to
1993–94
(3)
GDP
4.9
5.0
Employment
2.0
(0.41)
2.0
(0.41)
1993–94
to
1999–00
(4)
1999–00
to
2009–10
(5)
6.9
6.5
8.0
7.5
1.6
(0.24)
1.0
(0.16)
1.9
(0.25)
1.5
(0.20)
Source: Papola and Sahu (2012), Tables 1, 2 and 3.
Note: Figures in parentheses are employment elasticities (EE).
Basu and Maertens (2010) deal with the issue of job creation for the large
labour force in South Asia. Drawing on the experience of growth in manufacturing
and services sectors in South Asian countries, they note the disappointing outcome
in terms of creation of good jobs which has limited the poverty reduction impact
of rapid growth. They trace the disappointing outcome in India to the restrictive
labour laws. Those laws have not only reduced employment prospects in organized
manufacturing but also constrained its growth by adversely affecting investment
and productivity. In all South Asian countries including India, inadequate and weak
infrastructure has also constrained the expansion of the manufacturing sector and
job creation. The policy conclusions are quite obvious.
Fernandes and Pakes (2010) focus on the employment challenge facing India’s
organized manufacturing sector. Using data from World Bank’s Investment Climate
Surveys, the study analyses the labour and capital employment rates of manufacturing
firms and their relationship to productivity and various institutional constraints on
manufacturing. The important implications of the study for growth and job creation
in Indian manufacturing are:
There is evidence that labour is underutilized.
•
States with higher SDP (State Domestic Product) per capita exhibit less
underutilization of labour.
•
Underutilization is positively correlated with firm’s productivity.
•
The more productive firms tend to use capital better.
Kannan and Raveendran (2009) analyse employment growth through
employment elasticities (EEs) at the two-digit industry level over the pre-reform
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
17
(1981–82 to 1991–92) and post-reform (1992–93 to 2004–05) periods, using
Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) data. It is found that in one set of industries there
was employment-creating growth and in another there was employment-displacing
growth. Capital-intensity increased over the period resulting in job loss. The study
further finds that, workers as a class lost in term of both additional employment
and real wages.
Trade Liberalization and Employment Growth
As part of the wide ranging economic policy reforms undertaken in early
1990s, major policy changes towards trade liberalization were introduced. Goldar
(2002, 2009) are two important studies on the impact of trade on manufacturing
employment. Goldar (2002), covering the period 1973–74 to 1997–98, shows that
export-oriented industry groups played a major role in the growth of manufacturing
employment in the 1990s. Employment growth accelerated in non-trading industries
as well, while it decelerated slightly in import-competing industries. Employment
growth appeared to be higher for low-skilled labour.
Goldar (2009) covers the period 1998–99 to 2007–08, and analyses the
impact of trade on manufacturing employment. Although the focus of the study is on
organized manufacturing, the study is extended to unorganized manufacturing using
the relatively limited data sets. He relies on the data series compiled by Sundaram
(2008). A decomposition analysis is carried out to quantify the contribution of
changes in export intensity and import competition to employment growth. Diverse
data sets have been exploited to estimate suitable econometric models to analyse
the impact of trade on employment. The findings of the analysis show that exports
had a positive impact and imports a negative impact on manufacturing employment
and the net effect was marginal. The failures of foreign trade to raise manufacturing
employment appear to be due to the changing product composition of trade and
the changing export destinations. Capital intensive products became a major item of
India’s export at the expense of labour-intensive products. Results show an adverse
effect of changing factor prices on manufacturing employment.
Goldar suggests some policy measures for the promotion of labour-intensive
exports. The problems posed by non-tariff barriers have to be addressed to facilitate
exports of firms in the small scale sector. The econometric results for unorganized
manufacturing suggest that higher export intensity leads to higher output growth and
higher labour intensity of production which is conducive to employment generation.
Rajesh Raj and Sen (2012) analyse the impact of trade on manufacturing
employment during the period 1978 to 2000 using a variety of methodologies;
growth accounting approach, factor content approach and labour demand function
estimation. The main conclusions of the study are:
•
The share of unskilled labour-intensive goods in the export basket increased
over time.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
18
Krishna
•
But the Employment intensity of production for all major exports steadily
declined in both organized and unorganized segments of manufacturing.
•
The employment impact of trade for a given change in output was lower
in the post-reform period than in the pre-reform period.
•
Most of the employment increase during 1978–2000 appeared to be due
to increase in domestic demand rather than international trade.
•
The estimated labour demand function suggests that part of the increase in
labour productivity was due to trade; trade may have contributed labour
shedding in the manufacturing sector.
•
International trade did not have a significant positive effect on manufacturing
through scale and composition effects.
•
The weak effect of international trade on employment in the unorganized
segment of manufacturing is disconcerting, in view of the presence of a
large number of the poor in this sector.
Banga and Bathla (2012) is confined to employment and wages in the
unorganized manufacturing sector in India using unit level data from NSSO for two
years, 2000–01 and 2005–06. The study presents figures on export-orientation
for 9 selected states for the year 2005–06. Separate Labour demand function and
wage rate function estimates, by OLS and 2SLS methods, are presented for DMEs
(directory manufacturing enterprises) and NDMEs (non DMEs), based on samples of
about 9500 and 17500 enterprises, respectively.
The estimated functions show that:
•
While increased industrial exports led to increased employment and wage
rates for NDMEs and DMEs, the gains in terms of employment were higher
for the DMEs.
•
The increased import competition had a stronger unfavourable impact on
DMEs.
•
Gains from trade were higher for larger enterprises.
•
The location of an enterprise mattered for the percolation of the impact
of trade.
•
For gains from trade to percolate to the poor, linkages of the unorganized
sector to the organized sector were important.
Veeramani (2012), while analysing the growth and pattern of India’s
merchandise exports during reform period (1993–94 to 2010–11), shows that
the composition of exports has undergone changes in favour of capital and
skill-intensive products. He notes that the lack of dynamism in labour-intensive exports
is disconcerting from the stand point of absorption of surplus labour from agriculture.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
19
The share of unskilled labour-intensive products went down to 15 per cent in 2010
from 30 per cent in 1993.
NATIONAL MANUFACTURING PLAN
The document, An Approach to the 12th Five Year Plan, notes that the slow pace
of the growth of the manufacturing sector at this stage of India’s development has to
be addressed and that the sector must provide additional employment opportunities
to the growing number of youth. This is particularly important, if India’s growth is
to be more inclusive.
The improvement in the competitiveness of the manufacturing sector calls for a
“holistic” approach. The document presents the five objectives and three components
of the National Manufacturing plan (NMP) for the next 15 years.
The Five objectives are:
•
Increase manufacturing growth to 12–14 per cent, so that sector will
contribute at least 25 per cent of GDP by 2025.
•
Increase the rate of job creation in manufacturing, so that 100 million jobs
are added by 2025.
•
Increase domestic value addition and technological “depth” in manufacturing.
•
Enhance the global competitiveness through appropriate policy support.
•
Enhance sustainability of growth, particularly with regard to environment.
The National Manufacturing Plan is to have three components:
•
Special focus on some sectors of manufacturing which will enable the country
to more rapidly achieve its goals for manufacturing and strengthen the
sector as a whole.
•
An identification of the constraints that cut across manufacturing sectors;
implement policies to relieve these constraints; and build capabilities.
•
Active attention to improving the processes of implementation
The NMP looks quite impressive. However, it has taken several years for its
formulation. It is yet to be launched. It is hoped that the different government
agencies and the corporate sector will take it seriously and strive hard to achieve
the expected results.
Concerted efforts for skill development and skill upgradation of the work force
will contribute to productivity growth and competitiveness.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
20
Krishna
CONCLUDING REMARKS
How has industrialisation progressed in India since Independence and more
specifically during the more recent period of deregulation and radical reforms?
We have tried to find a tentative answer to this important question in terms of two
yardsticks of progress.
•
Growth of manufacturing output.
•
Growth of manufacturing employment.
We have employed the yardsticks in an inter-sectoral perspective and compared
the performance of the manufacturing/ industry sector with the performance of the
other two major sectors, agriculture and services. We have found that during the
reform era, although reforms have been more focused on the industry sector, the
service sector has stolen march over the industry sector in terms of output growth.
The output and employment shares of industry/ manufacturing have remained more
or less unchanged at low levels, and the sector has not absorbed the surplus labour
from agriculture to any appreciable extent. This is a very big disappointment and
it has implications for the pace of poverty reduction.
We have also compared the growth performance of the industrial sector in India
with that in China. We have found a sharp contrast. Industry is row the dominant sector
in China, whereas in India services has become the dominant sector in terms of output
share, and agriculture continues to be the dominant sector in terms of employment
share. There is evidence to show that both output growth and employment growth
in the labour-intensive unorganised manufacturing sector have decelerated since
1989–90. The deceleration was more pronounced in regard to employment growth,
especially in the organized segment of the manufacturing sector.
In 2010, India was the world’s ninth largest manufacturing nation though the
output per head was quite low (Nagaraj, 2012). Industrial growth in India is about
two-thirds of China’s with a much slower growth in manufactured exports. Although
Indian manufacturing export performance has shown improvement during the postreform period, it leaves much to be desired in terms of labour-intensity.
We have reviewed the literature on uniqueness of industrial development in
India characterised by lack of dynamism and on the solutions offered by several
researchers. The National Manufacturing Plan formulated during the past five years
or so and announced recently to address the issues of stagnant GDP and employment
shares of the manufacturing sector is yet to be launched and implemented with
determination. It may not be quite feasible to achieve the targets set for the year
2025 in regard to manufacturing output growth and employment growth, given
the fact that the tasks of developing infrastructure, upgrading skills and financial
inclusion are quite daunting.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
‘Idiosyncratic’ Industrial Development in India: Employment Implications
21
Increase in rural incomes via accelerated agricultural output growth will also
contribute to growth in manufacturing output and employment and this avenue should
be seriously explored to supplement demand growth via labour-intensive exports.
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_____________(2009), Impact of Trade on Employment Generation in Manufacturing in India, IEG Working
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Goldar, B.N., Mitra, A. and Kumari, A. (2008), Performance of Unorganized Manufacturing in the PostReform Period, Mimeo, IEG.
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Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
REGULATORY READJUSTMENTS TO NEOLIBERAL
CAPITALIST REFORMS: A CASE STUDY OF PARTIAL
PRIVATIZATION AND GLOBALIZATION
OF INDIA’S TELECOM SECTOR
Mahendra Prasad Singh*1and Niraj Kumar#2
Economic liberalization/ privatization/ globalization (ELPG), coming on the heels
of political federalization, in India has brought about a sea change in the country’s
mixed economy and predominantly union executive-driven political system. There
have been some studies of the transformation of India’s centralized bureaucratic state
into a federal regulatory state from an overview or macro-perspective (Rudolphs
2001; Singh 2003a; Singh 2003b). Case studies from micro-perspectives have been
rare, if any (Saez 2002; Desai 2006; Dubash 2003). This paper proceeds to fill this
gap in the available literature by a critical survey of some primary and secondary
sources pertaining to the telecommunication (telecom) sector of the national economy.
In terms of entry No. 31 of the Union List, “Posts and telegraphs, telephones,
wireless, broadcasting and other like forms of communication” come in the exclusive
federal jurisdiction. With rather sparse legislation in this area during the British Raj
(e.g. Indian Telegraph Act, 1885) information and telecommunications in general have
been a sector of vigorous legislative action and allied bureaucratic and agency rules
and regulations since the 1990s (TRAI 1997). These developments have produced
a veritable telecommunication tectonic shift reminiscent of the Maruti (Car) and
Tata Nano (Car) revolutions on the roadways since the mid-1980s and in 2007–08
respectively. It would be too much to say that by dint of these developments one
can announce a fundamental change in the nature of the state in India comparable
to the gradual transformation of the conventional bureaucratic welfare state into
an “information state” as in the post-industrial West [and Japan] (Braman 2006).
The term globalization is relatively new and more imprecise than other key
concepts in the universe of discourse of this paper. Globalization has economic,
political, cultural, information-technological, and migratory dimensions. We use the
term here as a shorthand for neoliberal capitalist reforms in India, especially since
1991 when a paradigm shift of a sort was accelerated from Nehru’s democratic
socialistic framework and Indira Gandhi’s democratic populistic framework by the
P.V. Narasimha Rao—Manmohan Singh team in the Congress minority government
formed in that year. The central question we raise in this paper is as to how are
some aspects of neoliberal capitalist reforms affecting the generic national state,
or more accurately, the federal state in relation to the provincial states, civil society,
and market.
A major effect of economic liberalization and globalization is the creation of a
whole range of autonomous, and in some cases, semi-judicial regulatory authorities
Formerly Professor of Political Science, University of Delhi
Assistant Professor of Political Science, Maharaja Agrasen College,
University of Delhi
*
#
24
Singh and Kumar
in various sectors of national and state economies.1 These regulatory authorities
have replaced much of direct ministerial/ bureaucratic control of the economy in
the previous economic policy regime. They oversee and regulate, companies’ affairs,
the extent of competitiveness in the corporate business sector, rate and quality of
their service delivery to the consumers. The early Parliamentary enactments like
Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Act, 1997, amended in 2000, did not
grant much security of tenure to the regulator appointed by the Union Executive,
but in subsequent Acts in some sectors of economy with longer history and greater
complexity, the security of tenure is considerable and autonomy from political
interference leaves less to desire. The regulators enjoying greater autonomy from
the government are typically chaired by a person who has been a retired or serving
judge of the Supreme Court and their members are seasoned experts in the sector
of the economy concerned. The Central Electricity Regulatory Commission has the
status of a civil court, and most are aided by tribunals for settlement of disputes
arising out of their orders, subject to the final appeal to the Supreme Court (Singh
2003: 219–20).
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) is less autonomous. It comprises
a chairperson and no more than two whole-time members and no more than two
part-time members. All are appointed for a term of three years by the Union
Executive, avoiding persons having any conflict of interest, financial or otherwise,
that may prejudice their function. Members, including the chairperson, may be
removed for insolvency, conviction for moral turpitude, physical or mental incapacity,
developing reasons for conflict of interest, and abusing power and position. The TRAI
is empowered to make recommendations to the government regarding the working
of the sector either suo motu or on request from the government. Its recommendations
under section 11(a) of the Act are not binding on the government, on service
providers they are. The Union Executive is also required under the provisions of the
2000 Amendment to the 1997 Act to set up an Appellate Tribunal consisting of a
chairperson and not more than two members for a term of three years in consultation
with the Chief Justice of India for dispute settlement on an application made by
the “Central Government or a state government or a local authority or any person”
“aggrieved by any direction, decision, or order made by the Authority” (Section 14A
of the Act). The arbitration of the Appellate Tribunal is subject to the appeal to the
Supreme Court. The TRAI itself is obliged to make an annual report to the Parliament.
Thus the adjudicatory function is now separated from the regulatory function.
The various regulatory reforms have come through a good deal of trial and
error and experimentation. In some cases regulators were appointed because the
government and the Parliament thought, in some cases on the basis of their own
experience, that ministries and their bureaucracies could not be objective enough in
dismantling a government monopoly and bringing in private players fairly, and in
some cases courts intervened and ordered autonomous regulatory regimes as they
thought that autonomy was greatly whittled down, despite claims to the contrary.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Regulatory Readjustments to Neoliberal Capitalist Reforms
25
However, in a sector like civil aviation the ministry has proceeded with reforms under
its own control. Private participation in the previously state sector-dominated economy
has brought enormously large investment to financially starved public sectors.
However, the assessment of the regulatory regime has been mixed, often
contradictory. Pradip Baijal, a former Chairman of TRAI, gives a rosy picture, a state
of affairs also evident in the annual reports of the regulatory agency. Eighty per
cent expansion of the sector in just 10 years since the reforms is juxtaposed against
mere 1.9 per cent in the previous 50 years! (1948–98) (Baijal 2007). However,
Ashok V. Desai in a pioneering systematic study on the role of the regulatory regime
in telecom sector has a more critical and reconstructive evaluation. He concludes,
“The most striking feature of the regulatory system is the relationship between the
regulator and the government. The two had considerable friction in early years.
The friction went down in later years, and the two worked remarkably in tandem in
2001–03. But in the process, the regulator became very mindful of the government’s
interest. It was not a case of complete regulatory capture by the government; but
in the case of the access deficit charge and the USF [Universal Service Fund], the
regulator implemented the government’s intentions”(Desai 2006:135–36).
The regulatory regime in the telecom sector was the third to be set up, first
by Union Executive decision and finally by an Act of Parliament, after such bodies
as Security and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) in 1988 and Insurance Regulatory
and Development Authority (IRDA) post-1991. The Central Electricity Regulatory
Commission was put in place in 1998. More are being contemplated. In the case of
TRAI commissioners have been either serving or retired bureaucrats or Fellows or
Directors of research institutes with close ties with the parties in power. The Chairman
too is recruited from the same Catchment areas and with the same background.
The TRAI is mandated with four basic functions, among others, under the
parliamentary statute establishing it:
1. Ensuring interconnectivity between competing telephone operators with the
choice of subscribers to select any.
2. Ensure free competition and prevent monopolistic tendencies by practices
such as predatory pricing, etc.
3. Dispute settlement among the competing operators.
4. Fix and administer uniform service obligations by and large (TRAI 1997).
Partial privatization of the telecom sector showed immediate good result. A
mere 2 per cent annual growth in the sector in the preceding half a century rose to
6 per cent in one year only—2006–07. In the assessment of one observer at close
quarters the impact was spectacular and sustained: “Aggressive action by the newly
appointed regulator in 1997 and actions of future regulators, sometimes supported
by the government changed all that with both public and private players in this
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26
Singh and Kumar
network becoming very aggressive competitors for overall benefit of the country,
its economy and particularly for the consumer. From almost nil presence in 1998,
and 15 per cent in 2003, private sector now runs 65 to 70 per cent of its network
and their total investments during the last decade are now gradually approaching
the investments made by the public sector incumbents during the last 60 years”
(Baijal 2008).
This observer goes on to point out that the trend of reforms also shows that the
growth of the private sector has been supplementary rather than predatory to the
public sector. If anything, competition has made the public sector more efficient and
tariffs in various segments of the telecom networks have gone down by a whopping
90 per cent, the lowest in the world. The growth in the sector has also been inclusive
at least in urban India (tele-density in Delhi exceeding 90 per cent), and rural areas
are also not totally excluded (Baijal 2008:18).
Under the new regulatory regime scarcity, waiting periods, high charges have
considerably either disappeared or gone down. However, powerful operators like
Mahanagar Telephone Nigams often bypassed the TRAI or ignored its orders on
arguable grounds. The TRAI found the Department of Telecommunication in the
Ministry of Communications and Information Technology in the Government of
India hostile to it. The government proceeded to promulgate an ordinance in 2000
preparatory to an amendment to the concerned law. The entire membership save
one was dismissed. The amendment provided for an appellate tribunal, subject to an
appeal to the Supreme Court only (excluding now the High Courts whose conflicting
interpretations have emasculated the regulator) and obliged the government to
consult TRAI on all licenses in deference to judicial rulings. The move was aimed
at bringing about some order out of chaos and providing greater autonomy to
the regulator (Desai 2006: 115–18). Yet the semi-judicial status enjoyed by some
regulators eluded the TRAI. The world’s fourth largest telecom network after China,
USA, and Russia deserves a better deal. TRAI has recommended from time to time
comprehensive reforms on licensing, access to service providers, and users’ service
and satisfaction. It should have a greater autonomy from political interference.
It is difficult not to agree with the diagnosis of Ashok V. Desai that the restrictively
narrow power granted by the government to the TRAI has “led on the one hand
to encroachment by judicial bodies on the regulator’s sphere of operation and on
the other to making the regulator complicit in government’s policies, both good
and bad.” Desai surmises that despite the expansion of the sector, the “weak and
fractured regulatory regime” could not carry out its mandate to prevent concentration
of ownership; of the corporate houses that got 17 licenses in 1996, six ended up
holding 66 out of 84 licenses in 2002, and concentration continued unabated since
that year” (Desai 2006:141).Desai’s passing observation on the regulatory regime
in general is that Indian regulatory authorities by and large have been ineffective
due to the obsolete role of government persisting, weak design of the authorities
created, and multiplicity of agencies. To quote Desai at some length:
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Regulatory Readjustments to Neoliberal Capitalist Reforms
27
“The government has tendency to set up too many regulators without thinking
about industry boundaries. In the financial market, for instance, there are already
five regulators: Reserve Bank of India for banks, Department of Company Affairs
for Companies, Securities and Exchange Board of India for stock markets, Insurance
Regulatory and Development Authority for insurance and Forward Markets
Commission for non-financial forward markets. The proliferation of regulators creates
problems of coordination and turf” (Desai 2006: 158).
Desai’s proffered suggestion is the creation of more autonomous regulatory
regime and opening up of industry to local competition by de-licensing “lastmile operations.” Desai does not, however, pause to even cursorily examine
the consequences of a unified and overloaded regulatory regime nor, for that
matter, offers an alternative scheme of a smaller number of authorities nationally
apportioning regulatory spheres or roles.
Moreover, there is the market and global side of the problem that Desai
overlooks. The recent global credit crisis has demonstrated again that our regulatory
structures are not properly aligned to the imperatives and opportunities of global
financial market. D.N. Ghosh, concurs with Desai on the point of “split regulation,”
but directs attention to the phenomenon of market-captivated regulators as against
Desai’s complaint against state-captivated regulators. In order to deal with the
adverse effects of global financial crises. Ghosh recommends that the central bankers
devise a unified regulatory regime that “does not shy away from interventionist
regulation” (Ghosh 2007).
The Second Administrative Reforms Commission (India, Republic, April 2009:
ch. 6) has also examined the existing regulatory regime set up since the early 1990s
and underlined the need for creating an effective regulatory framework. It suggests
greater uniformity in the terms of appointment, tenure, and removal as also the
degree of autonomy among the various regulatory authorities. Their chairmen and
members for all such authorities should be empanelled by a selection committee for
appointment by the governments. The composition of the selection committee should be
provided for in the respective Acts on the patterns of the Central Electricity Regulatory
Commission Act, 1998. Parliamentary accountability of the regulatory regime should
ensured through the respective departmental parliamentary standing committee.
It is necessary to add here that the new institutional experimentation with the
emergent regulatory regime cannot be oblivious of the principles of representative
democracy and parliamentary-federal governance under the Constitution of India.
The claims of political democracy and capitalist development must be reconciled. It is
a reflection of the times that when the state has failed and the imperative of market
economy are readily advocated and accepted in the contemporary discourse in
the Indian political economy. If uncritical statism has landed us in the developmental
wasteland, market fundamentalism in due course may lead to greater distortions of
the concepts of rights and justice enshrined in Part III and IV of the constitution. Deep
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28
Singh and Kumar
down our constitutionalism is wary of breakdown of both political and economic
orders. This is evident in the emergency provision on the national, state, and financial
fronts (Articles 352, 356, and 360). The ultimate accountability of the regulators to
the Parliament under judicial and public scrutiny cannot be wished away. This would
amount to whittling down democracy vis-a-vis capitalism. If excess of democracy
via its distortions has proved to be the Waterloo of the state-led economy in some
decades past, market fundamentalism can be a greater disaster in the long run,
if democratic and developmental imperatives are not critically and constructively
harmonized both at the levels of the nation and federation and ‘glocalization’
(globalization and localization).2
Under the 1997 Act both the regulatory and adjudicatory functions were fused in
the TRAI itself. The 2000 amendment to the Act set up the Telecom Dispute Settlement
and Appellate Tribunal (TDSAT), a sector specific specialized body for the purpose.
In the comparative literature on autonomous regulatory agencies, there are, broadly
speaking three main methods of dispute resolution in the telecommunication sector
these two are relatively more formal, and the rest are informal. The formal methods
include court-based adjudication, and regulatory-based adjudication, and the
informal ones consist of arbitration, mediation, and negotiation. The Indian system is,
by and large, based on the regulatory-based adjudication( Prasad 2011). Appeal
against the award of the TDSAT may be made within ninety days in the Supreme
Court of India only when a point of law is involved. The amended Act provides for
a tribunal consisting of a chairperson and two members. The chairperson must be a
serving or retired judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice of a High Court.
The two members must have been either a Secretary to the Government of India for
at least two years or experts in the fields of technology, telecommunications industry,
commerce, or administration. The tribunal decides by majority and its deliberations
are treated as judicial proceedings and orders as decrees of a civil court.
A study of the structure and working of the TDSAT has found that it is sound
in as much as it is a collegial body with security of tenure and insulation from “the
whims and fancy of political masters.” “In the matter of funding of its activities,
however, this body still has to look up to the government, which certainly is a drag
to an extent on its independence” (Prasad 2011: 74–75).
The above-mentioned study concludes that the “telecom statute in India does not
provide any preeminent role to the Minister in matters falling within the jurisdiction
of the regulator or the telecom tribunal” (Prasad 2011:76). Yet it is difficult not to
feel that the regulator is less fortified against political interference and excess. It
is amply demonstrated by the 2-G spectrum allocation scam that surfaced towards
the end of the year 2010.
The report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) has revealed
that the Department of Telecommunications (DOT) under the Telecom Minister (Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam) in the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Regulatory Readjustments to Neoliberal Capitalist Reforms
29
allotted 2-G spectrum licenses to certain private companies at throwaway prices
disregarding the government allocation rules, ignoring the advice of the Prime
Minister, ministries of law and finance, as also the recommendations of the TRAI.
These irregularities cost the national exchequer a presumptive loss of Rs. 1.76 lakh
crores, making the 2-G scam presumably the biggest case of political corruption
in independent India. The CAG report rued: “The role of TRAI would also appear
to have been reduced to that of a hapless spectator as its recommendations were
either ignored or applied selectively” (Mahaprashasta 2010).
The 2-G spectrum allocation scam has turned into a major row between the
government and the opposition that practically paralyzed the winter session of
the parliament in 2010. The opposition demanded a probe or enquiry by a Joint
Parliamentary Committee (JPC) whereas the government argued that the Public
Accounts Committee (PAC) of the parliament was already seized with the problem.
The Prime Minister offered to appear before the PAC, even though he is not required
to do so under the rules, which in case of a JPC is mandatory. Repeated negotiations
led to no consensus on the matter. When the opposition appeared determined to
continue the agitation in the Parliament and in the streets to the extent of forcing a
mid-term election on the government, the latter blinked and offered to convene a
special session of the Parliament to discuss the matter, and threw hints that it might
be prepared to set up a JPC as well. The JPC was finally formed. On the other
hand a Public Interest Litigation in the Supreme Court resulted in the order of the
court to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to begin inquiry into the case and
report directly to it over the head of the government. In the mean time, the PAC also
completed its probe but submitted a fractured report by last-minute realignment
among parties engineered by the ruling coalition. The avalanche of scams such as
those relating to the Commonwealth Games, the Adarsh Housing Society (Mumbai)
meant for war widows but cornered by the high and mighty in the army, civil services
and politics, a number of cases relating to judges, etc, besides the 2-G scam made
2010 the year of corruption in the high places. These developments, including the
Nira Radia Tapes (a corporate lobbyist successfully seeking the allocation of telecom
ministry to A. Raja of DMK) draw attention to the growing crisis of democracy in
India in transition from the License-Permit-Quota Raj to crony capitalism. Unless
democratic institutions, civil society, and social movements intervene, democracy in
India appears to be in peril.
While concluding, we would like to relate our case study of TRAI to the larger
debate on competing models of constitutionalism in comparative politics. Broadly
speaking two such models may be delineated in constitutional political theory:
1. the British constitutionalism a la Albert V. Dicey (Dicey 2008); and 2. the US
constitutionalism a la The Federalist authored by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison,
and John Jay (Hamilton, Madison, and Jay 1987). Through the maize of common
law, the parliamentary law, and constitutional conventions in the United Kingdom,
Dicey brought out three fundamental premises of the British constitution, namely,
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
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Singh and Kumar
parliamentary sovereignty, rule of law, and constitutional conventions. In the British
scheme of things the parliament is supreme. Neither the Crown nor the Court can sit
in judgment over the wisdom of the Parliament. The court can at the most, interpret
the law of the constitution in terms of the meaning and intent of the laws made by the
parliament and review administrative decisions. The situation remains unchanged in
theory despite the British membership of the European Union, Sottish parliamentary
devolution, and the creation of the Supreme Court outside the House of Lords since
2009. In the absence of a written basic law there is no constitutional limitation
on the Parliament. It is another matter that the British Parliament always respects
common laws and now pays obeisance to the laws of European Union. The executive
too is perpetually responsible to the Parliament, and ultimately to the people. All
in all, the British constitutional principle is essentially predicated on parliamentary
majoritarianism.
The US constitutionalism, on the other hand, detests the ‘tyranny of the majority’
and can be best described as consensual federal democracy. The three leading
makers of the American constitution who authored The Federalist borrowed the theory
of horizontal separation of powers between the executive, the legislature, and the
judiciary from Montesquieu and John Locke, and created their own theory of vertical
division of powers between the federal and the state governments. Altogether,
separation of powers and division of powers combined to create the system of checks
and balances that is the hallmark of the American constitutionalism.
Where does the Indian constitution stand in this regard? It is our argument that
Indian constitution holds the middle ground between the foregoing two models. In the
Constituent Assembly there were strong advocates of parliamentary sovereignty in
the final analysis in H.V. Kamath, R.N. Singh, and P.S. Deshmukh. Not that they were
unaware of the implications of fundamental rights and federal division of powers
between the Union and States that entail judicial review of parliamentary enactments
and executive orders, which obviously spell some limitations on the supremacy of
the parliament (India, Republic, Constituent Assembly Debates, hereafter CAD, Book
No. 4, 2003: 1644–1666).3 Yet in the all too important matter of constitutional
amendments they clearly thought the Parliament would have the last word. Ambedkar
also implied that the Indian constitution was in a way, two in one, federal in normal
conditions and unitary in constitutional emergencies, when the Union Parliament
substitutes the State Legislatures (India, Republic, CAD, Book No. 2, 2003:33–44).
Rajendra Prasad, if at all, in his final presidential remarks in the Constituent Assembly
showed a somewhat greater understanding and appreciation of the autonomous
agencies created under the federal constitution (India, Republic, CAD, Book No. 5,
2003: 984–995). The text of the constitution in its actual provisions clearly reflects
these understandings of the leading lights of the Constituent Assembly.
Indian constitution as it has gradually evolved has moved away from these
constitutional moorings that appear enamored of the British Parliamentary and
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Regulatory Readjustments to Neoliberal Capitalist Reforms
31
Commonwealth parliamentary federal traditions as exemplified by Canada and
Australia. Despite the combination of parliamentarism with federalism in Canada
and Australia, the judiciary in spite of its powers to review of parliamentary
laws shows deference to the will of the parliament generally. In India the courts
behaved with judicial restraint in a way reminiscent of Canada and Australia in the
Nehru era, but by the early 1970’s moved into activist grooves. After some initial
hiccups in the late 1960’s (Supreme Court’s judgment in the Golak Nath v. State
of Punjab,1967, and the twenty-fifth constitutional amendments, both enacted in
1971), the Supreme Court ended up establishing its power of judicial review, not
only of laws and executive orders but also of constitutional amendments. This made
the constitutional courts in India the first courts in the world to invent and exercise
this power. In effect parliamentary supremacy over constitutional amendments was
turned from an exclusive power of the aggregate legislatures into a power shared
with the judiciary, the latter having the last word. This was a step forward from
a majoritarian democracy to a consensual democracy. Moreover beginning with
the 1989 Lok Sabha elections and the transformation of the one-party dominant
system into a multiparty system, the process of federalization of the predominantly
centralist tenor of politics in India gathered momentum. In addition, the shift from
socialistic pattern of society to business liberalism in 1991 also reinforced the trend
of political federalization and greater space for market and civil society institutions.
It is in this new ambience of institutional politics that the profusion of independent
regulatory authorities, including TRAI must be placed, interpreted, and explained.
Without truly independent regulatory authorities under the constitution, subject to
final appeal to the Supreme Court constitutional democracy in India would appear
to be vulnerable to crony capitalism. The ultimate appeal, of course, rests with “We,
the people of India” as the sovereign constituent power in the ringing declaration
of the Preamble to the constitution of India.
NOTES
1. It may be noted here that there have been predecessors of these agencies
in law or constitution, e. g. the Reserve Bank of India under a 1934
Central Act and Finance Commission of India, Election Commission of
India, Comptroller Auditor General of India (CAG), Attorney General of
India and union and state public service commissions under the constitution.
These agencies are purposely created with a certain degree of autonomy
from both the union and state executives. They report to the Parliament.
2. This plea for representative democratic demand on capitalism whether
private or state—must, however, be made in pragmatic rather than
ideological spirit. Recently, the Government of India Department of
Telecom (DOT) rejected TRAI’s recommendation that all service providers
be provided with subsidies from Universal Service obligation Fund (USOF)
for their rural rollouts for more inclusive telecom policy implementation.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
32
Singh and Kumar
USOF, whose present balance has crossed Rs. 15,000 crores, is created
out of the payment of 5 percent of their annual revenues by all telcos to
this Fund. Presently, the DOT subsidies the highest bidders for setting up
additional towers (8,000 in 2007, proposed 11,000 in 2008) to take mobile
services to every part of the country. The TRAI is motivated by providing
a level playing field to all companies, whereas the DOT claims that the
fair competitiveness “has been maintained by giving equal opportunities
to all service providers to participate in a transparent bidding process.”
The Economic Times, New Delhi, 22 February 2008: 6.
3. There was an amendment to article 304 of the draft constitution (it finally
became article 368 in the final text of the constitution) standing in Nehru’s
name to the effect that the Parliament should have the exclusive power
to amend the constitution by simple majority for the first five years of
the Republic after the commencement of the constitution for the sake of
flexibility and adaptability of the basic law. Finally, the amendment was
not moved. However, the post-independence actions of Nehru and Indira
Gandhi as prime ministers clearly showed the former to be ambivalent
between parliamentary supremacy and judicial supremacy and the latter
to be a warrior in favour of parliamentary supremacy. Space does not
allow here to go into details and documentation.
REFERENCES
Baijal, Pradip (2007), “Let Competition Prevail”, The Times of India, New Delhi, 30 November, 8; A Journey
Towards Excellence in Telecommunications TRAI, 2007, http:/ / www.trai.gov.in/
Baijal, Pradip (2008), Disinvestment in India, Pearson/ Longman, pp. 17–18, New Delhi.
Braman, Sandra (2006), Change of State: Information, Policy, and Power, MIT Press, Michigan.
Desai, Ashok V. (2006), India’s Telecommunications Industry: History, Analysis, Diagnosis, Sage, New Delhi.
Dicey, Albert V. (2008), An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution, Universal Law Publishing
Co., 10th edn., Indian Reprint, First Published 1885, Delhi.
Dubash, K. (2003), Power Politics: Equality and Environment in Electricity Reforms in India, World Resource
Institute, June 2003, Especially Chapter 4.
Ghosh, D.N. (2007), “Regulators Captivated by the Market”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLII,
No. 41, October 13–19, pp. 4094–4095.
Hamilton, Alexander, Madison, James and Jay, John (1987), The Federalist (Edited with an Introduction
and Notes by Max Beloff, Basil Blackwell Ltd., 2nd edition, New York.
India (Republic), Constituent Assembly Debates, Book No. 4, New Delhi: Lok Sabha Secretariat, 2003, 4th
reprint, pp. 1644–1666.
India (Republic), Constituent Assembly Debates, Book Number 2, New Delhi, Lok Sabha Secretariat, 2003,
4th Reprint, pp. 31–44, Ambedkar’s Speech as Chairman of the Drafting Committee Presenting the
Draft Constitution for Debate.
India (Republic), Second Administrative Reforms Commission, Thirteenth Report, Organizational Structure
of Government of India, New Delhi, Government of India, April 2009.
Mahaprashasta, Ajay Ashirwad (2010), “Fixing Responsibility: The GAG Report”, Frontline, Vol. 27,
No. 25, December 04–17, p. 19.
Prasad, R.U.S. ( 2011), Resolving Disputes in Telecommunications: Global Practices and Challenges,
New Delhi, Oxford University Press: Ch. 3.
Rudolph, Lloyd and Susanne, “Iconization of Chandrababu: Sharing Sovereignty in India’s Federal Market
Economy”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 36, No. 18, 5 May 2001, pp. 1541–52.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Regulatory Readjustments to Neoliberal Capitalist Reforms
33
Saez, Lawrence (2002), Federalism Without a Centre: The Impact of Political and Economic Reforms on
India’s Federal System, Sage Publications, New Delhi.
Singh, M.P., “Economic Liberalization and Political Federalization in India”, in Harvey Lazar, et al., op. cit.,
219–20. However, the Central Electricity Regulatory Commission Established under the Electricity
Regulatory Commission Act, 1998, the Source of the above Discussion, has been Amended by the
Electricity Act, 2003, where by the Chairperson as well as Members of the Commission are Required
to be Experts in Engineering, Law, Economics, Commerce, Finance or Management (Section 77 of
the 2003 Act).
Singh, Mahendra Prasad (2003a), “Economic Liberalization and Political Federalization in India: Mutually
Reinforcing Responses to Global and Regional Integration”, in Lazar, Harvey, Telford, Hamish,
and. Watts, Ronald L. (Eds.), The Impact of Global and Regional Integration on Federal Systems: A
Comparative Analysis, Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, pp. 191–236.
Singh, Mahendra Prasad, (2003b), “The Impact of Global and Regional Integration on Indian
Parliamentary System”, in Dua, B.D. and M.P. Singh (Eds.), Indian Federalism in the New Millennium
(New Delhi: Manohar): Part III, “Globalism, Regionalism, and Federalism”.
Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI),( 1997 ), Telecom Regulatory Authority of India Act., 1997
(along with Allied Rules, Regulations, and Orders till 2007, including The Common Charter of
Telecom Services, 2005, with Short Notes Delhi: Universal Law Publishing Company Pvt. Ltd., 2008.
TRAI, The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India Act., l997, Section 11.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
BIHAR, 1912–C. 1932: THE BEGINNING
OF AN AMBIGUOUS TRANSFORMATION
Narendra Jha1
In 1915 Nand Kishore Lal, one of the major leaders of Bihar’s struggle for a
separate politico-administrative identity and one who had been at the receiving end
of a major rebuff in the course of this struggle, turned poignant while addressing
a session of the Bihar Provincial Conference2 I One can discern traces of anxiety in
this speech and this anxiety stemmed from certain developments since the creation
of the new province of Bihar and Orissa.
Three years back, on 1st April 1912, Bihar along with Orissa had achieved
a separate statehood amidst great euphoria. The quest for a distinct politicoadministrative identity and the movement launched by the Bihari leaders in the
1890s to achieve it had finally tasted success. A powerful alliance forged between
Hindu and Muslim English–educated elites and in later stages the joining of this front
by the landlords’ class had been a critical factor in the success of this movement.
Though the levers of power remained in the hands of the colonial government, hopes
still ran high and there was much talk on ‘Bihar and her New Life’. It was believed
that the new province had been created ‘for the well-being of the millions of His
Majesty’s subjects inhabiting the province’ and there was a determination ‘on the
part of people of Behar and Orissa, young and old to do their level best to secure
the advancement of the province’(Sinha, 1931: 61–62). It was hoped that the region
would not only regain her lost, departed glory but also that the Binaries would ‘rise
in the scale of Indian nationalities’3 and Bihar would emerge as an important and
advanced province of the country. It is important to remember that the Bihar Provincial
Conference had been established to achieve this very aim. However, the problems
abounded. The new province was very poor and it was extremely backward in
education. Out of a population 3 crores and 84 lakhs only about 15 lakh persons
were literate which amounted to about 4 percent of the total population. Bihar was
also way behind Bengal when the statistics of collegiate and secondary education
were compared (Sinha, 1931: 85). But as Lal in his speech identified there were
other sources of tension too and these took little time in emerging.
He found especially worrisome the state of inter-communal relations in Bihar
such as the one existing between Biharis and Oriyas, Biharis and Bengalis and
most importantly between Hindus and Muslims. The poor state of education in the
province and the best ways to organize the public life in Bihar were other matters
of concern. Obviously the dreams he and his fellow leaders had seen about Bihar
were not being actualized. He expressed his disappointment at the fact that despite
sincere efforts made by the Bihari leaders to take proper care of the interests of the
Oriya people such as the help rendered by the Bihari representatives in the Imperial
Council in getting the first Orissa Tenancy Bill vetoed by the Viceroy, the unanimous
Author is an Associate Professor of History, C M College, Darbhanga, Bihar
Freedom Movement Papers Region VII, File no. 6/2. pp. 16–54. (164–202).
3
Freedom Movement Papers Region VII, File no. 6/2 pp. 16–54. (164–202).
1
2
Bihar, 1912–C.1932: The Beginning of an Ambiguous Transformation
35
election of Madhusudan Das to represent the Province in the Imperial Council and the
acquiescence of the Biharis in the scheme of a Bench of the Patna High Court being
established at Cuttack and in practically converting the Ravenshaw College, Cuttack
into the nucleus of a University for Orissa, the Oriya leaders failed to reciprocate
such gestures. Not only they abstained themselves from the Patna session of the lndian
National Congress on flimsy grounds but also Madhusudan Das offered opposition
to the location of High Court at Patna despite giving written assurances not to do
so at the time of his election to the Imperial Council. However, despite so much hurt
in his heart he still promised full support of the Biharis in getting all Oriya-speaking
tracts under one administration ‘preferably as a Province’. 4 Bihar certainly did not
want to be tied up with a dissimilar people. This was in sharp contrast to the attitude
that had displayed by Bengal with regard to Bihar. Even after the separation of
Bihar the Bengalis continued to have a sizeable presence in the region and hence
the Bihari-Bengali question too drew his attention. He expressed regret at the fact
that an agitation was launched in Bengal against the establishment of a High Court
at Patna though some domiciled Bengalis fully supported the demand of Bihar.
However, the holding of a special conference by the Bengalis in Bihar came in for
censure and he denounced their claims to posts in the public services and other
special concessions. He was explicit ‘Our Bengalee friends of this class (who wanted
special privileges) should realize that after all the first claim to employment under
Behar Government must necessarily be of the Beharee themselves and of only such
Bengalees as have made Behar their home and cut themselves adrift from Bengal
and the claims of others can only be considered when duly qualified natives of
the province are not available. ’ It is important to note that permanently domiciled
Bengalis had been treated as natives of the province and they were invited to join
in its development. More importantly he also spoke on the need to take a relook
on the issue of separate electorate for the Muslims and the need of ensuring better
representation of the Bihari Hindus in the public services of Bihar. He stressed on the
need of expansion of primary education realizing that it was ‘perhaps more essential
for our political salvation than even higher education’. However, the most important
issue facing the nascent province, he said, was the organization of public life. This,
in the main, meant ‘the growth and development of a true civic spirit amongst us, a
spirit inspired by lofty idealism, fortified with a will to do and a soul to dare and
actuated by a desire to make our people rise in the scale of Indian nationalities
and equip them by self-training and self-sacrifice to take their place in the fullness
of time in the group of federated Indian provinces of a self-government (sic) India.
’ Stressing on the need of building a sound political character he wanted people
to realize the ‘essential identity of our political interests, in spite of our seeming
divergences due to distinctions of caste and creed’. He denounced the demands
made for special consideration of sectional interests and the practice of presenting
separate addresses to the Lieutenant–Governor by the Muslims, the Bhumihars, the
Rajputs and the Kayasthas. He found this tendency highly mischievous as it enabled
Freedom Movement Papers Region VII, File no. 6/2 pp. 16–54. (164–202).
4
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
36
Jha
the enemies to play-off one community against another. Maintaining that he realized
fully that ‘…circumstances as are (sic ) the resultant of historic and sociological causes
spread over long centuries such efforts at succession on the part of each caste and
community to secure for its members power and pelf are to some extent inevitable
in the present stage of our political evolution. All that I am pleading for is that if the
rank and file are not yet sufficiently advanced to realize and act upon this high ideal
of the absolute identity of the political interests of the people living in a province,
it is certainly the duty of the leaders to try their best to act up to it and hasten the
approach of a better day. ’ He reminded the audience:
In face of desperate odds and opposed by most powerful interest, yet acting with
tenacity, perseverance and single-mindedness that should be lessons to you in your
future conduct in public life, they ( the leaders) have assured for you the inestimable
boon of well-high self-contained province, rich not only in historic traditions but with
great potentialities for the future. It is now for you … to carry on the great work
in the right spirit so that they may have the consolation of feeling that their ‘visions
have not come to nought’5
We have used this memorable speech which captured with so much clarity the
emerging sources of tension and worry in Bihar’s march to emerge as a progressive
state as the point of entry to try to examine the trajectory of Bihar’s development in
the first twenty years of its existence as a province. It is argued that despite significant
achievements the dreams that had been seen about Bihar were only partially
fulfilled–Bihar ( and Orissa) did not only become a fully self-contained province,
but as desired by most of its leaders it also became one of the strongest centres
of freedom struggle and launched some of the most powerful peasant and caste
movements which were critical to the creation of a more equitable socio-economic
and political order but the forces and the tendencies–casteism and communalism-that
were finally to undermine Bihar’s march to its desired goal to develop in the region.
I
Bihar’s journey of transformation began with attempts to see the province
endowed with two institutions deemed necessary for a self-contained province-a
University and a High Court. The Bihari leaders as also journals and the newspapers
had been stressing on the need to have these institutions even before its separation.
Soon after the announcement regarding the creation of the new province was made,
the Shiksha (21 December) felt that Bihar would not be looked down upon anymore
and would be able to enjoy the rights and privileges which were its just dues. More
concretely, it not only expected a High Court for Bihar in due course but also hoped
that Biharis would secure seats in it6. In this connection a very important meeting
took place in Calcutta at the residence of Maharaja of Darbhanga where not only
large landed estates like Banaily, Hathua, Gidhaur and Tekari were represented
Ibid. pp. 16–54. (164–202).
Report on Native Papers (Bengal) no 1, 1912.
5
6
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Bihar, 1912–C.1932: The Beginning of an Ambiguous Transformation
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but also present were the prominent provincial leaders like Sachchidananda Sinha,
Deep Narayan Singh, Syed Hasan Imam and Mazhar-ul-Haque and many others The
Maharaja of Darbhanga made it clear in his speech that he expected a High Court
of its own in its capital city7. The leaders of Bihar had also been concerned with the
affairs of the Calcutta university and since long been demanding appointment of
Biharis as Fellows and introduction of Hindi in its curriculum (Chaudhary, 1964:64).
It was obvious that they would want a University for the region. They began to
argue that university located outside did not quite meet their educational needs
(Pandey, 1975: 104–08). The Beharee which had played a very significant role in the
movement for the region’s separation again led the campaign for the establishment
of university at Patna. In the month of February in an article it stressed the need of
a University for Bihar.8 Prominent leaders of Bihar met in a meeting at Patna when
Mazhar-ul-Haque proposed that the new province should have a separate university
of its own as soon as practicable and that in the meantime there should be adequate
representation of the people of Bihar in the Senate and the Syndicate of the Calcutta
University (Pandey, 1975: 103–04). The Beharee warned ‘Biharees must realize that
a separate university for Bihar will not come like a windfall… 9 Its warning was
seriously taken and an extraordinary session of the Bihar Provincial Conference was
held on 19 February under the presidentship of the Tekari Maharaja where he said’
in ancient times Nalanda, which is not far from Patna was probably the most famous
seat of learning in all of India. It is needless to refer to the great fame of Mithila for
learning. In more recent times, under Mohammedan rule, Patna was a famous centre
to which students used to come from distant quarters to learn the various branches
of learning prevalent in those times. Why should not Patna then be once again the
centre of learning that it used to be (Pandey, 1975: 106)? Very soon the demand
took on the shape of a public campaign. The agitation spread to other parts of Bihar.
In a meeting the residents of the Saran district passed a resolution demanding a
university for the province. In yet another meeting held at Monghyr and attended by
leading zamindars, traders, merchants and pleaders a resolution for the establishment
of a university at Patna was adopted with great enthusiasm. Similar meetings were
held at a number of other places too. The campaign was raised to a higher level
when Sachchidananda Sinha raised this issue in the Imperial Legislative Council.
Harcourt Butler replied that government was aware of the necessity of providing a
university in the new province but the opinion of the local government was awaited.
The government finally appointed a committee to formulate a scheme for setting
up a university at Patna. After a number of controversies the Patna University was
finally established in 1917. Patna High Court too was established in 1916 and
commenced its work on March 1 with a Chief Justice and 6 puisne judges’ (Datta,
1976: 378). A sustained campaign by the Bihari leaders and people had made the
new province a fully equipped one.
See Bihar and Orissa Political Department Special Section Progs, 1911, File no 3461. Also see The
Beharee 12 January 1912.
8
The Beharee 9 February 1912.
9
The Beharee 16 February. 1912.
7
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II
By this time the region also began to play a dynamic and also long-cherished
role in the freedom struggle. The region and its people had remained largely
indifferent to the Swadeshi and Anti–Partition movements for very specific reasons.
Till 1912 the primary focus of the political activity of the Bihari leaders had been
to secure the separation of Bihar. This desire had been justified by the theory of
‘subordinate patriotism’ and federal nationalism. They felt that it was the bounden
duty of the people of Bihar to advance first and foremost the cause of Bihar and
the Biharis, by all legitimate means, while sharing jointly with the people of other
Indian provinces those duties that devolved upon educated Indians in general. The
idea was to develop among the people of Bihar, the feeling of what was termed
by Mr. Balfour as ‘subordinate patriotism’ akin to what Scotchmen felt for Scotland
or Irishmen for Ireland, while sharing in a common patriotism (with the English and
the Welsh) as Britons. The idea was thus based on the lines of American or German
patriotism–first the state, and secondly the Republic or the Empire. It was believed
that a true feeling of unity, which alone could be the basis of nationality, had to
‘spring from within and derive its sustenance from the indigenous elements of the
community’. In any country that genuine unity could come only when an intellectual
necessity was felt and this could come into existence only ‘when each unit or component
part of a people realizes the fact that its individualization has reached a point in
self-expression, when it is desirable, in the interest of further advance or progress,
to merge itself with others. Thus before, there can be a true effort at nation building,
the integral factors of the community must feel that their specialization has reached a
point at which they may feel it to their advantage to merge their differences (Sinha,
1931: 46–48). However, pursuance of this ideal had laid the Bihar leaders open to
the charge of being anti-national on some occasions. Now of course the region was
ready to throw its considerable weight in the freedom movement. The new mood
was indicated when its leaders especially Hasan Imam invited the Congress to meet
at Patna in 1912 for its 27th session (Datta, 1957:154–55).
The Beharee, the mouthpiece of educated elites of Bihar, in an article ‘Behar
and her New Life’ pointed out where the duty lay. It said:
The next session of the Indian National Congress meets in our own town
(Patna)…. The best and the readiest way which has commended itself to our
publicmen of celebrating the resuscitation of the ancient, though departed, glory of
their province is by extending an invitation to our great national Assembly to meet
at the headquarters of the province…. The first thought which Behar entertains on
the occasion of her opportunities for perfect self-expression and development is in
respect of her duty to the great motherland, of which she is now an important unit.
This is a most gratifying and auspicious indication. It is well …. that the new-born
energy and newly awakened self-consciousness of our province should automatically
respond to the stirrings of national life.10
The Beharee 12 January 1912.
10
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Rao Bhadur R.N. Mudholkar was the president of the session while
Mazhar-ul Haque was the chairman of the reception committee with Sachchidananda
Sinha acting as the general secretary (Datta, 1957: 154). Mazhar-ul-Haque in his
welcome speech recounted the glorious history of the region and affirmed ‘we yield
to none in our love for mother India and we share with the Congressmen of the whole
country, the Congress ideal which is throbbing in the heart of the Indian people’
(Datta, 1957: 155). During the period of the first World War when national leaders
like Tilak and Annie Besant started the Home Rule campaign Bihar also responded
enthusiastically and a Home Rule League was started at Patna with Mazhar-ul-Haque
as president (Datta, 1957: 161–62). Champaran in Bihar became next year (1917)
the first place in India where Mahatma Gandhi made the first successful experiment
in India’s new nationalism with its emphasis on truth and non-violence, ‘ on the uplift
of the downtrodden masses and the full eradication of those socio-economic abuses
which turn man against man’ (Datta, 1976: 262). He took up the grievances of the
Champaran indigo cultivators against the oppressive tinkathia system and a Bill was
passed which served to alleviate acute miseries of indigo cultivators (Sarkar, 1983:
183–84; Datta, 1957: 264–65).
During the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movement which marked the next
important phase of the freedom movement the people of Bihar participated with
great enthusiasm. Soon after Gandhi proposed non-violent non-cooperation on the
1st August 1920 the Bihar Provincial Conference passed a resolution supporting him.
Its programme of five boycotts: boycott of elections and legislature, of law courts,
of schools, of drinks and drugs, and of foreign cloth elicited a huge respose in Bihar.
The programme of production of khadi, and the establishment of panchayats was
also successful (Diwakar, 1959: 660). Gandhi toured Bihar both in1920 and 1921.
In March 1921 he wrote in Young India ‘Bihar is a province in which the most solid
work is being done in connection with non-co-operation. Its leaders understand the
true spirit of non-violence. The educational movement is making great progress.
Many pleaders have suspended practice. The people are settling their disputes
by arbitration. There are signs on every side of a national awakening of which
any popular government would have been proud (Datta, 1957: 361). This fulsome
praise from Gandhi was well deserved. The strength of the movement was evident
from the fact that by June 1922–41 high and 600 primary and middle schools
with a total of 21, 500 students had been set up. A khadi production of 95, 000
yards per month was reported from Bihar in August 1922. A national college and
Bihar Vidyapeeth were also started (Diwakar, 1959: 660). A significant progress
was made in liquor boycott. Contacts were also made with tribals of Chotanagpur,
especially those of the Tana Bhagat sect. Bihar also became the strongest base of
the Congress with 350, 000 members in July 1921 as against United Provinces’
328, 966 members (Sarkar, 1983: 221–22). Bihar observed complete hartal on
the day (17th November, 1921) the Prince of Wales landed in Bombay and on the
day he visited Patna (22nd December) there was a complete boycott, with the main
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thoroughfares almost empty (Diwakar, 1959: 660). Bihar’s new status as the leading
centre of the national movement became apparent when in 1922 the Congress held
its 37th session at Gaya (the first ever Congress session in Bihar had been held only
ten years back).
In the next important phase of the freedom movement known as the Civil
Disobedience Movement Bihar’s role was equally conspicuous and significant. From
the beginning of the Salt Satyagraha in April the region’s participation was great. By
the first week of April, 1930 more than 50, 000 Congress volunteers were enrolled
and their number continued to swell. The Searchlight reported on the 9th April ‘ The
thrill of a new hope, the surge of a new aspiration, the pursuit of a noble ideal and
romance of a new sacrifice surcharge the atmosphere’ (Datta, 1957: 272). Champara
and Saran first started the movement with other districts following suit (Datta, 1957:
272). Soon the movement made transition to a powerful no-chaukidari tax campaign.
By November almost 11, 000 people were in jail, whole districts were refusing the
payment of chaukidari tax and the sale of foreign cloth and liquor greatly declined
(Sarkar, 1983: 304). The impact of the movement was also evident in the tribal
belt of Chota Nagpur. In the Hazaribagh district ‘Bonga Majhi and Somra Majhi
led a movement which combined socio-religious reform along ‘Sanskritizing’ lines
with Congress sympathies(followers were asked to give up meat and drink, and use
khadi only )’ (Sarkar, 1983: 305). By the end of this movement Bihar had silenced
those who had doubted its nationalist credentials.
III
The process of Bihar’s transformation was considerably aided by the emergence
of powerful anti-landlord peasant movements which, as pointed out above, were
critical for ushering in a more egalitarian socio-economic order. These movements
were a central feature of the socio-political landscape of Bihar in the first two
decades after its creation as a province.
The region had ‘remained the scene of intermittent peasant struggles throughout
the 19th century’ (Sharma, Singh & Kumar, 1994: 3) and the first decade of the 20th
century. The movement launched against the white indigo planters in Champaran
in 1917, which we have discussed above, in which Mahatma Gandhi made his
celebrated intervention was the first major peasant movement of Bihar in the 20th
century and these struggles took on a more organized form from then on. Two years
later Swami Vidyanand alias Bishu Bharan Prasad, son of a prosperous occupancy
tenant with 30 bighas in the Saran district belonging to the Kayastha caste (Sharma,
1994: 110; Sarkar, 1983: 201) who had been inspired by Gandhi’s Champaran
movement and claimed to be his disciple (Sarkar, 1983: 201) led a strong protest
against the oppression of the Darbhanga Raj. High prices had adversely affected
those who had to buy part or all of their food, while the pressure of population led
to conflicts over land, grazing areas and timber. The amlas or agents employed
by the estate who were often petty zamindars had turned more oppressive due
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Bihar, 1912–C.1932: The Beginning of an Ambiguous Transformation
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to financial pressures. The movement was supported by well-off as well as middle
and poor peasants belonging to all castes (Gopal, 1994:87). The demands made
by the peasants concerned mainly extortion by the amlas and threats to customary
rights of better–off peasants. Complaints were also made regarding extortion
of ghee and oil from Yadavas and Telis (Sarkar, 1983: 201-02) Though his main
area of activity was the then Madhubani Subdivision of the Darbhanga district the
movement soon spread to the districts of Muzaffarpur, Bhagalpur and Monghyr
(Gopal, 1994: 87). The movement won a partial victory when the raj bureaucracy
gave concessions to the better-off tenants (Sarkar, 1983: 202). Vidyanand wanted
to establish Kisan Sabha in every district of Bihar to ventilate the grievances of
the peasants (Karna, 1994: 5–7). At the same time his eyes were also fixed on
the coming election to the reformed Legislative Council under the Government of
India Act of 1919 which had extended voting rights to a large number of rich and
middle peasants. Despite the Congress boycott of elections raiyats’ candidates
won four seats under his leadership (Sharma, 1994: 110). It is both necessary and
important to point out that the rather sympathetic attitude of the Bihar Congress
leadership considerably helped the Darbhanga Raj. The Congress leadership not
only repeatedly turned down Vidyanand’s appeals for support but in 1920 the
Bihar Provincial Conference at Rajendra Prasad’s insistence even shelved the plea
for an enquiry into the grievances of the Darbhanga tenants. The ambiguity in the
Congress leadership’s attitude towards the whole peasant question became further
clear when after the first sign of the movement turning militant when there was
some forcible cutting of the trees and a clash which broke out between the lathials
of the Bhawara indigo factory and the peasants when they broke up a meeting of
Vidyanand, prominent Congress like Hasan Imam, Rajendra Prasad and Mazharul-Haque were persuaded without much difficulty not to attend the meetings of
Vidyanand (Sarkar, 1983: 201–202). Completely disappointed by the attitude
of the Congress Swami Vidyanand by 1922 began to raise the demand for the
abolition of zamindari (Sarkar, 1983: 241).
However, the most significant of the movements and the biggest kisan movement
in colonial India was the one led by Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. His life has certain
parallels with that of Swami Vidyanand. Born in a petty zaminda family of Ghazipur
in the United Provinces. He became a sanyasi in 1907 (Sarkar, 1983: 276), in 1914
he participated in the Ballia session of the Bhumihar Brahman Mahasabha and
provided it with ideological and organizational leadership (Chaudhary & Shrikant,
2001: 47). He was active in Congress politics during the Non-Cooperation movement.
He started an ashrama at Bihta in the Patna district in 1927 in order to promote
the social advancement of Bhumihars and then started the organizational work
among peasants (Sarkar, 1983: 276). In March 1928 a district level organization
known as the West Patna Kisan Sabha was established (Karna, 1994: 6). The next
year (November, 1929) he founded the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha on an initially
moderate basis but his movement was soon to outgrow its modest beginnings (Sarkar,
1983: 276). He was basically interested in ameliorating the condition of tenants in
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the zamindari estates of Bihar (Karna, 1994: 6). The Kisan Sabha, in the initial stages
instead of reflecting the aspirations of broad spectrum of the peasantry, was trying
to work only for a section, mostly upper class occupancy tenants. . The mobilization
of peasants was also partially along caste lines. It is not much surprising that while
a prominent Congress leader of Bihar Shrikrishna Sinha joined it and was its first
Secretary, Braj Kishore Prasad refused to associate with it (Gopal, 1994: 86–88;
Sarkar, 1983: 276). Most of the important leaders came from the Bhumihar Brahman
caste. Those sections of the peasantry whose interests were not being taken care
of by the Kisan Sabha tried to organize themselves in the early thirties. In Bihar the
burden of rent was unevenly distributed. The lower caste peasants were subjected
to heavier rent and greater number of abwabs than the upper caste tenants. The
Kisan Sabha did not press for ending this anomaly (Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001:
157–59). As a result the three prominent intermediate castes of Bihar viz. the
Yadavas, the Kurmis and the Koeries who personally carried on farming activities
formed the Triveni Sangh in 1933 or 1934. Three years later, in 1937, the landless
agriculture labourers, coming mostly from the Dalit castes formed an organization
of their own the Khet Mazdoor Sabha (Gopal, 1994: 90; Chaudhary & Shrikant,
2001: 163). The Kisan Sabha had been allowed to become defunct during the Civil
Disobedience Movement. However, it was revived to counter to the moves of the
loyalist zamindar–dominated United Party to woo peasants for electoral purposes
by making minor concessions like granting the right to plant trees, dig wells etc,, while
keeping silent over the more substantial questions of rent-remissions, landlords’ efforts
to increase private holdings(zerait) and bakasht. Though there was great increase in
the membership and strength of the Kisan Sabha, Sahajanand was initially opposed
to any calls for the abolition of zamindari or clearcut class struggle (Sarkar, 1983:
333). It is important to point out that Bihar despite being a major centre of peasant
movement could not prevent fissures caused by caste considerations. It also failed
to take proper care of the weaker sections of the peasantry.
IV
Bihar’s separation from Bengal also inaugurated a period of intense caste
related activities. Between 1912 and 1916 caste sabhas began to be held on a
big scale in different places in Bihar (Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001: 42–43). At its
creation the new province was numerically dominated by the Hindus forming an
overwhelming 82. 6 percentage of the total population. The structure of the society
in Bihar had continued to be based on the caste system (Pandey, 1975: 168–70).
Despite the fact that the caste system had always been important in India it is
equally true that it had begun to enjoy a powerful influence in determining the
social relationships in the society with the coming of the British and their attempts
at social engineering. Though the first references to the caste system are available
from the Rig Ved which listed four varnas, caste by varna had merely provided a
theoretical scaffolding to peg different strata of social status. In reality caste by
jati, which included numerous sub-castes originally classified by occupation, was
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Bihar, 1912–C.1932: The Beginning of an Ambiguous Transformation
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far more relevant to the actual social practice (Bose & Jalal, 1999: 15). However,
despite the presence of this fundamentally inegalitarian system there was much in
Indian society that emphasized equality both in practice and as a value (Bose &
Jalal, 1999: 15). Also there was nothing like an absolutely rigid and unchanging
hierarchy of castes (Sarkar, 1983: 54). But with the coming of the colonial rule the
situation changed considerably. The British in their search for social stability gave
substance to caste hierarchy and rigidity dominated by the Brahmans, which had
been available in theory but often ignored in social practice in the immediate precolonial era (Bose & Jalal, 1999: 77). The decennial censuses began a process
of enumeration and rank ordering of castes (Bose & Jalal, 1999: 15). Moreover
the influence of Brahmanical sacred texts and of notions of varna hierarchy were
further extended and deepened through vastly enhanced dissemination via print and
translation while their everyday importance was simultaneously heightened by the
development of Anglo-Hindu jurisprudence based on high Hindu texts as interpreted
by Brahman experts’ (Sarkar, 1997: 370–71). These developments spurred a great
competition among many sub-castes by jati for high varna status. Upwardly mobile
social groups rewrote their caste histories and changed their caste names as they
climbed the ladder of respectability (Bose & Jalal, 1999: 108). In 1901 the Census
Commissione H. H. Risley’s attempt to classify jatis according to notions of social
precedence prevalent in each region stimulated an enormous quantity of claims
and counter-claims (Sarkar, 1997: 376). The Kurmis sent a memorandum for being
enumerated as kshatriya kurmis and the demand was conceded before the census
of 1931 (Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001: 50–51).
The caste associations made appearance in Bihar towards the close of the 19th
century. The way was shown by the upper castes of the region. The Kayasthas of
Bihar had been associated with the Kayastha Conference, which had been started
in the United Provinces, since 1887. Then in 1889, the Pradhan Bhumihar Brahman
Sabha was formed at Patna “to improve moral, social and educational reforms
of the community and to represent the wants of the community to the government
(Jha, 1977: 12–17). In 1891 Dusadhs founded the Dushashan Bansiya Kshatriya
Mahasabha which usually met once a year (Pandey, 1975: 185). The spread of
education among the castemen was the major aim of the sabha but it also worked
to end wrong social practices like early marriage of boys and girls (Chaudhary
& Shrikant, 2001: 55). Early in the 20th century were established the Sarjupari
Brahman Sabha (1905), the Rajput Sabha (1906), the Revani Kahar Sabha (1906),
the Marwari Youngmen’s Association(1907), the Khatri Youngmen’s Association
(1907), the Dusadh Sabha (1911), the Gopa Jatiiya Mahasabha (1912). The last
mentioned association published a monthly journal Ahir Samachar and also worked
to strengthen the claim of the Gowalas of having a Kshatriya origin. In fact, they
claimed a status next only to the Brahmanas and one higher than Rajputs, arguing
that even Rajputs were not old Kshatriyas whereas they were the descendants of
Lord Krishna and came from the Chandrabanshi clan of Kshatriyas (Chaudhary &
Shrikant, 2001: 52). The association also like other caste associations worked to
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remove the evils of early marriage, extravagant weddings and other social evils
(Pandey, 1975: 185–86; Sarkar, 1983: 243). The Keot Sabha and the Kurmi Sabha
were also established in 1912. The Kurmis, the Kahars and the Dhanuks claimed the
right of wearing sacred thread. A contemporary government report noted that the
Superintendent of Police of Patna, Knyett, had played an important role in the caste
movements among Dusadhs and Gowalas. Later in 1918 an attempt to start a Teli
Sabha was made by one Jagganath Prasad of Bettiah. Not to be left behind the
Sonars met at Gaya in 1919 and in the meeting claimed a Rajput origin and decided
to give up the dowry system (Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001: 51–52; Pandey, 1975:
185–86; Jha, 1997: 17–18). The Koeries, one of the important castes associated
with farming activities too began to organize itself. They formed an association in
1915. Like other caste associations this association too worked to promote education
among its caste members and also claimed the right to be known as Kshatriyas
and the right to wear sacred thread (Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001: 51). All these
movements were seeking to revive the varna system.
Social scientists have drawn attention to two aspects of these movements. It has
been suggested that a process of sanskritization in all the lower castes had begun.
It was a process by which ‘low’ Hindu caste adopted customs, rituals, ideology and
ways of life of those traditionally higher to them, essentially the twice-born castes.
These changes were generally followed by a claim to a higher position in the caste
hierarchy. However, the search for higher caste status had a deeper social and
economic importance and this brings out their true significance as a progressive
phenomenon, though in a limited sense for essentially they merely wanted to be
included in the same varna order though on better terms. In Bihar the burden of
land revenue/rent was unevenly distributed. Higher the caste of a ryot lower was
the burden of rent on him. The higher caste ryots had also to pay lesser number
of abwabs. In a situation like this it was inevitable that lower caste people would
want by donning sacred thread and claiming to be either Brahmanas or Kshatriyas
to raise their status in the caste hierarchy and better their economic and social life
(Pandey, 1975: 186; Sarkar, 1983: 54–55; Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001: 60–69).
It cannot be denied that these movements of protest brought about major
changes in the traditional structure of social relationships. This, however, is not to
suggest that caste consciousness and activities emanating out of it were always
for the good of society. One scholar has argued that these caste movements
greatly disturbed and strained social relationship among the people of Bihar. The
upper caste Hindus greatly resented the adoption of sacred thread by non-dvijas
and stoppage of performing menial services by them. Even the attempts by the
Bhumihars to adopt the epithet of Brahmans were greatly disliked. In 1912 the
Chief Secretary to the Government of Bihar and Orissa reported to the Secretary
to the Government of India, Home Department: ‘The commissioner of the Tirhut
division reports the prevalence of a number of movements among the lower castes
of Hindus in his division, intended to better their social position; for instance, the
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Kurmis of Muzaffarpur are assuming the sacred thread; the Brahmans of the lower
classes refuse to cook food for the superior sections of the caste; barbers, Kahars
and gowalas are refusing to let their women work as servants or labourers in the
houses of strangers. These movements are most pronounced in Darbhanga where the
Maharaja attributes them to western influences ;similar movements are reported in
the Bhagalpur district’ (Jha, 1997: 18). Not unexpectedly these claims were stoutly
opposed by the upper castes of Brahmans, Bhumihar Brahmans and Rajputs when
the Ahirs of north Bihar decided to call themselves Kshatriya and donned the sacred
thread many of them had to face violence. A number of them were implicated in
false criminal cases by the higher caste people. A major underlying cause of such
acts of harassment was that the zamindars insisted on continuing the begari system.
They used to employ labour on nominal rates and wanted to continue the system.
The Gowalas retaliated by restricting the outdoor employment of their women and
curtailing the supply of milk to zamindars (Pandey, 1975: 186–87). In the 1920s
the agitation of the Gowalas for a higher status continued. A government report of
May 1925 described the Gowalas of Patna, Monghyr, Darbhanga and Muzaffarpur
as ‘agitating for the improvement of the social status of their caste, and pari passu
with taking the sacred thread they have been proposing to refuse menial and other
services hitherto rendered to their landlords’ (Sarkar, 1983: 243). However, most
disquieting was the fact that the caste also began to emerge as a major factor in
the electoral politics of Bihar. The comment of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati on the
1926 Council elections is revealing. He said: ‘I can never forget the highly improper
behaviour I witnessed at the time of that election. Among other things, factionalism
of the most blatant kind characterized all party politics. Even the most prominent
Congress leaders were talking and mobilizing themselves in terms of caste…. Based
on my experiences not only of that election, but of all other elections since, I must
say with due apologies for this apparent impudence, that most nationalist leaders
in Bihar are fundamentally casteist’ (Hauser, 1997: 50). No wonder he went on to
observe, there is very little difference between nationalism and casteism, and it
is a difference which disappears at a certain stage …. the only real difference
is that caste covers a relatively smaller field whereas nationalism functions in a
wider arena’ (Hauser, 1997: 48; Das, 1983: 73–74). In Maharashtra and many
parts of south India many lower caste movements directly rejected the Sanskritizing
claims to higher varna status and developed in their place alternative versions of
subcontinental history. The difference between Bengal and Bihar too became obvious
in this regard. In Bengal, unlike adjoining Bihar, the importance of caste sharply
declined after 1920s (Sarkar, 1997: 386–90). Bihar certainly failed to do similar
things and achieve similar results. There was no revolutionary break with the past
and the whole edifice of the caste system was left intact and even strengthened.
V
Just as the caste movements despite having some positive impact on the sociopolitical landscape of the region were to undermine Bihar’s quest for creating a
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
46
Jha
modern and progressive state, the growth of communal consciousness was to do
the same. This was a surprising development and needs to be explained. Bihar’s
struggle for separation from Bengal had been led, in the main, by the Hindu and
Muslim educated elites. The role of prominent Muslim leaders like Ali Imam, Hasan
Imam and Mazhar-ul-Haque had been no less conspicuous than those played by
the likes of Mahesh Narayan, Sachchidananda Sinha and Nand Kishore Lal. They
had forged a strong link to oppose the Bengal connection which they viewed as
detrimental to the material and moral progress of Bihar. This alliance had held firm
even when the public opinion in the country had been split along communal lines on
the issue of separate electorate following the Morley-Minto reform proposals. The
Bihar Provincial Conference had passed a resolution stating explicitly that while it felt
that it was necessary in the best interests of the country that all communities should
continue to participate without distinction of race and creed in elections by general
electorates it believed that it was essential in the ‘present circumstances to secure full
and adequate representation for so important a minority as the Mohamedans by
the creation of special Mohamedan electorates. ’ It went on to suggest that similar
treatment, if necessary, ‘be accorded to the Hindus where they are in a minority. ’
11
However, with the Bengalis out of the way, in a sense, this strong alliance began
to show signs of strain. The Muslims were gripped by a sense of frustration when the
Bihari Hindus among whom the Kayasthas had a preponderant influence began to’
make ‘a determined effort to secure for themselves the same political influence as
the Bengali Hindu has held in Bengal. ’ The Mohammadans’, on the other hand, were
‘ plainly determined that Lala ( Kayasthas) pleaders shall not be the only power in
the province and have fought the Municipal election with quite unexpected bitterness
in view of the impending Council elections and on the whole with tolerable success’
(Jha, 1997: 16–17). A government report noted:
Considerable ill-feeling has arisen over the municipal elections in Patna City.
Hindus and Muhammadans having taken oaths in their temples and mosques not
to vote for Muhammadan and Hindu candidates respectively. In one case a Hindu
was assaulted for having given one of his three votes to a Muhammadan (Sinha,
2002: 73).
The emergence of sensitive religious issues like cow-protection movement which
had the support of both Hindu zamindars and peasants further worsened the situation
at the ground level (Sinha, 2002: 73). The Gowala caste movement, for instance,
which had been launched with an aim to putting down criminal activities among
the caste members and showed strong Sanskritizing tendencies from the beginning
gradually took up the issue of cow protection and the Gowalas tried to prevent the
selling of cattle to the butchers. They had begun to stake their claim to be considered
Kshatriyas (Sinha, 2002: 73; Chaudhary & Shrikant, 2001:52) and the cow protection
issue certainly provided them the chance to prove their credentials as good, pious
Hindus. Communal antagonism was also sharpened by the activities of major landlords
See The Beharee, 23 April 1909
11
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Bihar, 1912–C.1932: The Beginning of an Ambiguous Transformation
47
of the region. The cow protection movement had been getting the support of the
biggest landlords in Bihar such as the Maharajas of Darbhanga, Hathua and Bettiah
since the late 1880s (Mclane, 1977: 301). This time the Maharaja of Gidhour as
also the manager of the Banaili estate undertook activities which were likely to
sharpen communal feelings in the region. The cow protection movement in course of
time also began to attract active support from the middle class people, which was
a departure from the situation obtaining in the 1880s and 1890s. Hindu-Muslim
conflicts on the issue cow sacrifice on the occasion Bakr—Id began to break out in
many parts of the province (Sinha, 1983: 73–74). The occasion of Bakr-Id in 1911
saw much tension and some riots. Again when in 1915–16 in villages like Jadupur
and Kanchanpur of the Patna district thousands of Hindus belonging to all castes
assembled to stop qurbani (cow sacrifice) on the occasion of Bakr-Id communal clashes
broke out. Similar incidents took place in various parts of the Shahabad district as
also in some parts of the Gaya district. These clashes resulted in the desecration of
mosques, molestation of Muslim women and human casualties on both Hindu and
Muslim sides. These incidents certainly exacerbated Hindu-Muslim relations (Sinha,
2002: 74). Big riots broke out in the month of October and crowds of up to 50, 000
Hindus attacked Muslims in 124 villages in Shahabad, 28 in Gaya, and 2 in Patna.
It has been suggested that upper-caste landholders were utilizing communalism to
regain a local leadership threatened by emerging class tensions (Sarkar, 1983:
157). However, the conclusion must not be drawn that these relations were strained
for ever. The fact remains that these frictions did not rupture the unity achieved at
the level of the more educated Biharis who were at this time focused on the more
important national issues. But it is equally true that the hope expressed by Nand
Kishore Lal that it was the duty of the leaders to make the common people realize
the common and absolute identity of political interests of all the communities of
Bihar had not materialized.
This paper has attempted to argue that while during the period 1912-c. 1932
Bihar became a major stronghold of the national movement and also witnessed
powerful anti-feudal peasant movements as also a number of caste movements,
many of which were against the oppressive hierarchical caste order, the desire
for the creation of a modern progressive Bihar was seriously undermined by the
growth of caste and communal consciousness. Bihar did in a sense become a major
centre of struggles against different forms of oppression, but at the same time also
turned into a major centre of casteist and communal politics. Some of the worst riots
at the time of partition and in post-independence India took place in Bihar and so
did some of the worst caste riots. The achievements during the period of our study
were spectacular. However, her transformation remained wayward and ambiguous.
REFERENCES
Bose, Sugata and Jalal, Ayesha (1999), Modern South Asia; History, Culture, Political Economy,
New Delhi, pp. 15–108.
Chaudhary, Prasann K. and Shrikant (2001), Bihar Mein Samajik Parivartan Ke Kuchh Ayaam (Hindi),
New Delhi, pp. 42–163.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
48
Jha
Chaudhary, V. C. P. (1964), The Creation of Modern Bihar, Patna, Darbhanga, p. 64.
Das, Arvind N. (1983), Agrarian Unrest and Socio-Economic Change in Bihar, 1900–1980, New Delhi,
pp. 73–74.
Datta, K.K. (1957), History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar Vol. I, Patna, (Henceforth Freedom Movement
in Bihar), pp: 154–361.
Datta, K.K. (1957), History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar Vol. I, Patna, (Henceforth Freedom Movement
in Bihar), pp. 154–55, K. Iswara Dutt, Congress Cyclopedia: The Indian National Congress 1885–1920,
New Delhi, No other Details, p. 261.
Datta, K.K. (ed. ), (1976), The Comprehensive History of Bihar, Vol. III, Part I, Patna, (henceforth CHB),
pp. 262–378.
Diwakar, R.R. (ed. ) (1959), Bihar Through the Ages, Calcutta, ( henceforth Bihar ), pp. 659–660.
Gopal, Surendra (1994), “Changing Bases of Peasant Movement in Bihar”, in Kaushal K. Sharma,
Prabhakar P. Singh and Ranjan Kumar (eds. ), Peasant Struggles in Bihar, 1831–1992, pp. 86–90.
Hauser, Walter (1997), Changing Images of Caste and Politics, Seminar, Vol. 450, pp. 48–50.
Jha, J.S. (1977), Early Revolutionary Movement in Bihar, Patna, pp. 12–18.
Karna, M.N. (1994), “Peasant Movements in Bihar, 1831–1981: A Trend Analysis”, in Kaushal K. Sharma,
Prabhakar P. Singh and Ranjan Kumar (eds. ), Peasant Struggles in Bihar, 1831–1992, pp. 5–7.
McLane, J.R. (1977), Indian Nationalism and the Early Congress, Princeton, p. 301.
Pandey, S.N. (1975), Education and Social Changes in Bihar 1900–1921, Varanasi, pp. 103–187.
Sarkar, S. (1983), Modern India: 1885–1947, Madras, pp. 54–333.
Sarkar, S (1997), Writing Social History, New Delhi, pp. 370–90.
Sharma, Kaushal K., Singh, Prabhakar P. and Kumar, Ranjan (eds.) (1994), Peasant Struggles in Bihar,
1831–1992: Spontaneity to Organization, Patna, p. 3.
Sharma, Kaushal K. (1994), ‘Nationalist Struggle and Agrarian Movement in Bihar, 1927–1947, in
K.K. Sharma, P. P. Singh and Ranjan Kumar (eds. ), Peasant Struggles in Bihar, p. 110.
Sinha, Prabhakar P. (2002), “The Press and Communal Consciousness in Bihar”, in Ratneshwar Mishra
(ed.) Region in History: Perspectivising Bihar, Patna, pp. 73–74.
Sinha, B.N. (1931), Presidential Address Delivered at the Beharee Students’ Conference (1906–1923),
pp. 46–85.
The Hindustan Review (1907), Allahabad, New Series, Vol. 16, No. 96, August, pp. 177–78.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
THE CHANGING ROLE OF CASTE AND CLASS
IN BIHAR’S RURAL ECONOMY
Gerry Rodgers1
INTRODUCTION
My association with Pradhan Harishankar Prasad started in the 1970s. In the
period 1969 to 1971 I was undertaking fieldwork in Purnea for my Ph.D, as part
of a group from the Institute of Development Studies at Sussex University that was
studying the development of the Kosi Area after the construction of the canal system.
Pradhan was also doing fieldwork in the same area at that time, partly reported
in his EPW article entitled “Production relations: Achilles Heel of Indian Planning”
(Prasad, 1973). We did not meet then, but when, later in the 1970s, I wanted to return
to the issue of rural development in Bihar, it was natural to meet up with Pradhan
at the A. N. Sinha Institute in Patna and exchange ideas and experiences. We had
different theoretical frameworks–Pradhan worked within a Marxian, historical frame
of reference, whereas I had a more pragmatic perspective, derived from the work of
the pioneers of development economics–Dudley Seers, Richard Jolly, Paul Singer–in
the 1960s. But we found many points of contact, and decided to jointly develop
a systematic project to explore the dynamics of poverty and employment in Bihar.
And so we worked together for much of the 1980s, for the project was ambitious
and complex. I spent the year 1981 at the A.N. Sinha Institute, and Pradhan’s team
engaged in a long process of data collection and analysis. We had a productive
collaboration despite the difficulties that the A.N. Sinha Institute was facing at the
time. Pradhan established much of the theoretical content of the study and engaged
with specific aspects of the empirical analysis. He regarded the question of Bihar’s
development in the first instance as an intellectual challenge. He wanted nothing to
do with the power politics and corruption that ruled the roost in Patna, and took no
interest in the practicalities of policy implementation. His interest was in understanding
why, and how the economic system delivered the results it did, and he considered
that the prevailing structures of power and exploitation explained in large measure
the poverty and underdevelopment of the State.
The Question of Caste and Class
One of the intellectual challenges that we explored together concerned the
relative importance of caste, class and land holding in determining economic
behaviour. For a purist Marxist, caste is superstructure and subordinate to class.
But Pradhan had a finer understanding. In his study of caste and class in Bihar, he
explored how far caste and class hierarchies were aligned, but also how far caste
The author is Visiting Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi. This paper is a revised
version of the Pradhan Harishankar Prasad Memorial Lecture, 2011 Delivered at the A.N. Sinha Institute,
Patna on November 5, 2011 and revised in February 2012. This paper draws on results from the IHD
Research Programme on Inclusive Development in Bihar, which is being carried out jointly with Alakh
N. Sharma, Director of IHD.
1
50
Rodgers
might play a separate role. Writing in 1979, he stated that “the fanning of caste
passions which at one time led to a diffusion of class contradictions, and thwarted
agricultural growth, now turns out to be a factor which may sharpen the contradiction
and cause the disintegration of “semi-feudal production relations in Bihar”
(Prasad, 1979).
Let me step back a little. It is commonplace in Bihar, even more than elsewhere
in India, to see caste as the primary dimension of inequality and of identity. In
everyday conversation and popular language, economic and political forces are
largely interpreted in terms of the interests of particular caste groups. State level
politics are to a large extent organized around caste groups and movements, and
interpreted in terms of the ascendancy of particular castes rather than in terms of
conventional party politics. So the political history of Bihar since the 1970s, and
especially since the 1990s, is seen to largely reflect the rise of the middle castes––
supplanting the earlier domination of the upper castes (Kumar, 2009). Political parties
build their popular support on shifting alliances among castes and communities. In
the agrarian structure, the upper echelons of landlords and large cultivators are
largely occupied by Bhumihars, Rajputs, Brahmins and Kayasthas; middle ranks are
dominated by Yadavs, Koeris, and Kurmis; while agricultural labour households tend
to be Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Classes I and backward class Moslems.
Historically, though, this caste hierarchy has emerged in interaction with the
overall agrarian structure. The dominant position of the upper castes, and of a
minority of landed Moslems, has a great deal to do with their role in the zamindari
system, which gave them control over land and left many of them as large landowners
even after zamindari abolition. Bhumihars, among the upper castes, had acquired
land over a long period and in many places dominated the rich peasantry. The
middles castes–principally Kurmis, Koeris and Yadavs–made little economic headway
before Independence despite participation in peasant movements, but since
Independence have gained to some extent from the weakening of the power of
the landlords. Struggles have often focused on status in the caste hierarchy, so that
Kurmis, for instance, benefited from administrative reordering under colonial rule
and Bhumihars from a process of sanskritization (see for instance Arvind Das, 1992),
and these changes also affected political and economic power. More recently we
have cases of caste groups demanding an administrative “downgrading” in order
to take advantage of reservation policies. Today, the position of particular castes is
changing for other reasons. Jajmani relations, for instance, have almost disappeared,
and while caste may continue to dictate access to opportunity within the village, it
has much less impact on access to opportunity outside the village–and anything up
to half of adult men in Bihar migrate elsewhere for work.
But while change is possible, it occurs slowly, and in the short to medium term,
caste provides a social mechanism by which class inequality is maintained. If caste
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
51
identity is sufficiently strong, and the orthodox view prevails that inequalities among
castes are natural, then class mobilization against such inequality is likely to be
undercut. And that is exactly what has happened historically, and indeed those at
the top of the hierarchy make full use of the underlying social doctrine to justify and
legitimize their position and their exploitation of others.
In reality there is reinforcement among several mechanisms. Particular caste
groups control land and opportunity, and these resources are used to consolidate
economic and political power. This in turn provides the basis for political mobilization,
which in turn reinforces inequality in income and wealth. So caste identity and
differences stabilize an unequal class structure.
It acts as a stabilizer, but is caste the fundamental force? If we look across villages
in Bihar, we find that the caste structure of villages varies widely. Large peasants and
landlords will often be Bhumihars, Rajputs or Brahmins. But there are villages where
the dominant groups are Kurmis or Yadavs. There are of course Moslem dominated
villages too, with agrarian relations which may differ from Hindu villages. On the
other hand, a substantial minority of Yadavs are agricultural labourers–much less
than Scheduled Castes overall, but in some villages they occupy the bottom layer in
the class hierarchy. The class pattern and the caste pattern therefore do not always
coincide–in different villages, the same class structure may be reproduced but the
correspondence between caste and class may not be the same.
This suggests that it is not the caste hierarchy as such that determines the
pattern of inequality–rather caste identity underpins and legitimizes a pattern of
inequality that is best understood in terms of class. This again was a central theme of
Pradhan H. Prasad’s work.
Pradhan characterized agrarian relations in Bihar as semi-feudal. He was one
of a small number of authors writing in the early 1970s around this interpretation of
production relations (Amit Bhadhuri and Nirmal Chandra being two other important
authors). In some sense, semi-feudalism was a transformation of the zamindari system,
which had left a legacy of a highly unequal distribution of land and of political
power. It involved exploitation not only through rent but also through usury and
labour bondage. Indebtedness, tenancy and labour attachment reinforced each
other as mechanisms of social control. Semi-feudalism then provided a coherent
model to characterize the rural class system. There were landlords supervising work
by their tenants and attached labourers, large and middle peasants working on
their own land but also hiring in casual labour, middle and poor peasants working
on their own land or as tenants, poorer peasants who also did agricultural wage
labour, and landless agricultural labour, some attached to landlords and some free.
In fact, the class structure was mixed, because of the presence of incipient capitalist
agriculture among the richer peasants and of casual agricultural labour. But it was
a stable hierarchy, which, in Pradhan’s view, bore a great deal of the responsibility
for rural stagnation in Bihar.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
52
Rodgers
So class and caste offer alternative ways of conceptualizing the rural hierarchy.
But there is also a third hierarchy. In rural Bihar class is built on control over resources,
and the primary resource is land. So the distribution of land–which of course reflects
history and politics, but which also reflects the dominance of particular castes–might
be regarded as an equally fundamental determinant of social and economic
inequality. So in the end we need to consider a complex interplay between three
different dimensions: caste, class and land ownership.
This is not just a practical issue. At one level it is ideological, since ideology
dictates to some extent the importance given to class. But it is also a disciplinary issue.
Caste is at the heart of sociological model in which society is composed of different
groups with different resources and opportunities; class underpins a structural model
of production relations, reflecting patterns of control and exploitation; and land,
as a factor of production, is a key element of neo-classical economic analysis. But
the three variables are so closely interrelated that it is hard to distinguish their
effects and an outcome which is correlated with caste will in all probability also be
correlated with class and with land.
Is there any way to sort out the tangle of relationships between caste, class
and land ownership and understand their relative importance in rural development
and economic behaviour? One way is to try to build up a qualitative understanding
historically. Since caste and class structure interact in a historical process this is of
course a sensible route to take.
But history too is liable to multiple interpretations. Another methodological
approach is to look at the influence of these three factors on the behaviour of
households and economic factors at a point in time, using household survey data.
For each household it is possible to determine caste, class and land ownership.
Multivariate analysis of household behaviour can then help us determine which of
these three factors is most directly important. Of course, the higher the correlation
between these variables, the more difficult it is to separate their effects. But in
practice there are sufficient degrees of freedom for one to explore this question
and obtain meaningful results.
This is what Pradhan and I did in the 1980s on the basis of a survey of a
representative sample of villages and households from rural Bihar, which was carried
out at the A. N. Sinha Institute (Prasad and Rodgers, 1983). We looked at four aspects
of household economic behaviour, measured in the survey, and assessed the relative
importance of class, caste and landholding on the differences in behaviour between
households. The areas we studied were labour force participation, traditional debt,
agricultural technology and school enrolment. Why these four indicators? Because,
they were important in the dynamics of rural development. Labour force participation,
and in particular female labour force participation, was an indicator of employment
opportunities and economic engagement. Traditional debt (i.e. indebtedness to
landlords and moneylenders) was an indicator of dependency on exploitative semiJournal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
53
feudal production relations. Agricultural technology, on the contrary, was an indicator
of escape from those relations. And school enrolment was perhaps the most reliable
indicator of investment in long term social progress.
Since 2009, a survey has been under way in the same villages that we studied in
the 1980s. I am working on that in collaboration with Alakh Sharma, who also worked
with Pradhan and me on the survey in the 1980s. We are trying to understand the
process of transformation in rural Bihar. The Indian economy as a whole is creating
new opportunities, but they are in Delhi, the Punjab, Gujarat and elsewhere, and
until quite recently not in Bihar. The result has been large-scale migration of Bihari
workers across the whole of North India and beyond. These new opportunities have
sounded the death-knell of semi-feudal mechanisms of control. Attached labour has
all but disappeared, and tenancy and indebtedness no longer seem to be part of
a systematic pattern of exploitation. But at the same time migration has not been
a catalyst for economic change within the villages; agricultural growth is slow, and
social hierarchies persist. Once again one can ask the question, is this because of
caste, of class or of the distribution of landholdings? Are new inequalities built on old
foundations? Have the new social and economic patterns that have emerged reduced
the impact of caste, class or landholding, or changed their relative importance?
With two broadly comparable sets of survey data at an interval of nearly
30 years, we can explore these questions. In fact, we can do something that is
particularly interesting. We can take the relationships that Pradhan and I studied
in 1981; and we can examine the same relationships in 2009, and try to see what
has changed in the meantime.
THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF CLASS, CASTE AND LAND:
EMPIRICAL FINDINGS IN BIHAR VILLAGES
In the remainder of this lecture I will present some of the results from this work.
I cannot give many details about the survey here; for that I must refer you to the
survey reports; the one from the 1980s is in the A. N. Sinha Institute library (Prasad
et al., 1988), while the one from 2009 will soon be available from the Institute for
Human Development, New Delhi. Very briefly, we have chosen a sample of villages
that is representative of Bihar as a whole. The results given here are for a census
of households from 12 villages in 1981, and a sample of households from these
villages in 2009. For more details see Rodgers (2012).
Over 30 years the caste pattern can of course change to some extent because
of demographic factors, out-migration and so on, but large changes are not to be
expected. There are in fact some changes in our sample but they are mainly due
to statistical and sampling factors, along with some reclassifications of castes over
time; details are discussed in Rodgers (2012).
On the other hand, changes in the pattern of class have been substantial
(see table 1).
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
54
Rodgers
It can be seen that attached (tied) labour has essentially disappeared, and
to some extent been replaced by casual (untied) labour. The share of the poor
peasant class has increased, middle peasants have been stable while there has
been a decline in the large peasant class and especially among landlords. And
there has been some increase in the share of non-agricultural households. The class
breakdown presented here is based on Pradhan Prasad’s framework first detailed
in his 1979 article referred to above. The large decline in the number of landlords
needs to be interpreted with caution, because in 2009 this refers to those who rent
out land but do not do agricultural work themselves. In 1981, anyone who rented
out land was treated as a landlord. The change in definition reflects a change in
the reality, because more land is now being rented out by small landowners, who
are not landlords in the traditional sense. In fact, the total amount of land rented
out has hardly changed. But the numbers are not strictly comparable.
Table 1: Class: Percentage Distribution of Households, 1981 and 2009
Class
AL1=Agricultural labour, cultivating, attached
AL2=Agricultural labour, cultivating, not attached
AL3=Agricultural labour, not cultivating, attached
AL4=Agricultural labour, not cultivating, not attached
P1= poor peasants neither hiring labour in, nor out
P2=middle peasants hiring labour in, both male and
female family members work in agriculture
P3=large peasants hiring labour in, only male family
members work in agriculture
P4=landlords or only supervision of agriculture
(definition more restrictive in 2009)
NAS=non-agricultural self-employment (2009)
NAW=non-agricultural wage employment (2009)
Total
1981
13.6
14.5
3.0
21.1
7.6
2009
1.1
16.8
.5
35.4
11.2
4.5
4.4
21.3
16.9
8.8
1.1
5.6*
100.0
2.9
9.8
100.0
Note: *NAS and NAW combined in 1981 (=NONAG)
Next we look at the relationship between caste and class in Table 2. In the last
column, the upper figure for each caste group gives the percentage distribution by
caste in the sample in 2009; we can see that about a quarter consist of OBC I, about
the same Scheduled Castes, a little under a quarter upper castes, about fifteen per
cent middle castes (OBC II) and 10 per cent Moslems2.
The connections between caste and class show some very interesting patterns.
1. In 2009 Brahmins (there are very few Kayastas) are essentially found in
two classes, large peasants (P3) and non-agricultural work, along with a
few poor peasants (P1). For these castes there are two major changes
compared with 1981–a decline in the landlord class (P4) and the rise of
non-agriculture (NONAG). The end of semi-feudal production relations
affected this group most of all, and has led to some reorientation away
We use the term caste as a shorthand for caste and community, including Moslems and Scheduled Tribes.
2
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
P4
2.1%
(26.6)
3.5%
(18.1)
.4%
(2.2)
.0%
(0.6)
7.7%
(10.9)
.0%
(9.2)
2.3%
(14.1)
.0%
(1.2)
.9%
(8.3)
.0%
30.0% 10.0% 10.0%
.0%
.0%
173
5
359
114
45
171
11
17.0% .5% 35.3% 11.2% 4.4% 16.8% 1.1%
(14.5) (3.0) (21.1) (7.6) (4.5) (21.3) (8.8)
P3
50.7%
(58.7)
48.2%
(75.2)
4.3%
(5.2)
10.8%
(14.3)
26.9%
(12.6)
32.0%
(56.0)
9.3%
(11.8)
4.3%
(0.8)
8.5%
(13.0)
11
1.1%
(13.6)
P2
.7%
(0.9)
2.4%
(0.5)
3.1%
(2.5)
20.0%
(26.8)
3.8%
(18.4)
16.0%
(7.9)
14.0%
(8.0)
1.2%
(1.4)
5.7%
(1.6)
40.0%
Class*
P1
13.9%
(1.8)
14.1%
(2.7)
10.5%
(6.8)
10.8%
(17.1)
30.8%
(31.1)
12.0%
(10.5)
9.3%
(15.2)
9.4%
(2.8)
7.5%
(8.8)
.0%
*For class definitions see table 1.
**Figures in this column give the distribution of households by caste
% within caste group
(% in 1981)
Bhumihar and % within caste group
Rajput
(% in 1981)
OBC 1
% within caste group
(% in 1981)
Yadav
% within caste group
(% in 1981)
Koeri
% within caste group
(% in 1981)
Kurmi
% within caste group
(% in 1981)
Other OBC II % within caste group
(% in 1981)
Scheduled
% within caste group
Caste
(% in 1981)
Moslem
% within caste group
(% in 1981)
Scheduled
% within caste group
Tribe
(absent 1981)
Total
Frequency
% within class
(% in 1981)
Brahmin and
Kayasta
AL4
4.9%
(3.4)
2.4%
(1.6)
45.3%
(31.8)
16.9%
(8.9)
11.5%
(6.1)
12.0%
(4.7)
16.3%
(9.8)
63.5%
(34.5)
41.5%
(33.3)
AL2
3.5%
(3.9)
7.1%
(0.6)
21.3%
(20.7)
32.3%
(22.8)
11.5%
(15.5)
20.0%
(9.3)
20.9%
(11.6)
16.5%
(18.3)
21.7%
(17.8)
AL1
.0%
(0.0)
.0%
(0.0)
3.5%
(17.7%)
.0%
(6.8)
.0%
(2.4)
.0%
(1.1)
.0%
(3.7)
.8%
(33.1)
.0%
(6.4)
AL3
.0%
(0.3)
.0%
(0.0)
.8%
(7.8)
.0%
(1.7)
.0%
(0.0)
.0%
(0.0)
.0%
(0.0)
1.2%
(5.3)
.0%
(1.0)
Table 2: Caste/Community by Class, 2009 and (in brackets) 1981
128
12.6%
(5.6)
10.0%
NONAG
24.3%
(4.4)
22.4%
(1.3)
10.9%
(5.1)
9.2%
(1.1)
7.6%
(3.1)
8.0%
(1.1)
27.9%
(25.8)
3.2%
(2.6)
14.1%
(9.8)
1017
100.0%
(100.0)
1.0%
Total**
14.1%
(12.7)
8.3%
(9.6)
25.5%
(16.3)
6.5%
(5.7)
2.4%
(5.5)
2.5%
(2.8)
4.2%
(7.4)
25.1%
(27.4)
10.4%
(12.6)
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
55
from agriculture, even if there are still many large farmers. A few households
seem to have slipped down the scale to become poor peasants. There is
no change in the small numbers of agricultural labourers among this group.
2. Bhumihars and Rajputs show a very similar pattern, with three quarters of
households in 2009 in the big peasant (P3) and non-agricultural (NONAG)
categories. Again there is a shift towards non-agricultural work since
1981, as for Brahmins, and there is slightly more downward mobility into
agricultural labour.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
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Rodgers
3. The next group in the social ranking consists of Yadavs, Kurmis and Koeris, all
middle agricultural castes found mostly in the different peasant categories.
None of these groups has diversified into non-agricultural work to anything
like the extent of the forward castes. Kurmis, who were concentrated among
large peasants and landlords before (P3 and P4), have lost some ground.
While one third are still found in these groups, the share of middle and poor
peasants (P1 and P2) has increased, and 30% now do agricultural wage
labour. Yadavs were less well placed than Kurmis before, and remain so,
but have lost less ground than Kurmis. The percentage doing agricultural
labour has nevertheless increased to a similar extent. Koeris have changed
less; they were, and are still mainly cultivators, without a major change in
the distribution across different groups. Other castes in the OBC-II group
were already more concentrated in non-agricultural activities in 1981, and
this has been maintained. They have the highest share of non-agricultural
work of any group.
4. Other Backward Classes-I have a different profile. In 1981 a quarter of
them were attached agricultural labour (AL1 and AL3), and this class has
all but disappeared. There has been some corresponding increase in casual
agricultural labour (AL2 and AL4), which now accounts for two thirds of all
households, but a few have become small cultivators, and they have also
shared in the increase in non-agricultural work. On average, then, their
status has somewhat improved.
5. A similar, but weaker pattern can be discerned for scheduled castes. Like
the OBC-I they have moved out of attached agricultural wage labour, but
most of them have ended up as landless casual labour in 2009. A few
have become marginal cultivators or non-agricultural workers, but less
than for OBC-I.
6. Finally, Moslems do not show major changes. Only a small proportion was
attached labourers in 1981, but over half were casual labourers; the overall
percentage of agricultural labour has risen between 1981 and 2009, but
only from 58% to 63%. There is some decline in the landlord category
(P4), and a rise in non-agricultural work, but the shift is less strong than for
the Hindu forward castes. It is now common to divide Moslems into forward
and backward castes, for whom, the changes may well be different, but
this was not the practice in 1981.
A small number of scheduled tribe households were found in the sample 2009
but not in 1981. Their profile is fairly close to that of OBC I, but the numbers are
too small for reliable interpretation.
Overall we can see both continuity and change here. The end of semi-feudal
relations has not had much impact at the top of the village hierarchy, as new nonagricultural opportunities (largely outside the village) have provided an economic
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
57
alternative for the previously dominant groups. The middle castes, which have
had a spectacular rise to political power in the State, do not show a similarly
spectacular rise in the village hierarchy; on the contrary their position has somewhat
deteriorated, on average, with some increase in agricultural labour. And the poorer
groups in 1981 have escaped from labour bondage, but have made relatively
little progress in either agriculture–a few labourers have become cultivators, but
the shift is small–or non-agriculture–again there is some progress, but less than for
the better off groups.
The overall pattern of land ownership is given in table 3. Population pressure
has reduced landholdings and increased landlessness from 43% to 56% between
1981 and 2009. Since the number of households has increased by some 117%,
an even larger increase in landlessness might have been expected. In fact, much of
the adjustment to increased population pressure has come through the subdivision
of small plots as families divided, but the shift is not even; there is a sharp decline
in the share of the largest landholdings, but also some decline in the smallest. In
contrast there is some increase in the 1 to 2.5 acre range, which might be regarded
as a viable family farm in Bihar conditions. So the overall distribution of land,
among those who own some, has become somewhat less unequal. The pattern of
landholding by caste shows that the largest landholdings are still found among the
upper castes and Kurmis. But Yadavs have been moving up the land hierarchy, while
the forward castes and Kurmis have been moving down. Landlessness is concentrated
among Scheduled Castes, OBC-I and Moslems. In particular, landlessness among
Scheduled Castes has risen from 70% in 1981 to over 80% in 2009.
Table 3: Land Ownership: Percentage Distribution
of Households, 1981 and 2009
Land Ownership
None
Less than 1 acre
1 to 2.49 acres
2.5 to 4.99 acres
5 to 9.99 acres
10 to 19.99 acres
20 acres or more
Total
1981
43.1
27.0
11.5
8.6
5.8
3.2
0.8
100.0
2009
56.0
21.0
15.1
4.7
2.3
.7
.1
100.0
To sum up the pattern of change in the village hierarchy, changes have been
fairly limited. At the top, landlords are moving into non-agricultural opportunities.
Middle castes show some improvement, but perhaps less than their rise to political
power in the state would suggest. And poorer groups have escaped from bondage,
but mostly into casual work.
I now turn to the relationships between caste, class and land, on the one hand,
and economic behaviour on the other. I consider four aspects of behaviour: labour
force participation of adults aged 15 to 59; attendance at school or college of
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
58
Rodgers
children and youths aged 5 to 24; the percentage of households who are indebted
to landowners and moneylenders (traditional debt); and a technology index for
those cultivating land, which combines the use of a sprayer, fertiliser use and the
ownership of any agricultural machinery. These are exactly the same variables
as were studied on the basis of the 1981 survey in Prasad and Rodgers (1983);
only the technology index has had to be updated to take account of changes in
technological conditions. 3
All these variables vary a great deal with caste, class and caste. But class, caste
and landholding are themselves intimately related, as the historical review above
amply demonstrates. To some degree, differences in behaviour patterns reflect the
overall pattern of social hierarchy, rather than caste, class and land individually. But
it is nevertheless reasonable to suppose that the three variables have separate as
well as joint effects, and to try to measure these differences statistically. Landholding
may influence labour force participation through its effect on opportunities for work,
while the influence of caste may come through status considerations. Class position
may influence expectations of and access to schooling. And so on. It is really necessary
to use multivariate analysis to separate out these effects, and some multivariate
results are summarized later in this lecture. But bivariate relationships too can tell
us a great deal about the likely patterns of causation. In this lecture we concentrate
on those bivariate relationships, which are presented in tables 4, 5 and 6, and in
charts 2 to 4 at the end of the paper.
Table 4: Economic and Social Patterns: Labour Force Participation, School
Attendance, Traditional Debt (Per cent of Households) and Technology Index
(Rs.) by Caste/ Community, 2009 and (In Brackets) 1981
Labour Force
Participation Rate
Caste/ Community
(%, Adults
15–59)
2009
(1981)
Brahmin/ Kayasta
64.9% (44.4)
Bhumihar/ Rajput
61.4% (45.4)
OBC I
91.2% (79.9)
Yadav
93.9% (82.9)
Koeri
71.6% (72.4)
Kurmi
72.2% (49.9)
Other OBC II
80.1% (64.4)
Scheduled Caste
93.5% (89.4)
Moslem
86.1% (64.3)
Scheduled Tribe
92.9%
Total
83.9%
School
Attendance,
Ages 5 to 24 (%)
Traditional Debt
(% of
Households)
2009
58.2%
68.7%
46.7%
58.4%
60.9%
62.0%
50.3%
50.0%
48.5%
46.7%
53.0%
2009
82.9%
87.5%
62.2%
76.9%
78.7%
85.5%
55.3%
57.2%
50.9%
53.0%
66.1%
(1981)
(53.2)
(54.1)
(13.0)
(23.3)
(45.2)
(54.1)
(29.7)
(17.1)
(19.2)
(1981)
(33.2)
(29.2)
(77.2)
(57.4)
(47.4)
(28.6)
(55.9)
(79.0)
(64.0)
Technology Index
2009
1.18
1.06
0.96
1.35
1.27
2.00
1.38
1.05
0.81
0.75
1.15
(1981)
(2.28)
(2.16)
(1.90)
(2.36)
(2.39)
(2.79)
(1.94)
(2.30)
(1.99)
Source: Household schedules for the two years
For a fuller discussion of the choice of these variables and the calculation of the technology index, see
Rodgers (2012). The technology index uses information from a follow up survey in 2011 as well as 2009.
3
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
59
Table 5: Economic and Social Patterns by Class
LFPR (%)
Class*
School
Attendance
(%)
2009 (1981)
2009 (1981)
AL1 (agricultural labour,
100.0% (84.3) 51.5%
attached, cultivating)
AL2 (agricultural labour,
93.1% (82.7) 55.0%
not attached, cultivating)
AL3 (agricultural labour,
96.1% (79.9) 53.5%
Attached, no cultiv.)
AL4 (agricultural labour,
92.0% (89.6) 43.4%
Not attached, no cultiv.)
P1 (poor peasants)
81.9% (76.0) 55.5%
Traditional Debt
(%)
2009
Technology
Index
(1981)
(9.5)
54.5%
(2.3)
62.4% (100.0)
2009
(1981)
(73.5)
(19.6)
87.0%
(73.2)
(16.6)
49.7%
(88.9)
0.98**
(2.11)
(35.9)
74.0%
(61.6)
1.23
(2.28)
P2 (middle peasants)
89.2%
(82.0) 57.2%
(39.5)
76.5%
(51.3)
1.41
(2.38)
P3 (large peasants)
71.5%
(46.3) 57.9%
(50.4)
84.2%
(32.5)
1.27
(2.29)
P4 (landlords)
48.9%
(43.5) 64.3%
(58.0) 100.0%
(24.1)
1.17
(2.00)
Non-agricultural
Total
65.8%
83.9%
(53.4) 66.9%
53.0%
(26.5)
(52.3)
0.79
1.15
74.2%
66.1%
Source: Household schedules for the two years.
*
For definition of class see table 1.
**
All agricultural labour categories combined for the technology index (only those households
operating some land).
Table 6: Economic and Social Patterns by Land Ownership
None
2009
89.3%
(1981)
(80.7)
School
Attendance (%)
2009
(1981)
47.5% (12.2)
less than 1 acre
82.3%
(75.0)
60.1%
(27.3)
36.9%
1 to 2.49 acres
2.5 to 4.99
acres
5 to 9.99 acres
74.0%
(61.7)
59.0%
(43.3)
25.5%
73.8%
(49.9)
58.2%
(53.8)
61.5%
(44.1)
61.6%
10-19.99 acres
20 acres or
more
Total
61.0%
(42.0)
60.4%
43.3%
(36.6)
100.0%
Land Owned
LFPR (%)
83.9%
53.0%
Traditional
Debt (%)
2009
(1981)
48.8% (77.4)
Technology Index
2009
0.86
(1981)
(1.89)
(63.4)
1.17
(2.18)
(46.0)
1.32
(2.15)
15.9%
(31.4)
1.21
(2.37)
(61.7)
5.8%
(19.3)
1.73
(2.51)
(61.1)
0.0%
(17.4)
1.50
(2.55)
(76.8)
0.0%
(8.5)
2.50
(2.56)
39.8%
1.15
Source: Household schedules for the two years
Labour Force Participation
Labour force participation is affected by economic opportunity, by social
status and by a host of other factors. We looked at the proportion of household
members aged 15 to 59 participating in the labour force, using a wide definition
that includes unpaid family labour. Both men and women are included (though most
of the variation concerns women).
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
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Rodgers
The labour force participation rate shows a strong relationship with all three
categorizations of households. By caste (table 4), the rates vary from 61% for
Bhumihars and Rajputs to 94% for Scheduled Castes and Yadavs. All forward castes
have low participation rates. Middle castes also have quite low rates, in the 70 to
80% range, with the exception of Yadavs. Moslems, OBC-I and Scheduled Tribes
all report participation almost as high as Scheduled castes.
The variation is larger still among classes (table 5), and further differentiation
can clearly be seen. All agricultural labour categories show very high participation
rates, especially the few remaining attached labourers (AL1 and AL3). Among the
peasant categories, the highest rate is found among middle peasants, higher than
poor peasants (who may have less opportunities for labour use in own cultivation).
In big peasant households labour force participation is low by definition, since in this
category women do not work in cultivation. Landlords show very low participation,
unsurprisingly since they have rental income. Non-agricultural households have low
participation; it is not clear why, so this would merit further investigation.
There is also a strong, monotonic pattern with land (table 6). The landless have
by far the highest participation, closely followed by those with less than one acre.
Participation then declines steadily with increasing land holding.
It does seem that each of these three factors has some independent influence,
but that can only be tested in multivariate analysis. In any case, they are powerful
determinants of labour force participation.
Between 1981 and 2009 labour force participation has increased for all groups
(essentially due to an increase in female labour force participation). There is some
tendency for the increase to be greatest in those caste groups where participation
was lowest in 1981, but there is little change in the ordering across groups. This latter
point is true for all three variables. By caste, there has been only a small increase for
scheduled castes, OBC-I and Yadavs, who all reported high participation in 1981,
and a large increase for forward castes, Kurmis and Moslems, all of whom reported
low participation in 1981. But SCs, OBC-I and Yadavs continue to report the highest
participation. By class, agricultural labourers and middle peasants continue to show
the highest participation rates, and larger cultivators and non-agricultural households
the lowest. The increase in participation was by far the greatest in the large peasant
class (P3), while the landlord group (P4), lowest in 1981, continues to report very
low participation, and the same is true to some extent of non-agriculturalists. The
pattern by land also shows clearly the tendency for labour force participation to
decline with increasing landholding in both 1981 and 2009, with a flatter pattern
in the latter year.
To sum up, all three factors are clearly powerful determinants of labour supply,
and the pattern is basically the same in 2009 as it was in 1981, although differences
between groups are smaller.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
61
School Attendance
Our measure of school attendance was the proportion of household members
aged 5 to 24 currently attending school or college. Schooling has been transformed
between 1981 and 2009. Not only has there been a substantial expansion of
enrolment, but also gender differences, which were huge in 1981, have declined
dramatically, as the enrolment of girls has increased sharply.
In 1981, there were very sharp differences in school attendance on all three
variables, caste, class and land, with very low attendance rates among agricultural
labourers, the landless and scheduled castes, OBC-I and Moslems. By 2009 there
had been considerable homogenization. By caste the attendance rates varied only
from 47% to 69% in 2009 (13 to 54% in 1981); by class from 43% to 67% (2
to 58%); and by land holding from 48% to 100% (12 to 77%). But although the
differences have been reduced, they are still there. For instance, there is still a clear
gap in attendance in 2009 between landless agricultural labour (AL4) and the rest,
and higher attendance rates among landlords and non-agricultural workers. There
is a similar gap by land, where the landless have distinctly lower attendance rates,
but there is not much difference among other land ownership categories (noting that
the high figure for the 20 acres or more group is based on only 4 observations). By
caste both middle and forward castes have higher rates, OBC-I, SC and Moslems
lower (but in the case of Moslems there may be some undercounting of attendance
in madarsas).
Larger differences are found in 2009 if we only consider secondary schooling.
Chart 1 compares the pattern of school attendance among 8–9 year olds with
attendance among 14–15 year olds, by class.4
It can be seen that while the pattern is quite flat for the 8–9 year-olds, with
only a small difference between cultivators and landlords on the one hand, and
agricultural labour on the other, a much stronger pattern emerges among 14 to 15
year olds, with landless agricultural labour far lower than even agricultural labour
with cultivation, while large farmers and landlords have attendance at age 14–15
which is almost as high as ages 8–9
Traditional Debt
We examined whether households reported any loans from landlords or moneylenders. In 1981 the presence of traditional debt to moneylenders and landlords
was seen as an important indicator of dependency in a semi-feudal production
relationship. The presence of debt is a more useful indicator of dependency than
its amount–better off households will be able to borrow more, but may also have
a greater capacity to repay.
This chart comes from the 36 village sample rather than the 12 village sample, but there is no reason
to expect the pattern to be different, since the 12 villages constitute a representative sub-sample of
the 36. The class breakdown is also slightly different.
4
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
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Rodgers
Chart 1: School Attendance by Class, Selected Ages, 2009
Source: Household survey, 2009 (36 villages)
Since semi-feudal mechanisms have been greatly weakened, our expectation
was that the importance of traditional debt would also have declined, and its class
pattern weakened. It has certainly declined, but not as much as might be expected,
and the class and land patterns remain strong. It can be seen in tables 4 to 6 that
there is a strong, monotonic negative relationship between traditional debt and
landholding in 2009, with high incidence of debt among the landless and marginal
landowners, and much lower debt or none among those with most land. Consistent
with this, there is a rather strong relationship with class. Almost half of agricultural
labourers report traditional debt (and more among the few remaining attached
labourers–AL1 and AL3), while the proportion falls to between one fifth and one
third among large peasants and non-agriculturalists. These patterns are very similar
to those in 1981, with the difference that overall the percentage of households with
traditional debt is 20 to 30 percentage points lower in 2009.
The relationship with land and class is much clearer than that with caste.
Scheduled Castes and OBC-I had high rates of traditional debt in both 1981 and
2009, as did Moslems, but these have come down substantially and differences
among caste groups are much less in 2009 than in 1981.
Agricultural Technology
In 1981 the level of agricultural technology was measured through an index
which combined the use of modern irrigation, use of HYV seeds and use of chemical
fertiliser. The index was the sum of the three indicators, each expressed as dummy
variables.
In 2009, this index would no longer have been useful. Almost all farmers use
HYV seeds, fertilisers and modern irrigation. A new index had to be constructed.
The issue is discussed in more detail in Rodgers (2012). As in 1981 we used the sum
of three dummy variables: whether the household reported any use of sprayers
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
63
(mainly pesticides); whether expenditure on fertilisers was above the mean for the
survey (Rs. 1650 per acre operated); and whether any agricultural equipment was
owned (pumpsets, threshers, tractors, tillers, etc). The average value of this index,
for cultivating households, was 1.15.
Table 6 shows that the relationship of the technology index with landholding is
fairly strong, rising unevenly from less than 1.0 among those not owning land (those
without land are included here if they rent in land for cultivation) to over 1.5 in the
three largest categories. This pattern was also seen in 1981. By class, the index is
low for agricultural labour and landlords, which is consistent with expectations; it is
higher for the middle peasants than for any other group, with large peasants second.
Again the pattern was similar but less strong in 1981. By caste, Kurmis have by far
the highest index, and Moslems, OBC-I and SC the lowest. This too faithfully reflects
the pattern in 1981. In fact, the stability of the social patterns across time, social
category and components of the technology index is striking. Semi-feudal relations
may have declined, but patterns of differentiation persist.
Multivariate Analysis
In order to go beyond the bivariate relationships, a multivariate analysis
was carried out to explore the relative importance of caste, class and land more
systematically. This analysis, which is reported in detail elsewhere (Rodgers, 2012)
was designed to replicate a similar analysis undertaken in the 1980s using the 1981
data set (Prasad and Rodgers, 1983). It therefore not only examined the relative
impact of caste, class and land in 2009 but also the extent to which this relationship
had changed over the intervening 28 years.
Briefly, we ran simple OLS regressions for the four dependent variables, taking
land, caste and class as explanatory variables, along with a small number of controls
for the demographic structure of the household and region. Both ownership of land
and leasing in were taken into account. Class and caste were entered as a group
of dummy variables. This method was deliberately chosen to replicate as far as
possible the methods used in the similar exercise in the 1980s, and the relationships
estimated for 2009 were as close as possible to those estimated for 1981.5
We then looked at the contribution to the explanation of variance in the
dependent variable for each group of variables (land, caste and class) when
entered last in the equation–i.e. the marginal addition to the explanatory power
of the equation. This gives a good first indication of the independent value of that
group of variables beyond the joint and overlapping effect with other variables.
Given the nature of the dependent variable, OLS is not an efficient regression technique. However it
was the method used in 1981, and we wished to replicate that analysis.
5
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
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Rodgers
The results are summarized in table 7, which shows the explanatory power
(R square) of the equation as a whole for the four dependent variables in the two
years 1981 and 2009, and identifies the most powerful factor among caste, class
and land (on the basis of their additional, independent contribution to the R square,
shown in brackets). While not all the comparisons are exact, because of differences
in the variables and sample sizes, the patterns are interesting.
Table 7: Multivariate Analysis–Summary
Dependent Variable
Year
Female Labour force participation rate* 1981
2009
School attendance
1981
2009
Traditional debt
1981
2009
Technology index
1981
2009
R Square
0.508
0.357
0.370
0.074
0.244
0.086
0.101
0.157
Most Powerful
Factor
Caste (0.11)
Caste (0.10)
Class (0.04)
Class (0.02)
Class (0.05)
Class (0.03)
Caste (0.03)
Caste (0.04)
Second Most
Powerful Factor
Class (0.03)
Class (0.05)
Caste (0.02)
Caste (0.02)
Land (0.02)
Land (0.01)
Land/ class (0.02)
Land (0.02)
Female labour force participation rate rather than total, for consistency with analysis of 1981.
*
In almost all cases it was found that land, caste and class all had independent
and significant effects on the four dependent variables examined here. Only in two
cases (once for caste, and once for land) were the variables not significant at 1 per
cent, using an F test.
The overall explanatory power was greatest for labour force participation,
though it has declined somewhat between 1981 and 2009 (R² declined from 0.51
to 0.36). The pattern of explanation has hardly changed. In 2009 as in 1981 caste
dominated the relationship. Land added little once caste and class have been
accounted for.
Class, caste and land explain a much smaller proportion of variation in school
attendance in 2009 than in 1981 (R² 0.07 against 0.37). This is easy to understand,
for primary school attendance in particular is now almost universal. However, the
relationship is still there, and the contribution of caste has remained unchanged,
while that of class has declined. Landholding has less influence.
The relationship of traditional debt with caste, class and land has also weakened
(R² reduced from 0.25 to 0.09). Class remains the dominant factor, and land is more
important than caste.
Finally, the pattern for agricultural technology is quite different, since it is the
only dependent variable for which the level of explanation has increased between
the two years. In 1981 caste was most important, and it remains the dominant factor,
while class is now less important than landholding.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
65
CONCLUSION
These are only preliminary results from on-going survey work. But they do
suggest some interesting tentative conclusions.
First, the relationship between caste and class has been changing over time.
Different castes have different occupational strategies, and are affected to differing
degrees by changing production relations in rural Bihar. Migration, not examined
in this paper, is likely to reinforce this differentiation, with indications from other
research that benefits from migration may be greater at the top and at the bottom
of the caste, class and land hierarchies. The decline in semi-feudal relations has
weakened the dominance of upper castes, but at least some of them are able to
compensate in economic terms through occupational diversification.
Second, the influence of caste, class and land on behaviour remains strong.
But whereas in 1981 it was found that, on balance, class was the most powerful
factor, that is not so clear today. For some variables caste is more important, for
others class. Land ownership is, on balance, less important, once caste and class are
taken into account. It is particularly noteworthy that caste has retained its position
as the most important determinant of technological innovation, and class is now less
important than land ownership. This can be taken as an indicator of the decline of
the importance of semi-feudal class relations, previously thought to be impeding
agricultural transformation, while the social (caste) and land hierarchies continue to
influence agricultural change. However, it should be noted that the class categories
were designed to reflect the semi-feudal structure; a revision of these categories
to reflect today’s reality would be desirable before concluding that class no longer
plays a significant role.
Third, the pattern of explanation varies considerably across different aspects
of behaviour. There is no single, overriding explanation; caste, class and land differ
in their importance from one aspect of behaviour to another. Clearly, all need to be
considered in the analysis of rural social and economic change.
Finally it is important to note that the quantitative relationships observed in
these household surveys need to be interpreted within a fuller understanding of the
social and economic structures and institutions of each village. However, they can
provide valuable elements for that fuller understanding.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
66
Rodgers
Chart 2: Labour Force Participation, School Attendance, Traditional Debt
and Technology Index by Caste, 1981 and 2009
Chart 3: Labour Force Participation, School Attendance, Traditional Debt
and Technology Index by Class, 1981 and 2009
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
The Changing Role of Caste and Class in Bihar’s Rural Economy
67
Chart 4: Labour Force Participation, School Attendance, Traditional Debt
and Technology Index by Land Owned
REFERENCES
Bhaduri, Amit (1973), “A Study in Agricultural Backwardness Under Semi-feudalism”, in Economic Journal,
March.
Chandra, Nirmal (1974), “Farm Efficiency Under Semi-feudalism: A Critique of Marginalist Theories and
Some Marxist Formulations”, in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. IX, No. 32, pp. 33–34.
Das, Arvind N. (1992), The Republic of Bihar, New Delhi, Penguin.
Harriss, John (2006), “Why Poor People Stay Poor in Rural South India”, in Power Matters: Essays on
Institutions, Politics and Society in India, New Delhi, OUP.
Kumar, Subodh (2009), The Social, Political Processes and the Economic Development of Bihar, Manak
Publications, New Delhi.
Prasad, Pradhan H. (1973), “Production Relations: Achilles Heel of Indian Planning”, in Economic and
Political Weekly, May 12.
Prasad, Pradhan H. (1979), “Caste and Class in Bihar”, in Economic and Political Weekly, Annual Number,
February.
Prasad, Pradhan H., Gerry Rodgers, Alakh N. Sharma et al. (1988), The Dynamics of Employment and
Poverty in Bihar, Patna, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies and International Labour Organisation.
Prasad, Pradhan H. (1989), Lopsided Growth: Political Economy of Indian Development, Bombay, OUP.
Prasad, Pradhan H. and Rodgers, Gerry (1983), Caste, Class and Landholding in the Analysis of the Rural
Economy, Population and Labour Policies Programme Working Paper 140, Geneva, ILO, August.
Rodgers, Gerry and Rodgers, Janine (1984), “Incomes and Work among the Poor of Rural Bihar,
1971–1981”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XIX, No. 13, Review of Agriculture, March.
Rodgers, Gerry and Rodgers, Janine (2001), “A Leap Across Time: When Semi-feudalism Met the Market
in Rural Purnea”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXVI, No. 22, June.
Rodgers, Gerry and Rodgers, Janine (2011), “Inclusive Development? Migration, Governance and Social
Change in Rural Bihar”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLVI, No. 23, June 4.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
68
Rodgers
Rodgers, Gerry (2012), “Understanding Unequal Economic and Social Outcomes in Rural Bihar: the
Importance of Caste, Class and Landholding”, Working Paper, New Delhi, Institute for Human
Development.
Sharma, Alakh N. et al. (2001), Poverty and Livelihoods in Rural Bihar, Report of Project Sponsored by
ActionAid, New Delhi, Institute for Human Development.
Sharma, Alakh N. et al. (2002), Dynamics of Poverty, Employment and Human Development in Bihar, Report
of Project Sponsored by NABARD, New Delhi, Institute for Human Development.
Sharma, Alakh N. (2005), “Agrarian Relations and Socio-Economic Change in Bihar”, Economic and
Political Weekly, March 5.
Thorner, Alice (1982), “Semi-feudalism or Capitalism? Contemporary Debate on Classes and Modes of
Production in India”, Parts 1, 2 and 3, in Economic and Political Weekly, December 4, 11 and 18.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
ECONOMIC GROWTH & EMPLOYMENTUNEMPLOYMENT SITUATION IN BIHAR
J.S. Tomar1
Abstract—Bihar, a State with a glorious tradition in Indian history, has at present
tremendous growth and many development challenges to overcome. In term of
population it has continued to be third largest state in the country. It has some
inherent constraints such as low literacy rate, lower sex ratio, higher population
density, dependency on agriculture and lack of industrial infrastructure resulting
in unemployment. In recent years State of Bihar has picked up the pace of growth
and average growth of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) has grown beyond
10 per cent. However, bulk of the growth has occurred in the secondary sector. Per
Capita income in the state has been more than double in the last five years. One of
the most difficult problems which the Bihar has been facing is to provide employment
opportunities to all those who enter the labour force from year to year. The labourforce
participation and workforce participation rates have decreased, particularly in case of
rural females and the unemployment rate is still high. The self-employment in the state
has decreased and there has been a notable increase in casual labour. Keeping in view
the above constraints and to sustain the economic growth demonstrated by the state
there are some effective measures to be considered by the State Government to see
the position of Bihar at higher echelon in the overall development map of the country.
Keywords: Economic growth, Bihar GSDP, Census 2011, CSO, NSSO,
Employment-Unemployment, LFPR, WPR and Unemployment rate
INTRODUCTION
It is shocking to find that in spite of planned economic development of more
than six decades in Bihar and in spite of a large man power, rich mineral and forest
resource, Bihar remains to continue to a backward state with mass of its population
living in utter poverty and unemployment. In the mid 1980s Ashish Bose coined a term
BIMARU by taking the first letter of four northern and eastern Indian States: Bihar,
MP, Rajasthan and UP. BIMARU has a resemblance to a Hindi word “Bimar” which
means sick. This was used to describe the bad state of economy in backward states
Bihar and others. The differences in economic and population growth rates between
the Bihar or BIMARU states and other Indian states was very high and it was even
more sharpened over the 1990s. Since population growth in the Bihar or BIMARU
states was much higher than that of the Indian average in this period, the income
disparity between the Bihar or BIMARU states and India as a whole also increased.
Once, Bihar Per Capita income was lowest among the Indian States. Since 2005,
Bihar is seeing a revival and other BIMARU states are also advancing faster than
some of the developed states, the concept of BIMARU is outdated and these states
are no longer called BIMARU states. Thus, due to tremendous growth of economic
the scenario of the State of Bihar in socio-economic front has changed significantly
but still many development challenges remains to overcome.
J.S. Tomar is working as Deputy Director in Economic Statistics Division of Central Statistics Office, M/ o
Statistics & Programme Implementation. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and
not of the institution to which he belongs.
1
70
Tomar
The population of Bihar at 0:00 hours of 1st March, 2011, as per the
provisional population totals of Census 2011, is 10,38,04,637 compared to a total
of 8,29,98,509 in 2001. In absolute terms, the population of Bihar has increased
by about 2 million during the decade 2001–2011. Bihar continues to be at the
third most populous State in the country comprising 8.58 per cent of India’s total
population. The percentage decadal growth has declined (-3.55) during the census
decade 2001–2011 as compared to the previous census decade. However the
current percentage decadal growth (25.07) is still more than India`s percentage
decadal growth (17.64).
About 90 per cent Bihar population are living in rural areas. However, the
decadal percentage growth in urban population of Bihar (35) is much more in
comparison with that of the rural population growth (24) during the decade
2001–2011. The total, male and female literacy rates in Bihar have increased
approximately 17 per cent (47 to 63.82), 14 per cent (59.68 to 73.39) and 20 per
cent (33.12 to 53.33) respectively during the decade 2001–2011. Still, the total
and male literacy rates of Bihar is the lowest and female literacy rate is the second
lowest in the country. Sex ratio in the State has decreased by 3 points (919 to 916)
and this situation is more acute in the 0–6 year’s age group. In this age group the
sex ratio in the State has decreased by 9 points (942 to 933) during the decade
2001–2011. Population density, persons per square km in Bihar has increased by
221 (881 to 1102) during the decade 2001–2011 and it is about three times of
India’s population density (382).
The demographic dividend is a rise in the State. The magnitude of the
demographic dividend appears to be dependent on ability of the economy to
absorb and productively employ the extra workers to take full advantage of this
demographic dividend in one hand and for workers the high quality of skills is precondition for gainful employment in the other.
In the subsequent sections of the paper I am trying to reveal the recent situation
of economic growth & employment-unemployment in the state and way forward for
sustaining the pace of growth and overcoming the other challenges.
DATA SOURCE
The present paper is mainly based on the data obtained from Census of
India 2011 Provisional Population Totals, National Sample Survey Office (NSSO)
quinquennial rounds of employment-unemployment survey during the period
2004–05 to 2009–10 and Central Statistics Office (CSO) State Domestic Product
and other aggregates, 2004–05 series.
ECONOMIC GROWTH
The economy of Bihar which grew at an annual average growth rate of 3.9
per cent in the nineties has picked up at the present stage. The State of Bihar is
now part of the economic emerging States of the India. It is surging ahead at the
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Economic Growth & Employment-Unemployment Situation in Bihar 71
national level on numerous parameters of socio-economic development. Its per capita
income also has grown up between 2004–05 and 2009–10. The State per capita
income at current prices has increased more than double i.e. it has increased from
Rs. 7914 in 2004–05 to Rs. 16715 in 2009–10.
Using the Central Statistics Office (CSO) compilation, it is observed that the
average of annual growth rates of Bihar`s Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at
constant (2004–05) prices, between 2005–06 and 2009–10 stands at more than
10 per cent, which is one of the highest GSDP growth among Indian States and it is
higher than national average of 8.6 per cent.
Table 1: Per cent Growth of Gross (State) Domestic Product at Constant Prices
(2004–05) Over Previous Year
Bihar
All India
2005–06
0.74
9.52
2006–07
17.70
9.58
2007–08
7.61
9.34
2008–09
14.70
6.76
2009–10
9.30
7.96
Average
10.01
8.63
On disaggregating the GSDP into its principal sectors, it was found that the
bulk of the growth has occurred in the secondary sector at average of more than
15 per cent per year, while primary sector has barely grown (average of 1.9 per
cent) and the tertiary sector has grown slower than the national average. In fact,
Bihar`s growth performance over the years has been extremely volatile, reflecting
the over dependence on agriculture, which is itself not a very productive sector.
With about 70 per cent of its area as cultivable land, Bihar has not been
able to extract the maximum from its land. For these, there are many reasons. One
reason lies in the geography of the State-though the soil is fertile, a large part of
Bihar is highly prone to floods. Alternating between years of drought and floods,
agricultural output has been highly volatile. While lack of water management is
a crucial factor hindering the improvements in productivity, another cause for low
productivity has been the fragmentation of land holdings and preponderance of
subsistence farming. Bihar`s record in land reform has been abysmal. The decline
of agriculture lies in chronic lack of investment and the preponderance of archaic
and unregulated agrarian relations with the input subsidies or necessary farm credit.
However, an analysis of Bihar`s recent growth story tells that the situation is improving.
EMPLOYMENT-UNEMPLOYMENT SITUATION
Employment-unemployment is viewed as one of the important outcomes of
ultimate success/ public policies and hence it has been a central issue of discussion/
debate both in academics and Government circles as well as among policy makers
and legislature. Unemployment is a daunting problem for both the developed and
underdeveloped States/ UTs. Generation of gainful employment both skilled and
unskilled has been an issue of major concern both for Central/ State Governments.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
72
Tomar
One of the most difficult problems which the Bihar has been facing is to
provide employment opportunities to all those who enter the labour force from
year to year. The large population base, predominance in the economy so far of
self–employed persons, and dependence on agriculture with its use of traditional
methods of production introduces, apart from unemployment, a fair measure of underemployment. In recent years growth has not reflected itself in sufficient generation
of employment opportunities.
DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO MEASURE THE EMPLOYMENT-UNEMPLOYMENT
There are various estimates based on three concepts namely, Usual Status,
Weekly Status and Daily Status. According to the National Sample Survey (NSS), the
economic activity statuses of persons are captured in terms of usual status approach
or current status approach. While the former takes into consideration the number
of persons in the workforce, the later on the other hand, denote to the number of
man days. A person is included as employed in the usual status approach if he/
she had pursued gainful economic activity for a relatively longer time span in the
period immediately preceding one year (365 days) prior to the date of the NSS
survey. This is known as Usual Principal Activity Status and if a person had spent
relatively shorter time span in the period preceding one year (365 days) prior to
the date of the NSS survey is accounted under the head Usual Subsidiary Activity
Status. Both Principal and Subsidiary Activity Status together constitute Usual Activity
Status Approach (UPSS).
The current status approach however assigns a unique activity status for a
person engaged in gainful economic activity for the period preceding one week
or the previous day of the survey, depending upon the status used. For instance, a
person is considered to be employed under Current Weekly Status (CWS) approach
if he/ she pursued any one or more gainful economic activity for atleast one hour
during the preceding week. In the Current Daily Status (CDS) approach, a person
is considered to be employed if he/ she had spent four hours or more during the
previous day of the survey. It may be noted that there is a considerable variation in
employment measured through these alternative criteria. In the present paper UPSS
and CDS approaches have been used (which provides two extreme estimates) for
measuring the employment-unemployment situation.
Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR)
The labour force participation rate indicates about the percentage of population
who are already engaged any kind of work and those who are ready to work given
the employment opportunity. In other words the labour force includes both the workers
or the employed and the unemployed. LFPR is defined as the number of persons/
person-days in the labour force per 1000 persons/ person-days.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Economic Growth & Employment-Unemployment Situation in Bihar 73
Table 2: Labour Force Participation Rates on the Basis of UPSS
Years
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
Persons
320
289
Urban
Persons
290
272
Rural Male
Urban Male
486
491
485
461
Rural
Female
138
66
Urban
Female
68
56
Fig. 1: LFPR on the Basis of UPSS
Table 3: Labour Force Participation Rates on the Basis of CDS
Years
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
Persons
287
274
Urban
Persons
280
262
Rural Male
Urban Male
468
482
478
451
Rural
Female
89
44
Urban
Female
54
45
Fig. 2: LFPR on the Baals of CDS
From the above tables, it is observed that there are rural-urban and male-female
differences in labour force participation rates. The LFPR is higher in the rural areas
as compared to urban and higher among the male population as compared to their
female counter parts. The LFPR has declined during 2004–05 to 2009–10 for all
except marginally increased for rural male. There is significant decline in women
LFPR and particularly for rural women.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
74
Tomar
Work Participation Rate (WPR)
The measure of work participation rate presents the percentage of persons
who actually worked or employed in the total population. Work participation rate
(WPR) excludes the percentage of unemployed from the labour force participation
rate (LFPR). WPR defined as the number of persons/ person-days employed per
1000 persons/ person-days. The higher this rate the larger is the number of people
participating in economic activity.
Table 3: Work Participation Rates on the Basis of UPSS
Years
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
Persons
316
283
Urban
Persons
272
252
Rural Male
Urban Male
477
481
452
431
Rural
Female
138
65
Urban
Female
65
47
Fig. 3: WPR on the Basis of UPSS
Table 4: Work Participation Rates on the Basis of CDS
Years
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
Persons
268
259
Urban
Persons
252
239
Rural Male
Urban Male
436
457
429
420
Rural
Female
83
42
Urban
Female
50
32
From the above tables, it is observed that WPR also shows a similar pattern
as observed in the case of LFPR. As in the case of LFPR, the work participation rate
(WPR) too is higher in rural areas than their urban counter parts and higher among
males as compared to females. The WPR has declined during 2004–05 to 2009–10
for all except marginally increased for rural male. There is significant decline in
women LFPR and particularly for rural women. There may be two possible reasons
for significant decline in rural women to work. First, young females are shifting from
employment to education. Second, as incomes and female education improve, families
pull females out of the workforce for attaining higher status.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Economic Growth & Employment-Unemployment Situation in Bihar 75
Fig. 4: WPR on the Basis of CDS
Table 5: Literacy Rate (Age 7+)
Years
2001
2011
Rural
Persons
43.92
61.83
Urban
Persons
71.93
78.75
Rural Male
Urban Male
57.09
71.9
79.94
84.42
Rural
Female
29.61
50.82
Urban
Female
62.59
72.36
Source: O/ o RGI
Fig. 5: Literacy Rate (Age 7+)
From the above table, it is observed that for rural female the literacy rate has
increased by more than 30 per cent. However, the social status argument is more
compelling. It operates at both the income and educational level. Poor illiterates have
the work since they cannot afford to be out of work and both males and females
work. But as incomes increases, work participation drops, especially for females.
Surely two good incomes are better than one. But social mores, especially in the
lower middle class, give superior social status to households where female do not
work. When a family with rising income decides to keep female at home, it literally
buys social status with the income foregone. Illiterate female will do any job, but
as education improves, females demand better jobs for status reasons, and these
are not so widely available. We need changed social attitudes to promote female
workers and improved work conditions for female.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
76
Tomar
Unemployment Rate (UR)
The unemployment rate is defined as percentage of the number of persons
unemployed to the persons in the labour force (which includes both the employed
and the unemployed). This, in effect, gives the unutilised portion of the labour force.
Table 6: Unemployment Rate(%) on the Basis of UPSS
Years
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
Persons
1.25
2.08
Urban
Persons
6.21
7.35
Rural Male
Urban Male
1.85
2.04
6.80
6.51
Rural
Female
0.00
1.52
Urban
Female
4.41
16.07
Fig. 6: Unemployment Rate on the Basis of UPSS
Table 7: Unemployment Rate (%) on the Basis of CDS Years
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
Persons
6.62
5.47
Urban
Persons
10.00
8.78
Rural Male
Urban Male
6.84
5.19
10.25
6.87
Rural
Female
6.74
5.09
Urban
Female
8.70
28.89
According to usual status the unemployment rate (chronic) in Bihar has increased
from 1.25 per cent to 2.08 per cent for rural persons during 2004–05 to 2009–10
and same has increased from 6.21 per cent to 7.35 per cent for urban persons
during the same period.
As per the current daily status (CDS) the unemployment rate in Bihar has
decreased from 6.62 per cent to 5.47 per cent for rural persons during 2004–05 to
2009–10 and same has decreased from 10.00 per cent to 8.78 per cent for urban
persons, however it is still higher than national average (5.8) during the same period.
The locational difference in terms of rural-urban unemployment rates exists
and it is observed that the unemployment rate is higher among urban labour force
as compared to the rural ones. This pattern has been similar in the two alternative
concepts of unemployment and it has continued for the 2004–05 and 2009–10.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Economic Growth & Employment-Unemployment Situation in Bihar 77
When it comes to gender (i.e. male/ female) differences, it is observed that the
unemployment rate is higher for rural males as compared to rural females in 2004–05
and in 2009–10 also. However, the unemployment rate is higher for urban males
as compared to urban females in 2004–05 and the reverse trend is observed in
2009–10.
Fig. 7: Unemployment Rate on the Basis of CDS
Shift in Type of Jobs
Usually employed persons are categorized into three broad groups according
to their status of employment. These broad groups are: i) self-employed, ii) regular
employees and iii) Casual labour.
It is observed that from the above table more than 50 per cent people are
self employed. During 2004–05 to 2009–10 in the rural areas the proportion of
self employed was reduced, and proportion of regular and casual workers has
increased. However, Casual workers have increased substantially as compared to
regular workers. The reason for casualization may be i) 2009–10 was a drought
year. In such a bad year, typically marginal farmer are unable to till their own field
and spend more time working for others which is why the number of casual workers
has gone up and ii) Due to Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee
Act (MGNREGA), which aims at employment generation by providing at least one
hundred days of guaranteed wage employment in every financial year to every
household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work programme
and other new opportunities in the rural sector.
During 2004–05 to 2009–10 in the urban areas the proportion of self employed
was marginally increased, and proportion of regular and casual workers has
decreased. However, on further analysis it is observed that while the proportion of
self–employment was increased only for urban male, it decrease for urban females.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
78
Tomar
Table 8: Distribution of Workers According to Usual Status of Employment
Status
Persons
2004–05
2009–10
Self-employed
Regular
Casual
602
27
371
516
32
452
Self-employed
Regular
Casual
598
223
179
614
217
169
Male
2004–05
2009–10
Rural
624
520
29
33
347
447
Urban
609
628
231
215
159
157
Female
2004–05
2009–10
517
18
465
479
26
495
510
153
337
474
237
289
WAY FORWARD
From the above analysis we infer that though the State of Bihar has picked up
the pace of growth but it has a long road ahead to recovery. To see the position of
Bihar at higher echelon in the overall development map of the country, some specific
effective measures are needed, some of which are as follows:
1. The Government has to move systematically with commitment on land
reforms, increased public investment in agriculture, real industrial revival
and generation of jobs that provide a better deal for the poor.
2. There is a need for giving special focus on not only educating the young
work force but also to enhance their skill for providing employment or
strengthening the prospect of their employability through State Skill
Development Mission.
3. Vocational University should be established in the State for promoting
vocation guidance and education.
4. Government should improve the labour market conditions.
5. The Government should undertake the exercise of skill mapping to ensure
proper match between demand and supply of labour force.
6. The State Government lay emphasis on agro-based industries and small
scale industries, particularly in the rural areas to ensure rural diversification.
7. The State Government should accord due priority to the IT sector and
IT-related services so that they provide a major outlet to the skilled
manpower of the State and the beyond the boundaries of the state.
Besides, they are expected to create secondary employment in which the
semi-skilled and unskilled work force can be engaged.
The fast growing state of Bihar, which has demonstrated its true potential of in
all spheres of development, would certainly set a example for the whole country.
The achievement demonstrated by the state in the last six years, strengthen the hope
and belief of both the policy planners and academicians that the state of Bihar one
again retain the glory which it had since and ancient time.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Economic Growth & Employment-Unemployment Situation in Bihar 79
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The Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Vol. 46(4), pp. 845–865.
Employment and Unemployment Situation in India 2004–05, NSS 61st Round (July 2004-June 2005),
National Sample Survey Office, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Govt. of India.
Govt. of India, Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007–12), Planning Commission.
Indian States at a Glance 2006–07, Bihar, Performance, Fact and Figures (2007), Edited by Laveesh
Bhandari and Sumita Kale, Dorling Kinderley (India) Pvt. Ltd.
Govt. of India, Key Indicators of Employment & Unemployment in India–2009–10, NSS 66th Round
(July 2009-June 2010), National Sample Survey Office, Ministry of Statistics and Programme
Implementation.
Govt. of India, Provisional Population Totals, Census of India 2011, O/ o RGI.
Govt. of India, State Domestic Product and other Aggregates, 2004–05 Series, Central Statistics Office,
Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
IRRIGATION–ENERGY NEXUS: ANALYZING
TWIN HURDLES OF ACCELERATED AGRICULTURE
GROWTH IN BIHAR
Rakesh Tiwary1
INTRODUCTION
Bihar has laid out ambitious agriculture development plan for next ten years
(2012–2022) spreading over twelfth and thirteenth Five Year Plans. The Plan aims
to pull out Bihar from stagnation and backwardness, utilise the potential, and to
make Bihar a frontline agrarian state of the country. This could be achieved by
accelerated growth of agriculture based on improvement in infrastructure facilities
and rapid rise in productivity.
The comprehensive program has been charted out in form of Agriculture Road
Map 2022. The Road Map covers vast range of sectors for integrated planning
and implementation. However, a deeper understanding of roadblocks of agriculture
growth in state is essential to identify the dragging forces. Based on analysis,
critical areas of interventions should be identified; well planned and synchronized
management of priority sectors are indispensible to ensure the desired results.
ISSUES AND MAJOR CHALLENGES
Regional Planners agree that agriculture will continue to be the bedrock of
Bihar’s economy. About ninety per cent population lives in rural areas and about
seventy seven per cent of population depends on agriculture and allied activities
for livelihood. The state is endowed with vast natural resources: the soils are
predominantly thick alluvial with rich nutrients, adequate rainfall and favorable
agro-climatic conditions suitable for cultivating a variety of crops. The state has
ample surface and ground water resources with potential for double and multiple
cropping. The region has long peasant tradition; large work force is available in rural
areas of the state.2 Despite availability of vast resources State agriculture growth
has been far below the potential. Poor growth of agriculture has serious impact over
rural income and poverty levels, livelihood and food & nutritional security.
Agrarian potential of Bihar has been severely constrained by infrastructural
and institutional facilities. Inadequate irrigation facilities, fragmentation of land
holdings, poor storage capacities, lack of connectivity and market access are major
hurdles. The constraints have kept Bihar agriculture largely in subsistence mode. Low
productivity of crops is major symptom of ailing nature of State’s agriculture scenario.
Bihar’s agriculture yield in comparison to national and frontline agrarian states (and
even neighbouring state of West Bengal) reveals a large gap across several crops.
Rakesh Tiwary is a Water Resource Management Specialist based in Patna, Bihar
e-mail: [email protected]
2
More than three-quarters of the work force (77 per cent) are employed in agriculture compared to 44
per cent in the neighboring state of West Bengal and 59 per cent for all India.
1
Irrigation–Energy Nexus: Analyzing Twin Hurdles of Accelerated
81
Yield gaps in rice and maize are particularly high. Wheat yields in the state show
big gap despite recent improvements. The productivity levels of maize and other
non cereal crops have risen above national average but they are still far below
their potential. Bihar’s gaps in productivity in rice as well as commercial crops like
potato and sugarcane in a way augurs well for future growth scenario of agriculture.
Further, Bihar agriculture is still dominated by rice wheat maize combinations. The
area under food grains during the period 2000–01 to 2008–09, has been as much
as 95 per cent. Within the food grains, the percentage share of cereals in the total
area has shown a marginal increase at the cost of area under pulses.
Table 1: Yield of Major Crops in Bihar and India (2008–2009) Kg/ hectares)
Rice
Wheat
Maize
Potato
Bihar
West Bengal
India
1454
2126
2746
7894
2533
2490
3782
24703
2178
2907
2414
18331
Despite abundant water resources, suitable climate, and availability of labor
diversification to high value crops have been very slow. With important planning
and inputs, Bihar can experience major spurt in output, productivity and crop
diversification. Among the constraints discussed lack of adequate and assured
irrigation facility stands out as single most impediment in agrarian prospects of Bihar.
IRRIGATION: THE MAJOR HURDLE
Adequate and timely availability of water resources is major input requirements
of agriculture. Irrigation continues to be major hurdle in realizing potential for
agriculture growth in state. Bihar has rich surface and groundwater resources but
insufficient utilisation has led to poor development of irrigation facilities and access.
Only about 50 per cent cultivated land has facility for irrigation; net irrigated area
to total agricultural land is 52.2 per cent. For states like Punjab and Haryana the
figures are 97 and 80 per cent respectively. Adjacent state of Uttar Pradesh in
Gangetic basin has about 70 per cent land under irrigation.
Table 2: Irrigation Development (2007–2008)
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Bihar
All India
Percentage of Net Irrigated
Area Over Agriculture Land
97.1
80.8
68.2
52.2
34.1
Percentage of Gross Irrigated
Area to Total Cropped Area
98.2
84.2
79.7
61.1
34.1
Cropping
Intensity
188
179.7
151.8
139.6
139.0
Assured facility of irrigation has raised the percentage of gross irrigated area
over agriculture land to 181.5 (in Punjab), 148.3 (in Haryana) and 98.1 (in Uttar
Pradesh); in Bihar the percentage figure is 72.2 %. Despite ample endowments of
land and water resources, Cropping Intensity in Bihar is almost equal to national
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
82Tiwary
average (139). Haryana and Punjab enjoy very high cropping intensity (180 and
188 respectively). Assured irrigation is critical for raising production, yield and
cropping intensity and crop diversification. Dependence on monsoon for irrigation
also increases vulnerabilities to climatic vagaries leading to fluctuations in agriculture
productions. As rural economy is inextricably linked to farm outputs and incomes in
Bihar, agricultural fluctuations affect income, livelihoods and migration.3
Irrigation scenario in the state not only has absolute deficit but change in
nature of irrigation sources has also emerged over decades. The changes have
significant implications for framing policy for irrigation and agriculture development
in coming years. There are six major sources of irrigation—surface canals (major),
surface canals (minor), tanks (including Ahars and Pyne), tube wells, other wells
and other sources. Source wise contributions are presented in the table below for
2005–06 and 2009–2010.
Table 3: Irrigated Area (in ‘000 Hectares) and Sources
Canal Surface
Canal Surface Minor
Tank
Tube well (Pvt. And Public)
Other well
Other Sources
Total Irrigated area
2005–2006
2009–2010
1660 (34.38)
1202.45
(27.07)
17.59 (0.40)
332.56 (7.49)
19.86 (0.41)
332.56
(6.88)
2643.21
(54.72)
145.79
(2.96)
23.33 (0.47)
4830.56
(100)
2726.60
(61.39)
145.79 (3.28)
16.74 (0.38)
4441.73 (100)
Economic Survey of Bihar, 2010–2011
Figures show that relative contribution of surface irrigation (major and medium
projects) has declined over years. In 2009–10, canals (major and minor) provided
27.47 per cent. Tanks and other sources are also becoming less important over time.
Contribution of tube wells has increased; tube wells (together public and private)
provided 61.39 per cent of total irrigation in 2009–2010.
Bihar faced a two serious successive drought years in 2009 and 2010 arising out of scanty rainfall during
south west monsoon. In 2009, the rainfall deficit was 42 per cent; 28 districts out of a total of 38 were
declared drought affected. Rainfall situation aggravated in the following years. All 38 districts were
declared drought affected in 2010. The arrival of monsoon in the state was delayed by two weeks
and during the peak sowing season of the main kharif crop, the rainfall deficit was more than 20 per
cent and shortfall in crop coverage more than 60 per cent over the entire state (as per Department of
Agriculture, GoB). The other main Kharif crop, i.e., maize also suffered substantially with a shortfall of
21.78% against the target fixed for the year 2010. Figures establishe dependence over monsoon as
well as lack of assured irrigation.
3
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Irrigation–Energy Nexus: Analyzing Twin Hurdles of Accelerated
83
Declining Contribution of Surface Irrigation
Development and utilisation of canal based surface irrigation is facing multiple
problems. Creation of irrigation potential is extremely sluggish despite high utilizable
potentials and rising investments; utilisation of created potential has also remained
very low. Addition of new irrigation potential has been marginal due to delay in
completion of projects. Out of the 53.53 lakh hectares of the Ultimate Irrigation
Potential of the State through the Major & Medium Irrigation Schemes, an irrigation
potential of 28.80 lakh hectares have been created by 31st March, 2010 by the
15 Major & 79 Medium Irrigation Schemes. The total potential created was 28.17
lakh hectares in 1999–00, and the potential restored during 2005–10 was around
65 thousand hectares. With the lapse of time, only 16.66 lakh hectares remain as
utilizable irrigation potential out of the total created irrigation potential of 28.80
lakh hectares. In 1999–2000, total area irrigated against the potential created
was 15.20 lakh hectares (taking kharif, rabi and summer crops together), showing
utilization efficiency with respect to the created irrigation potential as 54 per
cent. However, in 2009–10, the potential being 28.80 lakh hectares, the utilization
efficiency worked out to 57 per cent with total area under irrigation being 16.37
lakh hectares.
Developing Groundwater Irrigation Resources
Tube well based groundwater is largest source of irrigation in Bihar; the
dominance in fact is growing. Its relative contribution to total irrigated area has
increased over years (about 52 per cent in 2000–2001 to 61 per cent). Strong
presence of tube well irrigation is fairly spread out in different parts of the state.
Out of 38 districts, tube well provide more than 50 per cent of irrigation in 30
districts of state; more than 70 per cent in 27 districts and more than 90 per cent in
19 districts. However, groundwater development and utilisation is much below the
potential. Ample availability of groundwater augurs well for growth of tube well
based irrigation.
Bihar has 27.23 BCM/ year Total Annual Replenishable Ground Water
Resource. Current stage of groundwater development is only 39 per cent. Current
stage of groundwater development in Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh is
109 per cent, 145 per cent and 70 per cent respectively.
Table 4: Availability and Utilisation of Groundwater Resources
(Unit BCM/ Year)
States
Punjab
Haryana
U. Pradesh
Bihar
All India (Total States)
Annual
Replenishable
Ground Water
Resources
23.78
9.31
76.35
29.19
432.42
Net Annual
Ground Water
Availability
21.44
8.63
70.18
27.42
398.70
Annual Groundwater Draft
Irrigation
30.44
9.10
45.36
9.39
212.38
Domestic/
Industrial
.83
0.35
3.42
1.37
18.04
Total
31.16
9.45
48.78
10.77
230.41
Source: Central Groundwater Board, Hydrology Project, Ministry of Water Resources
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
84Tiwary
Table 5: Stage of Groundwater Development (Unit BCM/ Year)
States
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Bihar
All India (Total States)
Projected Demand for
Domestic and Industrial
Uses Upto 2025
1.00
0.60
5.30
2.14
29.12
Groundwater
Availability for
Future Irrigation
-9.89
-1.07
19.52
15.89
161.92
Stage of
Groundwater
Development (%)
145.00
109.00
70.00
39.00
58.00
Source: Central Groundwater Board, Hydrology Project, Ministry of Water Resources
Haryana and Punjab have problems of overdraft of groundwater. Bihar is
well below than national average (Total States) of groundwater development in
the country (details are presented in the tables above). Annual groundwater draft
for irrigation is about 34 per cent of net annual groundwater availability. For
agrarian and water rich state like Bihar, utilisation levels are extremely poor. Figures
indicate inadequate efforts to raise the uses of groundwater. On positive note; it
also indicates that Bihar has large potential of utilisation of its vast resources of
groundwater for irrigation. Resource utilisation must be stretched at accelerating
pace; rapid groundwater resource development should be the major strategy to
boost agriculture growth in the state.
GROUNDWATER IRRIGATION DEVELOPMENT: ‘ENERGY’ THE
MAJOR ROADBLOCK
Economical and efficient modes of water lifting of groundwater will be major
challenge in utilisation of vast groundwater resources for irrigation. Currently tube
wells are major source of irrigation; however there are structural asymmetries.
Shallow tube wells constitute majority of tube wells in Bihar (more than 99 per
cent). Among shallow tube wells, majority (more than 93 per cent as per third
Minor Irrigation Census in Bihar) are diesel operated. Majority of shallow tube
wells are owned by individual farmers. High costs of diesel operated tube wells
increase economic costs and decreases economic productivity of costs. (Diesel based
tube well operations are difficult due to increasing price of diesel, costs involved
in purchasing and transport and issues of easy availability). For food grain crops
(where profit margins are low), diesel based irrigation squeezes profitability and
may affect crop choices and crop coverage. In case of Bihar where small and
marginal farmers dominate the agrarian population, increasing costs of inputs will
have multiple adverse effects.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Irrigation–Energy Nexus: Analyzing Twin Hurdles of Accelerated
85
Table 6: Tube Wells in Bihar: Bihar Minor Irrigation Census (2003–2004)
Shallow Tube wells
Total Number of Shallow
Tube Wells (Private + Public)
A. Ownership:
1. Government
2. Cooperative Societies
3. Panchayat
4. Group of Farmers
5. Individual farmers
B. Water Lifting Device:
1. Electric Pumps
2. Diesel Pumps
3. Wind mills
4. Solar Pumps
5. Man animal operated
6. Others
651383
550
77
45
101
650256
Deep Tube wells
Total Number
of Deep Tube Wells
A. Ownership
1. Government
2. Cooperative Societies
3. Panchayat
4. Group of Farmers
5. Others
6190
3451
24
70
101
2544
28421
611225
(93%)
9132
871
1574
160
Pumpset Energisation: Key to Agriculture Growth
Expansion in groundwater development based on economical and assured tube
well irrigation would accelerate agriculture growth in Bihar. Thus rapid energisation
of pump sets for irrigation stands out as key strategy to accelerate groundwater
utilisation. Currently pumpset energisation is falling far below the potential.
Estimated ultimate groundwater potential in terms of electrical pump sets in state is
1352200. However, cumulative achievement till 31-10-2011 has been only about
20 per cent; Bihar has large ground to cover. Many states have exceeded pump
sets energisation in relation to ultimate groundwater potential up to unsustainable
levels, however, ample unutilised groundwater availability provides large scope to
Bihar for supporting agriculture growth and diversification.
Table 7: Status of Pumpset Energisation Status (2011)
States
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Bihar
All India (Total States)
Estimated Ultimate
Groundwater Potential
in Terms of Electrical
Pumpsets
751000
470800
2610000
1352200
19544000
Pumpsets Energized
(as on 31-10-2011)
Numbers
1143267
565656
898212
273979
17565973
Percentage
152.2
120.1
34.4
20.3
89.9
Source: Central Electricity Authority, Govt. of India
ENERGY WOES IN BIHAR
Pressing need of pumpsets energisation in Bihar inevitably leads to status of
energy scenario in Bihar particularly under rural and agriculture sector. To transform
the agrarian scenario, Power sector is a critical infrastructure. Supply of reliable and
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
86Tiwary
quality power at reasonable and competitive rate is indispensible. However, energy
situation in Bihar is fraught with multiple challenges of availability, infrastructure
development, demand and supply side issues and governance. Bihar is water rich
but energy poor state.
The per capita power consumption in the state is about 122 KWh units against
an all India average of 717 Kwh (Punjab-1527 Kwh Haryana 1222 Kwh, Gujarat
1615 Kwh, West Bengal 550 Kwh). The power supply position in Bihar is very poor
and the deficit in relation to peak demand is ever increasing. The total installed
capacity including hydel is about 600 MW, against the peak demand of 3000 MW.
The deficit, which was around 17 per cent in 2006–07, increased to 31 per cent in
2007–08 and to 40 per cent in 2009–10. In 2010–11, the deficit is estimated to
be around 45 per cent. The bifurcation of state in 2000 resulted in major power
stations going to Jharkhand, leaving only two old thermal generating stations in
present Bihar. Consequently, the state is lagging much behind other states in the
country in terms of power availability and needs to purchase 90 per cent of its
power requirements from central utilities. No new generating unit has come up in
the state in the last 25 years. Bihar’s current installed generation capacity is only
584.6 MW, including renewable resources owned by the Bihar State Hydroelectric
Power Corporation. The state has access to a total of 1846 MW, including capacity
allocated from central stations. This has led to severe rationing of power to meet
consumer requirements. The deficit in demand and availability is bound to increase
in coming years as assessed by Bihar State Electricity Board; future energy scenario
appears grimmer.
Table 8: Bihar Energy Scenario: Current and Future
Forecast of Energy Requirement
Power Scenario in Bihar (2011–2012)
Year
Peak Load (MW) Energy Requirement
Peak Demand
3607 (MW)
2006–2007
1500
9126
Peak Met
1769 (MW)
2007–2008
1800
11194
Peak Deficit (-)/
-1838
surplus (+)
2008–2009
1900
12874
Peak Deficit/
-50.95
Surplus (%)
2009–2010
2500
14886
2011–2012
2012–2013
2013–2014
2015–2015
3000
3607
4000
5000
17213
19905
23652
33288
Source: Bihar State Electricity Board, GoB, 2011
Transmission and distribution losses are very high. Current power distribution
in Bihar is characterized by around 40 per cent of system losses, far higher than
the national target of 15 per cent. The losses are even higher when one takes into
consideration cash realisation. Such a situation calls for a change in the way electricity
distribution is managed. Electricity Board in fact is not able to measure the actual
T&D losses in the absence of measuring system. During 2006–07, the T&D losses
were estimated to be as high as 57.6 per cent.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Irrigation–Energy Nexus: Analyzing Twin Hurdles of Accelerated
87
Energy Consumption in Agriculture Sector: Immediate
Attention Needed
Consumption of electricity in rural and agriculture sector is very low. At the end
of 2009, BSEB had 2.96 million consumers and overall sales were at 5325 gigawatt
hours (GWh), of which 33 per cent were to domestic, 27 per cent to industrial and 15
per cent to irrigation consumers. In 2007–2008 agriculture consumption constituted
about 17 per cent to total energy consumption. In frontline agrarian states power
consumption in agriculture sector is much higher; share of power consumption by
agriculture sector is lower than national average (table). The deficit emphasizes
urgent need of rural electricity as well as improvement in supply of electricity in
rural areas.
Table 9: State Wise Consumption of Electricity for Agriculture Purpose
States
Haryana
Punjab
Andhra Pradesh
Gujarat
West Bengal
Bihar
All India
Agriculture Consumption GWH (2007–2008)
Energy Consumption
% Consumption for
Agriculture Purpose
7335.37
44.07
10022.20
37.98
15241.05
33.22
10946.44
26.85
1110.07
4.93
659.12
17.23
104181.69
22.86
% Age of Villages
Electrified as on 31
March 2008
100.00
100.00
100.00
96.35
95.88
52.85
82.27
GWh: Giga Watt hour
Source: Central Electricity Authority, New Delhi.
Rural electrification has been grossly inadequate in Bihar; In 2008 only 52.85
per cent of villages were electrified in comparison to national average of 82 per cent
(table). Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana (RGGVY) is being implemented
since 2005 in all the 38 districts in the state. Electrification of 23211 un-electrified
villages was taken up under RGGVY; so far, 15744 villages have been electrified
and work is in progress in the remaining 7467 villages. Total 29764 villages, out of
total 44700 villages, have been electrified till 2011 (about 66 per cent). Under the
scheme, out of the target of 29,862 villages, 20,526 villages were either electrified,
or if already electrified, benefited from upgrading.
Improvements in power distribution and transmission systems at different levels
are required. Under the Accelerated Power Development and Reforms Program
(APDRP) of the central government, the diverse schemes are being taken for: (i)
establishment of new distribution substations, (ii) installation of consumer and feeder
metering, (iii) upgrading of overloaded 33 KV and 11 KV lines, (iv) renovation and
modernization of existing substations and distribution transformers, and (v) installation
of new distribution transformers. Many initiatives need to be taken for demand side
management for example, use of energy efficient pumps, installation of capacitors,
use of inbuilt and non transferable capacitors. Initiatives for load management must
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
88Tiwary
be implemented; load management aims at regulating loads without any loss of
productivity so that the system load curve matches with system optimal capability.
Load management results in substantial reduction of peak power losses and better
utilisation of system facilities. Remote Controller Load Management schemes (RCLM)
which involve segregation of agricultural consumers, regulation of supply as per
pre announced schedules, use of power for irrigation purposes during non peak
period should be implemented.
CONCLUSION
An ambitious and comprehensive agriculture development plan, involving
multiple sectors, has been charted out in Bihar. At this stage, identification of key
hindering factors and strategic intervention in priority sectors will hold the key
to achieve accelerate growth. Bihar has vast endowments of natural resources;
however, lack of assured irrigation is at the core of Bihar poor agriculture
productivity and low output. Undoubtedly, Bihar ambitious agriculture development
plan will require rapid expansion of assured irrigation facilities. Groundwater
irrigation is the key resource for future for reliable, adequate and timely irrigation
in the state. Over the years tube well irrigation has emerged as dominant source.
Vast unutilised groundwater irrigation potential augurs well for Bihar. But to
accelerate the utilisation, tube well/ pumpset energisation program should be
expanded rapidly. Energy scenario requires immediate attention; particularly
power consumption for agriculture purposes poses huge and diverse challenges.
Agriculture revolution will need healthy and reliable energy situation in Bihar.
Thus State needs to brace up quickly in coming years to fill huge gaps in power
availability. Dedicated efforts would be required for infrastructural improvement,
supply and demand management in rural energy sector for accelerated growth
of agriculture in the State.
REFERENCES
Government of Bihar, Economic Survey 2010–2011.
Bihar: A Development Strategy, 2005, The World Bank.
Government of India, Road Map For Development of Power Sector in Bihar, A Report of The Special
Task Force of Power Sector Development, July 2007, New Delhi.
Bihar’s Agriculture Development: Opportunities and Challenges, A Report of The Special Task Force on
Bihar, April 2008, Government of India, New Delhi.
Agriculture Road Map (Draft), Draft Prepared for Kisan Samagam, February, 2012, Department of
Agriculture, Government of Bihar.
Data Sources
Government of India, Central Electricity Authority.
http:// www.cea.nic.in/ reports/ monthly/ dpd_div_rep/ pumpset_energisation.pdf
Government of India, 3rd Minor Irrigation Census, Ministry of Water Resources.
Central Groundwater Board, Hydrology Project, Ministry of Water Resources.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
EDUCATION IN BIHAR: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECTS
K.N. Pathak1
Abstract—Bihar occupies a distinct place in the history of educational development
in India. Old scriptures refer to eminent scholars with specialization in Sanskrit studies
and different institutions which taught subjects such as Nyaya, Poetry, Grammar,
Astronomy and so on. Bihar also had teachers of high caliber who were proficient
in Grammar, Law and Meta Physics. The University of Nalanda was the centre of
excellence in education where scholars from Korea, Japan, Ceylon, Java, Sumatra
etc. came for higher studies.
The history of educational development in Bihar may be better analyzed from
1912 when Bihar was carved out of Bengal as a separate State with Headquarters at
Patna. The available data from 1990–2010 indicates that there has been considerable
growth at all level of education in the state. The setting up of Indian Institute of
Technology, Indian Institute of Management and National law University in the state
is a significant development. However, in terms of literacy, Bihar is still at the lowest
position in the country. Female literacy in the state is also an issue of major concern.
The success of the development of Bihar can be ensured only by making its female
population a true partner in development.
There has been notable improvement in the schemes like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
(SSA) and Mid-Day Meal Scheme (MDMS) in the State in the last five years. During
the last few years there has been substantial step up in the allocation of funds for
elementary education.
It is observed that in Bihar there has been significant achievement in reducing the
drop-out rates both at Primary and Upper Primary levels. However, there is a need to
make concerted effort to check the drop-out rate at Class I–X level.
In India, there will be 63.5 million new entrants to the working age group of
15–59 years between 2011 and 2016. Out of this, a significant percentage would
be from Bihar. In the light of this, there is a need for giving special focus on not only
educating the young work force but also enhancing their skill for providing employment
or strengthening the prospect of their employability.
Another important issue linked with this is the migration of labour force from Bihar.
Skill development will certainly enhance the scope of setting up of small scale industries
and would provide better opportunities of employment to the young workers trained
in different trades. The serious problem in higher and technical education system is the
State’s inability to cater to the demand for quality education. This has led the students
to opt for migration for educational purposes. The financial health of the universities
is poor. Thus the major challenge faced by the State Govt. is to provide adequate
fund to the universities on the one hand and to ensure quality education on the other.
In order to make the economy knowledge based and sustain prosperity in the face of
accelerating global competition, there is a need to improve Technical Education system.
To encourage innovative applications of technology over entire range of economic
activities the State Govt. has to give thrust on promoting technical education. State
Government would need to ensure that adequate number of Engineering Colleges &
Polytechnic Institutes are set up before it is too late.
1
K.N. Pathak is Working as Joint Adviser in Planning Commission. The views Expressed in
this Paper are those of the Author and not of the Institution to which he belongs.
90
Pathak
INTRODUCTION
Bihar occupies a distinct place in the history of educational development in
India. In early 19th Century there were two types of institutions for education: (i)
those for higher education through the medium of Sanskrit or Persian and Arabic,
and (ii) those for elementary education.
Old scriptures refer to eminent scholars with a specialization in Sanskrit studies
at different institutions which provided for teaching separate subjects such as Nyaya,
Poetry, Grammar, Astronomy and so on. At that stage also, Bihar had teachers of
high caliber who were proficient in Grammar, Law and Meta Physics. The University
of Nalanda, which is situated at a distance of 65kms from capital city of Patna, was
the centre of excellence in education where scholars from Korea, Japan, Ceylon,
Java, Sumatra etc. came for higher studies in different branches of learning.
During the medieval period, Patna was an important centre of Arabic and Persian
studies. Education in Bihar could not get due attention during the early British period
as Bihar was part of Greater Bengal administered from Calcutta.
The history of educational development in Bihar may be better analyzed from
1912 when Bihar was carved out of Bengal as a separate State with Headquarter
at Patna. In 1917, when Patna University came into being, there were three colleges
affiliated to Calcutta University. Initially the jurisdiction of Patna University covered
Bihar, Orissa and also Nepal. Post graduate classes in various Arts subject were
started in Patna College in July 1919 and those in Physics and Chemistry in 1921.
The Science College was established as a separate institution for higher scientific
teaching in 1927.
Bihar had a long journey of development in education. Today, it is leading
in the field of administration, science and Technology and various other facets
of development all over the country. This had been made possible by systematic
development of education in various streams such as, Arts, Science and Commerce,
Engineering & Technology, Medical Sciences, Teacher Training, etc. A review of
development of educational institutions in the period from 1990 to 2010 throws
some light on the trend of development.
The above table reflects that there has been considerable growth at all level of
education in the state. The setting up of Indian Institute of Technology, Indian Institute
of Management and National law University in the state is a significant development.
Earlier the student from Bihar had to go to other states for having their education
in the field of technology, management and law. Now the establishment of these
institutions in the state itself will provide better opportunities particularly to such
student who could not afford to pursue their education in these fields because of
higher cost involved in their studies outside the state.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Education in Bihar: Retrospect and Prospects
91
Table 1: Development of Educational Institutions
in the Period from 1990 to 2010
Institution
State Universities
Central University
Institutions deemed as Universities
National Law University
Board of Intermediate/ Secondary Education
Research Institutions
Arts, Science & Commerce Colleges
Engineering & Technology Colleges
IITs
IIMs
Medical Colleges
Teacher Training Colleges
Intermediate/ Junior Colleges
Higher Secondary Schools
High Schools
Middle/ Senior Basic Schools
Primary/ Junior Basic School
Teacher Training Schools
Polytechnic Institutes
1990
09
Nil
02
Nil
02
04
557
06
Nil
Nil
10
15
105
206
3786
13170
53252
94
22
2009–10
13
01
03
01
03
05
817
10
01
01
37
33
1030
1030
2762
18007
45557
NA
13
LITERACY IN BIHAR
•
As per 2001 Census, Bihar was at the bottom of literacy table with literacy
rate of 47.5% as against the national average of 65.38%.
•
As per 2001 Census, out of 26 districts of the country having literacy rate
less than 40%, 11 districts were in Bihar itself.
•
Out of 67 districts of the country having million plus illiterates, 15 were
in Bihar.
•
Out of the top 10 districts in terms of absolute number of illiterates, 3
districts namely, East Champaran, Madhubani and Muzaffarpur were
from Bihar.
A comparative analysis of the trend of literacy rate in Bihar in the period
1991–2011 is as follows:
Table 2: Trend of Literacy in Bihar as Per Last Three Censuses
State
Bihar
Jharkhand
Uttar Pradesh
West Bengal
All India
1991
38.50
38.50
42.00
57.70
52.20
2001
47.00
53.56
56.27
68.64
64.80
2011
63.82
67.63
69.72
77.08
74.04
From the above table it is observed that Bihar has though progressed in term
of literacy still it is at the lowest position in the country. Female literacy in the state
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
92
Pathak
is also an issue of major concern. The success of the development of Bihar can be
ensured only by making its female population a true partner in development. The
trend of literacy rate for female in the State in the period 1991–2011 is as follows:
Table 3: Literacy Rate for Females in Bihar as Per Last Three Censuses
State
Bihar
Jharkhand
Uttar Pradesh
West Bengal
All India
1991
22.00
25.50
24.40
46.60
39.30
2001
33.10
38.90
42.20
59.60
53.70
2011
53.33
56.21
59.26
71.16
66.46
From the above it is observed that Bihar has though endeavoured to improve
its literacy rate and has succeeded in improving its female literacy by 31% in two
decades, still about half of the women of the State appear to be illiterate. To make
them active participants of the process of development, intensive effort is required
to ensure that the literacy of the State including the female literacy does not lag
behind the national average. District/ region specific strategy needs to be adopted
for promoting female literacy in the state.
ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN BIHAR
Bihar languished amidst constraints and stagnation in field of education
particularly for fifteen years between 1990–2005. The pace of enrolment and
retention has started improving at the elementary stage of education. Towards the
end of 1990’s, it was estimated that three-fourth of the out-of-school children were
from six States of the country and Bihar was one of them. As per 2001 Census, out
of 15.8 million out-of-school children in the country in the age group 11–13, more
than 40% were from UP and Bihar.
A note of caution was required to be taken by the Government of Bihar based
on the comparative study of 1991 and 2001 Census which revealed that all major
States, except Bihar and Assam had contributed positively towards reduction in the
number of out-of-school children in the age group 11–13.
Through an analysis of out-of-school children (OSC) at primary and upper
primary stage based on 6th and 7th All India Educational Surveys (AIES) (1993 and
2002), it is observed that the number of out-of-school children in the age group
11–13 in 2002 was 5.70 million as against 4.49 million in 1993.
There has been notable improvement in the schemes like Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan(SSA) and Mid-Day Meal Scheme (MDMS) in the State in the last five years.
During the last few years there has been substantial step up in the allocation of funds
for elementary education, although the availability of educational infrastructure
in terms of the child population has been inadequate and lower than the national
average. The number of schools per thousand child population at primary level is
only six in the State as compared to the national average of nine. At upper primary
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Education in Bihar: Retrospect and Prospects
93
level, these are three and six respectively. The ratio of primary schools to upper
primary schools is 2.41 at the national level, whereas it is higher at 3.73 for Bihar.
The average student-class room ratio at elementary level is as high as 96 compared
to 35 at the national level.
Thus, terms of educational indicators of access, enrolment and retention
presented a gloomy picture at elementary level in the state. Some improvement is
seen only in the recent years. Education indicators for Bihar have been abysmally low
as compared to the national average. As per DISE 2009–10, the Gross Enrollment
Ratio (GER) for primary classes is 135.53 as compared to 115.63 for all states. GER
above 100 is accounted for by the enrolment of under age and over age children.
The GER for upper primary classes is 53.38% compared to 75.80 for all states.
Although the average dropout rate for primary classes as per DISE 2009–10 is
13.44, the cumulative dropout rate as per Selected Educational Statistics 2007–08
is 46.89% as compared to 25.09% for all states. The cumulative dropout rate for
elementary classes (I–VIII) is 70.69% as compared to 42.68% for all states. The
above set of data clearly demonstrate the need for corrective measures to be taken
by the state government.To strengthen the foundation of education in the state Govt
needs to pay special attention on enhancing enrolment rate, check the dropout
rate particularly among girls and also ensure gender parity on all parameters of
educational development.
The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan covers all the elementary schools and provides
access to almost all habitations except a few newly-emerged ones. The SSA outlay
for Bihar in 2010–11 is Rs.5381 crore and it is expected that the outlay for RTEharmonized SSA would be around Rs.6000 crore for 2011–12. All the Kasturba
Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas (KGBVs) are functional and only about 30 KGBVs are still
under consideration. The SSA has created a huge demand for secondary education
and this raises a strong hope that the State Govt.would take effective steps for
setting up of large number of schools at that level and also upgrade the existing
upper primary schools and KGBVs.
The major problem reported in implementation of Mid Day Meal Scheme has
been erratic supply of foodgrains and lack of storage facilities, as FCI supplies are
to be lifted from the district godowns. The attention of the States Government is
imperative in this regard as the schools do not have adequate storage facilities and
at times there is disruption in supply of Mid-Day Meals. The coverage of MDMS is
partial as about 28% of Government and Government aided schools are not covered
under MDMS. It has also been observed that the existing kitchen sheds have very
limited storage capacity and there is a need for additional storage space for at
least a fortnight’s supply. The MDMS is getting popular and children turn up in large
number. There is also awareness among the public and public representative. It is
certainly playing a catalytic role in improving the enrolment rate at the elementary
stage of education in the State. However, the State has been facing difficulties mainly
on account of timely supply of grains to the schools. Quality improvement measures
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
94
Pathak
are being attempted and weekly menus are prescribed. The State Government needs
to streamline and strengthen the monitoring mechanism for effective implementation
of this scheme.
DROP-OUT RATE IN CLASSES I–V, I–VIII AND I–X
The success of educational initiatives depends considerably on retention of
larger number of students till the end of tertiary level of education. The following
table presents comparative data of drop-out rate at different stages:
Table 4: Drop-out Rates at Primary, Elementary and Secondary Stage
Sl. No.
State
1.
Andhra
Pradesh
Bihar
Jharkhand
Madhya
Pradesh
All India
2.
3.
4.
5.
Classes I–V
Classes I–VIII
Classes I–X
1991–92 2003–04 2008–09 1991–92 2003–04 2008–09 1991–92 2003–04 2008–09
53.00
42.60
15.55
70.93
59.80
40.55
75.54
NA
60.73
64.40
64.40
35.50
59.00
N.A.
23.80
34.65
20.70
16.34
79.38
79.38
57.78
78.00
N.A.
46.80
58.33
60.14
30.27
85.02
N.A.
67.91
NA
NA
NA
81.50
N.A.
68.89
42.00
31.50
24.93
58.67
52.30
42.25
71.51
NA
55.88
Sources: Education in India, Vol (s), 1991–92. 1998–99 and selected Educational Statistics, 2003–04
and 2008–09 of Ministry of HRD
It is observed that in Bihar there has been significant achievement in reducing the
drop-out rates both at Primary and Upper Primary levels. At Class I–V level it has
reduced by about 30% in 2008–09 in comparison with 1991–92. Similarly, there
has also been a reduction in drop-out rate in Class I–VIII in the corresponding period.
It has reduced by about 21% in 2008–09 in comparison with 1991–92. However,
there is need to make concerted effort to check the drop-out rate in Class I–X.
SECONDARY EDUCATION
The success of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan will lead to the inference that Secondary
Education during the next few years would face simultaneously strong pool for
quantitative expansion and qualitative improvement. The enrollment rate will increase
and dropout rate will decrease. This would create great demand for infrastructure
facilities for secondary education. Due to global competitiveness, industry, business
and service sectors will demand higher quality of man power. Hence the state
Government has to fully gear up for that. The secondary level education provides
an important link between the elementary and higher education. It also serves as
training ground for workforce. Senior secondary stage or intermediate stage is very
important for skill development, because at this stage, diversification of curriculum
and selection of professional streams by students occur.
In view of substantial increase in enrolment at secondary level in the recent years,
the state is facing an acute shortage of secondary schools. The State should take
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Education in Bihar: Retrospect and Prospects
95
full advantage of Centrally Sponsored Schemes such as Model Schools, Rashtriya
Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA), Girls’ Hostel, and ICT in schools to improve
opportunities for the provision of quality secondary education. However, the limited
number of Model Schools will remain stand-alone schools with higher investment,
whereas the State would be actually suffering due to lack of access to secondary
education for a large number of children. In view of acute scarcity of land, the norms
stipulated for secondary schools should be relaxed for the state of Bihar as it has
high density of population, and in several blocks the requisite five acre plot of land
per school is difficult to be obtained.
The State has been making efforts to provide girls hostels in existing schools
where there is adequate availability of land. The incentive scheme such as Bicycle
for Girls is popular in the State and quality standards are ensured with funding for
only ISI approved bicycle.
The state has to analyze the status of secondary education on the basis of
data collected through the SEMIS survey and formulate an appropriate plan for
the development of secondary education for the forthcoming twelfth five year plan
(2012–2017) in accordance with the principles set out in the RMSA.
Giving a special focus on secondary education in the State is also necessary
because Bihar is one of the States which is going to have the major gains in terms
of demographic dividend. The issue which needs to be clearly kept in view is that
the working population in the age group 15–59 years in India will be more than
64% by 2021. There will be 63.5 million new entrants to the working age group
of 15–59 years between 2011 and 2016. There will be a significant population
of this age group from Bihar. In the light of this, there is a need for giving special
focus on not only educating the young work force but also to enhance their skill for
providing employment or strengthening the prospect of their employability. The State
Skill Development Mission initiated by Government of Bihar in line with the National
Skill Development Mission needs to be followed with commitment and adequate
priority. State Government has already taken initiative in this regard. But there is a
need to exchange the innovative ideas and success stories with some States which
have met significant progress in this regard. The steps taken by Government of
Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat have a number of success stories of skill
development which may be considered in case of Bihar suited to the geo-physical
situation of the State.
Another important issue linked with this is the migration of labour force from
Bihar. Skill development will certainly enhance the scope of setting up of small
scale industries and would provide better opportunities of employment to the young
workers trained in different trades. The State Government would also require to
ensure that the Employment Exchanges function as facilitators in providing information
in both ways, i.e. the availability of the specialized manpower with requisite skill to
be brought to the knowledge and information of industries and entrepreneurs on
the one hand and the demand of workers in a specialized trade/ skill by different
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
96
Pathak
industries/ entrepreneurs to the job seekers on the other. Education would certainly
need to be directly linked with the job market. Many of the young persons in the State
are well qualified but are not getting job due to lack of specific skills. Establishing
a direct link between the general education and skill development would certainly
improve the employment scenario in the State.
UNIVERSITY AND HIGHER EDUCATION
The State has made significant progress in field of Universities and higher
education. The State is taking advantage of the provision of Degree College at
sub-divisional level and earmarked outlays for assisting State Universities and
Government colleges. The State Govt. has also proposed to ensure adequate
provisions for distinguished institutions in the field of higher learning and research
such as Chanakya National Law University, Establishment of University of Nalanda,
National Level Chandragupta Management Institute, Aryabhatta Professional
University, Communication & Journalism and University and A.N. Sinha Institute of
Social Studies which have been established as institutions in distinguished fields of
higher and technical education.
The serious problem in higher and technical education system is the State’s
inability to cater to the demand for quality education. This has led the students to
opt for migration for educational purposes. The financial health of the universities
in the state is poor. Thus the major challenge faced by the State Govt. is to provide
adequate fund to the universities on the one hand and to ensure quality education
on the other. The proposals initiated by the State Government for setting up Tribunal
for Higher Education and Appellate Authority in Higher Education may be expected
to help the State government to deal with problems and issues of higher education
sector to a large extent.
TECHNICAL EDUCATION
The number of polytechnics in the State is very less (13) and out of these
polytechnics only three had regular principals. To make the Polytechnics effective
and quality oriented the state government needs to accord priority to appointment
of regular Principals and filling up of the vacant faculty positions in polytechnics.
The State has 28 districts without polytechnic where it is proposed to establish
polytechnics under the GOI Scheme. Funds have been provided for strengthening
and modernizing existing polytechnics and engineering colleges. Provision has also
been made for construction of women’s polytechnic and girls’ hostel and in existing
polytechnics. A study has recommended that at least one polytechnic institution and
an ITI should be established in each of the districts with appropriate assistance
extended for a reasonable period of time.
The proposal of the State Government for establishment of an Indian Institute of
Information Technology is a significant step towards strengthening technical education.
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Education in Bihar: Retrospect and Prospects
97
The State Govt. is reported to have identified 97 acres of land for setting up IIIT at
Nalanda. The State Govt. is trying to address to the problem of shortage of faculty
in engineering/ polytechnic institutions which is to the extent of about 50 per cent.
However, it needs to be ensured that the contract faculty appointed to fill in the gap
is of requisite standard and help in maintaining the quality of technical education in
the State. A Centrally Sponsored Scheme, Technical Education Quality Improvement
Programme Phase II (TEQIP-II) will be implemented with the contribution of State
Government with 75% of fund being provided by Govt of India for a period of 4
years. The State Govt therefore needs to make adequate funds provisioning in the
budget so as to leverage funds from the Government of India under the scheme
for polytechnics.
In order to make the economy knowledge based and sustain prosperity in
the face of accelerating global competition, there is a need to improve Technical
Education system. To encourage innovative applications of technology over entire
range of economic activities the State Govt. has to give thrust on promoting technical
education. Keeping in view of the strategic position which the State is expected
to have in demographic dividend in coming two decades the intake capacity in
Engineering Colleges & Polytechnics will have to be enhanced more than three to
four times of the existing level. For achieving this, the number of new Engineering
College & Polytechnic Institutes required to be opened would be perhaps more than
five time of the present strength. In order to ensure that the youth of State does not
face the unemployment due to lack of requisite skill State Government would need
to ensure that adequate number of Engineering College & Polytechnic Institutes are
set up before it is too late.
The former President Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam had very aptly observed: “If India
is to progress, Bihar has to succeed”. Having more than 8% of country’s population,
the State of Bihar was envisaged by the then visionary President to endeavour
for achieving double-digit economic growth. The time has proved that. Bihar has
endeavoured its best not only to achieve double-digit growth rate but also to lead the
nation with its exemplary developmental path and glaring achievements on various
parameters of development. The major challenge before the state government is
to retain the leading position.
REFERENCES
Govt. of India, Annual Report 2009–10, Ministry of HRD.
Govt. of India, Census 2011, Provisional Population Totals, O/ o RGI.
Govt. of India, Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007–12), Planning Commission.
District Information System of Education, 2009–10, NEUPA.
Prakash, Ved and Biswal, K. (2008), Perspectives on Education and Development (Ed.), Shipra Publication.
Bandari, L. and Kale, Sumita (2007), Indian States at a Glance 2006–07, Bihar, Performance, Fact and
figures (Ed.), Dorling Kinderley (India) Pvt. Ltd.
Govt. of India, Selected Educational Statistics, 1990, Ministry of HRD.
Govt. of India, Statistics of Higher & Technical Education, 2008–09, Ministry of HRD.
Govt. of India, Statistics of School Educationm 2008–09, Ministry of HRD.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
EFFECTIVE TEACHING AND ITS IMPACT ON PRIMARY
AND UPPER PRIMARY SCHOOL EDUCATION
S.M. Anwar Yousuf1
Abstract—First of all six districts have been selected from North, South and Central
Zone. Two districts from each zone (one DPEP and other Non-DPEP districts) have been
selected on random basis considering the geographical variations like flood, extremism,
draught, etc. North Zone consisted of Sitamarhi (DPEP-1991) and Madhubani
(Non-DPEP-2001), from South Zone Rohtas (DPEP-1991) and Nawada (NonDPEP-2001), and from Central Zone Sheikhpura (DPEP-1997) and Patna (NonDPEP-2001) were taken into consideration. Four blocks (three rural and one urban)
have been selected from each district on the basis of random sampling.
The findings in brief are as follows:The differences of opinion in terms of
organizing child fair in schools of Sitamarhi, Rohtas, and Sheikhpura of DPEP
category districts were subjected to statistical treatment by using Chi-square test and
the difference has been found highly significant (X2 = 18.66, df = 2, P <.001).
The differences of opinions on the issue of child fair among Madhubani, Nawada
and Patna of Non-DPEP came out to be highly significant (X2 = 18.93, df = 2,
P <.001). The difference of opinion in getting learning opportunities by children in
schools of Sitamarhi, Rohtas and Sheikhpura districts of DPEP district category, was
tested by using Chi-square test which was found highly significant (X2 = 11.42, df
= 2, p <.01). The differences of opinion among Sitamarhi, Rohtas and Sheikhpura
district of DPEP district category in terms of average, above average, and good
knowledge of Science subject were tested by applying Chi-square test which was found
moderately significant (X2 = 13.64, df = 6, p <.05). Similarly, in Non-DPEP district
category, the differences of opinion among Madhubani, Nawada, and Patna in terms
of average, good and very good knowledge of Science subject, were tested by using
Chi-square test which was found highly significant (X2 = 15.61, df = 6, p <.01).
The Chi-square test was computed to find out the differences of opinion on the issue
of whether teacher’s behaviour were cooperative and sympathetic towards children
from deprived background. In North zone, the Chi-square test has been found highly
significant (X2 = 40.03, df = 1, p <.001) whereas Chi-square test for Central and
South zone remained in significant. It may be said that the teacher training module has
created a positive effect in modifying teacher’s behaviour. They have become liberal
and their approach is child-centered in classroom. Students were found reporting that
their teachers used to visit their homes and try to suggest their parents how to improve
their ward’s performance, cleanliness and personality.
INTRODUCTION
The teachers who bond well with their students have some special characteristics
which make them special and different from others. These teachers, who are different,
generate a keen desire in their students to do well in their subject. They create an
intense care and respect in the heart of their students to excel. They are the teachers
who teach with heart. Good teaching comes from the heart claims Kraft (2000).
Associate Professor and Head Division of Social Psychology, A.N. Sinha Institute of Social
Studies, Patna
1
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 99
Teachers who learn to make real connections with their students usually adopt
the following strategies:
•
Listen to the point of view of the students.
•
Set high standards for the students and themselves.
•
Encourage the students to be independent and have their own point of view.
•
Blend humour with discipline.
•
Treat students with dignity.
•
Ensure their safety while they are learning.
The work of a teacher is complex. Physiologists, Psychologist, and Social
biologists, who devote their lives to a study of the human organism and the factors
that influence its growth, emphasis the intricacies involved in their searches for a fuller
understanding of the human individual. Not only is the human organism complex, but
the social environment that so directly influences the development of the individual
also is complex and is constantly increasing in complexity.
The complexity of the teacher’s task is due not only to the complexity of the
human organism as such, important as this factor is, but to the complex logical
operations that teachers are called on to undertake. Teachers have many complex
functions to learn such as how to explain things so that students will learn most easily
and well, how to communicate basic skills of reasoning, how to design coherently
structured and interrelated learning tasks for their students, how to develop
long-range and short-range instructional goals, and how to do many other complex
cognitive (intellectual) tasks.
In general, teacher functions have been broadly grouped into five classifications:
1. Classroom instruction
2. Guidance
3. Staff functions
4. Community duties
Professional activities. The classifications are, of course, arbitrary. Everything a
teacher does might be classified as related to classroom instruction or to guidance.
Instruction is the foremost duty of the teacher; it comprises the bulk of his or her
activities. It involves all the duties that the teacher performs in directing group and
individual learning. Teachers direct discussions, make assignments, listen to reports
and recitations, direct reading, show films, check workbooks, and plan, and check
work, often at home in the evenings. This is the most important function discharged in
a great variety of ways, and the reader can appreciate better now that it reflects
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
100
Yousuf
most accurately the philosophy of the teacher and of the school and that it is most
readily modified by the social environment of the teacher and by the available
physical resources.
The instructional activities of teachers in classroom settings involve two basic
categories of activities to facilitate the learning of students:
1. Formal rational activities involved in helping students reason about that
which is to be learned and
2. Those planned activities, behaviours, or attitudes intended to facilitate such
learning. The formal rational activities of instruction deal with providing
evidence for or against claims made in text materials, films, or other
instructional materials. The rational activities of instruction also involve
the teacher in providing valid, understandable explanations of ideas or
concepts as well as in providing examples of why certain point of view are
true or useful and others not and of why certain skills and techniques for
doing certain kinds of activities are the best ways to get those activities
accomplished. These rational activities (activities based on relevant reasons)
involve a teacher in developing sound examples of points to make clear
to students, demonstrations of skills, or ideas, or comparisons and contrast
of different ideas to be related in teaching any subject matter. The
second major category of instructional activities deals with such helping
activities as sound and understandable planning of the sequential order of
presentation of information and motivating student interest through frequent
encouragement of students and the use of such instructional aides as films,
recordings, and visual diagrams. The second order of facilitating activities
also involves diagnosing student abilities and needs as well as individual
counseling sessions with students (however brief or long these may be) to
sustain student interest.
Every teacher is a counselor to pupils. Duties in this classification consume
much time and energy often they are incidental to instruction. Sometimes they are
definitely scheduled (perhaps weekly conferences with an individual pupil over a
period of time). The teacher may find it necessary to counsel pupils outside of school
hours, counseling may also involve parent conferences, home visits or interviews
with supervision, principals or other teachers. The teacher must be adept at group
guidance, too, and almost every day must assist the entire class, a committee group,
or some other group in making choices and decisions.
In some schools teachers devote a number of periods a week to counseling.
Some schools provide special help for teachers in the performance of these functiondeans, social caseworkers, school psychologists, testing departments, and others.
Teaching and guidance are inseparable functions. When the teacher directs
a pupil in developing a chemistry project for a contest, he or she instructs the pupil
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 101
in the necessary chemistry and provides guidance in making a mature approach
to a competitive situation in independently completing self-assigned work, and in
developing good study habits.
Some teachers find that a basic guidance or counseling approach is helping in
dealing with any student’s behavioral problems as well as with any other problems
of students in classroom settings. Brief private counseling episodes where the teacher
can speak in private with a student are often helpful in making students aware that
a teacher cares about them on a personal basis. Many good teachers do all their
instructional planning and grading at nights and on weekends so that they will be
free during the entire school day to do their instructional activities and so counsel
and interact with students in their classes, so as to build sound human relationships
both in and out of the classroom.
As a result of the famous research of Bloom (1973) it is customary to classify
educational objectives into three broad divisions: (a) the cognitive domain including all
intellectual objectives from recalling something that has been learned (memorization)
to activities centered on synthesis, problem-solving and creation; (b) the affective
domain, which covers all objectives to do with feelings, emotions, attitude or
values; and (c) the psychomotor domain, or all objectives connected with muscular
co-ordination and physical dexterity.
During the classroom activities, the teacher may use materials as teaching aids.
These can be divided into three broad categories: narrative materials, structured
materials and response. Structured materials of these, printed texts are the most
common.
Narrative materials consist of stories history and descriptive geography; articles
of general interest and on specialized subjects, magazines and descriptive articles
on technical subjects.
Structured materials are devised with a specific teaching goal in view. They
include, for example, tabulated history facts, geography lessons presented in a
particular order (regions, economic activities, etc.), algorithms, decision trees and
so on.
Response–structured materials have the following characteristics:
1. Information concerning knowledge or a skill is presented (presentation
phase).
2. This is followed by the prompted response phase, where the students are set
a number of ‘closed exercises’ in which knowledge of the ‘correct’ answered
by a variety of prompting methods.
3. These prompts are gradually withdrawn until the student arrives at the
release (or test) phase, in which acquisition of the behaviour, knowledge or
skill is demonstrated. This phase is so called because the student is released
to work on his own without help of any kind.
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The teacher may also use pictorial material especially to present information.
It is often not appreciated. Those children have to learn how to interpret pictures.
The use of perspective, for example is by no means obvious and children need a
certain psychological maturity and proper teaching to understand it correctly.
The simplest pictures are coloured line drawings. As a rule, only the essential
features are depicted and highlighted by books of colour. Line drawings without
colour make it more difficult to recognize significant areas. Black and white outline
maps also raise this problem: which is the land and which is the sea’s coloured
photographs and full-tone posters, while making it easier to spot particular features
and bringing out the three dimensional aspect of things, may contain so much to
distract the attention that the picture’s value as a teaching aid is greatly diminished.
Diagrams raise their own problems of interpretation: for example, plans and
evaluations as used in construction work involve special conventions that must be
learned.
The simulation strategy can also take a quite different direction by making
systematic use of educational games. In the words of Bousquet, (1974) ‘in the animal
kingdom and in primitive human societies almost all learning is based on games:
hunting games, interplay between the sexes, hierarchical games, ritual games, etc.’
The hallmark of a simulation game is that it at once relates to an external reality by
imitating a situation with varying degrees of exactness, calls for active involvement
by giving each players a role in which he is required to exert his initiative and
incorporates a number of rules, some stricter than others, which set limits to each
player’s freedom of maneuvers. Such games may or may not require materials and
they may be competitive or, on the contrary, require co-operation. They are now
common practice in vocational training but may also be employed in schools for
introducing economics, civics.
There are an infinite number of situations involving meaningful group relations
and affording an opportunity to take decisions and observe the consequences of
carrying out such decisions. The student perceives that the attitudes, knowledge,
tasks, and skills involved bear directly on what he is studying, and this strengthens
motivation. At the same time other methods appropriate to the attitude knowledge
or skill it is desired to inculcate are brought into play, so as to form an integrated
pattern of meaningful learning.
Improvement in teaching requires that teachers have the opportunities to learn
from others. As Fullan (1982) points out, it is when teachers actually try to implement
a new approach to teaching that they have the most specific concerns and doubts.
They need someone to turn to at this time. In this regard Guskey (1986) suggests
that teachers who have participated in in-service experiences should be provided
continued support and follow up. As examples of “continued support and follow up”
Guskey suggests that teacher be provided with “ongoing guidance and direction,”
“personal hands on in classrooms assistance,” and “opportunities to interact and share
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 103
ideas with their colleagues” (p.10). To receive this type of support teachers must be
able to share not only their successes but their failures as well.
Observations on different aspects of in-service training programmes may also
be considered here. In rural areas two teachers are working in an elementary school.
The learning of students is affected adversely by in-service trainings of teachers
so it is better to reduce training days. Training programmes must be conducted by
well equipped and skilled persons in the concerned subject or else these are useless.
Training is held during school days. It affects adversely students’ studies. Teachers
also get bad remarks from the parents/ guardians and public for being absent
from school due to trainings. If trainings are held at the school before and after
school hours the results would be very positives. What teachers are learning in the
training programme is not possible to use in the school situation. Training programmes
must be conducted by well equipped and skilled persons in the concerned subject
or else these are useless. Training should be problem centered rather than subject
centered. Organizing agencies of in-service education progammes need to conduct
on a continuing basis teachers need assessment studies (Chandra and Sharma, 2007).
As given by the NCERT (1970) Hindustani Talimi Sangh have laid down the
following four objectives of Primary Education in the context of Basic National
Education:
1. All boys and girls in India should grow up as citizens of a new social order,
based, on co-operative work as envisaged by Nai Talimi Sangh and with
an understanding of their rights, responsibilities and obligations in such a
society.
2. Every individual should have full opportunity for the balanced and
harmonious development of all his faculties.
3. Every individual should acquire capacity for self-reliance in aspects of
clean, healthy and cultured.
4. Every individual should understand social, and moral implications of life
(P. 13).
Education being one of the most important factors responsible to shape
the personality of an individual has manifold functions. It is the potent source of
material and human development. According to Delor (1996) basic education is
an indispensable passport to life upon which the quality of further education and
life depends. All Committees and Commissions on education at state, national and
international level have stressed upon the role of education particularly of primary
education in the well-being of individual and society at large. The right to education
has been well recognized by the UN General Assembly under Article 26 of Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
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Is considered as one of the most backward States of this country. It stands at
the lowest rung in respect of almost all indicators of human development, including
education related ones. At the time of independence, the literacy rate in Bihar was
16.7 per cent as against national average of 18.2 per cent. In the last census survey,
while the country’s literacy rate rose to 65.38 per cent, the literacy rate in Bihar
could go up to only 47.53 per cent.
According to seventh All India Education survey in 2002 the population of
children of school going age (between 6 years and 14 years) was found to be
204.48 lakhs of which 108.36 lakhs were boys and 96.12 lakhs were girls. Out of
this the population of the rural children was about 90.0 per cent which is another
dimension. This large population which should be studying in the primary schools
indicates the magnitude of the problem in the State.
Education is a continuous and creative process. Its aim is to develop the capacities
latent in human nature and to coordinate their expression for the enrichment and
progress of the society, by equipping children with spiritual, moral and material
knowledge. It is widely known but worth repeating that education is of value in
itself (intrinsic value) and is valued for what it can do (instrumental value). Education
is desired for itself as it opens up a vast world of opportunities and ideas to the
educated person. It is of great instrumental value in the process of economic growth
and development. The objective of the socio-economic development is to improve the
quality of life of the people through enhancing their well-being, and provides them
opportunities and choices to become productive assets in the society. Especially in
poor Countries, a better quality of life generally calls for higher income.
The Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE), setup during the
pre-independence period in 1935, continues to play a lead role in the evolution and
monitoring of Government policies and programmes on education, the most notable
of which has been the National Policy on Education (NPE) 1986 revised in 1992 and
Programmes of Action (POA) 1992. However, the Central Government has clear
responsibility regarding the quality and character of education. In addition to policy
formulation, the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), Government of
India, shares with the States the responsibility for educational development.
The 93rd Constitutional Amendment provides the elementary education as
fundamental right of the child (between the ages of 6–14 years) and fundamental
duty of parents a step in right direction to run the Indian Democracy. Several centrally
(externally) sponsored (Funded) schemes are made operational by the Government
of India to meet the needs of the educational disadvantage people in pursuance
of the emphasis embodied in the NPE. The important schemes by way of illustration
are the Education Surveys on School Education to provide basic inputs, Operational
Blackboard, Non-formal Education, Teacher Education, National Programme of
Nutritional Support to Primary Education, District Primary Education Programme, Total
Literacy Campaign, Intensive Programme for Backward Minorities and Integrated
Education for Disabled Children and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), etc.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 105
The Government of India attaches great importance to the elementary education
and has accepted the UEE as the national goal. The NPE 1968 and NPE 1986
as revised in 1992 States in aggregate that free and compulsory education of
satisfactory quality should be provided to all children up to the age of 14 years,
besides ensuring higher Government and non-government expenditure on education
that should constitute 6 per cent of GDP before commencement of 21st Century.
Hence, a new scheme, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) has been evolved to pursue
the UEE in a mission mode. The goals of SSA are: 1) to provide useful and quality
elementary education to all children in the 6–14 age groups. (2) All children complete
five years of primary schooling by 2007. (3) All children complete eight years of
schooling by 2010. (4) Focus on elementary education of satisfactory quality with
emphasis on education for life. (5) Bridge all gender and social category gaps at
primary stage by 2007 and at elementary education level by 2010. (6) Universal
retention by 2010. The Central and State Government have over a period of time
evolved strategies to check drop-out rates and improve levels of achievements in
the schools, the key elements of which include and are described as (Government
of lndia, 2001): (i) Creating parental awareness and Community mobilization,(ii)
Involvement of communities and PRIs,(iii) Economic incentives,(iv) Improvement in the
infrastructural facilities in schools, (v) District primary education programme initiative,
(vi) National programme of nutritional support to primary education (mid-day meal),
(vii) Non-formal education schemes, (viii) Teacher education scheme.
Furthermore, the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act was
passed by the Parliament of India on 4th August 2009 and Act came into force
from 1st April, 2010. The act in brief may be described as: (1) every child in the
age group of 6–14 years will be provided eight years of elementary education
in an age appropriate classroom in the vicinity of his/ her neighborhood. (2) Any
cost that prevents a child from accessing school will be borne by the State which
shall have the responsibility of enrolling the child as well as ensuring attendance
and completion of eight years of schooling. (3) No child shall be denied admission
for want of documents; no child shall be turned away if the admission cycle in the
school is over, and no child shall be asked to take an admission test. Children with
disabilities will also be educated in mainstream schools. (4) All private schools shall
be required to enroll children from weaker sections and disadvantaged communities
to the extent of 25 per cent of their enrollment, by simple random selection. No
seat in this quota can be left vacant. These children will be treated on par with all
the other children in the school and subsidized by the State at the rate of average
per-learner costs in government schools.
The Government of India has been running a programme of Non-formal
Education (NFE) for children 6–14 age group who remain outside the formal system
due to various reasons since last two decades. These include drop-out of the formal
schools, children from habitation without schools, working children, children who assist
in performing domestic chores and girls who are unable to attend formal schools.
Though the focus of the scheme is on 10 educationally backward States, it also covers
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urban slums, hilly, tribal and desert areas. At present, the programme is in operation
in 25 States/ UTs. Currently, 2.97 lakh NFE centres have been sanctioned Catering to
about 74.25 lakh children, of which about 1.17 lakh centres are exclusively for girls.
About 58,788 NFE centres are being run by 816 voluntary agencies in the Country.
The NFE scheme has been evaluated by the planning Commission, Government of
India, and based on which the scheme is revised with a new nomenclature as the
Education Guarantee Scheme and Alternative and Innovative Education (EGS & AIE).
The revised scheme will be a part of the overall national programme framework
for UEE, and the SSA (Government of India, 2001).
PURPOSE
The main purpose of this study is to find out the impact of teacher training on
classroom transaction process.
1. To find out the effectiveness of in-service teacher training modules (currently
being used) in term of concepts, skill, attitude, motivation and personal
qualities.
2. To find out observable shift in classroom teaching learning processes and the
learning opportunities available to children as a result of teacher training.
3. To find out the difference between teaching methodology of teacher who
have undergone all in-service trainings and methodology of teachers who
have undergone one or two in-service trainings, regular teachers and
Panchayat/ Prakhand/ Nagar-teachers, primary and upper primary stage
teachers, and teachers belonging to different social groups in primary and
upper primary schools.
4. To understand the teacher’s perceptions of children’s general performance
in class and their abilities, and elicit their views on gender and children
from disadvantaged and deprived background.
5. To Know the motivation level of teachers in preparing self learning/
teaching learning materials and their usage in classroom transactions.
6. To assess the level of teachers rapport with community.
SAMPLE
Six districts have been selected from North, South and Central Zone. Two
districts from each zone (one DPEP and other Non-DPEP districts) have been selected
on random basis considering the geographical variations like flood, extremism,
draught, etc. North Zone consisted of Sitamarhi (DPEP-1991) and Madhubani
(Non-DPEP-2001), from South Zone Rohtas (DPEP-1991) and Nawada (NonDPEP-2001), and from Central Zone Sheikhpura (DPEP-1997) and Patna (NonDPEP-2001) were taken into consideration.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 107
Four blocks (three rural and one urban) have been selected from each district
on the basis of random sampling. Four CRCs has been selected from each selected
blocks considering full coverage of the block.
Two upper primary and two primary schools have been selected from each
selected CRCs. So approximately 8 upper primary schools and 8 primary schools
have been taken from the selected sample block. In other words, 384 schools were
visited consisting of 192-DPEP and 192-Non-DPEP schools.
Two teachers from each school were taken–one each from primary and
upper primary i.e., 8 teachers from each selected CRCs. Total 765 teachers were
interviewed, 1,920 classroom observations were made, 384 child group discussion
and 384 group discussion with community members were made.
There were 490 male (64.i %) and 275 female (35.9 %) teachers interviewed
among whom 34 were Matriculate (4.4%), 62 Matric Trained (8.1%), 250
Intermediate (32.7%), 55 Inter-Trained (7.2%), 237 Graduate (31.0%), 35
Graduate Trained (4.6%), 70 M.A./ M.sc./ M.Com. (9.2%), 19 M.A., B.Ed. (2.5 %),
03 M.A., M. Ed. (0.4 %). Again 322 teachers were Ujala-I, Ujala-II and Ujala-III
trained (42.1 %), 237 were 30-Days (Induction) trained (31.0 %), and 206 were
30-Days plus Ujala-I trained (26.9 %). Furthermore 443 teachers (57.9 %) were
in the category of PSM/ Panchayat/ Prakhand/ Nagar teachers whereas 322
(42.i %) were Regular teachers.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Results are discussed, here, on the basis of scores obtained on two schedules
namely (a) Child group discussion schedule and (b) Classroom observation schedule.
Child Group Discussion Schedule
Results based on child group discussions are presented below:
•
An attempt was made to display district category wise (DPEP/ NDPEP)
results based on observation shift in classroom teaching learning processes
(and learning opportunities available to children) as a result of teacher
training module. When children were asked during discussion whether a
child fair was organized in the school. 67.2 per cent students of Sitamarhi
said in affirmative whereas 32.8 per cent denied it. In Rohtas district
64.1 per cent students replied that child fair was organized in the school.
32.8 per cent students in Sheikhpura district reported that child fair was
organized in schools whereas 67.2 per cent students replied in negative.
The differences of opinion in terms of organizing child fair in schools of
Sitamarhi, Rohtas, and Sheikhpura of DPEP category districts were subjected
to statistical treatment by using Chi-square test and the difference has been
found highly significant (X2 = 18.66, df = 2, P <.001).
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In Non-DPEP category district such as Madhubani 73.4 per cent students
remarked that child fair was organized in different schools of the district. In Nawada
district 75.0 per cent students reported that child fair was celebrated whereas 25.0
per cent replied in negative. 42.2 per cent students of Patna district said that child
fare was organized in various schools whereas 57.8 per cent student denied this fact.
The differences of opinions on the issue of child fair among Madhubani, Nawada and
Patna of Non-DPEP came out to be highly significant (X2 = 18.93, df = 2, P <.001).
This much clearly indicates that this observable shift in the classroom is only due
to the impact of teacher training which has helped in modifying a teacher’s behaviour.
•
It was tried to show DPEP and Non-DPEP district category-wise results
to find out the learning opportunities available to children as a result of
teacher training. During child group discussion, children were asked whether
they pose questions before their teachers on general knowledge and their
classroom teachers helped and encouraged them in getting right answer.
In DPEP district category, 62.5 per cent students of Sitamarhi district replied in
negative whereas 37.5 per cent students reported that they were being helped and
encouraged by their teachers in getting answers to the question. Similarly in Rohtas
district, 54.7 per cent students said that when they put questions their classroom
teachers helped them in getting right answer to the question whereas 45.3 per cent
student reported that their classroom teachers were not helping and encouraging
them for posing questions and getting its answer. In Sheikhpura district, 67.2 per cent
students replied that their classroom teacher encouraged and helped them to pose
questions and how to get the right answer whereas 32.8 per cent students denied
this sort of help and encouragement from their classroom teachers.
The difference of opinion in getting learning opportunities by children in schools
of Sitamarhi, Rohtas and Sheikhpura districts of DPEP district category, was tested by
using Chi-square test which was found highly significant (X2 = 11.42, df = 2, p <.01).
In Non-DPEP district category such as Madhubani where 46.9 per cent students
reported that their classroom teachers helped and encouraged them when they put
questions and they are guided by teachers in getting correct answer 53.1 per cent
students denied this sort of help and learning opportunities. 56.3 per cent students of
Nawada district remarked that their classroom teachers never encouraged them and
provided them learning opportunities whereas 43.8 per cent children praised about
their classroom teachers who helped and encouraged them in posing questions and
framing the right answer. In Patna district, 39.1 per cent children replied that their
classroom teacher always encouraged them and appreciated their questions and
quarries and helped them to get the right answers whereas 60.9 per cent students
denied receiving this sort of help and encouragement from their classroom teachers.
The differences of opinion among Madhubani, Nawada, and Patna belonging
to Non-DPEP district category in terms of learning opportunities provided to children
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 109
by their classroom teachers, were tested by using Chi-square test. The obtained result
was found insignificant (X2 = 0.81, df = 2, p >.05).
It may be concluded, on the basis of above discussion, that learning opportunities
available to children as a result of teacher training are partially successful, in the
sense, that majority of teachers were found not supporting the mission of childcentered approach.
•
An effort was also made to represent DPEP and Non-DPEP district categorywise results to understand children’s general performance in class and their
abilities. In course of child group discussion, children were asked a few
questions on Science subject based on their Syllabus to know children’s
general performance in class and their abilities.
In DPEP district category 53.1 per cent children in Sitamarhi district were
found having average knowledge in Science, 34.4 per cent children above
average knowledge in Science, and 12.5 per cent children were found relatively
good knowledge in Science subject. In Rohtas district, 4.7 per cent children were
found having good knowledge in Science subject, 17.2 per cent children having
above average knowledge in Science, and 76.6 per cent children having average
knowledge in Science subject. 75.0 per cent children in Sheikhpura district were found
having average knowledge in Science subject, 15.6 per cent children having above
average knowledge in Science, and 9.4 per cent children having good knowledge
of Science subject.
Likewise, in Non-DPEP district category, 64.1 per cent children in Madhubani
district were found having average knowledge in Science subject, 21.9 per cent
children having above average knowledge in Science subject, 10.9 per cent children
having good knowledge in Science subject, and 3.1 per cent children having very
good knowledge in Science subject. In Nawada district, 70.3 per cent children were
found having average knowledge of Science subject, 25.0 per cent children having
above average knowledge of Science subject, and 4.7 per cent children having
good knowledge of Science subject. 85.9 per cent children in Patna district were
found having average knowledge of Science subject, and 14.1 per cent children
having above average knowledge of Science subject.
The differences of opinion among Sitamarhi, Rohtas and Sheikhpura district of
DPEP district category in terms of average, above average, and good knowledge of
Science subject were tested by applying Chi-square test which was found moderately
significant (X2 = 13.64, df = 6, p <.05).
Similarly, in Non-DPEP district category, the differences of opinion among
Madhubani, Nawada, and Patna in terms of average, good and very good
knowledge of Science subject, were tested by using Chi-square test which was found
highly significant (X2 = 15.61, df = 6, p <.01).
On the basis of discussion it may be concluded that majority of children were
found having average knowledge of Science subject besides one fourth children
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placed having above average knowledge of Science subject and few children were
found coming in the braket of having good knowledge of Science subject. In other
words, it witnesses the positive transaction of teachers training module and/ or so
to say the gradual success in the mission.
•
It has been tried to find out zone-wise results based on the teacher’s
perceptions of children’s general performance in class and their abilities,
and elicit their views on gender and children from disadvantage and
deprived background. In course of discussion with children group, it was
asked whether teacher’s behaviour were cooperative and sympathetic
towards children who came from deprived background.
So far North zone is concerned, 39.1 per cent students of Sitamarhi district
reported that teacher’s behaviour were cooperative and sympathetic towards
children from deprived background whereas 60.9 per cent student rejected this
opinion. In Madhubani 92.2 per cent students replied that children from deprived
background get support and cooperation from their teachers.
Similarly in Central zone, 81.3 per cent students of Sheikhpura district remarked
that those students who belonged to deprived background got support and
cooperation in classroom from their teachers. In Patna district, 76.6 per cent students
said that the behaviour of their teachers was cooperative and sympathetic towards
children from deprived background.
In South zone, 90.6 per cent students of Rohtas district and 92.2 per cent students
of Nawada district also reported that they found their teachers behaviour supportive
and cooperative towards children of deprived background.
The Chi-square test was computed to find out the differences of opinion on the
issue of whether teacher’s behaviour were cooperative and sympathetic towards
children from deprived background. In North zone, the Chi-square test has been
found highly significant (X2 = 40.03, df = 1, p <.001) whereas Chi-square test for
Central and South zone remained in significant.
It has also been tried to see the differences in terms of district category
such as DPEP and Non-DPEP, the Chi-square test was found highly significant for
DPEP district category (X2 = 46.26, df = 2, p <.001) and it is also significant for
Non-DPEP category (X2 = 9.20, df = 2, p <.01).
However, it may be inferred that the impact of teacher training is visible in
classroom transaction processes.
•
An attempt was made to show district category (DPEP/ Non-DPEP)-wise
results based on the motivation level of teachers in preparing self learning/
teaching learning materials and their usage in classroom transactions. During
child group discussion it was asked whether teacher utilized whole period
in engaging classes, 68.8 per cent children of Sitamarhi district belonging
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 111
to DPEP district category replied in positive direction. In Rohtas, 64.1
per cent children reported that the teacher used to engage classes actively.
68.8 per cent students of Sheikhpura district remarked that they were being
taught full period in classroom by the teacher.
Similarly, in Non-DPEP district category, 43.8 per cent students of Madhubani
district in course of group discussion with children said that their teacher used
to teach in the classroom for full period. In Nawada 68.8 per cent children also
replied that they were being taught full period by their teacher in classroom. 68.8
per cent students of Patna district remarked that their teacher used to teach them
in the classroom for full period whereas 31.3 per cent children of the same district
denied this fact.
The Chi-square test was applied to see the difference and it came out to be
highly significant so far Non-DPEP districts are concerned (X2 = 11.15, df = 2,
p <.01) whereas in case of DPEP districts Chi-square is insignificant (X2 = 0.43, df
= 2, p >.05).
It may be said that staying in and teaching students full period in classrooms
in itself an indicator of teacher’s motivational level. In other words, it is teacher
training impact which is being modified in behavioral indication of utilizing their
time with students.
•
An effort was made to displays zone-wise results based on teaching
learning materials (TLM). 43.8 per cent students of Sitamarhi district of
North zone replied that local teaching learning materials are being used
in the classroom. In Madhubani district, during child group discussion 67.2
per cent students reported that only local materials were used as TLM in
the classrooms.
In Central zone, 73.4 per cent students of Sheikhpura district remarked that
only local teaching learning materials were used by the teacher in the classroom. In
Patna district 68.8 per cent students said that local materials were used by teachers
in the classroom as teaching learning materials.
51.6 per cent students of Rohtas district in South zone, during child group
discussion replied that teachers were using locally available materials as teaching
learning materials in the classroom. In Nawada district also 82.8 per cent children
during discussion responded that local materials available in the classroom were
used as teaching learning materials.
It has also been tried to see the differences within zones by using Chi-square
test. In North zone, the Chi-square test has been found highly significant (X2 = 7.12,
df = 1, p <.01). In Central zone, the difference within zone has been found
insignificant (X2 = 0.34, df = 1, p >.05). The Chi-square test, in South zone, has
been found highly significant (X2 = 14.18, df = 1, p <.001).
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It may be inferred that locally available teaching learning materials were used
as TLM by teachers in the classroom.
•
It was tried to display DPEP and Non-DPEP district category-wise results
based on teaching learning materials and their usage in classroom
transactions. In course of child group discussion in DPEP district category,
71.9 per cent children of Sitamarhi district replied that different method of
teaching like, song; music and storytelling were used in classroom. 78.1 per
cent children of Rohtas district remarked that their teacher used to teach
them in the classroom by utilizing song, music and storytelling. In Sheikhpura
district, 71.9 per cent students reported that their teachers were teaching
them in classroom either by storytelling, and/ or by singing in a rhythm.
In Non-DPEP district category, 78.1 per cent students of Madhubani district
replied that singing, story-telling and music all were used by their teacher in the
classroom. In Nawada district 90.6 per cent children during group discussion said that
their classroom teachers were teaching them by using singing, music and storytelling
techniques. 71.9 per cent students of Patna district revealed during child group
discussion that they were taught by storytelling, singing in their classroom.
The differences of opinion within district category were significant. This was
tested by using Chi-square test and it was found that Non-DPEP districts such as
Madhubani, Nawada and Patna were moderately significant (X2 = 7.35, df = 2,
p <.05). So far DPEP district category is concerned such as Sitamarhi, Rohtas and
Sheikhpura, differences of opinion came out to be insignificant (X2 =0.87, df = 2,
p >.05).
Hence, it may be inferred that the teacher training module has created some
positive effects and modified teachers behaviour in classroom transaction because
of this teachers are trying to make teaching interesting by introducing storytelling,
singing and music so that monotony goes down and children learn by playing.
•
An attempt was made to present zone-wise results based on teaching
learning materials and their usage in classroom transaction. In course of
discussion with children’s group it was asked whether they got opportunity
in the classroom to learn by doing things, making drawings and sketches
and vocabulary learning, 64.1 per cent students of Sitamarhi district in
North zone replied in affirmative. 81.3 per cent students of Madhubani
district said that their teachers provided them opportunity in the classroom
to learn the things by doing it, learning vocabulary by speaking loudly and
making drawings on the blackboard.
In Central zone, 79.7 per cent children of Sheikhpura district reported that they
learn in the classroom by doing and experiencing things, loudly speaking vocabulary
and even learning to draw sketches on black-board. In Patna district, 68.8 per cent
students remarked that they were learning things by doing it in the classroom and
speaking vocabulary loudly and practicing drawing on the black-board.
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 113
Similarly in South zone, 79.7 per cent children of Rohtas district said that
their teacher asked them to do drawings on the black-board, speak vocabulary
loudly and to learn the things by experience it in the classroom. in Nawada district
84.4 per cent students replied that their teachers always provided them opportunity in
the classroom to use black-board for drawing sketches and spells out the vocabulary
loudly.
The differences of opinion within zones were statistically tested by using
Chi-square test. In North Zone, the Chi-square test was found to be moderately
significant (X2 = 4.76, df = 1, p <.05). The chi-square test for Central Zone was
found to be insignificant (X2 = 2.00, df = 1, p >.05). In South Zone, Chi-square test
was also found insignificant (X2 = 0.48, df = 1, p >.05).
However, it may be said that the teacher training module has created a positive
effect in modifying teacher’s behaviour. They have become liberal and their approach
is child-centered in classroom.
•
It was tried to display zone-wise results based on assessment of the level
of teacher’s rapport with community. During discussion with child group, it
was asked whether teacher comes to meet their parents and suggest ways
for their student’s personality development (Q.II.35), 50.0 per cent students
of Sitamarhi district of North zone replied in affirmative. In Madhubani
district belonging to North zone, 59.4 per cent students reported that their
teachers used to visit their homes and try to suggest their parents how to
improve their ward’s performance and personality.
Similarly in Central zone, 62.5 per cent students of Sheikhpura district remarked
that teachers suggested their parents how to improve their ward’s personality,
whereas 57.8 per cent students of Patna district also reported that their parents
always get suggestions from their teachers how to improve their wards performance
and personality.
In South zone, 43.8 per cent students of Rohtas district said that their teacher
always visited their home and try to convince their parents about our shortcomings.
26.6 per cent students of Nawada district also reported that their teacher used to
visit their homes and suggested their parents how to improve their performance as
well as personality.
When these differences of opinion were subjected to statistical treatment,
the Chi-square test was found to be moderately significant in terms of South zone
(X2 = 4.15, df = 1, P <.05) and not significant for North zone (X2 = 1.14, df = 1,
P >.05) and Central zone (X2 = 0.29, df = 1, P >.05).
It may be said that teacher’s were found establishing good rapport with
community members. Students were found reporting that their teachers used to visit
their homes and try to suggest their parents how to improve their ward’s performance,
cleanliness and personality.
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•
An effort was made to present district category-wise (DPEP/ Non-DPEP)
results based on assessment of level of teachers rapport with community.
When students were asked during child group discussion whether their
teachers used to visit their homes and meet their parents. In DPEP district
category such as Sitamarhi 50.0 per cent students replied that their teachers
used to visit their homes and suggested their parents how to improve
performance and personality of their children. 43.8 per cent students of
Rohtas district and 62.5 per cent students of Sheikhpur district reported
that their parents were always suggested by their teachers in home how
to improve their wards academic performances and personality. The
differences between observe and expected frequencies were statistically
tested by using Chi-square test which has been found to be approaching
the level of significance (X2 = 4.68, df = 2, p >.05).
Similarly in Non-DPEP district category 59.4 per cent students of Madhubani,
26.6 per cent of Nawada and 57.8 per cent students of Patna district remarked
that teacher often used to visit their homes and suggests and guide their parents
how to improve the performances and personality of their sons and daughters. The
Chi-square test was applied to see the differences of opinion in terms of observed
and expected frequencies and the obtained result has been found highly significant
(X2 = 17.57, df = 2, P <.001).
However, it may be inferred that the impact of teacher training is visible in the
activities of school teacher who often visited their community member’s home and
has tried to suggest to them how to improve their wards performances as well as
personalities.
•
It was tried to show zone-wise results on category of school based on
assessment of level of teacher’s rapport with community. In the process
of child group discussion students were asked whether their teachers ever
visited their homes and tried to meet their parents. In North zone, 57.8 per
cent students of child group of primary school reported that their teacher
used to visit their homes regularly and suggested their parents how to
improve performances and develop personality of their children. 51.6 per
cent students of child-group of middle school also said that their parents
were often suggested by the school teacher how to improve their wards
personality and performances.
In Central zone, 54.7 per cent students of primary school child group remarked
that the teacher used to visit the community members home and guided them to
improve their children’s performances and personalities. The children of a middle
school during their group discussion say 65.6 per cent reported that their school
teacher always came to meet their parents in home and tries to encourage them
to send their wards in schools and suggests improving their performances and
personalities.
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 115
So far South zone is concerned the scenario is quite different. 34.4 per cent
students of primary school during child-group discussion replied that school teacher
always visited their homes and guides their parents how to improve their children’s
personality and performances, whereas 65.6 per cent children of primary school
denied this fact. 35.9 per cent students of middle school during child group discussion
disclosed this fact that school teacher often visited their homes and suggested to
their parents how to improve their children’s school performances and personalities
but 64.1 per cent students of middle school totally rejected this fact.
The difference of opinion among students of a primary and middle school
were statistically tested by using Chi-square test and the overall results were not
found significant. The obtained Chi-square value may be seen as for North zone
(X2 = 0.50, df = 1, p >.05), central zone (X2 = 1.60, df = 1, p >.05) and for South
zone (X2 = 0.03, df = 1, p >.05).
Although the trend appears to be statistically weak and insignificant, however,
it may be inferred that in North and Central zone the level of teacher’s rapport with
community seems to be meaningful and purposeful as according to the responses.
Classroom Observation Schedule
Results based on classroom observations are presented below:
•
In classroom observation it was tried to assess the present status of
professional development of teachers. In classroom observations it was tried
to see whether teachers were able to modify their children’s behaviour
through sympathetic words when they commit some mistakes. Results are
presented zone-wise. In North Zone, 64.1 per cent classroom observations
of Sitamarhi district it was found that teachers were able to modify their
children’s behavior through sympathetic words when they commit some
mistakes. In Madhubani district, 75.9 per cent classroom observations
teachers were found to be able to modify student’s behaviour through
sympathetic suggestions in classroom when they do some mistakes.
The differences of opinions in classroom observations in North Zone districts
have been tested by applying Chi-square test. The obtained result was found highly
significant (X2 = 10.74, df = 1, p <.001).
In Central Zone, 58.8 per cent classroom observations of sheikhpura district it
was found that teachers were able to modify students behaviour through sympathetic
suggestions whenever they commit any mistakes. 77.5 per cent classroom observations
in Patna district, it was noticed that students behaviour were modified by teachers
through sympathetic suggestions whenever they did mistake.
The differences of opinion in two districts of Central zone were tested by
using Chi-square test. The obtained result was found highly significant (X2 = 25.90,
df = 1, p <.001).
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In South Zone, 71.9 per cent classroom observations in Rohtas district it has
been found that students behaviour was changed by teachers through emotionally
loaded words whenever they commit some mistake. In Nawada district, 66.3 per cent
classroom observations it was found that teachers were able to modify and change
students behaviour through sympathetic suggestions whenever they did some mistake.
The differences of opinion in classroom observation in two district of South
Zone was tested by applying Chi-square test and the result was found insignificant
(X2 = 2.37, df = 1, p >.05).
On the basis of above discussion, it may be said that teachers were found
professionally developed in the sense that they were able to change and modify
their students behaviour in the classroom through sympathetic suggestions whenever
they did some mistake.
•
An effort was made to present zone-wise results to find out the effectiveness
of in-service teacher training modules in terms of concepts. In North zone
57.5 per cent classroom observations of Sitamarhi district teachers were
found explaining minutely the details of the subject-matter in the classroom
so that the concept would become clear to the student and they could by
able to find answers themselves. In 47.8 per cent classroom observation
of Madhubani district it was found that teachers were trying their best to
explain the subject matter in the classroom so that student’s concept should
become clear.
The difference of opinion between two districts of North Zone was tested
statistically by using Chi-square test which was found moderately significant
(X2 = 6.02, df = 1, p <.05).
In Central Zone, 50.9 per cent classroom observations of Sheikhpura district,
it was found that teachers were explaining the subject-matter very clearly and
trying to help students to find answers themselves. In Patna district, 56.6 per cent
classroom observations teachers were found describing the subject matter very
clearly in the classroom so that children might grasp the concept and could be able
to find answers themselves.
The Chi-square was obtained to find out the difference which was not significant
(X2 = 2.04, df = 1, p >.05).
In South Zone, 33.8 per cent classroom observations from Rohtas district it was
found that teachers were found trying hard to clear the concept of the subject-matter
in the classroom. In Nawada district, 55.9 per cent classroom observations it was found
that in the classroom teachers were repeatedly trying to help children understand
the subject matter clearly and learn the art of answering questions himself.
The difference of opinion between two districts was tested by using Chi-square
test and the result was found highly significant (X2 = 31.85, df =1, p <.001).
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 117
It may be concluded that the effectiveness of in-service teacher training modules
in terms of concepts were found visible. Classroom teachers were found repeatedly
trying to help children understand the subject matter clearly and learn the art of
answering questions himself.
•
An attempt was made to display district category-wise results to find out
the effectiveness of in-service teacher training modules in terms of concept.
In DPEP district category, 52.2 per cent classroom observations of Sitamarhi
district it was found that teachers were found helping students in solving
their difficulties and problems in the classrooms. In Rohtas district, 65.0
per cent classroom observations it was found that teachers were trying
friendly to help students in solving their task in the classroom. 54.7 per
cent classroom observations in Sheikhpura district it was found that teachers
were very cooperative and friendly in helping students to solve their task
in the classroom.
The Chi-square test was used to find out whether there existed any significant
difference in the opinions of classroom observations of three districts, and it was
found highly significant (X2 = 12.07, df = 2, p <.01).
Similarly in Non-DPEP district category, 65.6 per cent classroom observations of
Madhubani district found classroom teachers very much helpful and cooperative with
their students in solving their task. In Nawada 71.9 per cent classroom observations
it was found that teachers were helping their students liberally in solving day-to-day
task in the classroom. 75.6 per cent classroom observations in Patna district, it was
found that teachers were friendly helping students in solving their task in the classroom.
These differences of opinion in three districts were subjected to statistical testing
by using Chi-square test which was found moderately significant (X2 = 7.94, df = 2,
p <.05). It may not be inappropriate to remark that of in-service teacher training
modules are producing significant effect in terms of modifying teacher’s behaviour
in classroom transaction.
•
It was tried to present zone-wise results to find out the effectiveness of
in-service teacher training modules in terms of skill. For eliciting responses,
here, three categories were used namely, not at all, little, and very much.
In North Zone, 62.5 per cent classroom observations of Sitamarhi district
it was found that teachers were found presenting the subject-matter of
the text-book in a very interesting way. In Madhubani district, 59.4 per
cent classroom observations it was noted that in classroom teachers were
taking much interest in presenting the subject-matter of the text-book so
that children’s attention might be concentrated.
The zone wise differences of opinion were tested by using Chi-square test and
the result was found highly significant (X2 = 11.95, df = 2, p <.01).
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Likewise in Central Zone, 62.5 per cent classroom observations of Sheikhpura
district it was found that in classroom subject-matter of the text-book was presented
by teachers in a very interesting way. In Patna district, 83.8 per cent classroom
observations it was found that in the classroom subject-matter of the text-book was
presented in an interesting way by teachers.
The difference of opinion in Central Zone was statistically tested by using
Chi-square test. The result of the Chi-square test was found to be highly significant
(X2 = 39.90, df = 2, p <.001).
In South Zone, 68.4 per cent classroom observations of Rohtas district it was
found that teachers tried hard to present the subject-matter of the text-book in a very
interesting way so that students might be able to grasp it easily. In Nawada district,
62.2 per cent classroom observations it was found that teachers were presenting
their subject-matter of the text-book in an interesting way to gain student’s attention.
The Chi-square test was applied to see whether there existed any difference
within South zone. The result came out to be insignificant (X2 = 5.42, df = 2, p >.05).
Here, it may be added that the effectiveness of in-service teacher training
modules is visible and teachers were gaining skill to deal fairly in the classroom and
making the subject-matter more interesting as well as easy to be grasped by students.
•
An attempt was made to display zone-wise results to find out the
effectiveness of in-service teacher training modules in terms of skill. In
North Zone, 57.5 per cent classroom observations of Sitamarhi, it was found
that classroom teachers were highly skilled in action-oriented teaching
according to their text-books. In Madhubani district 67.2 per cent classroom
observations, it was noted that teachers were found fully skilled in actionoriented teaching in classrooms according to their text-books.
The difference of opinion between two districts of North Zone was tested
by applying Chi-square test which was found to be highly significant (X2 = 6.40,
df = 1, p <.01).
In Central Zone, 65.0 per cent of classroom observations of Sheikhpura district,
it was found that classroom teachers were fully skilled in action-oriented teaching
according to the text-book. In Patna district, 56.6 per cent classroom observations
it was noticed that action-oriented teachings according to the text-books were done
skillfully by the teacher.
The Chi-square test was applied to see whether there existed any significant
differences. The result indicated that there existed moderately significant difference
(X2 = 4.78, df = 1, p <.05).
So far South Zone is concerned 47.2 per cent classroom observations of Rohtas
district it was reported that classroom teachers were found skillful in doing actionoriented teaching according to the text-book. In Nawada district 68.4 per cent
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 119
classroom observations it was found that teachers were fully skilled in engaging
action-oriented class according to the text-book.
In South Zone, the difference of opinion was tested again by using Chi-square
test and it was found highly significant (X2 = 29.62, df = 1, p <.001).
According to above discussion it may be said that in-service teacher training
module is effective in creating an atmosphere where teachers are fully involved
and they are trying their best to develop teaching skill.
•
It was also tried to display zone-wise result to find out the effectiveness
of in-service teacher training modules in terms of attitude. Classroom
observations were made to examine whether teachers were desperately
teaching, paying attention towards girls, paying attention towards boys,
paying equal attention towards boys and girls, etc. In North Zone, 70.3 per
cent classroom observations of Sitamarhi district it was found that teachers
were paying equal attention towards boys and girls in the classroom during
teaching. In Madhubani district, 87.2 per cent classroom observations
revealed that during teaching in the classroom teachers were paying equal
attention towards boys and girls.
In North Zone, Chi-square test was found to be highly significant (X2 = 40.27,
df = 3, p <.001).
In Central Zone, 85.6 per cent classroom observations of Sheikhpura district it
was found that teachers were paying equal attention towards boys and girls in the
classroom during teaching. In Patna district, 80.6 per cent classroom observations it
was found that teachers paid equal attention towards boys and girls in the classroom.
The difference of opinion within two district was tested by using Chi-square test
which came out insignificant (X2 = 6.03, df = 3, p >.05).
In South Zone, 84.7 per cent classroom observations in Rohtas district it was noted
that teachers were paying equal attention towards boys and girls in the classroom
during teaching. In Nawada district, 71.9 per cent cases in classroom observations
it was noted that teachers had positive attitude towards boys and girls and they
are paying equal attention in the class.
The differences of opinion in South Zone has been tested by using Chi-square
test and it was found highly significant (X2 = 20.97, df = 3, p <.001).
It may be observed that teachers have very favorable attitude towards their
students in terms of their attention, talk, behaviours, emotions and expressions are
concerned, and they tried to maintain congenial atmosphere in the classroom.
•
An effort was made to presents zone-wise results to find out the effectiveness
of in-service teacher training modules in terms of motivation. In North Zone,
64.1 per cent classroom observations in Sitamarhi district, it has been found
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that teachers were always attentive towards their students in classroom
and they try to motivate students by using verbal rewards. 73.1 per cent
classroom observations in Madhubani district, it was found that teachers
were very attentive towards their students and sometimes they encourage
them by praising.
The difference of opinion between two districts in terms of classroom observations
was tested by using Chi-square test which came out to be highly significant
(X2= 6.10, df = 1, p <.01).
In Central Zone, 63.1 per cent classroom observations in Sheikhpura district, it
has been observed that teachers were very much attentive in classroom towards their
student’s problems and they are verbally rewarded by teachers. In Patna district,
79.1 per cent classroom observations revealed that students were encouraged
and verbally rewarded by classroom teachers who used to watch each and every
student closely.
The differences of opinion in classroom observations between two districts were
tested by using Chi-square and the obtained result was found highly significant
(X2 = 19.78, df = 1, p <.001).
In South Zone, 57.2 per cent classroom observations in Rohtas district where it
has been found that teachers were more attentive towards solving student’s problems
in class and sometimes they were verbally rewarded. 75.6 per cent classroom
observations in Nawada district revealed that teachers were more attentive to
solve student’s problem in the classroom and always tried to motivate them by
verbal rewards.
Chi-square test was applied to see if there existed any difference between the
two districts of South Zone in terms of classroom observations. The obtained results
of Chi-square test was found highly significant (X2 = 24.38, df = 1, p <.001).
On the basis of above results, it may be said that teachers were attentive and
trying their level best to encourage and motivate their students in classroom by
verbal rewards and the teachers training module is positively creating an impact
on classroom.
•
It was tried to show district category-wise results to find out the effectiveness
of in-service teacher training modules in terms of motivation. Classroom
observers were trying to see whether classroom teachers motivated their
students to develop all round personality by learning the characteristics of
morality, punctuality, and improving their hand-writing.
In district category DPEP, 58.4 per cent classroom observations in Sitamarhi
district found that teachers were trying to motivate their students for all round
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 121
personality development. In Rohtas district, 58.1 per cent classroom observations it
was seen that teachers were trying to help students learning good characteristics
such as morality, punctuality, etc. Similarly in Sheikhpura district 38.1 per cent
classroom observations teachers were found encouraging students for improving
their handwriting, punctuality and morality and other good characteristics.
The differences of opinion in three DPEP district categories were tested
by applying Chi-square test. The obtained result was found highly significant
(X2 = 34.71, df = 2, p <.001).
In Non-DPEP district category, 61.3 per cent classroom observations in
Madhubani district it was found teachers were motivating their students for all round
personality development and learning good characteristics. In Nawada district, 62.5
per cent classroom observations it was seen that teachers were trying to help children
learn good characteristics such as morality, punctuality and improving hand-writing.
40.6 per cent classroom observations in Patna district, it has been found that teachers
were helping children for all round personality development by learning the good
characteristics of punctuality, morality and improving their hand-writing, etc.
In Non-DPEP district category, the differences of opinion in three districts have
been tested by applying Chi-square test and the result was found highly significant
(X2 = 38.99, df = 2, p <.001).
It may be concluded on the basis of classroom observations that teachers were
trying hard to motivate students in all round personality development and learning
good characteristics such as morality, punctuality in time and improving hand-writing.
•
It has also represented DPEP and Non-DPEP district category wise results to
find out the effectiveness of in-service teacher training module in terms of
personal qualities. Here, classroom observers were trying to observe whether
teacher could be able to create pleasant and attractive environment in the
class. In DPEP district category, 64.4 per cent classroom observations in
Sitamarhi district it was found that teachers were able to create pleasant
and attractive environment in the classroom. In Rohtas district, 67.2 per
cent classroom observations it was noticed that classroom environment was
attractive and pleasant. 54.7 per cent classroom observations in Sheikhpura
district it was found that teachers created an attractive and pleasant
environment in the classroom.
The differences of opinion in three districts of DPEP district category so far
classroom observations were concerned, were tested by applying Chi-square test.
The obtained result was found to be highly significant (X2 = 11.69, df = 2, p <.01).
In Non-DPEP district category, 69.7 per cent classroom observations in Madhubani
district, it was found that teachers were able to create a conducive environment in
the class. In Nawada district, 75.3 per cent classroom observations it was noticed
that classroom environment was attractive and pleasant as created by classroom
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teachers. In Patna district, 58.4 per cent classroom observations, it was found that
teachers were able to create an attractive and pleasant environment in classroom.
The difference of classroom observations in three district of Non-DPEP category
was statistically tested by using Chi-square test and the obtained result was highly
significant (X2 = 21.65, df = 2, p <.001).
On the basis of results discussed above, it may be concluded that teacher’s
personal qualities were gradually improving and they are becoming accustomed to
child-centered approach as according to the teacher training module.
•
An effort was made to show DPEP and Non-DPEP district category-wise
results to find out observable shift in classroom teaching learning processes
and the learning opportunities available to children as a result of teacher
training. In classroom observations it was tried to observe whether teachers
were able to teach students in classroom based on action-orientation. In
DPEP district category, 14.7 per cent classroom observations in Sitamarhi
district it was found that some teachers were able to teach student in
classroom by action-orientation. In Rohtas district, 27.8 per cent classroom
observations it was noticed that action-based teaching was done by
teachers in classroom. 68.8 per cent classroom observations in Sheikhpura
district, it was found that in classroom action-oriented teaching was done.
In DPEP district category, the differences of classroom observations in three
districts were tested by applying Chi-square test which was found highly significant
(X2 = 218.11, df = 2, p <.001).
Likewise, in Non-DPEP district category, 26.6 per cent classroom observations
in Madhubani district, it was noticed that classroom teachers were teaching students
based on action-orientation. 25.6 per cent classroom observations in Nawada district,
it was found that action-based teaching was getting momentum in classroom teaching.
In Patna district, 33.8 per cent classroom observations, it was seen that classroom
teachers were gradually shifting towards action-oriented teaching.
The difference of opinion in classroom observations in three districts of
Non-DPEP district category was tested by using Chi-square test and the result was
found moderately significant (X2 = 6.19, df = 2, p <.05).
On the basis of results discussed above it may be said that observable shift in
terms of action-based teaching-learning processes which is gradually taking place.
In other words, it is the impact of teacher training in classroom which is replacing the
traditional method of teaching. The teacher training module is successful in that sense.
•
It was tried to present DPEP and Non-DPEP district category-wise results to
find out the difference between teaching methodology of the teacher who
has undergone all in-service trainings and one-or-two in-service trainings.
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Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 123
In DPEP category, classroom observations in Sitamarhi district revealed that
39.1 per cent teachers have gone Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III training, 22.5 per
cent have taken 30-days induction training whereas 38.4 per cent teachers have
gone 30-days plus Ujala–I training.
In Rohtas district, during classroom observations it was found that 92.2 per cent
teachers have undergone Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III training, whereas 7.8 per
cent teachers have taken 30-days induction training, and no body was found who
have undergone 30-days and Ujala–I training.
In Sheikhpura district in course of classroom observations it was noticed that
68.8 per cent teachers had undergone Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III training,
whereas 27.8 per cent teachers had taken 30-days induction training, and 3.4 per
cent teachers had undergone 30-days plus Ujala–I training.
The difference in three districts of DPEP district category in terms of teachers
who have undergone all in-service training (i.e., Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III), one
in-service training (30-days induction training) and two in-service training (30-days
plus Ujala–I) have been subjected to significant test by applying Chi-square test. The
obtained result has been found highly significant (X2 = 310.92, df = 4, p <.001).
In Non-DPEP district category, classroom observations in Madhubani district
disclosed that 40.9 per cent teachers had undergone Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III
training, whereas 22.8 per cent teachers took 30-days induction training, and 36.3
per cent teachers had taken 30-days plus Ujala–I i.e., two in-service training.
Similarly in Nawada district, in course of classroom observations it was found that
59.1 per cent teachers had undergone all in-service training (i.e., Ujala–I, Ujala–II
and Ujala–III), whereas 12.5 per cent teachers had undergone one in-service training
(i.e., 30-days induction) and 28.4 per cent teachers had undergone two in-service
training (i.e., 30-days plus Ujala–I).
In Patna district, during classroom observations the fact emerged that 69.1 per
cent teachers had undergone Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III training, whereas 29.1
per cent teachers had undergone 30-days induction training and only 1.9 per cent
teachers had undergone 30-days plus Ujala–I training.
In Non-DPEP district category the differences in three districts in terms of
undergone all in-service training (i.e., Ujala–I, Ujala–II and Ujala–III), one in-service
training (30-days induction training), and two in-service training (30–days plus
Ujala–I) have been tested by using Chi-square test and the result was found highly
significant (X2 = 137.61, df = 4, p <.001).
On the basis of above discussion it may be said that there are significant
differences among three groups of teachers who have undergone all in-service
training, one in-service training, and two in-service training. It is quite obvious that
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the number of trainings undergone by teachers will definitely create effectiveness
in teaching methodology.
CONCLUSION
This much clearly indicates that this observable shift in the classroom is only due
to the impact of teacher training which has helped in modifying a teacher’s behaviour.
It may be concluded that learning opportunities available to children as a
result of teacher training are partially successful, in the sense, that majority of
teachers were found not supporting the mission of child-centred approach. It may
be concluded that majority of children were found having average knowledge
of Science subject besides one fourth children placed having above average
knowledge of Science subject and few children were found coming in the braket of
having good knowledge of Science subject. In other words, it witnesses the positive
transaction of teachers training module and/ or so to say the gradual success in the
mission. However, it may be inferred that the impact of teacher training is visible in
classroom transaction processes. It may be said that staying in and teaching students
full period in classrooms in itself an indicator of teacher’s motivational level. In other
words, it is teacher training impact which is being modified in behavioral indication
of utilizing their time with students. It may be said that locally available teaching
learning materials were used as TLM by teachers in the classroom.
Hence, it may be inferred that the teacher training module has created some
positive effects and modified teachers behaviour in classroom transaction because
of this teachers are trying to make teaching interesting by introducing storytelling,
singing and music so that monotony goes down and children learn by playing.
However, it may be said that the teacher training module has created a positive effect
in modifying teacher’s behaviour. They have become liberal and their approach is
child-centered in classroom. It may be said that teacher’s were found establishing
good rapport with community members. Students were found reporting that their
teachers used to visit their homes and try to suggest their parents how to improve
their ward’s performance, cleanliness and personality.
However, it may be said that the impact of teacher training is visible in the
activities of school teacher who often visited their community member’s home and
has tried to suggest to them how to improve their wards performances as well as
personalities. Furthermore, it may be added that the impact of teacher training is
visible in the activities of school teacher who took pain gladly to visit their community
member’s home and has tried to suggest parents how to improve their wards
performances as well as personalities.
It may also be said that teachers were found professionally developed in the
sense that they were able to change and modify their students behaviour in the
classroom through sympathetic suggestions whenever they did some mistake. It may
be concluded that the effectiveness of in-service teacher training modules in terms
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Effective Teaching and its Impact on Primary and Upper Primary School 125
of concepts were found visible. Classroom teachers were found repeatedly trying to
help children understand the subject matter clearly and learn the art of answering
questions himself.
It may not be inappropriate to remark that in-service teacher training modules
are producing significant effect in terms of modifying teacher’s behaviour in classroom
transaction. Here, it may be added that the effectiveness of in-service teacher training
modules is visible and teachers were gaining skill to deal fairly in the classroom
and making the subject-matter more interesting as well as easy to be grasped by
students. It may be said that in-service teacher training module is effective in creating
an atmosphere where teachers are fully involved and they are trying their best to
develop teaching skill. It has been observed that teachers have very favorable
attitude towards their students in terms of their attention, talk, behaviours, emotions
and expressions are concerned, and they tried to maintain congenial atmosphere
in the classroom. It may be said that teachers were attentive and trying their level
best to encourage and motivate their students in classroom by verbal rewards and
the teachers training module is positively creating an impact on classroom.
It may be concluded on the basis of classroom observations that teachers were
trying hard to motivate students in all round personality development and learning
good characteristics such as morality, punctuality in time and improving hand-writing.
It may be said that teacher’s personal qualities were gradually improving and they
are becoming accustomed to child-centered approach as according to the teacher
training module. It may be said that observable shift in terms of action-based
teaching-learning processes which is gradually taking place. In other words, it is the
impact of teacher training in classroom which is replacing the traditional method
of teaching. The teacher training module is successful in that sense. It may be said
that there are significant differences among three groups of teachers who have
undergone all in-service training, one in-service training, and two in-service training.
It is quite obvious that the number of trainings undergone by teachers will definitely
create effectiveness in teaching methodology.
REFERENCES
Bloom, B.S., et al. (1973), Taxonomy of Educational Objectives. Handbook I: Cognitive Domain, New York,
David Mckay.
Bousquet, M. Mauriros (1974). ‘An Educational Technique of Great Potential: Simulation Games’, Prospects
(Unesco), Vol. IV, No. 4, P. 555.
Chandra, S. Shivendra and Sharma, A. (2007), Sanjivani for Primary Education, The Primary Teacher,
National Council of Educational Research and Training, Vol. XXXII.
Delor, Jacqucs (1996), Learning the Treasure within, Report of International Commission on Education for
Twenty First Century, UNESCO, Paris: Place de Fontenoy.
Fullan, M.G. (1982), The Meaning of Educational Change, Teachers College Press, New York.
Government of India (2001), A Reference Annual Publication Division, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, New Delhi, India.
Guskey, T.R. (1986), “Staff Development and the Process of Teacher Change”, Educational Researcher,
Vol. 15(5), pp. 5–12.
Kraft, R.G. (2000), Teaching Excellence and the Inner Life of Faculty Change, Vol. 32 (3), pp. 48–52.
NCERT, (1970), Objectives of Primary Education, New Delhi.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
BIHAR BACKWARDNESS STORY: GIA TRANSFERS
EXPLAIN A LONG TERM EXCLUSIVE STAGNATION
Asha Srivastava1, N.M.P. Verma2 and Sheela Verma3
INTRODUCTION
In the era of globalization and privatization the responsibility of government
has increased in order to provide maximum social welfare to all irrespective of
their residing place. Due to economic planning the functions of state governments
have increased considerably and this also increased the sphere of economic and
social welfare administration. The existence of non-correspondence of resource and
expenditures between centre and states is common to all federations and increasing
socio-economic functions which are expensive and expanding in nature. The problem
of increasing expenditure aggrieves due to disparity in the level of development
of various states caused by man made efforts to increase revenue resources and
differences in the endowment of resources given by the nature or natural resources.
These situations bring the centre and states and different states in the problem of
non-correspondence in a federation. It is a must for any federal country that the
sub-national constitutional units should be equal at socio-economic criterion.
This constraints the ability of the states to raise revenues and at the same time
it increases their expenditures on socio-economic infrastructures. Externalities arising
from central policies on the states functioning gives pressure for increasing resources
of the states and hence need of more funds. Just as central policies affect states’
functions; the policies pursued by the central government affect the provision of public
services of the state governments. The states are unable to completely discharge the
functions assigned to them by the Central government to bring a number of subjects
into the concurrent list and alter the allocation to the items of this list through shared
cost programs or direct central spending.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The aim of federal transfers is to bring regional economic balance and
provide equal social services to all irrespective of their place of residence as it
is their constitutional right of equity. Chandrasekhar, S. also hold the same view
and argued, “It is opined that the federal transfers are designed to bring about a
degree of regional economic balance and a modicum of equality in social services
as a matter of constitutional guarantee in terms of equity, growth and redistributive
justice” (Chandrashekhar, S., Fiscal Performance of Andhra Pradesh, Anvesak,
Vol. IV, No. 1, June 1974). [1]
The states are in better position to spend as they know even the very smallest
need and situations of the smallest section of the society. Rao and Das Gupta (1995)
also argued that the states may be used as spending agencies also because of
BBAU, Lucknow
DRMLAU, Faizabad
1,2
3
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
127
their comparative advantage in implementation. In poverty alleviation schemes, for
example, the states are better placed to implement policies as they can identify the
poor, and initiate policy suited to the prevailing conditions which vary from region
to region. Thus states are in more need of financial resources.[2]
Federations have the objective to provide maximum social advantage to all
irrespective of place of residence. “Fiscal reforms at the State level are, thus,
important from the view point of macro-economic stability and micro-economic
allocation efficiency” Rao MG [3] The system of inter-governmental fiscal transfers,
as it has evolved in India over the years, has come under attack on the ground that
it has created perverse incentives by putting a premium on equity and neglect of
efficiency led to a fiscal profligacy at lower levels of government, although sharp
regional disparities persist and have grown sharper particularly in recent years.
Bagchi A[4], Chelliah RJ and associates[5] argues that the existence of increasing
decentralization of expenditure and increasing centralization of revenues in India
has led to the widening up of the fiscal imbalance. In Germany, social welfare
expenditures are shared responsibility where the Central Government sets the
broad outlines of policy (criteria and level of spending), while the local government
makes the determination of social neediness and disburse grants, Warner [6]. In
addition to the transfers recommended by the State Finance Commissions, the local
governments receive funds for the implementation of various central schemes. The most
important is for poverty alleviation, but there are also other schemes for social and
community services in which the local governments have a comparative advantage
in implementation. Even apart from conditional grants, local governments have very
little flexibility in the use of funds (Rao, Amar Nath and Vani, 2003).[7]
OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The objective of this paper is to evaluate the role of GIA transfers to Bihar for
removing Fiscal imbalance.
HYPOTHESIS
Bihar received the largest share in GIA transfers in comparison to other low
income states.
DATA COLLECTION AND METHODOLOGY
The study is based on secondary data of reports of various Finance Commissions
and simple statistical analysis is done to obtain the results.
NEED FOR AN EQUITABLE CRITERION OF DEVOLUTION
After establishment of Planning Commission the planned expenditure has
increasing trend from the very beginning till date. Consequently the resource transfer
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
128
Srivastava, Verma and Verma
through Finance Commission declined. More plan transfers were made through
Planning Commission. Later on it was noticed that Plan transfers were not made
on equitable basis the richer states were gainer while the poorer states were the
sufferer. The richer states were benefited more from plan transfers who also enjoy
better infrastructure. Poor states have little resources to invest on their infrastructure
needs. Per capita plan expenditure in richer states is higher while the poor states
have to satisfy with low per capita plan expenditure. This again widened the gap
between rich and poor states and the inter-state disparity increased especially
during the reform period.
To fill the gap between rich and poor states, an equitable criterion of devolution
is needed. Measures are necessary for reorientation of public expenditure in rich and
poor states. Economic and social policies have to work together for the upliftment of
states and reducing the inter-state disparity. Centre enjoys more revenue resources
while states have more expenditure sources. The financial sources of centre and states
are different; the centre has got elastic sources of revenue while the states have
inelastic sources of revenue. The economy is variable, sometimes it faces boom and
sometimes recession, the fiscal situation of the government also changes. The planned
and unplanned needs of the states also changes with the changing circumstances and
changing economic situation of the country. Hence any constitutional provisions and
rule will not apply in all conditions and every time. It has to change accordingly. The
economic infrastructure also changes with time. In Indian constitution demarcation of
functional responsibilities is provided and the finances of centre and states are also
demarcated. India has sometimes been characterized as only a ‘quasi-federation”.
For the dimension of governance the government has to work as provider of public
goods and corrector of externalities. Within the particular constitutional framework,
more specific laws may be changed more easily, by legislative action. Administrative
rules and ordinances are the least durable. Any constitutional aspect can have
implication for both equity and efficiency.
The major fiscal indicators of the state governments show the need of fiscal
transfers. States show deficits depending upon their socio-economic and natural
conditions. Fiscal and monetary policies affect the financial situation of the
government. The centre has power to restrict and limit states borrowing, because
states have to obtain the permission of central government for any borrowing because
normally every state is indebted to the centre. In India’s legal arrangements for the
control of state level borrowing, there is no constitutional or statutory rules mandate
balanced operating budgets. There are no penalties on state officials that violate
balanced budget rules. For governing borrowing by lower level governments, exante registration of state borrowing with central government is required. There is
no national policy that provides state borrowing is only backed by the full faith
and credit of the issuing state. There is no explicit and credible ban on bail outs of
states at risk of defaulting on debt by national government. There is no national
policy that prescribes rigorous accrual accounting standards of states. These are
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
129
the loopholes of rules that govern borrowing by lower level governments in Indian
federal system. In India there is no national legal restriction on the ability of states
to borrow to finance consumption expenditure. There is no nationally set ceiling on
the overall debt of the states. There are no national laws that explicitly restrict the
central government guarantee of state borrowing and forbid the bailout of states
that default on debt. There is no law that forbids states from guaranteeing loans.
In order to eliminate revenue deficits almost all states have now introduced Fiscal
Responsibility Act. This act is to prohibit borrowing to finance consumption. There
is a profound shift in economic management in India since the mid-1980s Indian
economy has progressively moved successive reforms towards a market based
system. Liberalization has touched on most aspects of economic policy which includes
fiscal policy, financial market regulation, industrial policy and trade and foreign
investment. The overall reform has a very beneficial impact on the Indian economy.
Potential output growth is 8½ per cent annually and now India has become third
largest economy in the world. Increased economic growth has helped in reducing
poverty which is reducing in absolute terms. Areas such as communication insurance,
asset management and information technology, where government regulation has
been eased significantly or liberalized output has grown rapidly, with exports of
information technology enabled services particularly strong competition has been
opened to infrastructure sectors in those areas and private sectors has proved to be
extremely effective and growth oriented. States with a relatively liberal regulatory
environment has better economic performance while at the same level states with
restrictive regulatory environment have not good economic performance. Some
reforms have well responded but the next round of reforms needs to focus on a
number of key areas because of existence of some significant problems. The Indian
economy has been transformed by fundamental reforms. India has moved away
from its former model and has become a market based economy over the past
two decade. The main cause is that the direct tax rates were significantly reduced,
elimination of industrial activity by pervasive government licensing and restrictions on
investment by large companies were closed. The economy was opened for competition
and the process of reform continued. The rules governing foreign direct investment
were made easy especially in manufacturing sector. The most important part was
improvement of fiscal discipline by enactment of fiscal responsibility laws like FRBM
Act for the central government and state governments. These reforms had a major
beneficial impact of the economy. The combined fiscal deficit of central government
and state governments has reduced remarkably from 2002 to 2010. It was 10 per
cent in 2002, 6 per cent of GDP in 2006 of GDP in 2010. The ratio of debt to GDP
fell from 82 per cent in 2004 to 75 per cent by March 2007; GDP per capita is
raising by 7.5 per cent annually, a rate which is just double in a decade. Now India
is becoming the third largest economy of the world after USA and China, in 2006
due to faster growth. The economic performance has improved due to reforms.
The fiscal policy and monetary policy has to play crucial roles in reform of the
economy. Monetary policy is focusing on lowering inflation over the medium term.
The expansion started in 2003 has not led to an imbalance between supply and
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
130
Srivastava, Verma and Verma
demand despite 9 per cent GDP growth reaching in 2006. The fiscal deficit has
been reducing substantially. For faster economic growth of the economy a greater
share of output is to be devoted to investment in order to expand infrastructure and
business. The fiscal consolidation strategy needs to be saved and at the same time the
quality of spending has to be improved. Now the challenge is to continue to reform
process with the experience of past success and make the growth inclusive economy.
The growth after 1980 has substantially reduced the national poverty. The millennium
poverty goal is to half it by 2015, while the government is aiming to achieve even
higher medium term economic annual growth rate of 10 per cent. This goal can be
achieved with additional structural reform. An inclusive growth can be achieved
by increasing the prosperity of poorer states whose economy has slower pace of
expansion than the richer states. The poverty of poorer states can be lowered down
by reducing their difficulties. There exists a difference in economic performance of
the states. The poorer states require measures to improve infrastructure, education
and basic services and this in return will increase the potential for growth outside of
agriculture. This will boost up the better paid employment which is the key to economic
growth and lowering down the poverty for spreading income and growth potential
more widely a comprehensive reform package is essential. A number of sectors of
the economy have become more dynamic due to recent reforms but there are some
sectors of the economy which need reforms. Mainly these sectors are the provision
of infrastructure, labor and financial markets, growth in product where reforms are
needed at the central and state levels. In order to create a truly national market
and improve incentives and release resources, the bottlenecks in infrastructure have
to be reduced which is the great constraint of growth. The education sector has to
be improved efficiently in order to improve human capital formation. There are
some areas which will boost growth of the economy which has to be focused and
paid due attention.
A fiscal transfer is becoming determinant and has to play vital role in income
redistribution towards poorer states. India having so many diversities needs a good
system of revenue sharing. The government’s spending across the states is extremely
large. Inter-governmental transfers reduce spending inequalities. The transfer system
should be simplified, administration should be improved and transparency in fiscal
transfers is very essential. Incentives towards fiscal discipline have to be promoted
while borrowing has to be restricted.
ISSUES AND CHALLENGES
For process of development depends on economic and social infrastructure
of a state. There are hard challenges for an undeveloped state to proceed
on the developmental path. Bihar being a poor and undeveloped state has to
face constraints for development. These can’t be separated and both develop
simultaneously. All the social sectors are very complex and have deep linkages
across them. Health and education is closely related and is still of high priority for
the process of development.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
131
Table 1
Per Capita Development Expenditure all States (in Rs) Per all States (in)
Year
2004–05
2005–06 RE
2006–07 BE
Development Expenditure
2514.03
3277.78
3357.34
Social Services
1315.43
1623.58
1772.53
Economic Services
1198.60
1654.20
1584.81
Per Capita Development Expenditure Bihar (in Rs)
Development Expenditure
903.78
1448.31
1763.45
Social Services
552.55
851.82
953.06
Economic Services
351.23
596.49
810.31
Gap in Per Capita Spending in Bihar and all States (in Rs) G Per Capita Spending (i)
Development Expenditure
1593.88
1610.2
1829.27
Social Services
762.86
771.77
819.46
Economic Services
847.37
1057.71
774.41
During the period 2004–2007 the development expenditure of Bihar and
all states vary to a great extent. There exist a big gap between the development
expenditure as well as expenditure on social and economic services. The above
figures clearly indicate that there are huge challenges for Bihar and all low income
states to increase the developmental expenditures in order to provide maximum social
welfare to all irrespective of their residing place. There exists a big gap between
the development expenditure social services and economic services in Bihar and all
states average. This is a big challenge for the state.
Again if the trend of Inter State low GSDP and high GSDP states during
1993–94 to 2006–07, Bihar is lowest GSDP state. It clearly indicates that the state
has to do a lot to come out from this trap. From 1993 onwards Bihar remained the
state with lowest GSDP .It clearly indicate the rear need of economic development
in the state and a lot has to be done in this regard.
Table 2: Trends in Inter-State Disparities in Per Capita GSDP
Year
1993–94
1996–97
1999–00
2000–01
2001–02
2002–03
2003–04
2004–05
2005–06
2006–07
State with the Lowest
Per Capita GSDP
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
Bihar
State with the Highest
Per Capita GSDP
Punjab
Maharashtra
Maharashtra
Punjab
Punjab
Punjab
Maharashtra
Maharashtra
Haryana
Haryana
Ratio of Minimum
& Maximum
Per Capita GSDP
30.53
27.59
28.90
21.56
21.61
22.70
20.10
20.10
20.75
19.27
Source: Planning Commission, Eleventh Five-Year Plan, Volume-I for the years 1993–94 to 2003–04
and the Report of the Thirteenth Finance Commission for the years 2004–05 to 2006–2007.
In 1993–94 the per capita GSDP in Bihar, the lowest income state was
30.53 per cent to the highest income state Punjab .By 2006–07.the per capita
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
132
Srivastava, Verma and Verma
income of Bihar slipped to 19.27 per cent of the highest income state Haryana.
From 1993–94 to 2006–07 Bihar remained the state with lowest per capita GSDP
.This is an issue of great concern for the process of development. For any low income
state the process of development becomes harder in comparison to high income
states because former has to start the process while the later has to accelerate it.
ECONOMY AND INFRASTRUCURE OF BIHAR
Bihar, having population of 83 millions, is the third most populous State in India.
The population density in the State is 880 persons per sq. km., which is more than
double the national average of 324 persons per sq. km. The State has recorded the
highest decadal growth during the nineties. While all-India decadal growth rate of
population was 21.34%, the population of Bihar rose by 28.45% between 1991
and 2001. Around 40% of the population is below poverty line.
The economy of Bihar has significant agricultural base but it is largely service
oriented. The state having a small industrial sector, as of 2008, agriculture accounted
for 35%, industry 9% and service 55% of the economy of the state. Among the entire
sector, manufacturing sector performed very poorly in the state during 2002–2006,
with an average growth rate of 0.38% compared to India’s 7.8%. Bihar was the
lowest GDP per capita in India, though there are pockets of higher income than the
average per capita income. Between 1999 and 2008, GDP grew by 5.1% a year,
which was below the Indian average of 7.3% .More recently, Bihar’s state GDP,
recorded a growth of 18%)between 2006–2007), and stood at 94251 Crores
Rupees ($21 billion nominal GDP). The pace of development accelerated in Bihar
at surprising rate. Between a 5 year periods of 2004–2009, Bihar’s GDP grew at
a stunning rate of 11.03%.This made Bihar the fastest growing major state. In actual
terms, next to Gujarat Bihar state GDP was ranked 2nd out of 28 states in actual
terms. It was next to Gujarat’s GDP.
According to Transparency International India Corruption is an import hurdle for
the government to overcome. It highlighted Bihar as the Union’s most corrupt state
in a 2005 report. Despite the recent economic gains, significant challenges remain
and the government has also stated that combating corruption is now the biggest
challenge the administration is faced. Bihar has seen a drastic change under the
Nitish Kumar regime. The state’s debt was estimated at 77% of GDP by 2007.The
Finance Ministry has given top priority to create investment opportunities for big
industrial houses in Bihar.
From the above table it is clear that literacy rate in Bihar increased from 1961
to 2011 but the rate of growth during 2001–2011 is very high as compared to
previous periods. In case of female literacy rate there was a massive increase
of approximately 20% during 2011.Here this can be linked with the change of
governance and policy implications.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
133
Table 3: Literacy Rate of Bihar
Year
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001
2011
Total Lit. Rate
21.95
23.17
32.32
37.49
47.53
63.82
Male
35.85
35.86
47.11
51.37
60.32
73.39
Female
8.11
9.86
16.61
21.99
33.57
53.33
Table 4: Selected Health and Demographic Indicators
Unit
Population Million (2011)
Decadal growth Rate (1991–01) Percentage
Population Density (2001) Per Sq.Km
Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) (2005–06)
Per lakh live births
Total Fertility Rate (2005–2006) Per Thousand
Infant Mortality rate (IMR) (2005)
Per Thousand live births
Bihar
10.38 cr.
28.43
880
India
1.21billion
21.34
324
371
4.2
301
3.0
61.0
58.0
These figures clearly indicate the poor condition of Bihar as compared that
of the country. The developmental stage of Bihar is very preliminary. Bihar being
an undeveloped state has to face many infrastructural problems. In case of low
income states Table 5 there was a low per capita grant during Tenth FC .All the five
low income states were losers during TC but during Eleventh FC only Rajasthan and
Uttar Pradesh were the losers. During Twelfth FC all the low income states’ share
increased and Bihar received the largest share. During thirteenth FC the per capita
grants reduced and the main cause was increase in population.
Table 5: Change in Per Capita Grants during Successive Finance Commissions
Low Income States
Low Income States
Bihar
Madhya Pradesh
Orissa
Rajasthan
Uttar Pradesh
Tenth F.C.
-28.10
-37.46
-26.69
-40.08
-26.32
Eleventh F.C.
32.45
6.04
45.41
-109.70
-7.42
Twelfth F.C.
847.71
407.23
225.28
32.95
640.80
Thirteenth F.C.
183.75
267.22
-976.87
1113.00
99.64
Source: Calculated from Reports of Various Finance Commissions.
Figures of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar refer to undivided States.
Grants-in-aid exclude grants to the local bodies as it is introduced after Tenth Finance
Commission. [For uniformity of analysis.]
Change in per capita grants from the previous FC in low income states is very
clear during tenth FC. All the low income states were looser in this period .In the
Eleventh FC Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh were losers but Bihar, MP and Orissa
were gainers .In the Twelfth FC period all the low income states were benefitted
and Bihar got the maximum share. During Thirteenth FC only Orissa was the loser
and Rajasthan got the maximum increase in per capita share.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
134
Srivastava, Verma and Verma
Fig. 1: Per Capita Grants in Low Income States
Source: Reports of various FCs
Figures of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar refer to undivided States.
Grants-in-aid exclude grants to the local bodies as it is introduced after Tenth Finance
Commission.[ For uniformity of analysis.]
Table 6: Change in Per Capita Grants during Successive Finance Commissions
High Income States
High Income States
Gujarat
Haryana
Maharashtra
Punjab
Tenth F.C.
170.00
273.57
414.69
170.00
Eleventh F.C.
5.01
97.19
15.80
110.41
Twelfth F.C.
161.50
105.92
180.34
389.44
Source: Calculated from Reports of various Finance Commission
Fig. 2: Per Capita Grants in High Income States
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Thirteenth F.C.
-929.21
1012.87
1887.21
71.66
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
135
In case of high income states during Tenth FC Maharashtra was the maximum
gainer while in Eleventh FC no high income state received huge amount through GIA
transfers but Gujarat got the maximum share .In Twelfth FC Punjab was the maximum
gainer and Haryana got the least. The pattern of GIA devolution changed during
Thirteenth FC Maharashtra a high income state got a large transfer through GIA
and Gujarat was looser.
Table 7: Percentage Share of Bihar in GIA Transfers (Rs. Cr.)
Finance Commission
1989–90
1990–95
1995–00
2000–05
2005–10
2010–15
India
1876.78
102899.18
20300.30
58587.39
142639.60
258581.0
Bihar
81.95
11044.80
1353.11
1793.00
11008.61
21841.2
% Share of GIA Transfer to Bihar
4.36%
10.73%
6.66%
3.06%
7.71%
8.44%
The GIA transfer to Bihar during successive FC is not uniform .In 1989–90 Bihar
got 4.36% of total transfer but it improved drastically during 1990–95 and was
10.73%. It again reduced in Tenth FC and was 6.66%. Eleventh FC was very hard
for Bihar and it received only 3.06% of Total GIA transfers. GIA transfers improved
in the Twelfth and Thirteenth FC .In Twelfth FC it got 7.71% of total GIA transfer
and it slightly improved in Thirteenth FC to 8.44%.
Table 8: Share of Bihar among Low Income States (Rs. Cr)
Finance Commissions
Bihar
Madhya
Pradesh
Orissa
NINTH (1989–90)
81.95
954.34
618.61
NINTH (1990–95)
11044.80 7582.29 5346.79
TENTH (1995–2000)
1353.11
818.47
923.14
ELEVENTH (2000–05)
1793.00 1739.40 1727.86
TWELFTH (2005–10)
11008.61 7129.31
5273.3
THIRTEENTH (2010–15) 21841.2 19500.0
9658.8
Rajasthan
Uttar
Pradesh
651.30
2163.42
6060.62 17111.64
1145.61
2632.24
2992.75
4007.74
4643.91 21694.12
12949.8
30805.9
Av. GIA
Transfers to
Low Income
States
893.24
9429.22
1374.51
2452.15
9949.85
16611.14
Av. Share of
Low Income
States &
Bihar
-811.29
1615.58
-21.4
-659.15
1058,76
5229.76
In comparison to low income states the condition of Bihar during 1989–90 was
not favorable. It received less than the average GIA transfers to low income states. In
the period 1990–95 it got Rs.1615.58 Cr. more than the average GIA transfer. The
Tenth and Eleventh FC did not favored Bihar and its share was less than the average
GIA transfer. The GIA transfer was more than the average transfer to low income
states. Thirteenth FC made GIA transfer more favorable to Bihar in comparison to
all low income states. Again if GIA transfers are focused and the share of Bihar is
considered, it is clear that during 1989–90, it got only 9,17% of the GIA transfers
to low income state. Likewise for Ninth FC (1990–95) the share was 117.13%
ie. 17.13% more than average GIA transfers .During Tenth FC it was 98.44%
ie. Less by 1.56% from average, during Eleventh FC it was 73–11%, 26.89% below
average GIA transfers .In the period of Twelfth FC Bihar received 10.64% more
than average GIA transfers, ie. 110.64%. Thirteenth FC again favored Bihar and
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
136
Srivastava, Verma and Verma
transferred 131.48% ie.31.48 % more than the average GIA transfers. Thus it shows
that before Twelfth FC Bihar was not favored by FC in GIA transfers.
Table 9: Bihar the Low Income State and Thirteenth Finance Commission
States
Share in
Grants
Taxes and (Rs.Crores)
Duties
Bihar
158341
Madhya Pradesh 103269
Orissa
69316
Rajasthan
84892
Uttar Pradesh
285397
14603
13325
9659
12950
26743
Total
Average Total Population Per Capita
Transfers
Transfer per (2005–06) Transfer(FC)
5 Years
Year
in Crore
Per Year
(Rs. Crores) (Rs. Crores)
172944
34589
9.001
3843
116594
23319
6.580
3544
78975
15795
3.869
4083
97842
19568
6.171
3171
312140
62428
18.155
3439
Source: Report of Thirteenth FC
During thirteenth FC per capita transfer per year Bihar was on the second place
while Orissa had the maximum per capita transfers per year through FC during this
period .In nominal terms UP received the largest share but for per capita transfer
Orissa got the maximum and Rajasthan got the minimum per capita transfer per
year through FC.
Figure 3 shows the existence of fiscal imbalance in low income states and the
fiscal condition of the states from 1990–91 to 2009–2010.
Fig. 3: Fiscal Imbalance in Low Income States
In the above figure the fiscal condition of Bihar was very poor from 1990
onwards .During the period of ninth FC its fiscal condition was almost the same except
for 1990-91.In the Tenth FC period there was the fiscal condition was almost stagnant
but in the Eleventh FC the condition of Bihar deteriorated sharply. It remained same
during 2005-2010 period of twelfth FC.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
137
Figure 4 shows the effects of GIA transfers for balancing the fiscal imbalances
of low income states.
Fig. 4: Fiscal Imbalance and Role of GIA in Low Income States
The GIA transfers have reduced the fiscal conditions of the states. As the GIA
transfers increased the fiscal conditions of the state also improved .The fiscal situation
of the state is affected by many other factors also. So far as GIA is concerned it
has been able to reduce the fiscal imbalance.
REGULATORY REFORMS
With the change in GIA transfers some major reforms can be made in fiscal
conditions of the economy. The design of fiscal transfers should be changed to ensure
the efficiency and equity of local service provision and fiscal health of national
governments.
Some simple considerations can be helpful in designing these transfers:
The objectives of GIA should be clearly and precisely specified. When the
objective of GIA is clear the grant, receiving State becomes responsible and remain
answerable to all defaults. It should not be designed with vaguely defined objectives.
The State Governments should have complete independence and flexibility in setting
priorities according to their need and prevailing circumstances. The categorical
structure of programs and uncertainty associated with decision making at the Centre
should not constrain the sub-national Governments. To Isaac Thomas and Pinaki
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
138
Srivastava, Verma and Verma
Chakraborty [2008][8 ]the States should get autonomy for fixing their priorities but it
should not be used to finance State Governments deficit which leads to the tendency
to create higher deficits in future . States should do effort to raise their revenue.
The GIA should not be very rigid and fixed rather, should have flexibility to
accommodate unforeseen changes in the fiscal situation of the grant receiving State.
There should be provision in the structure of GIA to meet the natural, social and
political calamities. Through GIA transfers State Governments should get adequate
resources to discharge functions, objectives and responsibilities, no work should be
stopped due to shortage of resources. In ability of the commissions to offset relative
fiscal disabilities of the state makes necessary the commission to recommend large
number of specific purpose grants Rao, M.G.[2010] [9]. Adequate resources should
be transferred through GIA to achieve the objectives and the objectives should
not be changed until it is fulfilled. The structure of GIA mechanism should ensure
predictability of State Government’s share by projecting the availability of funds
for five years and should be made public.
The GIA should be fairly distributed among the States. It should vary directly
with fiscal needs of the State and inversely with the tax capacity of each State.
The distribution of resources among the States should be on the basis of equity. The
GIA transfers should avoid negotiations and political hindrances .Finally political
influence on the transfer system has been increasing due to prevalence of coalition
governments ruling at the centre typically the regional parties playing the pivotal
role Rao and Nirvikar Singh[2010] [10]. A state should be given its total entitlement
of grants and allowed to select its own mix of centrally sponsored schemes floated
by different ministries, within the limit of total grant Narayan Valluri [2010][11]
CONCLUSION
FC are provided with TOR and have to work accordingly but it needs more
freedom. It should be simple and mostly focused on single objective. Multiple
objectives have risk of failure in achieving any of them and thus reflect no perfections.
It is desirable to have the grants distribution to be reviewed periodically. National
minimum standard of basic services across the nation should be established in order
to strengthen the economy and provide maximum social advantage to all irrespective
of place of residence. Per capita fiscal capacity should be equalized in order to
achieve fiscal equalization across the country. Government regulatory policies should
be reformed and efforts should be made to transfer maximum amount through
Grants-in-Aid with clear objectives.
The Thirteenth FC transfers have increased the share of tax devolution to the
States from 30.5 to 32 per cent but the share of Bihar in total horizontal distribution
at 10.917 per cent is lower than what was recommended by the Twelfth FC .Recent
FCs are creating serious fiscal strain on State finances in the devolution of resources
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Bihar Backwardness Story: GIA Tranfers Explain a Long Term Exclusive Stagnation
139
in Bihar. There exists large social and physical infrastructure bottlenecks in Bihar
and reduction in discretionary spending on developments will further accentuate
developmental process.
The analysis shows that the specific purpose grant, especially for education,
is below to the complete equalization requirement even with respect to the norms
prescribed by the Twelfth Finance Commission. A ray of hope appears due to
sustainable increase in the devolution of resources to the local bodies by the Thirteenth
FC .It also suggested reforms for decentralization to strengthen local bodies. The
forthcoming FCs should pay more attention to GIA transfers making them more
reasonable and justified according to the prevailing situation.
REFERENCES
Chandrasekhar, S. (1983), Andhra Pradesh Finances, School of Economics, Andhra University, Waltair, p. 182.
Rao, M.G. (2010), The 13th Finance Commission’s Report: Conundrum in Conditional Ties. Economic and
Political Weekly, Nov. 27, Vol. XLV, No 48, pp. 46–54.
Bagchi, A.K. (2001), The Common Minimum Program: The Finance Commission of State Governments
and the Urgent Task of Repair and Reconstruction in India, An Economic Reform Agenda for 2004,
New Delhi, SAHMAT.
Chelliah, R.J. Associates (1981), Trends and Issues in Indian Federal Finance, NIPFP, Allied Publishers,
New Delhi.
Warner (2006), “Inter-municipal Co-operation in the US: A Regional Governance Solution?”, Urban Public
Economics Review, Vol. 7, pp. 132–151.
Thomas, Isaac and Chakraborty, Pinaki (2008), “Inter-Governmental Transfers: Disquieting Trend and the
Thirteenth Finance Commission”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLIII, p. 37.
Rao, M.G. (2010), The Report of the Thirteenth Finance Commission Conundrum in Conditional Ties,
Working Paper 76, NIPFP, New Delhi, p. 12.
Rao, M.G. and Singh, Nirvikar (2010), Political Economy of Federalism in India, Oxford University Press.
Valluri, Narayan (2010), “Recommendations Relating to Grants-in-Aid”, Economic and Political Weekly,
Nov., Vol. XLV, No. 48, p. 86.
Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, Jan.-June 2012
Journal of Social and Economic Studies
Volume XX
Number 1 & 2
January–December, 2010
Contents
Chief Editor’s Notes
D.M. Diwakar
On Some Important Fallacies in Economic Theory
which Affect Public Policy
Utsa Patnaik
Rethinking Panchayati Raj
Sachchidanand
Socio-cultural Implications of Imbalanced Sex Ratio
of India’s Population
J.P. Singh
Bihar in 21st Special Reference to the FRBM Act
Akshay Amritanshu
Obituary: Bali Ram Bhagat
A N SINHA INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL STUDIES
PATNA–800001
Journal of Social and Economic Studies
Volume XXI
Number 1
January–June, 2011
Contents
Chief Editor’s Desk
D.M. Diwakar
Development Disparities in Globalizing India
T.S. Papola
Politics Business Nexus and Gandhian Ethics
Sudarshan Iyengar
Political Economy of Dispossession: Some Recent
Experiences in India
Bhaskar Majumder
Education, Development and Happiness in Indian Villages
R.C. Tripathi
Paradise Lost: Envisioning a New Bihar
B.G. Verghese
Democracy, Development and Agrarian Radicalism:
A Regional Framework
B.N. Prasad
Samajik Vichar Scale: A Measure
of Women’s Attitude Towards Dowry
S.M. Anwar Yousuf
A N SINHA INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL STUDIES
PATNA–800001
Journal of Social and Economic Studies
Volume XXI
Number 2
July–December, 2011
Contents
From Guest Editor’s Desk
Frederika Meijer
Development Options for Growth, Employment
and Eradications of Poverty in Bihar
D.M. Diwakar
Demographic Trends and Alternative Pathways
for Attaining Replacement Level Fertility in Bihar
F. Ram and K.M. Sathyanarayana
Mortality, Morbidity and Burden of Diseases in Bihar
Arvind Pandey and Sanjay Kumar
Status of Women’s Empowerment in Bihar: Challenges
and Opportunities
N. Vijaya Lakshmi and Dhanashri Brahme
Education Status in Bihar: Current Gaps
and Future Requirements
B.N. Patnaik and Nilesh V. Deshpande
Challenges before a Resurgent Bihar: Livelihood Options
and Development Possibilities
Naresh Chandra Saxena
A N SINHA INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL STUDIES
PATNA–800001