Vol. 41, No. 4, July–August 2011, pp. 389–393 issn 0092-2102 eissn 1526-551X 11 4104 0389 doi 10.1287/inte.1100.0531 © 2011 INFORMS Model World: On the Evolution of Operations Research Saul I. Gass Robert H. Smith School of Business, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland 20742, [email protected] Key words: OR/MS history; OR/MS philosophy; professional. O academics, and practitioners. I submit, however, that OR’s evolution—its initial growth and development— is due to the training and insight of three WWII OR scientists. The propelling force was their classical scientific training and their clairvoyant view of how the new ideas of OR as an applied science could make a difference in the real world of human decision making. ver the last six-plus years, I have been investigating and writing on historical aspects of operations research (OR), trying to understand how the field—how the profession—originated and arrived at its current form. OR grew out of activities that started in Great Britain during the mid and late 1930s, continued there during World War II (WWII), and expanded to the United States following the attack on Pearl Harbor. OR, which was then termed operational research, began with the British military, aided by civilian scientists, investigating how the new invention of radar should be deployed and operated in defending the homeland against the Luftwaffe. Such joint military and civilian studies, on both sides of the Atlantic, expanded to antisubmarine warfare, convoy protection, and aircraft bombing tactics with great success (McCloskey 1987, Kirby 2003, Gass and Assad 2005). Following WWII, there was no hue and cry for the methodology and ideas of OR by the civilian world. Although some recognized this new field called OR, no private or governmental groups were calling for its further development and application away from the battlefield into the greener fields of business and industry. Thus, to me, it is quite amazing that within the first 20 years after its birth, OR was established internationally as an important scientific field, one that proved itself on the new battlefront formed by the needs of business and industry. What happened— what turned things on? I am aware that today’s view of OR as a science is not the view of some OR commentators, In the Beginning First, the physicist Patrick Blackett—the uncontested father of OR—who, among his other WWII activities, was responsible for developing new tactics for using antiaircraft guns and destroying German U-boats. In Blackett (1950), he discussed whether OR was a science and noted that he subscribed to the first recognized definition of OR. This definition was stated in 1947 by Charles Kittel, a physicist and US World War II OR naval analyst, and modified by Charles Goodeve, a physical chemist, to read: “Operational Research is a scientific method of providing executive departments with a quantitative basis for decisions regarding the operations under their control” (Kittel 1947, p. 150; Goodeve 1948, p. 377). Blackett noted, “there can be no doubt that scientific method has often in the past been applied to the complex phenomena of human life and organizations,” and “university schools of social science, particularly the London School of Economics, have studied scientifically many aspects of our society” (Blackett 1950, p. 4). He goes on to say 389 390 If, therefore, operational research is merely the scientific method applied to the complex data of human society, then, however useful it might be, it certainly is not new. I believe this conclusion to be over-simplified and that operational research, as developed during the war, and subsequently, has an appreciable degree of novelty. In my view, the element of relative novelty lies not so much in the material to which the scientific method is applied as in the level at which the work is done, in the comparative freedom of the investigators to seek out their own problems, and in the direct relation of the work to the possibilities of executive action. (Blackett 1950, p. 4) In 1941, Blackett wrote an influential paper in which he described the OR approach and its early British military successes; it was circulated to senior British Naval Staff and to officers in the US Naval Command (Blackett 1941). One phrase proclaims Blackett’s philosophy at the time, namely, that the application of “numerical analysis” could “help to avoid running the war by gusts of emotion” (Blackett 1962, p. 171). Charles Goodeve was an OR pioneer during WWII who, among other activities, worked with Blackett on the analysis of U-boat attacks and developed methods for degaussing ships to protect them from mines. Goodeve founded the Operational Research Club in 1948, which eventually became the UK OR Society. He contributed a paper (Goodeve 1953) to volume 1 of the Journal of the Operational Research Society of America. In this article, Goodeve, like Blackett, stated that he felt that the development and application of OR must be based on the scientific method. He stated This tool of management—the scientific method—is not basically a new one but is the same that has been used in science for many years. In using the tool of “scientific” method, operational research, however has shaped its own particular “edges” just as biological science has shaped its own. (Goodeve 1953, pp. 167–168) Goodeve then discussed some OR applications and concluded with the statement, “the examples chosen should be sufficient to show that we have a branch of science that can claim a wholeness in its own right” (Goodeve 1953, p. 180). The physicist Philip Morse, who is considered to be the father of OR in the United States, organized and led the first US OR group during WWII—the Gass: Model World Interfaces 41(4), pp. 389–393, © 2011 INFORMS Anti-Submarine Warfare Operations Research Group (ASWORG)—described by Morse as a “scientific task force” (Morse 1977, p. 173). The impetus that caused Morse’s group to be organized was Blackett’s 1941 paper, “Scientists at the Operational Level.” Morse adopted the definition of OR put forth by Kittel and Goodeve. He objected to the view that the scientific study “of the operations of civilization is the task of the social scientists, and that physical scientists should stick to their lasts, turning out more gadgets” (Morse 1951, p. 192) and cited the WWII experiences of his group and the British OR groups to bolster his case. He further stated This writer is convinced that many aspects of economics and other social sciences will not advance appreciably until they are subjected to the techniques familiar to the physical scientist [the scientific method of investigation of phenomena] 0 0 0 Operations Research provides an opportunity for scientists to contribute to a more effective use of our resources of men and material, while at the same time carrying on research of scientific importance in applied science. The study of operations research has the further advantage of offering career opportunities in industry, either in war and peace, which could have pronounced influence on the management of industrial operations. (Morse 1951, pp. 192, 217) Morse was a founding member of the Operations Research Society of America (ORSA) and served as its first president. In his autobiography (Morse 1977), Morse describes his trip to England in November of 1942 and his visits to various groups of scientists recruited to assist the British military command, especially Blackett’s. He writes, “These groups had come to be called operational research groups in England; in the United States we dropped the ‘al’ in favor of the term ‘operations research’ (research on operations) or O/R for short.” (Morse 1977, p. 192) Blackett, Goodeve, and Morse were scientists to the core. Today, no matter how you view the success or failure or inadequacies of what is now encompassed by OR, I submit that if these three gentlemen were not trained in the scientific method and did not impose the scientific method as the scaffold upon which OR was to be built, we would in all probability not now have a viable field of OR. In addition, if they were not physical scientists—say they were mathematicians—I believe that OR would Gass: Model World Interfaces 41(4), pp. 389–393, © 2011 INFORMS not have developed—not have evolved—into the integrated field we now have. And, OR would not have thrived and grown over the past 50+ years into an internationally recognized applied science and profession. What has happened would not have happened. The Expansion of OR into Business and Industry The first book that integrated OR concepts was Introduction of Operations Research by Churchman et al. (1957). It starts with No science has ever been born on a specific day. Each science emerges out of a convergence of an increased interest in some class of problems and the development of scientific methods, techniques, and tools which are adequate to solve these problems. OR is no exception. Its roots are as old as science and the management function. (Churchman et al. 1957, p. 3) However, the question remains: After WWII, how did OR, with no central gravitational force to pull it together and organize it into a viable mass, come out into the open and move into industry and business? Although some pre- and post-WWII activities in England and the United States recognized that scientific methods could be of value in nonmilitary areas, no one was clamoring for OR, no central problems of urgency existed, no cadre of trained OR personnel was available for hire—just about all the WWII OR analysts had moved back into their civilian activities—and few of the apparent leaders in the field could make things happen. Certainly, Blackett, Goodeve, Morse, and others did write and speak about how OR could be of value in civilian activities. But how was this to come about? I suggest that OR, the powerful field as we know it today, came about by chance, by happenstance, and mainly because of the luck of having certain people, who turned out to be the right people, hired at the right time into the right industrial and business positions. This is a strange tale—we emphasize and start in the United Kingdom. We have three principal players: Charles Goodeve, Pat Rivett, and Stafford Beer. Goodeve became involved in OR because of his WWII experiences; Rivett and Beer became involved under strange and unusual circumstances. Unlike Blackett, who returned to academia and his home base of physics, and basically dropped out of 391 things OR, Goodeve decided not to return to teaching and laboratory research. Instead, he accepted the position of director of the British Iron and Steel Research Association (BISRA), the research arm of the British steel industry, which was formed in 1944. This was a good match, because Goodeve had established himself as a top-notch physical chemist before the war; thus, he was an appropriate scientific leader for directing the future developments of the iron and steel industry. But, his war-year experiences with military operations had made him an OR advocate and leader. In 1946, he established the first industrial OR group in the United Kingdom—possibly the first in the world, as far as we know—to complement the ongoing BISRA departments in physics and chemistry. His objective for the OR group was “to apply the methods of mathematical statistics and allied techniques to the solution of operational problems arising in the industry” (Kirby 2003, p. 214). He identified OR with the “scientific method” for its use of the “rigorous logic of mathematics and statistics” to analyze the data from “controlled experiments or on experiences, the observations of which can be analysed” (Goodeve 1948, p. 377). Starting with two staff members in 1947, the BISRA OR staff “expanded to more than fifty in number, approximately 40 of whom were science graduates” (Kirby 2003, p. 215). With respect to Goodeve, Rivett noted that if Patrick Blackett was the wartime “father” of OR, Charles certainly was a “foster parent” and “wet nurse” of “this baby which was more or less left on the doorstep in 1946” (Rivett 1980, p. 4). How fortunate OR was to have Goodeve chosen as BISRA’s director (Assad and Gass 2011, chapter 5). In 1943, the mathematician Pat Rivett was drafted into a statistics research group within the British Ministry of Supply. He worked on quality control and inspection schemes of ammunition and bomb fragmentation patterns. When the war ended, he stayed with the Ministry of Supply as a statistician. In 1951, he saw two newspaper advertisements for positions at the National Coal Board (NCB), a British public corporation founded in 1947 to operate previously private coal mines and to manufacture and distribute their products. One of the positions was for a statistician; the other was for the head of the Field Investigation Group (FIG), which was carrying out OR in the 392 mining industry. Pat asked his boss about the difference between OR and statistics and was told that OR is the same as statistics; it just pays more. He applied for the OR position and got it. In his paper on the history of the NCB and OR, Rolfe Tomlinson wrote about Pat’s decision, “a decision that changed the face of operational research in the U.K. as well as the NCB” (Tomlinson 1971, p. 5). When Pat joined FIG, it had seven analysts, which soon grew to 60 to become the then largest OR group in the United Kingdom. Pat’s contributions to OR are too extensive to discuss here, but he turned out to be an enthusiastic and major player. He was elected president of the OR Society in 1962, received the ORS Silver Medal in 1968, and was appointed to the UK’s first university chair in OR at Lancaster in 1963 (Assad and Gass 2011, chapter 26). The third person to bring OR out in the open in the United Kingdom was Stafford Beer. After one year of college, during which he studied philosophy and psychology, he enlisted in the Royal Artillery in 1944. Stafford was commissioned in the Royal Fusiliers and transferred to the 9th Gurkha Rifles in India. After the war, he stayed in India as an intelligence officer and was given the task of keeping track of all the military units in the country as it was being partitioned into India and Pakistan. It was a rather complex task—he was responsible for tracking units of the British Army, Indian Army, Indian state troops, and the armies of the many maharajahs. Reverting to his studies of philosophy, he developed a symbolic logic model of the situation. Later, when he returned to England and told the story of his logic model, those listeners who were knowledgeable about OR would often comment that what he was doing was operational research. Although he remained in the army until 1949, he became involved in things OR and became a member of the Operational Research Club. After Stafford left the army, he took a position with United Steel as a management apprentice. His exceptional abilities were soon recognized, and he was given the assignment to develop a production control system for United Steel, after which he was given the task of organizing an OR group. It was 1955, and Stafford was 29 years old. When he left United Steel in 1961 to form a consultancy, the OR group had a professional staff of 70. Stafford became president of Gass: Model World Interfaces 41(4), pp. 389–393, © 2011 INFORMS the OR Society in 1970. He is known as the father of management cybernetics (Assad and Gass 2011, chapter 32). The three UK OR activities organized and run by Goodeve, Rivett, and Beer brought OR to the world of business and industry. I submit that it all happened by chance, by luck, and by the blessings of the OR gods. Unlike most other scientific bodies of knowledge (applied or theoretical), the OR enterprises established by these OR pioneers did not have connections to any age-old or recent university programs, did not stem from past or ongoing university or industrial laboratories, and basically had no related nonmilitary precursors. One is hard-pressed to name any other applied science that evolved in such a manner, especially over such a short period. In the United States, similar chance events helped to set US industry onto OR. Here, we discuss only one such event. Outside of the military, the first US OR group was formed at Arthur D. Little (ADL), the world’s first management consulting firm, which was founded in 1886. ADL was just down the road from MIT; its OR activities were influenced by MIT’s Philip Morse, who was a consultant to ADL. Also, several members of the ADL staff, who had served in WWII, were familiar with aspects of OR, especially the OR work of the Columbia University chemist, George Kimball, who was Morse’s deputy director of ASWORG and also an ADL consultant. In a report written for the US Chief of Naval Operations, Morse and Kimball described the form, structure, and methods of OR that developed from their ASWORG experiences (1946a, b, 1951). Originally classified as secret, a declassified version is available (Morse and Kimball 1946b, 1951). In 1949, ADL decided to form an experimental group to consult and apply OR in industry. Its first hire was the mathematician John Magee, who had received an undergraduate degree in mathematics from Bowdoin College in 1946. Magee had also received an MBA in 1948 from Harvard; he had recently accepted his first post-MBA job as a financial analyst. The person responsible for OR hiring at ADL, Harry Wissman, also a Harvard MBA, found Magee through the Harvard MBA alumni office. After an interview, in which Magee was first exposed to OR by being asked to read an unclassified version of Morse Gass: Model World 393 Interfaces 41(4), pp. 389–393, © 2011 INFORMS and Kimball’s Methods of Operations Research, and with an offer of a 30 percent increase in salary, Magee joined ADL. Both Magee’s and ADL’s OR work flourished. Magee eventually became president and CEO of ADL; he was also the 1966 president of ORSA. In 1956, Kimball became a full-time employee of ADL as scientific advisor and was made an ADL vice president in 1961. Kimball was the 1964 president of ORSA (Assad and Gass 2011, chapters 8, 33). These happenings were not atypical. In those early days, similar chance events influenced many people to seek OR careers and make major contributions to the field. In particular, William Cooper, George Dantzig, Leonid Kantorovich, Harry Markowitz, and Albert Tucker, to name a few people, played important roles in OR. I believe that OR is rather unique because it is a science-based profession that evolved in this manner. Since the period discussed above, OR has grown into a respected, worldwide profession. No matter how the reader would describe the basis of today’s OR—its form, its substance, its development, and its application—science or not—algorithm-based or not—systemic view or not—OR’s recognition and staying power are attributable to a few OR pioneers— physical scientists all—who made sure that OR’s formative years were grounded in the tested and accepted methods of the scientific method and the theme of “science comes outside the laboratory” (Goodeve 1957). And, how did OR come out of the laboratory? By the fortunate positioning of a few enthusiastic practitioners in the right jobs during these early years. A truly amazing nonfiction scientific story! References Assad, A. A., S. I. Gass. 2011. Profiles in Operations Research: Pioneers and Innovators. Springer, New York. Forthcoming. Blackett, P. M. S. 1941. Scientists at the operational level. Report, The Admiralty, London. Blackett, P. M. S. 1950. Operational research. Oper. Res. Quart. 1(1) 3–6. Blackett, P. M. S. 1962. Studies of War: Nuclear and Conventional. Oliver and Boyd, Edinburgh, Scotland. Churchman, C. W., R. L. Ackoff, E. L. Arnoff. 1957. Introduction to Operations Research. John Wiley, New York. Gass, S. I., A. A. Assad. 2005. An Annotated Timeline of Operations Research: An Informal History. Kluwer Academic Publishers/Springer Science + Business Media, New York. Goodeve, C. 1948. Operational research. Nature 161(4089) 377–384. Goodeve, C. 1953. Operational research as a science. J. Oper. Res. Soc. 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Accessed June 15, 2010, http://www.cna.org/documents/ 1100005400.pdf (declassified version). Morse, P. M., G. Kimball. 1951. Methods of Operations Research. John Wiley, New York (also Dover Publications 2003). Rivett, B. H. P. 1980. Sir Charles Frederick Goodeve, OBE, FRS. OR Newsletter (May) 4. Tomlinson, R. C. 1971. OR Comes of Age: A Review of the Work of the Operational Research Branch of the National Coal Board 1948–1969. Tavistock, London.
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