CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
? I996 byThe Wenner-Gren
FoundationforAnthropological
Research.All rightsreservedOOII-3204/96/3705-OOOI$3.00
Emergency
Decisions,
Cultural-Selection
Mechanics,and
GroupSelection'
Boehm
by Christopher
groupsare takenas a useful
Emergency
behaviorsofnonliterate
thatdecisionscan be integrated
starting
pointfordemonstrating
paymoredirectlyintoculturalanalysisand thattheexplanatory
offscan be far-reaching.
The methodological
ofstudyfeasibility
inggroupdecisionsdirectlyis exploredthroughthreeexceptional
adaptiveproblem
tribalethnographies
witha focuson emergency
solvingand its implicationsforbothcultural-and gene-selection
discusseddecisionalternatives
becomeappretheory.Urgently
hensibleto fieldworkers
throughopengroupdebate,whilethereofdecisionsare readilyassessedwhenever
productiveeffects
ofa more
groupsact in unison.Implicationsforthedevelopment
and a trulyprocessual
effective
theoryofculturalmicroselection
Withredefinition
ofculturein its guidedphase are suggested.
spectto long-term
geneticevolution,theimplicationsofemerexploring
special
gencydecisionmakingare extendedto foragers,
possibilitiesthatenablegeneticgroupselectionto becomerobust
whengroupsare egalitarianand engagein consensualproblem
theverdictis thatgroup-selection
effects
solving.Prehistorically,
wereamplifiedat thesame timethatindividualeffects
weresupthatthegeneticevolupressed.On thisbasis it is hypothesized
tionofhumancooperativeand altruistictendenciescan be explainedin partby selectionat thelevel ofgroupsratherthan
inclusivefitness.
behindus, we still
Withovera centuryof ethnology
questionsaboutthenature
unanswered
have profound
ofcultureandabouthowbeingculturalin a Homosapiens mannerhas shapeda ratherunusualevolutionary
bothproblemsI shall movefrom
career.In addressing
of severalconsensual
nuts-and-bolts
the ethnographic
events
decisionsanalyzedas discretecultural-selection
ofgroupdecito questionsabouttheimmediateeffect
successand abouttheirultimate
sionson reproductive
effect
on naturalselectionitself.Byplacingthreesetsof
emergencydecisionsunderan ethnowell-described
case that
I shallmaketheempirical
microscope,
graphic
their
andtribesmen
arein a positionto modify
foragers
byactingas groups
deliberately
largerculturalpatterns
whichanticipatelarge-scaleproblemsand tryto cope
with them collectively.I shall also arguethat such
impact
guidedculturalselectioncan havea significant
people
success because nonliterate
upon reproductive
political,and
in theirnatural,
copingwithperturbations
sometimesmake highlyrealistic
social environments
thatthe perennialgechoices.I shall suggest,further,
neticenigmasof altruismand groupselectionneed to
be seriouslyreconsidered
in thelightofegalitarian
beforce
amplifythe effective
haviorswhichsignificantly
ofgroupselection.
Cultural Selection and Natural Selection
and evolutionary
theorysharea
Culturalanthropology
and a
curiouslychequeredpast.Overthepast century
has involveda fewmadlove afhalf,theirrelationship
ofindividualinvolvefairs(e.g.,Morgani877), a variety
ments(e.g.,KroeberI948, WhiteI959, StewardI955,
Goldschmidt
i959), andlongperiodsofgeneralindifference and sometimesprotractedhostility.Steward's
brought
ecologyfinally
(i 95 5) sensibleandsolidcultural
us somethinglike a peasantmarriage-a typological
theorythatmanycould live with.Howcompromise
was quitedecisively
ever,eventhoughtheenvironment
andhis immedicultural
Steward
into
analysis,
brought
CHRISTOPHER BOEHM is DirectoroftheJaneGoodallResearch
exhibitedlittleinterestin the microofSouthemCal- ate "offspring"
University
Center,DepartmentofAnthropology,
ofculturalselection.
mechanisms
ifornia(Los Angeles,Calif.90089,U.S.A.). He was educatedat
AntiochCollege (B.A.,i959) and at HarvardUniversity
(Ph.D.,
has beenCampfrompsychology
A keycontribution
I972). He has taught at MIT (I970-72), Sarah Lawrence College
bell's (I965) applicationto culturalphenomenaof the
(I972-74), Northwestem University (I974-78), and Northern
Kentucky University (I978-9i) and has conducted fieldworkon
and conflictresolutionamongchimpanvocal communication
zees at the GombeStreamResearchCentreand on ethicsand soHis publicationsincludeBlood Recial controlin Montenegro.
ofPennsylvania
Press,i986),
venge(Philadelphia:University
paperwas developedI have benefitedfromcriticalor supportive
commentsby Michael Boehm,RobertBoyd,GeraldBritan,DonMontenegrin Social Organization and Values (New York: AMS
JeanEnsminger,
ald T. Campbell,MichaelChibnik,JohnComaroff,
Press,i983), and "Ambivalenceand Compromisein HumanNaRaymondFirth,ArnoldGreen,BruceKnauft,SteveLansing,Merture" (American Anthropologist9I:92I-39). His "Egalitarian BeAlexanderMoore,CraigT. Palmer,PeterJ.Richerson,
vynMeggitt,
havior and Reverse Dominance Hierarchy" (CA 34:227-40)
PhilipCarl Salzman,ElmanService,EstellieSmith,David Turton,
earnedhim the i992 StirlingPrize.The presentpaperwas subforMan, theAmericanEthnologist,
David Sloan Wilson,referees
mitted25 v 95 and acceptedI9 IX 95; thefinalversionreached
referees
forCURRENT ANTHROand theAmericanAnthropologist,
the Editor's office I5 II 96.
who invited
Antweiler,
POLOGY, and theEditor.I thankChristoph
Societyon egalitarianme to addresstheGermanAnthropological
ismas lower-level
PhilipCarlSalzman,
teleology.MervynMeggitt,
I. In reachingtheconclusionsoffered
hereI was assistedbya grant andDavid Turtonwerekindenoughto sharerelevantfieldimpresforconresearchreports.
Responsibility
forthestudyofegalitarian
politicalprocessfromtheH. F. Guggen- sions,data,orunpublished
heimFoundation.Overthealmosttwo decadesduringwhichthis clusionsand errorsremains,as always,myown.
763
764 1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
To
biologist'sblind-variation-and-selective-retention
model, withmajorproblemsperceivedin theenvironment.
ourtaskas buildersofculturetheory,
complicate
one important
emphasisbeingtheconservative
forceof further
humansmay select adaptivelysignificant
culturalretention
(CampbellI975). Morerecentevolu- nonliterate
tionaryapproacheshave tiedcultureto geneselection coursesofactionas entiregroups(see BoehmI978).
culturalselectionis farmoreimmediate
(e.g.,DurhamI976, ChagnonandIronsI979, Winterhal- Fortunately,
easierto investigate
derand Smithi992), buttheydependheavilyupontri- thangeneselectionand therefore
Furthermore,
groupdecisionsprovidea special
angulationand model culturalphenomenafartoo di- directly.
rectlyuponbiologicalsystems
thatorganizethemselves. arenaforstudy.Usingthreeunusuallyrichcase histoAs a result,the microprocesses
thatimmediacy
andcollectivity
of culturalselection ries,I shalldemonstrate
inhave been all but ignored.Boydand Richerson(I985) providea substantialadvantageforanthropologists
In doingso
in identifying
specificmechanisms.
and Durham(i99i) have pointedout the seriousdiffi- terested
I setasidethestillquitemysterious
side
self-organizing
cultieswiththeirstudy.
to concentrate
on purposeful
Bysettling
fortheseandotherusefulcompromises
in of culturalmicroprocess
withseriwhich bioculturalmodelingtoo oftentendsto over- decisionsby whichgroupscoperealistically
problems.
whelmtheethnographic
data(e.g.,Boydand Richerson ous environmental
I985, I99I;
Durham I99I; Barkow,Cosmides,and
Toobyi992), anthropologists
andothershaveremained
farfromemulatingthe impressivesuccessesof biolo- An EvolutionaryDefinitionof Decision
gists,who, afterMendel's criticaldiscoveriesabout
transmission
units,advancedthestudyofselectionme- Making
chanicsand foundedthe fieldof evolutionary
biology.
variablesand
Indeed,aftera century
ofdependence
upontheculture Whendecisionsare made,the following
concept,we probablyknowas muchabouttheprecise factorsare assumedto be at work:genotypicdisposidetailsofcultural-selection
processforprovisioned
and tions(LeVineI973, RuyleI973; see also Pulliamand
wildnonhumanprimates(NishidaI987, GoodallI986, DunfordI980, LumsdenandWilsonI98I, Konneri982,
BoehmI989) thatset up behaviorsreadilylearnedby
HauserI988) as we do forourselves.
I believethisfailurecan be remedied,
butonlyifwe our species,culturalvalues (Kluckhohni952, Pugh
orunarewillingtodistanceourselvesfromthepowerful
mod- I977) thatreflectattitudesaboutthedesirability
various
or
of
desirability
behaviors,
activities,
qualities,
els ofbiologistsandstrikeoutmoreon ourown,witha
a
of
and
assessments-the
objects,
cognitive
perception
similargoalofattaining
ultimateexplanations
ofhuman
of
the
creation
of
situational
context
problem
solving,
behavior.To do so, we must meet the challengeof
of decisionalternaa cultural-selection
studying
processwhichdiffers
quite strategicgoals,and the pondering
tives.
sharplyfromgene selectioneven thoughthe two are
to describeandexplainemergency
In attempting
decicausallyconnected.Emergency
decisionsare theplace
of
cultural
sesions
as
instances
sophisticated,
guided
to start.
even
lection,I shall set aside genotypicdispositions,
causativefactors
thoughas powerful
(forexample,hununderlie
cultural
ger)
they
obviously
many
important
GuidedSelectionversusSelf-Organization
values.I focuson valuesand strategic
goals,on specific
andon environmental
contextsas
Darwinidentified
thebasicvehiclesofbiologicalselec- decisionalternatives,
the
actors
and
conceptualized
by
evolutionary
byscientionin theformofindividuals
as inheritors
andcarriers
mechanicswill
of variabletraits,while geneticistshave isolatedthe tists.This analysisofcultural-selection
(i) thatas instancesof realisticproblem
well-bounded
unitsofinformation
thatprovidethevari- demonstrate
kindsofgroupdecisionsarereadilysuscertain
solving
ation.Withrecombinable
genesas the unitsof transof
direct
of
ceptible
description;
(2) thatidentification
mission,biologistshave been able to describethe
is
the
decision
makers'
that
comintentions
feasible;
(3)
mechanismsof a remarkably
gradual,self-organizing
can be discerned,
alongwithchoices
gene-selectionprocess and have done so precisely petingalternatives
and
that
thepracticaloutbeing
made
among
them;
(4)
enoughto replicatethat processexperimentally
and
measured
as beinguseful,
comes
can
be
realistically
modelits workings
(see E. 0. WilsonI975).
in termsofsatisfaction,
ordetrimental
survival,
By contrast,
culturalselectionis complicated
by ap- neutral,
success.
or
overall
reproductive
"units"of transparently
amorphousor ever-changing
missionandvariationthatpresentformidable
problems
foranalysis(seeDurhamI99I). To compoundourprobare gradually
lems,anthropologists
facingthefactthat Problemsof Approachand Method
culturalprocessesarepartlyandsignificantly
purposeful
(seeGoldschmidt
Individual-decision
modelinghas longbeenpartofculI959, I97I, I976, I993; Bennett
I976;
BoehmI976, I978, i982a, I99I; CampbellI965, I975,
turalanthropology
(FirthI95I, BarthI959, QuinnI975;
see also VincentI978), andevolutionary
anthropologists
I979; VaydaI989; Knaufti99i, I994a; DurhamI99I).
of deciIndeed,humans sometimesmake relativelyfar-reaching have increasingly
emphasizedthe importance
choicesthatarebothdeliberate
andrealistically
in tune sion-making
behavior(e.g.,GoldschmidtI959, Prattis
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1765
Such crisesare also relevantto culturalselectionof
the purposefulor guided type. Hurricanes,locust
swarms,droughts,
and epidemicscan have radicalefas can predatory
Vayda I989, Durham I99I). Meanwhile, biologistssuch fectson humanpopulations,
political
as Pulliam and Dunford(i980) and Lumsdenand Wilson behavior,and sometimespeoplemanageto cope with
emergencies
by quicklymodifying
(i98i) have identified
individualdecisionsas a critical readilyidentifiable
interface
betweengenesandculture.However,thetrail theirpatternsofbehavior.The sourceofculturalguidis merelyblazed,becauseanthropologists
hereis the emergency
whoworkin- ance to be exemplified
decision
inwhichan entirelocalcommunity
tensively
withdecisionmodelsin ecological,economic, meeting,
recognizes
forcompolitical,andsocialanthropology
rarely
investigate
deci- a threatand assemblesto discussalternatives
sionprocessesdirectly.
Basically,theycarefully
observe mon action,usinga distinctivecommunication
style
the resultingbehaviorand thenuse a decisionmodel thatis decidedlyurgent(seeWilliamsI957).
frequently
involveprivate
inferentially
to organizetheirexplanations
(e.g.,Barlett Decisions of egalitarians
I980, BosterI984, Smith I99I). Such studiesare sophis- deals betweenpowerbrokersor arm-twisting
and the
ticatedand useful,butwithouteffective
directinvesti- co-optionof dissidents(e.g.,BarthI96I); sometimes
gation(see MathewsI987) this criticalcomponentof theyendwithabsenceofagreement
(see JonesI97I) or
evengroupfission.However,
whenpeoplearefacedwith
culturalprocessremainsmysterious.
and thinkthattheycan bestcope
One problemis thatinformants
simplycannotanswer a seriousemergency
cooperative
action,theyarelikelyto enterinto
questionsabout motivesand contingencies
thatthey through
openand comprehensive
workwithintuitively
(OrtizI967, Gladwinand Mur- a relatively
groupnegotiation
theidealizedconsensusmodtaughI980).However,ourquestionstendtobe so unso- processthatapproximates
phisticated (Western and Dunne I98I) or so clumsy els oftenelicitedfromnatives(andsometimes
takentoo
are firstlaid out and evaluated
(BriggsI984) thatwe oftenfailto elicitresponsesthat literally).Alternatives
or combinedto
maywell be there.Furthermore,
muchindividualdeci- and thenselected,rejected,modified,
theentiregroupcan agreeto.
sion makingis so routinizedas to appearunthinking;forma strategy
This decision-making
phaseoftheculturalproblemas outsiders
we failto perceivetheactiveproblemsolvinnormaldailyactivities(seeBoehm solvingprocessyieldsa practicalpolicy,andwithopen
ingthatis inherent
debateit is not difficult
to identify
the values,goals,
I978) and thereforefail to investigateit.
involved.It zemainsto observe
Fortunately,
thecollectivedecisionsofsmall,locally andspecificalternatives
thepolicyis actuallyfollowedandwhatareits
autonomousnonliterate
communities
providea special whether
interestedin
researcharenain whichdecisionprocessbecomesun- practical effects.For anthropologists
peopleare essentially
or
proficient
usuallyconsciousand obvious.If one can getpast the whethernonliterate
forthemselves
as evolutionary
actors,
veiled rhetoric(Bloch I975, Bailey I98I), the decision clumsyin fending
In evaluatingthem
altemativescan be readwithconfidence
(e.g.,Boehm thisprovidesa specialopportunity.
problemsolverswe canreadilytracktheir
I983).HereI examinethreeinstancesofcollectivedeci- as emergency
in whichreproductive
sucsion makingwithregardto seriousthreatsemanating copingbehaviorin situations
verydirectly
and groupextinction
is
fromexternalpolitics,thenaturalenvironment,
or the cess is threatened
internalsocial environment.
The immediateobjective possible.
the microcontent
of a single
is toidentify
alternatives
forchoiceas unitsofselection, ForMursipastoralists,
andwe areableto
to see how peopleselectsuch unitsunderemergency decisiondebateis revealedverbatim,
betweenseveralclearly
and to evaluatetheircommonplansforac- see how thisinvolvestrade-offs
conditions,
perceivedproblemswiththenaturalandpoliticalenvitionin termsoftheirrealismand theirefficacy.
ronments.
Similarly,
thepatternofMae Engadecision
andproblems
makingwithregardto warfare
withnaturalresources
is described
in detail.Finally,
we learnhow
The AdvantageofStudying
Emergency
a seriesofproblems
identified
anddiscussedin Tikopian
hurrifonos(publicassemblies)aftera verydestructive
Decisions
canewererealistically
resolved.Theseethnographically
Overtheevolutionary
longhaul,epochsofunusualen- richcase studieshelpmakethecase thatwe canidentify
embeddedin groupdecisionprovironmental
stressare thoughtto producerelatively specificmechanisms,
mod- cess,thatare criticalto theunderstanding
ofculturalthatmaydecisively
selectionpressures
short-term
ifya gene pool (see Gould and EldredgeI977). In more selectionmechanicsand theirinfluenceupon human
toLeibig's"lawofthemini- biologicalevolution.
immediate
terms,
according
certaincritistableconditions
mum"underecologically
cal resources(suchas water)setvitallimitsfornatural
I973, Bennett I976, Britan and Denich I976, Boehm
I976, Meggitt I977, Rutz I977, Chibnik I980, Jochim
I98I, JohnsonI983, MacLachlan I983, Mithen I989a,
selectionofsurvivingpopulations(see Odum I993). Ob-
Three Descriptions of Ecological Decisions
orunpredictable
viously,cyclicaldireshortages
dipsin
OF THE MAE ENGA
selection. WARFARE DECISIONS
such criticalresourceswill greatlyintensify
We are speakinghereof self-organizing
geneselection DescribingMae Enga raidingand warfarein highland
New Guinea,Meggitt(iT771 makesit clearthateven
and theeffects
ofveryimmediateecologicalcrises.
766 i CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
Sometimes,
ofcourse,giventhegravity
oftheissues and thelikelihoodofdeepdifferences
overthe
interpretation
ofinherently
ambiguousevidence,
realconsensusis impossibleto achieve.Forinstance,althoughmostoftheassembly,
includingthe
BigMen,agreethat,on thebasisofavailableinformation,waris theonlyfeasiblechoice,a significant
minority
mayholdout againstthisview.Whenit is
clearthatno amountofexhortation
will change
theiropinion,theBigMan announcesthattheprowarmajority
willproceedwithpreparations
foran attack;buthe warnsthemthat,havingoverruled
the
opposition,
theymustbe readyto paymostofthe
costs-in particular,
compensation
foralliedandenemydeathswill fallmainlyon them.At thesame
timehe remindsthecautiousminority
thatthose
who do notfightin supportoftheclan'sinterests
cannotexpectto enjoythefruitsofvictory-enemy
landthattheclan mayseize oranyhomicidepigs
comingto theclan.The dissidents
the
acknowledge
forceofthewarningwhileemphasizing
theirown
ofcontributing
prerogative
feworno pigsto thehomicidecompensation.
To understand
thedecision-making
processandtherelationofwordsto deeds,it is important
to examinenot
onlythedebatebuttheunanimity
ofactionthatfollows
(P. 79):
evenas bothpartiesaremakingcleartheirpositions,
everyone
knowsthat,becausetheclan'ssurvival
maybe at stake,oncecombatbeginsthedoveswill
almostcertainly
be in theiraccustomedplacesfightingstrenuously
alongsidethehawks.Moreover,
manyofthemwill probably
joinin thepayments
of
homicidecompensation,
notmerelyto establish
claimsto whatever
wealththeclanmaysecurebut
also,and equallyimportant,
to maintaintheirown
reputations
and thatofthegroup.
Ifthemajority
feelverystrongly
abouttheir
"dove"position,theymaywarnthehotheadsthat
theywill evenhaveto paycompensation
foranyone
slain.Ifa groupofhotheadsdoesgo againstmajority
opinionto escalatea conflict
fromraidingto an attackin force,theBigMen remindthemthatthe
will be theirsalone;but
compensation
payments
whenthecounterattack
comestheentiregroupwill,
in fact,backthem.
Althoughthesewarfaredecisionssometimesend in
the emergency
natureof the problems
disagreement,
militatestowarda consensus(p. 80):
I shouldemphasizethatsuchdeepandirreconcilable
divisionsofopiniondo notemergeoftenwhenclansmenassembleto determine
whetherornotthey
shouldgo to war.Giventhecrowding
ofthecompactclan territories
alongthenarrowvalleys,the
menofanyclan areusuallyquickto agreethatthe
actionsofan expanding
adjacentgrouparea serious
threatto theirsecurity.
Onlythefewreallyobtuse
menmusthavetheirattention
drawnbyBigMen
raidingpartiesof ten or fewermen mustmake their
decisionsin concertwiththerestoftheirclanbecause
revealsgroup
theyneed thatbacking.His description
meetingsas the locus of a selectionprocessin which
debated,and
variousmilitary
alternatives
areenvisaged,
chosen.He also makesit clearthatindividualdecision
makingis largelyoverriddenby that of the group
throughconsciousmanipulationof minoritiesby the
majority
I970).
(see also Sackschewsky
Meggitt(I977:76) statesthatit is onlythemenwho
meet,veryquietly,and thatanyonewho has passed
through
thebachelor'sassociationis eligible;it is taken
forgrantedthat everyonewill choose to participate.
is important
(pp.77-78):
Poolingofinformation
or their
The menwho initiatedtheconference,
indicatetheirviewoftheclan's
spokesman,
briefly
positionand theactiontheyfavor.Thus,theymay
atarguethatnowis thetimeto launcha full-scale
tackon theneighboring
clanwiththeaim ofoccuThe major
pyinga specificsectionofits territory.
BigMan thensolicitsresponsesfromtheaudience.
Ideally,everyone
presenthas a voiceand,being
amonghis own clansmen,can speakwithcomplete
freedom.
Moreover,
anyonewhopossessespertinent
so
to contribute
information
has a moralobligation
thatthegroupmayreachthebestpossibledecision
in the circumstances.Most men . . are readyto
maketheirpointsat lengthandwithelaborateoratoricalflourishes.
Onlyyoungbachelorsand some
veryold menarelikelyto holdbackandsaylittle
unlessdirectly
questioned.The taskoftheBigMan
at thisstageis to ensurethatall havea chanceto offertheiropinions and factsin full,and . . [to make]
no attemptto cutoffanybutobviouslyirrelevant
speeches.
Onlyin thisway,it is believed,can each clansofhis fellowsand
mantrulyascertainthethoughts
theevidencebehindthem.So instructed,
he can
his ownideas,andhis reactions
cleaveto or modify
in turnaffect
thoseofothers.Naturally,
theBigMen
and fightleadershavetheirownopinionsofan apoutcomeofthediscussion;butnoneof
propriate
them,especiallyin theearlysessions,revealsmuch
ofhis handor triespatently
to pushfortheacceptanceofhis suggestions.
Not untilhoursofargumenthaveclarified
theissuesand carefully
dissectedthefactsarethesemenlikelyto signal
theirownpositions,andeventhen
unequivocally
those,includingthemajorBigMan,whoperceive
thattiderunning
strongly
againstthemmaywell go
view.Thus,step
alongwiththeemerging
majority
inches
bysteptheslow processofconstantfeedback
ofgeneralagreement
towardthepossibility
on a correctcourseofaction.Then,whentheBigMan believesthatconsensusis close at handandthatfurthertalkwill add nothingofvalue,he incisively
indicateswhich
summarizes
themainarguments,
havebeenrejected,
and finallyannouncesthedecisionreachedbytheclan.
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection | 767
ferentsystems:the ecologicalsystemthat produced
theirpredicament
and theirown social order.It is instructivethatin a timeof uncertainty
and ecological
crisistheydidnotturnto "supernatural
controls"over
nature(MalinowskiI948; butsee SchneiderI957 fora
Suchdecisionmeetings
arebyno meansmere"rituals," counterexample
underless criticalconditions).
Norwas
forstrategies,
tactics,and timingare all at issue. Al- therethenear-total
abandonment
ofcollectiveproblem
thoughindividualdecisionsare largelypreempted
by solvingthatsometimesaccompaniesfoodshortages
in
grouppoliticalprocess,theideal ofconsensusis some- othercommunities
(e.g.,LaughlinandBradyI978), even
timescompromised
becausein a forager
or tribalegali- thoughthechiefly
offoodquicklyceased.
redistribution
tariansocietya subgroup
is basicallyfreeto proceedon The Tikopianshadpreviously
experienced
famines,
and
its own.
the
beingon a smallislandtheycouldreckonaccurately
It is clearthatgoingto warinvolvescomplicated
val- pressure
theirpopulation
placedon a well-known,
finite
ues trade-offs
among,forexample,desireforpersonal subsistencepotential.It was theiraccurateand prehonorora dominant
politicalpositionfortheclan,con- dictiveperception
ofscarcity(seeAbernethy
I979) that
cernforthephysicalsafetyofthegroup,individualcon- enabledthemto copeeffectively
witha dangerous
situacernsforphysicalsurvival,and desireto defendor ex- tionbydealingwithappropriate
problems
at thecollecpand territory
as partof the subsistencequest. Such tiveratherthanat theindividuallevel.
basic and oftencompeting
concernsstructure
a variety One specificpracticalpolicythattheyarrivedat in
ofspecificdecisiondilemmasthatareexploredveryde- publicassemblieswas to sendoutpatrolsto prevent
inliberately
bythegroupin question.
dividualistic
thievesfrompickingimmatureseedlings
Meggitt'sdescription
makesit clearthatEngatribal to eat,sincefromthecollectiveperspective
lettingsuch
was theonlyhopeforthelong
assemblieswerefocusingtheirattentionon territorialplantscometo maturity
competition
ofthis
and thatthedecisionsweremadeand im- run.Firthexplainsthe Tikopianunderstanding
thatwhereasin
plementedon whatwas usuallya realisticbasis.In ef- problem:"Therewas the recognition
fect,he has describeda well-contextualized
cultural- times of relativeabundanceof food theftcould be
selectionprocessat the grouplevel, completewith treatedas an offenseagainstindividuals,in timesof
sourcesofvariation(decisionalternatives
in theformof greatscarcitytheftimperilednot onlyindividualrelaspecificstrategies,
goals,and tactics),values and ideas tions but the whole basis of the social order.... it bethat structurethe dilemmasand informthe process camethena matterofpublicpolicy"(I959:I03-4).
An(loveofheroism,
fearofdeath,desireforterritory,
was to
desire otherdecision,potentiallymorefar-reaching,
to dominateothergroups),and a decisiveselective- admonishpeople to limitsexual intercourse
to infreretention
mechanism-a consensualdecisionthatusu- quentintervalsto reducethenumberoffuture
mouths
allyprojectsthe entiregroupalonga singlebehavioral tofeed(SpilliusI957); thisinvolvedaccurateperception
oflong-term
trajectory.
problemswithcarrying
capacity.
Guidedculturalselectionin thisTikopiancase was
and well planned.The decisionsofthe
comprehensive
A TIKOPIAN
ECOLOGICAL
CRISIS
fonosqualifyas guidancebecausetheytendto be not
in intention
Spillius's(I957) accountofresponsesto a hurricane
andfar-reaching
butrealison onlypurposeful
Tikopiais complemented
relevant
byFirth's(i959) observations tic (see BoehmI978). Theywerealso directly
as a returning
success:aftertheproblemoftheftwas
ethnographer
who understood
whatwas to reproductive
takingplace in the island'sseveralpublicassemblies. diagnosed,
such behaviorwas decisivelysuppressed
by
Notonlywerecropsdamagedbutsoilwas contaminated specialpatrols,and thishad demonstrable
beneficial
efbysalt spray.In Firth'sdescription
the need forfertility
reone can readilydis- fects.Recognizing
regulation
cernthedivisionoflaborbetweenindividual
onethatinvolvedapandcollec- quireda comprehensive
diagnosis,
tive decisionmakingas people thoughtoveralterna- preciationof the causal relation between sexual
tives.Manyindividualswerebeginning
andgivingbirth,
thathedonic
understanding
to steal other intercourse
andacquiringoffspring
people'sseedlingsto eat orwerethinking
ofattemptinggratification
providetwopowereconomicmigration,
an unlikelypossibility.
forthebehavior,
In public fulindividual
incentives
andprediction
assembliesthecopingstrategies
direscarcityas a function
oftherelation
discussedincludedhar- ofcontinuing
vestingand storingdamagedfoodstuffs,
first betweenpopulationsize andcarrying
capacityas locally
replanting
themorequicklymaturing
reeffishing, perceived.Relevantvalues includedthe desireto eat
crops,upgrading
thelevelofa laketo intensify
manipulating
fishing,
try- well (and,morebasically,not to starve)overthe long
ing to secureforeignaid, expellingthievesand com- runand conflicting
desiresto achievesexualgratificamonerclans,whowouldhavetoembarkon suicidevoy- tionand have children.Whilethe effects
couldnotbe
ages,identifying
chiefsas thelast to die,and reducing evaluated,thepolicywas highlyrational.
thepopulation'sreproductive
Because Firthdoes not providedetailedaccountsof
rate.
These alternatives
seemperfectly
insofaras the decisionmeetingsthemselves,the raw culturalrealistic,
theenvironment
was beingaccurately
"cognized"(Rap- selectionprocessis not availableforanalysis.On the
he has described
paportI968). The Tikopianshad to understand
twodif- cognitive
side,however,
practicalalterand fightleadersto thegrowing
danger;therest
readilyaccepttheneedfora promptdefensive
response,whichmayalso be definedto includea preemptiveattackon thepotentialaggressors.
768 1 CURRENT
Volume37, Number5, DecemberI996
ANTHROPOLOGY
nativesidentifiedby Tikopiansand the values that
guideddecisionmakingin thedirection
ofpoliciesand
behaviorsthatweresuccessfulfromthe standpoint
of
nutrition,
qualityofsociallife,andlong-term
reproductivesuccess.Fromthe standpoint
of cultural-selection
process,eachofthealternative
policiespondered
orchosen byTikopiansamountedto a ratherlargebutcognitivelyintegrated
"unit"ofvariation-acomplexofideas
andvaluesthatat onepointin time,at least,wereintegratedin an attemptto copewitha specialemergency.
A MURSI
WARFARE
DECISION
WITH
CONSEQUENCES
forall theirpeoplewho diedin thelonggrasshere,
and at Mara.Ifwe wipeeach otherout,so be it.
But let those fatfools at Hana suffer.... They're
so fattheycan hardlywalk,thosepeopleat Hana.
May theirdeadbodiesstretch
fromhereto over
tie string
there,andmaytheirmothersandfathers
roundtheirheads.Do youwantto attackourBodi
at Gura?Ifwe do that,thoseat Hana will never
keepto anypeace agreement
lateron. Theywill say,
"Ifwe attacktheMursi,theywon'thitbackat us
butat theGurapeople."That'swhatthey'llbe sayingas theymakepeacewithus.
This man has identified
the basic politicaldilemma:
takingsome kindof revengeis politicallyimperative,
Turton's(I975, I977) detailedpresentation
ofdecision- buttakingeasyrevengeclose at handhas onlylimited
makingprocessamongEast Africanpastoralwarriors politicalbenefits.Threeprospective
behaviorsmaybe
providesthe raw data thatcan helpus to identify
the isolatedas competing
sourcesof culturalvariationbeofculturalselection.His analysisofa causetheyhaveemergedas decision
micromechanics
alternatives:
doing
Mursipoliticalcrisisis basedon verbatim
recordsofa nothing,
makingan easyattackon nearbyBodiat Gura
group'spoliticaldebateand a detailedexegesisof this orMerkule,andmakingthe
muchmoredifficult
attack
debate.Theydemonstrate
thatin boththepoliticaland on thefaraway
Bodiat Hana.
thesubsistence
fieldpresentandfuture
exigencies
were
The nextspeaker,like thefirsta seniorman in the
beingweighedsimultaneously
and thatthe issue was juniorage-grade,
has specialconnections
withtheBodi
notsimplydecidedbylocalpowerbrokers
beforedebate who live nearbyat Merkuleand Guraand
therefore
is
began.
in a delicate political position. He says (Turton
The Mursiclingto pastoralpursuitseventhoughthey I977:206), "Get on with it then: I don't care ifmy crop
mustdependheavilyupon horticulture.
They are ex- is lost, along with that of Merkule-then both we and
pandingtheirterritory
slowlybut,beinginthelowlands, the Bodi will be hungrytogether!"He calls forimmediare subjectto raidingfromthreesides.Theyare in a ate revengeon nearbyBodi, even
thoughtheydid not do
formalstateofwarwiththeadjacentBodi,anddrought thekilling.The rulesoflethal
retaliation-for-honor
do
is severeenoughto threaten
a famineas theyworkto allow any male Bodi to be killed
under
the
circumget in a usefulcrop.The debatefollowsan atypical stances,so thisexhortation
is bothjustifiable
andpractiMursitripdeepintoBoditerritory
witha policeescort cable in thatit can be accomplished
without
extreme
toreceivegrainas faminereliefduring
whicha highland militaryrisk. In effect,to shore
up his own political
fromfarawayHana has killeda Mursi position he
Bodi tribesman
"idealistically" urges a revengeraid on his
involvescompeting
youth.The resulting
problem
politi- nearbyfriends.Turton makes it clear that at the same
cal andecologicalgoals:theneedtoretaliate
fora homi- timehe is pointingout the
negativeeconomicconsecidewhilesafelyharvesting
cropscriticaltosubsistence. quencesoftakingvengeanceon themostaccessible
tarPoliticallythe best targetwouldbe distantHana, but gets-who happento be his friends;
ifcultivation
areas
because all the Mursiare alreadyat war withall the aredestroyed,
bothsidesmayexperience
privation.
Bodi,thelocalMursigroupcanmoresafelyattackeither The next
once
a
speaker,
again
man
junior
age-grade
of two other,nearbyBodi settlements(Merkuleand of
latermiddleage,chastisesgrownmenforhavinggone
Gura).However,escalationofhostilitiesnearbywould intoenemyterritory
to invitetheirowndeathsforfree
put an end to the undeclaredaccommodationthat grain.He pointsoutthatbothsides
alreadyhavemoved
allowsbothsides to bringin theircropswhilemerely theircattle
back, so now it is human targetsthat they
takingpotshotsat one another.The dilemmais thata mustgoafter.
He urgesthattheynotlistentothepolice,
muchriskierattackon Hana woulddisrupt
militarily
who
incarcerated
formerly
killers,and speakingas a
subsistenceactivitiesfarless.
"hawk"
attacks
the
explicitly
"easyrevenge"argument:
Backin theirownterritory,
theMursigatherundera "If
kill us, the spearwill. So let's act
doesn't
hunger
tree.Aftera seniorhas initiatedthedebate,an now:
debating
it doesn'tmatterwho goes,or how many-five
tothekillingat Hana tellsthedetails,points one
eyewitness
six thenext,and so on. Ifit's bad forus, then
day,
out thatthe Mursihave allowedfivekillingsin a row it will be
equally bad forthem.Ifthe vulturesget one of
to go unavenged,and emphasizesthatwhenthe Bodi
us, thentheywill have to runfromtheirsettlements."
madetruceswiththeMursiitwasMursiretali- The next
formerly
ationthatmadethemwillingtodoso (TurtonI977:206). also-fills inspeaker-a memberofthejuniorage-grade
thesituationalcontexttoindicatethatthe
At theend,he says:
killingwas invitedby carelessbehavioron theMursi's
Now you'veheardthenews,getup andspeak.I've
part.He pointsoutthattheBodihadwarnedtheMursi
to sendonlywomenandoldmenintotheirterritory
nothingelse to say.It's a matterofraiding-ofjust
for
goingup and killingthem.Theyaretakingrevenge the grain.He moredirectlycriticizesthe youthswho
FOR SUBSISTENCE
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1769
wentinto Hana territory.
In effect,
he is arguingthat andto catalyzeaction.As he beginshe is interrupted
by
one foolishriskdoesn'tjustifyanother,but he is also an elder,Mitatu,who mentionsthatnot everyone
has
reemphasizing
thepolitical-ecological
dilemmaand its spokenand thatotherallies have yet to arrive.This
seriousconsequencesforthe entiregroup.He goes on opensthewayforMitatutosuggesta stratagem
formakto agreethatan attackon Hana shouldbe made,but ingit clearto theBodineighbors
thatit is nottheywho
(TurtonI977:208):
in his finalwordshe combinesecologicalprudenceand arebeingtargeted
honorable
aggressiveness:
"Onlydon'tattacktheirculti- Ifyou arerealmen,geton yourfeetnow and
go up
vationareas-anyone who does thathasn'tany guts. to Merkule-this
If
evening.
they
haven't
heard
yet
This mustbe said clearly,so thateven a half-wit
will
thenews,tellthem:
getthemessage.Tiolugu'squiteright:followthedead
"Youpeopleoverthere!"
man'sfootsteps
andavengehimat Hana.Ifwe weremen
"Eh?"
we would do it today.What'sgot into you?Let's get
"Whowas it who did thekilling?"
everyone
together
and startmoving!"
"Whatkilling?"
Next,thefirstspeakerarguesthatonlymenbe killed
"Up thereat Hana. Wasit theHana peopleor
(becausetheHana hadsparedtwoMursiwomentheday
thoseat Gura?"
andthatherdboysalso be spared.Animplication
before)
"It was nothingto do withus."
obviousto the Mursiis thatwomenand herdboys,if
predictable
keptexemptfromtheactivefeudwithHana,can carry This culturally
conversation
amountsto a
on farming
andpastoralactivitiesas usual,as is thecase "negotiated"
settlement
withthenearby
Bodineighbors,
byTurton(I977:209). In thispreview,
betweenthe Mursi and theircloser Bodi neighbors. laterdocumented
who opened the Mursiseem to be maximizingtheirhonorby imNext,the old man ofthe seniorage-grade
themeetingrambleson a bitabouttheneedforpriestly plyingthattheywantto takeheroicrevenge
onlyon the
blessingand recallsa successfulraid.He makesa few actual killers.However,theyalso are makingit clear
wish to avoid hostilitiesclose at
but does not side witheitherthe thattheyprudently
strategic
suggestions
"hawks"or the "doves." Next the man friendly
with handwitha subsistencecrisisto cope with.Afterretheassemblythathe hadopposedgrownmen's
theBodi speaksagain,agreeing
now withoutqualifica- minding
tionthatit is thedistantHana whoshouldbe attacked. goingto get the grainin the firstplace,Mitatusays:
Next a youngerman hawkishlyattacksthe argument "Breakthisup now; spreadthealarm,andfinda cow to
be eaten at tomorrow's
thathungerjustifiescautionand concludes:
debate.Meanwhile,go scouting-don't shirkthisjob as youusuallydo. That'swhat
Let'shaveless talktodayandgetgoing.We'vebeen I haveto say."
sayingthatwe wouldn'tattackwhilewe werestill
Thenthedebateendswiththeendorsement
bya forWe plantedat Moizoi andgotno crop.We
hungry.
merextremehawkofthismilitarily
but
risky
ecologiplantedat Mara-was thereanycropthere?Andat
cally prudentcompromisepolicy of attackingHana
Barte-wherethecattlearecomingnow-did the
whilecarefully
womenandherdboysandagreesparing
sorghum
ripenthere?Whereareyouwaitingto culti- mentto continue
thedebatewheneveryone
else arrives
vatenext?We aregoingto be wipedout.Let [theold thenext
day.However,theothersarrivelaterthatsame
manwho initiatedthedebate]ask questions.All we
day, decked out for warfare,and afternine more
haveto do is followthetracksofourman!Forget
speechesthe debateis over.As the men encirclethe
aboutsavingyourskins-today,let'sgo and die
priestandreceivetheblessingsnecessary
towarfare,
the
whereourman died!
finalpolicyis exactlythatarrivedat above,and subseThis heroicexhortation
are able to bringin their
criticizesthosewho procrasti-quentlythehostileneighbors
harvests.
natebecauseoffoodscarcity
andarguesfortakingmili- (undamaged)
becausethesubsistence
outcome These verbatimexcerptsfromTurton's(I977) pubtaryrisksimmediately
is so unpredictable.
As a practicalmatter,
rawmaterials(I975)
however,
the lishedexegesisandhisunpublished
theattackon Hana whichminimizesfur- shed lighton an emergency
mansupports
decision-making
process
thattakesplace publiclyand collectively
therrisksto subsistence.
undercondito arrive tions of stressthat bringinto reliefthe alternatives
Up to thispoint,thegrouphas beentrying
at botha workablepolicyand a specificdecision.Feud- amongwhichconsciousselectionis made.One notices
thatin seekingconsensusindividuals
ing rulesprovideat least two legitimateoptionsthat immediately
may
will help the Mursi to maintaina reasonablystrong changetheirmindsorpositions.The manwithBodiinwhile an extreme
dominanceposition:kill someonefromHana or,less laws changedhis positionoutright,
hisposition.Itis also clearthat
at leastkillsomeonenearby.Dire ecologi- hawkat leastmoderated
opportunely,
also figurein the decision-making
cal constraints
pro- theideasout ofwhicha decisionis builtareusedflexicess as farmorethana mere"excuse"favored
bydoves blyandmaybe combined;forexample,severalspeakers
to wait.Thereis also thepolitically decidedto backthehawkishpositionthatHana should
who wouldprefer
areastobe leftalone
riskyalternativeof doingnothing.The consensusis be attackedbutwantedcultivation
movingtowardan attackon Hana butone designedin andwomenandherdboysspared.
The analysisalso clarifieshow honor-based
risks.
systems
severalwaysto minimizesubsistence
It is thejob ofthepriestnow to givethelast speech of lethal retaliationwork when ecologicalconsider-
770
1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
ationscompetewithpoliticalobjectives.
In spiteofpre- thepoliticalsystemon theirsubsistencepredicament.
dictablypassionatemilitaryrhetoric,
muchweightis Their quality of life and reproductive
success were
givento practicalconsiderations
in two areas: immediately,
governedby values threatened
therewas the
otherthanhonor.The Mursi,in debate,correctly
as- pressingissue of subsistence,
but in thelongrunthey
sumethatsuchconsiderations
areoperative
also among had to worryaboutcontinueduse ofresources
without
theirBodineighbors,
and thismakespossiblea negoti- undueharassment
fromvendettaand raiding.Theyapated solution.Subsequentlya youngMursi,to prove pearto havechosenthebestalternative
to enhancesuchimselfas a man,killeda nearbyBodi shepherdboy. cessin thisarea,andthelong-term
expansionist
pattern
The Bodi,presumably
aftera similardebate,chose to oftheMursiat Bodiexpensereported
byTurton(I977)
ignorethis individualistic
act of escalation,enabling surelywas supported
byrealisticdecisionmakingofthis
type.The nearbyBodi'sdecisionto avoidescalationcan
bothsidesto bringin theirharvests.2
thatas theysortthrough
Itis worthemphasizing
their also be judgedrealistic,giventheirneedforcrops.
Thissingledecisionofa Mursilocalgroupconstituted
alternatives
theMursiwarriors
aredealingnot
perceived
onlywithimmediatesubsistenceand politicalexigen- an immediateact of guided culturalselection.The
The no-attack Mursi'schoice amongalternatives
resultedin all but
cies but withlonger-term
implications.
ordelayed-attack
is summarily
because unanimousbehaviorthathad bothidentifiable
shortstrategy
rejected
overthelongruntoo muchsubmissiveness
invitesag- termconsequencesforreproductive
successand longimplications.
gression.The militarily
prudentbut ecologicallyinad- termterritorial
visable and politicallyless decisiveattackon nearby
Bodi settlementsreceivesonly limitedsupport.The
thirdalternative,attackingdistantand inaccessible Methodological Lessons
Hana,winsoutwithsomejudiciousfine-tuning:
theattack is to be carefully
withno gratuitous Collectivedecisionsorientedto consensusseekingand
disciplined,
groupactionby entirecommunities
have
damageto cropsor to womenor herdboys.This is be- coordinated
cause retaliationin kindwould endangerthe Mursi's beenwell studiedwithrespectto theirpoliticaldynamics and discoursestyle(e.g.,Richardsand KuperI97I;
ownsubsistenceactivities.
The goal is a singleintimidation
I975;
MooreI985; see also
killingwithrapid BlochI97I, I975; Strathern
retreat
to reducethechancesofa counterkilling
bythe Duranti I98I; Bailey I965; LibermanI980). Strictlyenis prominent
Hana; by feudingrulesthe latterwouldneutralizethe forcedlow-keyleadership
(seealso Boehm
ofindividuals
to speakin dismove. I993), alongwithfreedom
politicalcapitalgainedfroma riskyaggressive
Thus,thefinalcourseofactionis to raidthesamelocal cussionor debate,a euphemizedor indirectdiscourse
groupthatdid the killingin orderto maximizedeter- style,anduse oflogicalpersuasion,
anddiexhortation,
to forcea consensus.Unfortunately,
eventhough rectsocialpressure
renceandminimizedangerto subsistence,
littleattention
has beendevotedto verbatim
theraiditselfis veryrisky.To me,as a politicalanthro- relatively
sucha textsor to thedecisionsand theirconsequences.
pologistwho has studiedthefeuding
mentality,
seemshighlyrealisticgiventhe exigenciesof
strategy
Meggittdemonstrates
thatrecentcollectivedecision
Mursilife.
processescan be studiedretrospectively
interthrough
Itis obviousthattheMursihada goodgraspofbothan viewsandthatpatterning
ofbothcontentandstylecan
territorial
ecologicalsystemand a competitive
political be ethnographically
summarizedin such a way as to
systemthatincludeda highlypredictable
approachto permitassessmentof the values,cognitivejudgments,
of goals,strategies,
revengekilling.They clearlyrecognizedthe effects
tactics,and groupdynamicsinvolved.
His detailedanalysisofdecisionsmakespossiblea theoreticallyimportantconclusion:Mae Enga intentions
a majorrolein warfare
play
bytimingeffective
actions
decisionsoftheMursiand Bodihavebroaderimplica2. Strategic
themtowardspecific
territorial
goals.Firth
forone group'spoliticalbehav- anddirecting
tionsforcultural-selection
theory,
iorcan impingeon another's.Durham(i991), introducing
theterm demonstrates
thatwhennonliterate
peoplemaketheef"imposition"into our evolutionary
vocabulary,
seemsto have in fortto cope withtheirproblems
underuncollectively
mind one-sidedinteractionsinvolvingmanipulationor coercion
conditions,
standardethnographic
deof one groupby another.Amongterritorial
egalitariansocieties, usual emergency
techniquesand a holistictreatment
suffice
to
bilateralimpositionand negotiatedbilateralimpositionare more scriptive
important.When both "rules of war" (Todd 1977:2ig) and a deci- explaintheircopingbehaviors.
In debatetheTikopians
sion-making
processaresharedbytwohostilegroups,onefindsthe chose amongcompetingalternatives
and consciously
kindofinformal
negotiation
anticipated
bythelast Mursispeaker manipulated
their
on theirowninpredicament,
relying
quoted, with similarlynonaggressivemessages being shouted
into
a
sight
very
complex
socio-ecological
problemsituacross by the Bodi (see Turton 1977:2o0). This amounts to a negotidetaileddescription
ated truce,and such behavioris widelyassociatedwithfeuding ation.Turton'sexceptionally
prosystems(Boehmi986). In intensivewarfare,
also,bilateralnegotia- videsthe actualraw materialsof debate,enhancedby
tioncan be important
to conductingcampaigns(e.g.,declarations an exegesisthatclearlyidentifies
values,cognitiveasofwar,truces,peacemaking,
prisonerexchange).Negotiatedinterand
sessments,
His accountof
competing
strategies.
actionsbetweengroupsshouldbe susceptibleoffurther
studyas
behaviorrevealsproblems
posedbyindividformofgroupdecisionprocessthat subsequent
a morecomplicated,
interactive
is also highlypurposive.
ualistictendenciesfor"consensual"problemsolving,
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection | 77I
ofAdaptiveStrategies
butit is clearthatbasicallytheMursiwerecontrolling DirectInvestigation
basis
theirownpoliticaldestinyon a highlycooperative
have recurrently
attempted
to develop
and immediatethreat.Bi- Anthropologists
in a situationofuncertainty
withnearbyBodi complicatedthe better"processual"approaches(e.g., KroeberI948,
lateralnegotiations
decisionprocessand helpedto makea stablecompro- StewardI955, ServiceI975, Goldschmidt
I993, Bohannan I995). However,we seldomsucceedin makingsuch
misepossible.
workat thelevelofethnographic
microanalthemethodologies
underlyingapproaches
Takenin combination,
thesethreedetailedaccountsprovidean excellentgen- ysisthatuncoverstheexigenciesofdecisionmaking.A
peoofcollective moredirectfocusonproblemsolvingbynonliterate
eralmodelforprocessualfieldinvestigation
and yieldresults
arefortunate
decisionswhenanthropologists
enoughto ple couldenhancesuch investigation
successquicklybecausethereis a wealthofeminently
helpwillbe Duranti's(I98I,
encounter
them.Offurther
unnoticed.
of groupdecision fulproblemsolvingthatgoesvirtually
I983) work on the sociolinguistics
is readilyexplained.As ethnogThe lack ofattention
making(see also BlochI97I, BrenneisandMyersI984,
we facean all butoverwhelming
descriptive
task
Paine i98I), alongwithotherworkson consensuspro- raphers
we taketheoretical
shortcuts
andKuperI97I). Du- in thefield,andtherefore
cess(BaileyI965, I98I; Richards
solving.In addiranti,whilenot reallyfocusingon thecontentofdeci- thatdirectourfocusawayfromproblem
forunderstandingtion to decisionmodeling,favored"crutches"include
sions,outlinesa usefulmethodology
structural,
andsymbolicanalysesthatfoster
and functional,
the dynamicsof a decisionmeetingby recording
is thattoooftenbothfailures
and
the contentofverbalexchanges.We might holism.The drawback
amplifying
fromstudiesofdecisionsat the successesofhumanproblemsolversaresimplyabsorbed
further
learnsomething
Edgerton
(i992) has calledattenhouseholdlevel (e.g.,Wilk I989, I99I; BentleyI989; intosuchexplanations.
of behaviorsthatseem to
tionto the underperception
I984; Karanja I983; BergmanI971).
Mukhopadhyay
deliberate
problem
and be patentlymaladaptive;similarly,
are specialmethodsforexamining
Also promising
on satisfaction,
survival,
of decisionmaking(Gladwin solvingthathaspositiveeffects
the structure
organizing
or reproductive
success oftenbecomes analytically
analysis.
I989) byuse ofdecision-tree
I emphasizethatwhilestudying
collectivedecisions invisible(see Boehm I978). The problemis with the
notionthatculturejustautomatsolv- functionalist-inspired
themoreroutinethecollectiveproblem
is feasible,
ingis themorelikelyit is thatfulland activecommu- icallyorganizesitself-forthebest.
thatthisnotionhas prevailedin
willbe lacking,thatindirect
language It is not surprising
nityparticipation
forhalfa century
we havebeendependent
and that anthropology;
to followthediscussion,
will makeit difficult
will upon biologyformanyof our models.Bothbiological
pointsobviousto everyonebuttheanthropologist
gene-selection
systemsdo appear
remainunspoken.Veiledlanguageand omissionofthe cells and persevering
thehandicapofethnographer
naivete to organizethemselves"forthebest"in theabsenceof
obviousexacerbate
overseersor consciouslystrategizing
parbyWesternand Dunne (I98I) whentheyre- supernatural
identified
peatedlyaskedtheMaasai howtheychosesitesfortheir ticipants.Mayr(I974) has called such systemsteleountilthe field- nomic because naturalselection"solves problems"
camps.Answerswerenot forthcoming
Howprocessesthatareentirely
self-organizing.
someold sitesandcameup withtheir through
workers
surveyed
own hypotheses,
at which point the Maasai became ever,whenhumanssolve large,'omplex problemsas
and effectively
as the Tikopia,Mursi,or
realistically
theirhunches.
talkativeand confirmed
Unlesstheyarevisitinggroupsknownto be besetby Mae Enga do, theircopingbehavioris not just teleomustbe nomicbutpartlyteleologicalbecausetheyaremanipuecologicalor politicalcrises,anthropologists
(Boehm1978;
decisionsas the opportu- latingtheirculturalsystemsintelligently
to studyemergency
prepared
To a degree,this is trueof other
gathering Durhami99i:2io).
nityarises.Turton'slead in opportunistically
as well(Jolly
I988; see alsoBoehm1978, I99I).
textsofobserved
verbatim
groupdeci- primates
andilluminating
frombiology,andso were
was borrowed
sions can be enhancedby Duranti'smethods,while Functionalism
suchas optimalforaging
theapproaches
whohad recently othershort-cut
ofinformants
interrogation
Meggitt's
and SmithI98I, i992), riskasexperiencedwarfarehelped to get at past patterns. ory(e.g.,Winterhalder
ecology(e.g.,CashdanI990), and
can modeltheiranalysesofobservedor sessmentin behavioral
Ethnographers
on Firth'sholistictreatment ecologicalsystemsmodeling(e.g.,LansingI99I). As
emergencies
remembered
approachesdiscussedearand"realism."Also with the decision-modeling
as theyevaluatedecisionsforeffect
is to observewhatpeople
of specific lier,themethodofinference
of interestare otherpublisheddescriptions
aboutthestrategies
they
debates that informcollectivedecisions(e.g., Barth do andthenmakeassumptions
in withoutdirectly
inandthoroughly
BoehmI983, Howe I986, ShertzerI983, Merlan maybe engaging
I96I,
whattheyarethinking.
As a result,ecologiones vestigating
and RamseyI99I) and surelymanyunpublished
have sometimesspokenof human
fromfor- cal anthropologists
(e.g.,Salzman1972). As newdata,particularly
agingsocieties,accumulate,we willbe in a betterposi- adaptivestrategiesas thoughtheyweremechanically
boththepotentialand limitsofhu- modelingthe behavioralstrategiesof animals with
tionto understand
forno other
man problemsolvingand the precisemechanismsof smallbrains.This is, in part,unfortunate,
environmental
inanimalactivelypools sophisticated
culturalselection.
772!
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number
5,
December 1996
guidea greatdeal
discussesitsoptionsin detail,andthenpres- sions,bothcollectiveand individual,
formation,
process-eventhoughin manyimsuresall groupmembersto agreeuponone emergencyofcultural-selection
respectstheprocessdoestendto organizeitself
courseofactionas theTikopiansdidin theirfonos,as portant
do when (see,e.g.,KroeberI948).
tribesmen
do on thewarpath,and as foragers
agreewithServiceaboutpurthebandhas to changelocationsin a timeofecological Not all anthropologists
posefulness.
stress(e.g.,Lee I976, BalikciI970).
ofthesubstanPossiblyundertheinfluence
on intentionality
(e.g.,RoWe oweit to theunusualspecieswe study3
toinvesti- tial philosophicalliterature
fewdenouncetheweakness
gateitsactiveandflexibleadaptivestrategizing
directly senbergI980), a vociferous
as well as bytriangulation.
One wayto beginis to gain of "mentalist"approaches(e.g.,Harrisand Ross i987)
highlysimplified
"materialist"
a fullerunderstanding
of emergency
collectivedeci- evenas theypromulgate
The problem(seeBoehmI988) is thatarbisions,and thiscan providean entreeintothestudyof hypotheses.
factoring
outthemindsofthepeopleunderstudy
less obviousroutinedecisions,including
thosemadeby trarily
as a science, while unduly
individuals.4
To studyroutinized
problemsolvingas an weakens anthropology
"mechanical"environmental
variablesleaves
important
phaseofcultural-selection
processit will be weighting
necessaryto adjustwhatethnographers
arelookingfor assessmentofhumansas problemsolversseriouslyinmanymateriallyorientedanin thefield,butthiswill exposeimportant
capacitiesof complete.Fortunately,
arefarfromhostileto thehumanmindas
nonliterate
peopleto whichwe usuallypaylip service thropologists
variable(e.g.,Mitheni989a, I990; Cashrather
thanstudying
themin actionandevaluating
their an explanatory
effects.
Thereis also thechallengeofadequatelydefin- dan I990; JochimI98I; Hill et al. I987; SmithI99I),
ing"culture,"a processI believeto be farmoreclosely eventhoughtheyemploysystemsapproaches.
brandsof systemstheoryhold
tied to activeproblemsolvingthan most definitions Most anthropological
thatsociopolitical
andenvironmental
systemsarecauswouldsuggest(e.g.,KroeberandKluckhohnI952).
allyconnected,
and evena cursory
ofour
examination
threecase studiesrevealsthatthesenonliterate
"ecoloas "systemstheogists"also areoperating
competently
How SagaciousIs theNativeMind?
rists." Mursi and Mae Enga perceivedthe relation
whileTikopiansrecService(I975:I7) statesthatpurposeful
actionsare the betweensubsistenceand warfare,
motorthatrunssociety,andto a significant
extentthis ognizedthatthesocialspherewas criticaltocopingwith
is truealso ofhumanculturalecology.I have demon- pervasivesubsistenceproblems.Such abilitiesprovide
decisionwill be
stratedthat emergency
decisionsare readilyinvesti- no guaranteethata givenemergency
in thedesireddirecconceivedor effective
gated,even at secondhand,so we can now take this realistically
andexmotoraparta littleto inspectits workings.
A prelimi- tion,buton averagethepoolingofinformation
naryassessmentis that emergency
and routinedeci- perienceprovidesa powerfulmechanismof cultural
selection,one thatis likelyto have a directimpacton
reproductive
success.
In highlighting
decisionsthatare realistically
effecdecisionsthatappearto be tive,I have broughtinto balancea traditional
3. Certainanimalsdo makeemergency
ethnocollective.Elsewhere(BoehmI978) I have pointedto collective graphic
coveragethathasfocusedtoomuchondesperate
decisionbehaviorofhamadryas,
baboontroops,whoseleadersuse attempts
ofnonliterates
to manipulatetheirsituations
bodylanguageto takethemon altemativerouteswhentheflooding
Their
supematurally.
massappealsareso obemergency
ofdrystreamsblocksnormalaccess to resources(KummerI971).
thattheyare widelydescribed
I havealso describedan apparentgroup"conference"
bywildchim- vious (and fascinating)
panzeesrecordedbyYahayaAlmasion 8-mmvideotapeat Gombe andanalyzed(e.g.,LintonI943, WallaceI956). The realNationalPark,in whicha decisionwas madeoversomeSo seconds istic,practically
effective
sideofproblemsolvingis less
aboutwhetherornotto retumthehostilecalls ofan enemygroup
more
difficult
to
obvious,
study,andall tooeasilytaken
(Boehm I99I, I992). This informationexchangewas limited
byscholarswhodependuponthestreamlinmainlyto facialexpressions,
vocalizations,directionofattention, forgranted
and bodylanguage.
ingschemeslistedabove.
ofdecisionscameless
4. Merrill's(I959) treatiseon thefine-tuning
was adjustedby MaliLongago this misconception
thana decade afterFirth's(i9s i) landmarkpublicationbutwent nowski(I948), whowarnedthatheavyorexclusivereliall but unnoticedbecause it remainedunpublished.Merrillsuguncergestedthatroutinedecisionsunderliemuch of culturalbehavior anceon ritualcomesmainlywithuncontrollable
Bothhe
manipulation.
andthatsuchdecisionsarenotnearlyso "automatic"as one might tainty-riskthateludespractical
assume.He speaksofroutineinnovation-unobviousfine-tuning (I935) and others (RappaportI973, Condominas I986,
in SillitoeI993, Schneider
thatkeepsa well-established
problem-solving
processeffective
I957, LansingI99I) havecalled
microvariation.
One finding
thefaceofenvironmental
is thatmakto theintertwining
ofrealisticproblemsolving Hopi potteryin the "customary
way" in factinvolvescareful attention
I
ritual.
believe
that
further
ofthe
with
ing
exploration
in
factorssuchas fluctuations
assessmentsofmicroenvironmental
forexample,in the divisionof labor betweenrealisticpracticalproblem
humidity;thereare deliberateadjustments,
To describethisac- solving and attemptsat supernatural
amountoftimeallottedto dryinggreenware.
manipulation
tiveprocessofproblemsolvingMerrillhad to move downto the couldsignificantly
our
ofnonlitimprove
understanding
andask therightquestions.On thebasis
levelofmicro-observation
as
solvers
erate
humans
astute
who
potentially
problem
ofthisworkI have suggesteda generalapproachforstudying
rouoftenmixtheirmethods.
tinizeddecisions(BoehmI978).
BOEHM
Mechanics
Cultural-Selection
Decisionsand GroupSelection1773
Emergency
units5that
unchangeabletransmission
self-contained,
on a statistically
predictweresubjectto recombination
"Culturalselection"has been variouslydefined(e.g., able basis. It turnedout thattheseunitswerepermaa single
Durham i99i:i62n; Boehm i982a; Richersonand Boyd nentlyassignedto individualcarriers
through
event,immediatelyafterfertilization.
it refers
to thewinnowing
ofcom- recombination
i985),butgenerally
recombipetingcultural"units" (vaguelyspecified)thatdeter- Parentalvariationcombinedwithrandomized
including
minemanifestculturalcontentas embodiedin behav- nationmadeforvariationamongindividuals,
ior.Theoristshave followedCampbell's(i965) lead in most siblings,and individualphenotypicvariation
groupsprovidedtherawmaterialthat
modelsand adapt withinbreeding
thattheystartwith gene-selection
themas directlyas possibleto the studyof cultureor selectionactedupon.Such classicalconceptualizations
ofDarwinian
theory
parsimonious
thecoevolutionofcultureand genes.Recentmodelsof madefora powerful,
process(e.g.,Whitenand ByrneI988; naturalselection.For culturalselection,the ethnocoevolutionary
heresuggesta rather
different
argraphicdatapresented
Durham1976, i982, I99I; Boydand Richersoni99i;
Ifwe foofvehicles,units,andmechanisms.
and rangement
Barkow,Cosmides, and Toobyi992; Winterhalder
as a basicculture
Smithi992) tryto makeallowancesforcultureas a far cus firston theindividualparticipant
amountto unitsofvariadecision,
alternatives
less"tidy"process(seealso MacDonaldi989). However, carrier,
virtuadoptedordiscarded
such modelinghas explainedverylittleaboutcultural tionthatcan be individually
in- allyat will: thevehicleis fickle,be it an individualor
in termsoftheexactmicromechanisms
adaptations
a group.Furthermore,
in debatewe have seen thatthe
volvedin specificcases.
as biolo- competingindividuallyproposedalternativescan be
To understand
culturalselectionas precisely
withthepossibility
ofinthatis recombined,
gene selection,we will need to modified,
gistshave understood
source
Thismakesthefunctionally
significant
and the units involved(see novation.
understandtransmission
uninherently
pio- ofvariation(i.e.,a decisionalternative)
Durhami99i). In spiteof some veryimaginative
work(Cavalli-Sforza
andFeldmanI98I, Wolcott stable.Thus,withina local group's"culturepool" (see
neering
Bohannan1973, Ruyle1973, Durhami99i) thereis conI984, Boyd and Richersoni982, Goldschmidt1993,
of culturaleleSoltis,Boyd,and Richerson1995) and critiques(e.g., tinuouspossibilityforrecombination
if the groupmanagesto reacha
Daly i982, RichersonandBoyd1978, Boydand Richer- ments.Furthermore,
son I985, Hallpikei986), theminimalunitsinvolvedin unanimousdecision, then all the individualsmay
to thesamealtemative,
andtheentire
remainobscureandappear changeinstantly
humanculturaltransmission
we have no way groupbecomesthe vehicle.In short,thereare several
to be fuzzilybounded.Furthermore,
unitsof cultural veryseriousproblemsformodelingculturalprocesses
ofknowingwhetherthe presumptive
transmission
are the same as thosethatprovidevaria- closely on gene selection,even thoughCampbell's
analogy holds in
and variation-and-selective-retention
tion forcultural-selection
process.Cavalli-Sforza
ofthetransmission
of"val- general.
Feldman's(i98i) assessment
decisionsas problem-solving
emergency
in thisrespect,
butvaluesaredifficult Bydissecting
ues" is suggestive
to delimitas unitsofvariationeventhoughtheyobvi- events,I haveshownthatnaturalunitsofvariationapthatincludenested
contextual
roleintheconstruc- pear as largedecisionalternatives
ouslyplayan influential
forexample,"attack"versus"do not athierarchies,
above.
tionofdecisionalternatives
described
theMursidecisiontreedownto the
Thereis also theissueofwhatLewontin(I970) refers tack"or,following
therehas been nextlevel,"attackeitherGuraorMerkule"versus"atto as the"unitsofselection."In biology,
extensive
debateaboutthevehiclesofselection(seeWil- tackonlyHana." Atyetanotherleveldownthereis the
Hana indiscriminately
versusmaksonandSoberI994)-whether theyarethegenesthem- optionofattacking
At all threelevels
ofgenes,individuals
with ingcertainareasorpeopleoff-limits.
selves,individualsas carriers
closekinas small,essentiallycollectivevehiclesofse- thesecompetingoptionsamountto "clusters"of culas
integrated
lection,orlargergroupsnotcomposedjustofkinsmen. turalcontentthathave been cognitively
andtryto sortthrough
favorsindividualswiththeir peopleimaginetheiralternatives
(Atpresent,the majority
close kin as the effective
vehicles.)Withculture,we them.
are not just the productof selfSuch alternatives
mustaskwhether
theoperative
vehiclesofselectionare
"culturalmutation"orblindculturalrecomhouseholds,territorial
groups, organizing
likelyto be individuals,
problembya powerful
perhapseven putativecultural"atoms" or largercul- binationbutarebeingintegrated
or entirecultural solvingmind (Boehm 1978) which could be rather
tural"traits,"local grouptraditions,
Given that culturalunits of transmissionspecialized(seeToobyand Cosmidesi992) butis amaztraditions.
siftThatmindis capableofpurposefully
thisis a difficult
areato inglyflexible.
havedefiedprecisedescription,
to seingthrough
pastor imaginedbehaviorstrategies
explore.
culturalmodGiventhesecriticalgaps,ourtentative
field
the kindof corroborative
elinghas not supported
units
S. The absolute,Mendelianfixityof genesas transmission
studiesthathelpedmake the "new has
and experimental
beencalledintoquestion(seeDurham1991:24), butthedegree
forbiologists.
There of flexibility
a paradigm
so attractive
synthesis"
would still appearto be farless thanwith cultural
Mendelisolated transmission(e.g.,Cavalli-Sforzaand Feldmani98i).
are good reasonsforthis.Originally,
774
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number 5, December 1996
lect among them or to create useful recombinationsor
even novel modifications.This introducesan element
of "lower-level teleology" into cultural evolutionary
process (Boehm I99I), forat least some of the sources
of cultural variation are reshaped (sometimes created)
because the evolutionaryactorsrealisticallyunderstand
the naturalsystemstheyare embeddedin.
Decision alternativescan be highlyunstable,so I shall
referto them as "elements of variation" ratherthan
"units of variation." It is noteworthythat smaller cultural elements may be independentlyadded to or subtractedfromlargerones, as when the basic decision to
attackHana was amendedtwice-one warriorproposing
that women and herd boys be spared and anotherthat
cultivatedareas be exemptedfromattack.Fullerexamination of Turton's detailed textsin theirentiretywould
reveal furtherexamples.
In discussing decision alternativesas conscious elements of variation that contain subelements,I have
avoided the term "memes" as defined by Dawkins
(I976) and employedby Durham (i99 ).6 Memes are the
structuralcounterpartsof genes, of course, and, if we
side of culwish to compare the blind, self-organizing
tural selection with genetic selection it will obviously
be importantto identifysuch well-boundedunits-if
sources of variation
theyexist. However, in identifying
that feed into guided selection I have avoided forcing
the characterizationinto a geneticist'smold.
This inductive explorationsuggeststhat we may be
stuck with rathervolatile "elements," decision alternatives that lack permanentboundaries and seem to behave unpredictablywhen we examine specificselection
episodes. However, certain elements (or subelements)
may be quite durable in the group's culture pool over
time. It is by studyingthis durable aspect that we are
likely to discern any tendencies toward stable boundaries that mightjustifythe use of the term"unit."
In consideringcultural-selectionmechanicsI have focused on the conscious, purposive aspect of selection,
which accounts fora greatdeal ofhuman culturalselection overall (Boehm I978, Campbell I979, Durham
I99I). In studyingsuch guided selection, we already
have a head start.Long ago Radin (I927) demonstrated
the power of the nonliteratemind, and Goldschmidt
(I959) suggestedthat decisions be incorporatedinto the
studyof culturalecology(see also MeggittI977, Jochim
I98I, Vayda I989). The way to do this is to investigate
adaptivelycriticaldecision processesdirectly(e.g.,Firth
I959, MeggittI977, Turton I977, Boehm I983; see also
D. S. Wilson n.d.) ratherthan subsumingthem under
other kinds of analysis that obscure their importance
and lead us to avoid dealingwith them directly.
Do Foragers'Decisions Affect
ReproductiveSuccess?
seem to have
As local communities,hunter-gatherers
been making adaptively relevant decisions for many
millennia. I say this because extantforagersare so predictablyegalitarianand orientedto seekinga consensus
(see KnauftI99I, GardnerI99I, Mithen I990), because
theymake frequentdecisions about where to relocate,
and because they did so prehistorically(Mithen I990).
Sometimes extantforagersmove as a band, sometimes
theychangefromband to band as householdsor,rarely,
as individuals,and sometimesthe band actuallydisintegrates for a time, but there is always the impetus to
staytogetherin orderto socialize and cooperate.Mithen
(I990) suggestsalso that a band can process and retain
thana few
a greatdeal more environmentalinformation
households,which makes it a morepotentorganization
foradaptation.Foragershave managed to proliferateon
thatbasis, and theirconsensual styleofdecisionmaking
was handed down to egalitariantribesmensuch as the
Mursi and Mae Enga as sedentarizationarrived;certain
chiefdomssuch as Tikopia also retainthis style.7
One must ask whether,on the whole, such decisions
affect reproductivesuccess positively or negatively.
Given Edgerton's(I992) analysis, it would appear that
the conscious-selectionapproachof egalitarianscan be
quite fallible,as can naturalselection itself.However,I
have arguedthaton balance conscious,guidedselection
has contributedto reproductivesuccess (Boehm I978;
see also Mithen I990). Indeed, if realistic attemptsat
reproductivelyrelevant long-range decision making
were hurtingus badly,we should have developedmuch
structured-brains.
smaller-or differently
The outsized human brain has remainedfarfroma
"loose cannon" because adaptivelysignificantdecisions
are not determinedmerelyby "cognition."Whatorients
most of our problem solving is a search for "satisfactions" that are deeply ingrainedin human nature,ones
geared to sex, comfort,nutrition,nurturanceof offspring,and dispositions to adult sociality (see Ruyle
I973, E. 0. Wilson I975, Konner1982),alongwithsocial
dominance, submission, and avoidance of domination
(Boehm I984, I989, n.d.)-all factorsthat influencebehavior within and between groups.As part of the primate heritagethese factorsorientedthe decisionsofforagers as theyput some importantfinishingtouches on
the evolution of our genes, and theycontinueto orient
our problemsolvingtoday.
collectivedecision
tendencies,
7. Evenwithpoliticalcentralization
disapmakingbased on consensusseekingdoes not immediately
examplein
pear. The Tikopia provideus with an intermediate
whichthefonosoperatedin conjunctionwithchieflyleadership.
chiefdomsand kingdoms,the
6. Durham(I991:189-210) considersa memeto be "thefunctional Withthe developmentof stronger
termssuchas "ho- politicalbasis ofgroupdecisionmakingchanges,butguidedselecandcoinsfurther
unitofculturaltransmission"
lomeme" and "allomeme" to conceptualizeculturalselectionin tionby the entiregroupcontinues.The same is trueofnations:a
termsof competinghomologousunits. He sees possibilitiesfor strongleader can ensureunanimityof strategyand action even
thana consensusgroupthatmayremaindivided
meme selectionat bothindividualand grouplevels and through moreeffectively
or even disintegrate.
bothconsciouschoiceand operantconditioning.
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1775
Such dispositions
influenceour culturalvalues,and effectsto hold theirown againstpowerfulindividual
they orientspecificemergencydecisionslike those ones (E. 0. WilsonI975, Wade I978; see also Boydand
treatedabove.Questionsofhunger,
territory
as a source Richerson
i99i).
ofresources,
and politicalintimidation
ofothergroups Forthebiologicalevolutionofhumans,warfare
with
enteredinto the consciouscalculationsof two of our thefrequent
groupextinctions
it provides(Soltis,Boyd,
threeexemplified
groups.Questionsof sheersurvival and Richersoni995) has beenheldout as a specialand
andreproductive
successalso surfaced.
The Mursimen- uniquereasontorelyupongeneticgroup-selection
modtioneddyingoff,while theTikopiansactuallytriedto els (AlexanderI974; see also Durhamiggi),8 and we
manipulatetheirown rateof reproduction
in relation haveseenin twoofourcase histories
thatwarfare
decito carrying
capacity-behaviorthatis documented
on sions do mobilizeentiretribes(see also BoehmI978,
variouscontinents
is thatamongthesimplerforagers
(Abernethy
I979, Boehmi982a). Be- i983). The problem
causethisgroupabilityto meddlein processesgermane who evolvedourgenes,theexistenceofintensivewarto reproductive
successis ancient,we needto assessits fare(withfrequent
band extinctions)
remainsopen to
on theoverallnaturalselectionofourspecies.
effect
question(e.g.,Knaufti99i). Thus,warfare
byitselfdoes
notseemlikelytohavedrivengroupselectionprehistorically.
The analysisI makeherewill drastically
reducethe
Decisions and GroupSelection
Emergency
theoretical
needforgroupextinctions
tosupport
cooperativeoraltruistic
behaviors.
Withgeneselectiona basic
In evolutionary
obviouspowerattendstheindi- modeling
biology,
premiseis thatanyreduction
ofindividual
geviduallevel ofselectionbecausegenesare so discrete, neticvariationwithinthegroupwillresultin increased
to individuals opportunity
because theyare assignedpermanently
forgroup-selection
effects
(see Wilsonand
who serveas self-contained,
short-lived
vehiclesof se- SoberI994, D. S. Wilsonn.d.).Obviouslythisassesslection,andbecauseindirect
individual
geneticcompeti- mentholdsalso forphenotypic
forit is on the
variation,
tionwithinbreeding
and phenotype
groupsactson themso directly
thatnaturalselectionoperates.Thereare,in
powerfully
(E. 0. WilsonI975). Once Wynne-Edwards'sfact,variousgeneralfactorsthatmakeforculturalconof formity
abouttheself-regulation
functions
in humangroups(seeWaddington
(i962) hypotheses
I960; Camppopulationswere rejected,individual-selectionist
ap- bell I975; Boydand RichersonI985, I99I; Alexander
proaches(e.g.,Williamsi966) decisivelypredominated I987; Wilsonand SoberI994). I focusinsteadupontwo
in evolutionary
biologyand anthropology.
highlyspecificforcesthatact powerfully
in thisdirecGiventhisrepudiation
of excess adaptationism
(see tion:activepoliticallevelingandtheconsensusseeking
thatgroupselection, thatcharacterizes
CampbellI994), it is notsurprising
egalitarian
peopleeverywhere.
Both
on genepools,is just patternsare evidentin all extantforagers
withits assumedmodesteffects
(see Knauft
as a potentially
emerging
respectable
theory(e.g.,D. S. i99i) and surelyprevailedprehistorically.
WilsonI975, I980, I983; BoehmI978, I98I; Boydand
variedindividually
Geneticallythoseearlierforagers
Richersoni99i; WilsonandSoberI994; KnauftI994a). likeanyprimate.However,as egalitarians
theydeliberThe veryseriousproblemremains,however,thatspe- atelyemployedsocial controlto "homogenize"their
mustbe discovered
cificmechanisms
(seeCampbelland within-group
behavior.9
Peoplein suchgroupsappearto
GatewoodI994) thatpermitrobustselectionofbehav- be quite"individualistic"
becausetheybelieveso deeply
iorsby whichindividualscompromise
theirinclusive- in personalautonomy(see Gardneri99i), butas egalito providegroupbenefits.
fitness
Whilethe tarianstheycollectively
prerogatives
see to it thatseriouspowerdifofculturalvariablessuchas conformist
effects
transmis- ferencesamongheads of householdsare substantially
sionin groupshavebeenexploredbyBoydand Richer- leveled.In effect,
an ever-vigilant
rankand filekeeps
son(i 99i), I nowturntosomeaspectsofforager
political alpha-male
typesfromgaininga seriously
disproportionanddecisionmakingthatdeservespecial ate shareofpoliticalinfluence,
egalitarianism
breeding
opportunities,
attention.
or large-gamemeat (Boehm I993, I994; Erdal and
Decisivemechanisms
favorable
to geneticgroupselec- WhitenI994). WhatErdalandWhiten
call
(I994:I77)
in theaboveanalysisofegalitarian-"counter-dominant"
tioncanbe discerned
behaviorand Knauft(I994a: i82)
style decisions,but firstlet us definethe problem calls "aversionto submission"sharplyreducesphenoprecisely.For any highlysocial species,the mechani- typicvariability
amongthegroup'sadultindividuals
and
cal obstacle to group-selection
theory,as Campbell
has phrasedit, is "genetic competition
(i99i:ioo)
The problemis thatwhenan
amongthe cooperators."
8. Soltis,Richerson,and Boyd(i995) have discussedthepossibilicontribution
to the ties
individualmakes a self-sacrificial
forcultural group selection under conditions of group decimaeffectswill supportthe tion and extinctionthroughwarfare;mechanically,theproblems
group,weak group-selection
from
genes involved,but powerfulindividualeffectswill forexplainingculturalgroupselectionwill be quitedifferent
drivethemto a verylowfrequency
becausenonaltruistsproblemswithexplaininggeneselectionat thegrouplevel.
9. Wilsonand Sober(I994) pointout theselectionimplicationsof
andothercheaters)
(free-riders
gainindividual
reproduc- social
controlamongliterateMennonitesin thiscontextofegaliAs a result,unrealisticallytariansocial leveling,and thepoliticaldynamicsseemverymuch
tiveadvantages
overaltruists.
rateswill be necessary
forgroup like thoseofnonliterates(e.g.,BoehmI993).
highgroupextinction
776 1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number S, December I996
surelyamongthemalesin particular.'0
The resultis an whichinform
thedecisionsofbandsarenotexactlyraninverteddominancehierarchy
(BoehmI993) in which dom sourcesofvariation.Rather,theyare theproduct
thegroup'spoliticalactorsunitetokeeppotentialdomi- of remembered
or verballyrelatedexperiencethathas
natorsundertheirthumb.Althoughindividualsofex- been processedby an imaginative,problem-solving
ceptionalabilitydo receiverespect,
privileged
routesto mind.We have seen above thatthisminddeals in a
decisivereproductive
advantage
arelargely
blocked,and systems-theory
typeof analysisand sometimesanticithepowerof individualselectionis seriouslycompro- pates and copes withlargeproblems"pre-selectively"
mised(see also Boehmn.d.).
andrelatively
(BoehmI978), thatis,on a comprehensive
In addition,groupsof"individualistic-but-equalized"
long-range
basis.Thiscanresultin sharpgeneti'ccompearriveat consensualdecisions.Theno- titionamongwholecommunities
on thebasisofwhich
foragers
regularly
dilemmais an oftenstressful
orbetterrealisticstratmads'recurrent
decision groupsdeviserealisticstrategies,
about whereto move next (e.g.,Lee I976), and fre- egies,at timeswhenreproductive
stakesarehigh.The
as indecibetweenthe desire competition
quentlythereis a serioustrade-off
canbe "Darwinian"andindirect,
orhurricanes,
ordirect
to disperseandpossiblybe betternourished
andthede- sionsaboutcopingwithdrought
forfemalesthat
sireto keepthebandin one place.Ratherthanrushing andeveninteractive,
as withtheraiding
to splitintoisolatedhouseholds,
thegrouppoolsits in- occursamongcertainforagers
and, possibly,warfare.
formation,
imaginesalternativerelocationstrategies,Thus, realisticdecisionmakingat the band level can
variationbetweengroups
triesto selectthebestalternative,
and,ifitis successful seriouslyamplify
phenotypic
in persuadingor pressuring
sigindividualistic
dissenters, (BoehmI978; see also Campbelli983) and thereby
actswithconsiderable
Thatis howbands(or nificantly
unanimity.
augmentthe absolutepowerofgroupseleccoremembersofbands)copewithrecurrent
minicrises tionat thelevelofgenotype.
in whichthe advantagesof cooperationand sociality This is notso, ofcourse,iftwobandsmakeprecisely
mustbe weighedagainstthesubsistenceadvantages
it similarly,
andhuof thesame decisionand implement
fission.Again,at thelevelofphenotype
thistendency
to mans do tendto be culturalcopycats(KroeberI948,
set aside individualistic
adaptivestrategies
and pursue Richersonand Boydi985). Forbandsin thesame area,
a commonone reducesbehavioralvariationamongthe itmaytherefore
be duringtimesofenvironmental
instaexperiment
without
peoplewho tendto live in a givenlocation,the band. bilityor change(as theyurgently
thisfurtherhavingtime to compareresultsand "borrow")that
By further
reducingindividualdifferences,
ifgenetbooststherelativepowerofgroup-selection
forcesact- greater
variation
arisesat closerange.However,
At thispointI am notsuggestingicallycompeting
thentheshortingon thegenotype.
bandsaremoredistant,
becomeless relevant
as a
effects
thatweak groupeffects,
will termculturaldiffusion
havingbeen so favored,
behaviors
andemergency
now swamplessenedindividualeffects.
Rather,group levelingforcebetweengroups,
effects
nowconstitute
a counterforce
Whentwobandsselectandimplethatmustbe taken canvarymorefreely.
moreseriouslybecausetheenormouspowerofindivid- mentrealisticemergency
thatdiffer
signifistrategies
andimmediatedifferhas beenseriouslydiluted.
thiscanmakefordramatic
ual effects
cantly,
consequences.Group-selection
Thereis stillmoreto thestory.As withemergencies ences in reproductive
if one groupactsupona
mayalso be amplified
orinva- effects
a hurricane
comingout ofwarfare,
(ordrought
sionbyinsects)canbringimmediateandobviouspossi- realisticconsensusbut another'smembersreactwith
thatare ofvarying
efficacy
bilitiesof decimationor extinction,as can disease. mixedindividualstrategies
commitsto a "suThere may be seriousconsequencesformembersof or ifthesecondgroupunanimously
its abilityto cope
solutionthathamstrings
and merelydisband pernatural"
groupsthatfailto act collectively
on bands
or thatdo nothingor makemaladroitdecisionsor rely orsimplyremainspassive.I haveconcentrated
of
smaller
clusters
households
fend
here,
but
whenever
that
It
seems
too heavilyon supernatural
help.
logical
similar
as theymayduringemergencies,
effectssimply forthemselves,
therewill be geneticgroup-selection
mayresultat lowerlevels.
oflosergroupsandnaturalincrease groupeffects
decimation
through
theemergency
decisionsI have
Forhunter-gatherers,
andfissionofwinners.
fromseriousmeteorological
perOne mustkeepin mindthatthedecisionalternatives in mindresultchiefly
of
shiftsin migratory
patterns
turbations,
unpredictable
withothergroups.Routinedecisions
tendto gain prey,or conflicts
thatmale nonprimates
io. Ellis (i99S) demonstrates
advantagefromhighrankthanfemales,while also playa part,forbandsmustrelocatewhenever
morereproductive
remales have at least a sourceavailability
among primatesmiddle-to high-ranking
shiftsbecauseofnormalexploitation
advantageoverothers.He suggeststhatwhere
slightreproductive
of
resourcesare in dense clumpsor whereshortagesoccur,rankis or seasonal changes.Relocationdecisions foragers
betweentwoandeight
regularly,
Thus,wherehumansin bands tendto be maderather
likelyto makemoreofa difference.
dependon large-gamemeat and sometimesencounterscarcity, timesperyear(e.g.,Tanaka I976), and suchless urgent
males and their decisions also are importantin amplifying
rankcould make a veryseriousdifference-for
genetic
levelingandbehavioralho- group-selection
households-wereit notforegalitarian
variations
are
effects.
Again,
significant
mogenizationthroughcollectivedecisionmaking.The factthat
are
to
arise
that
more
sufficiently
among
groups
likely
at
overambitious
are
directed
mainly
levelingsanctions
egalitarian
effects
aremitigated.
males (see Boehm I993, KnauftI994a) is worthnotingin this distantthatdiffusion
To summarize,
context.
thereare severalhighlyspecificways
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1777
to support
people'shelpingnonrelatives,
in whichphenotypic
(i.e.,cultural)forcesmaybe acting werenecessary
The completeanswer
strongly
to shiftthebalanceofpowerin naturalselec- butthismaywell be misleading.
butI suggestthatwhen
tionfromindividuals
modeling,
orsmallkinnetworks
inthedirec- willrequireextensive
becameegalitarian
foragers
tionoftheentireforaging
theevolutionary
bandas a groupvehicle.Both prehistoric
the outlawingof reproductively
relevantdominance situationwas radicallyalteredbecause groupeffects
behaviorand consensusseekingbybandmemberscon- were in a betterpositionto competewithindividual
tinuouslysuppressindividualvariation,
whiletheexe- effects.First,with individualselectionreducedand
cutionofband-levelemergency
nonsacrificial
cooperativebedecisionsdirectly
aug- groupeffectsamplified,
mentsgroupeffects
just whenreproductive
compensate
individthreatsare haviors-ones thatreproductively
maximal.No otherspeciesexhibitssuchan overallpat- ual cooperators
overtheirentirelifecyclessufficiently
tern,andthisis criticalto thinking
quite
abouthumangroup- thatthereis no netloss-could nowbe supported
selectionpossibilities,
Second,group-helpful
behaviorsthatinvolve
particularly
if explanationsare robustly.
soughtforpatently
modestnetreproductive
losses to theincluself-sacrificial
behaviors
or coopera- extremely
tivegivingwithoutdirectreciprocation.
couldbe supported
at a fairly
However,I em- sivefitnessofcooperators
simplybecausegroupsharboring
phasize thatthis same culturallyaugmentedlevel of highequilibrium,
the
groupselectionwill be actinguponanybehaviorthatis underlying
geneswould have proliferated
muchmore
relevant
togroupgrowth
ordecline,including
behaviors rapidlythanhas been thought.Finally,withregardto
withnegligible
orno costto individuals
oronesinvolv- themoreheavilysacrificialbehaviorsthathavedriven
inggainsto bothindividualandgroup.
toinsistuponfrequent-extinction
population
geneticists
Whilea singleemergency
models(e.g.,E. 0. WilsonI975), thesugsuchas drought
doesallow group-selection
ofselectionforcesshouldhave subgroupselectionto operateon imperiledbandsof deci- gestedrealignment
sionmakersat one pointin time,sucheffects
reducedtheneedforveryfrequent
groupexwouldbe stantially
stronger
stillifprecisely
thesameboundedgroupmade tinctionsto keep them in place. In addition,social
in spiteof
its decisionsovermanygenerations.
Groupboundaries controlenteredthepictureverypowerfully:
forfree-loading,
communities
amongprehistoric
forager
acforagers
pose a complicated
problem sometolerance
orpunishradicalnonaltruists
forethnologists,
forbothethnographers
(Boehm
andnonliterates tivelymanipulate
are givento reification
when theylabel groups:both I 9 9 3, HamiltonI 9 75) andthusreducetheirreproductive
tendto overperceive
theintegrity
ofentitiescategorized success.
The effect
ofall thesemechanisms
on humannature
as "bands" (see Palmer,Fredrickson,
and Tilleyn.d.).
Amplifiedgroupeffectsfavoredgenes
Comparedwith the stabilityimpliedby labels,band was profound.
tendsto be quitevolatilebothin termsof thatfosteredan individualsocial capacityto fitinto
membership
bandswhosemembers,
militantly
annualcyclesand overgenerations.
egalitarian
In spiteof all the moralistic,
forgroupprerogatives,
cameto rely
movement,
however,theredo sometimesappearto be vigilantin working
It is worthemphasizing
uponcooperation.
whatmightbe called "core groups"of close relatives increasingly
and social controlwereabsolutelyessenwhoassociatethemselves
proprietarily
withlocaleshar- thatmorality
boringcriticalresources(e.g.,Lee I976). Thus,whenan tialtoan egalitarian
politicallifestyle
(seeBoehmi982b,
emergency
decisionis made,thegroupthatundertakes I984, I993, n.d.) and thattheypermitted
individuals
withgroupinterests
and believedin alconcerted
actionis likelyto consistofa relatively
stable who identified
in cracking
downon
coreand additionalfamiliesthathave kin connections truisticbehaviorto worktogether
withcoreindividuals.
and bullies,makingthem
In thelongterm,ifwe areconsid- seriouscheats,free-loaders,
eringindirectgeneticcompetitionbetweenadjacent pay reproductively
preciselywhen resourcesbecame
scarce.
groups,
itis thecoregroupsthataretheprimary
vehicles critically
With this moralistic,hypercooperative,
forselection;transient
householdstendto be less sigegalitariannificantinsofaras theirmembersdividethemselves levelingapproachto grouplifein place forat least 50among competingcore groups.However,when geo- IOO millennia,it becomesfareasier to explainthe
Promgraphicand social distancebetweengroupsincreasesa biologicalevolutionofcertainhumantendencies.
moralcommulittle,suchneutralizing
effects
areeliminated.
Thenthe inentwas theabilityto formaggressive
presidedovervaluedcooperativelogicalfocalvehiclesforgroupselectionwillbe culture- nitieswhichvigilantly
sharingclustersof bands that are mutuallyisolated, activitiesand strictlycontrolledthose who acted as
eventhoughbandswithintheclustersmayvaryas well. leaders.Therewas also thetendency
to elicit"altruisandBoyd(I 99 5) haveusedempirical tic" behaviorfromothersby forceif necessary(see
Soltis,Richerson,
tosuggestthatfrequent
tribesmen
dataon warring
group CampbellI972, TriversI97I, PetersonI993, Erdaland
culturalselectionat the WhitenI994). Moregenerally,
therewas thesalientabilextinctions
justifyconsidering
complexenvigrouplevel. However,culturalgroupselection(e.g., ityto assess and cope withincreasingly
me- ronmental
and politicalproblemsand to do so collecBoydand RichersonI965, I99I) is verydifferent
It was
fromgeneticgroupselectionbecausethecul- tivelyby poolinghighlyspecificinformation.
chanically
from thesebehaviors,
in combination,
thatprovidedthemetural"elements"I havediscussedareso different
genes. Since I975 we have been thinkingof genetic chanicalbasis forgene selectionat the grouplevel to
groupselectionas thoughfrequentgroupextinctions operateas decisivelyas it didin humanevolution.
778
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
Conclusions
broadly integrativenatural-historyapproach that has
made anthropology'sreputation,these are preciselythe
The "grand"and middlelevels ofcultural-selectionthe- kinds of problemsthat anthropologistsmust deal with.
ory have been ratherwell explored (e.g., Sumner and In tryingto take apartthe culturalengine,we must conKellerI927, Hoebel I954, MurdockI956, Goidschmidt tinue to look to evolutionarybiologyforinspiration.At
I959, CampbellI965, BoehmI978, BoydandRicherson the same time, however,we must build models to our
is so own specifications,models suited to the special exigenI985, Durhami99i), but muchofthe theorizing
speculative or tentativelydocumentedthat the edifice cies ofguidedculturalselection and the groupdecisions
has remainedtop-heavy.I have proposedstudyinggroup that providecriticalguidance in times of stress.
decisions because theydirectlyreveal cultural-selection
micromechanicsat work, but I have not stoppedwith
processual methodologyand definitionof culture elements.Rather,I have suggestedthatsophisticated,realistic emergencydecisions providean importantentr6e
forinvestigatingthe lower-levelteleologythat helps to
ANTWEILER
shape human behavior.The argumentthat groupdeci- CHRISTOPH
sions can significantlyguide cultural-selectionprocess FB IV-Ethnologie,Universityof Trier,D-54286 Trier,
has been extendedfrompostdomesticationnonliterates Germany.30 v 96
whose behavior has been so well exemplifiedhere to
prehistoricforagerswho made similar decisions as This piece is both theoreticallyimportantand deliberbands. I believe thatthis approachcould have important atelylimitedin such a way as to be empiricallyfruitful.
implicationsforunderstandingcultureand its place in Boehm's strengthlies in his knowledgeof bioevolutionary theory and primatologycombined with ethnohuman evolution.
Our conceptualizations of human culture must be graphicexperience.My commentsare primarilydirected
teleonomicaspect of cul- to the issue of culturalselection,to the question of the
friendlyto the self-organizing,
ture, which ranges fromautomatic microprocessesof representativenessof his cases as regardshuman decision making,and to empiricalmethods.I concludewith
transmissionor selection (see Richersonand Boyd I985,
to larger dynamics such as growth, some proposals forbuildingon Boehm's suggestionsin
Durham I99I)
orderto furtherstudies towardsa trulyDarwinian resp.
(e.g.,KroeberI948, WhiteI959).
change,and diffusion
However, they must be equally friendlyto purposeful, evolutionary theory of transgenerationalchange (cf.
and Adams
guided selection, which ranges from dramatic emer- BluteI979; Antweiler199Ia, b; Antweiler
Boehm's diagnosis of the currentstatus of regencydecisions of entirecommunitiesto the relatively I992).
inconspicuous routine innovations of individuals and search on cultural selection is accurate. Indeed, its
(see Goldschmidt mechanisms have not been successfullyinvestigated
includes transmission-by-teaching
The latteris a purposefulbehaviorthat deserves empirically.His summaryaccount of some otherwork
I993).
cultural on coevolution "in which bioculturalmodelingtoo offurtherexplorationwith a view to identifying
"elements" that assume similar shapes in conscious ten tends to overwhelmthe ethnographicdata" is a bit
transmissionand conscious selection.Such studywould harshwith regardto theworkofBarkow,Cosmides,and
who anaand especially Durham (i99i),
help anthropologiststo assess the durabilityand stabil- Tooby (I992)
ityofculturalelementsas I have definedthemhereboth lyzes a wealth ofaccumulateddata in his longcase chapters.Boehm's clou as regardsmethodsis thathe focuses
withinand between groups.
Finally,I have arguedthat the guided culturalselec- on groupdecisions thatwere immediateand readilysusHe reanalyzes
tion that is so apparentin our three case studies has ceptibleto observationby ethnographers.
gene selection published cases of group decision making and selects
importantimplicationsforunderstanding
Undoubtedly,foragershave operatedfor veryspecificsituationsin which groupsdecide (i) uniprehistorically.
many millennia underthe double impact of intentional formly,(2) purposefully,and (3) with considerableand
egalitarianlevelingmechanismsand consensus-seeking measurable effectsregardingsurvival and reproductive
group-decisionbehaviors that fuse social assemblages success. It seems beyonddoubtthatthiskindofdecision
into potentinstrumentsof communal problemsolving. making representsa common situation in prehistoric
Both change the balance of power,as it were, between human groups.Thus this should be an element of any
individual and grouplevels of gene selection. The shift realisticgeneraltheoryon culturalevolution,apartfrom
in favorofgroupeffectsis relevantnot onlyto the evolu- elements of individual and blind selection, which we
tion of altruisticor cooperativetendencies but to the should not forget.But the question arisesto what degree
such uniformand purposefuland materiallyeffective
selection of human social tendenciesin general.
presin- decisionsare typicalforthe era ofthe ethnographic
It has been a long reach frommicroethnographic
vestigationof cultural-selectionepisodes to an under- ent impliedby Boehm's remarkon nations.I thinkthat
standingof the ultimate basis of some importantand this is a question which should and could be answered
distinctive components of human social behavior empirically.
throughselection mechanics that include significant How could we build on Boehm's in many ways piogroup effects.However, if we are to do justice to the neering work? Only a few suggestionsfollow: First,
Comments
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1779
in pursuitofthem,
withhistorians selvesgoalsandto choosestrategies
ofanthropologists
collaboration
through
in discussion,
is a unique
arguments
and politicalscientistswe shouldlook formoregroup partlybyweighing
Boehm'sthreeexamplesillustrate
thisapdecisionsofthe specifickindBoehmhas in mind.We achievement.
His
situations.
and dia- proachto decisionmakingin emergency
could comparetheirsalience synchronically
is timelyindeed,sincethe conceptofthe
household, contribution
chronically
withothertypesof individual,
has blurred
thevisionofmanyevoeco- "blindwatchmaker"
and othergroupdecisions.Secondly,evolutionary
situationsin lutionaryscientists.Formostof the historyof lifeon
logicaltheorymightbe usefulto identify
whichthe conditionsof such specificgroupdecisions earth,evolutionwas indeedtheresultofblindtrialand
are givenin an ideal manner.Livingconditionson is- error.But in humans,at least in theory,thingshave
manyoftheculturalpracticesand
circumscribedchanged.Certainly,
orecologically
landsorinotherculturally
arepassedon withoutanyinsightintotheir
wouldbe likelycandidates
environments
(seeAntweiler inventions
and mighteven have developedand been
comparison's functioning
iggib). Thirdly,as regardsethnographic
processof selection
fortheseissues,we shoulddevelop carriedon by the self-organizing
beingveryimportant
description simplybyvirtueoftheirprovingadaptive,as has been
theethnographic
guidelinesto systematize
on thegrouplevelandthelevelsbe- emphasizedby, amongstothers,the economistvon
ofdecision-making
that
low whole groupsin orderto have reallycomparable Hayek(I979). However,it shouldnotbe forgotten
therearenot humanbeingsare also capableof adoptinginsightful
databases.The problemis thatcurrently
ofcause and
on thebasis ofsomeknowledge
lit- strategies
casesin theethnographic
manymorewell-described
not only
QuotingBoehm:We mustbe friendly
erature
thanthoseBoehmuses.Itis especiallyimportant effect.
teleonomicaspectsofculturebut
ob- to theself-organizing,
to documentnotonlydecisionsas inferred
(through
guidedselection.
servablebehaviouror decisionconsequences)but also equallyto purposeful,
The term"culturalselection"could,I think,add to
decisionsas explainedby informants
(revealed vs. reevidentin muchofthediscourseon culported decisions).Boehmhas madea goodstepin this theconfusion
ofsomeoftheolderlitera- turalevolution."Culture"employedas a generalterm
anda closerreading
direction,
to a setofcharacteristics
acquiredbya societyin
tureon natural decision-making(e.g.,FjellmanI976a, b) refers
could improveresearchin this area. Lastly,a further thecourseofculturalevolutionandpassedon bytradiofsuch specificforms tion.Eachindividual
characteristic
certainly
stepmightbe theincorporation
contributes
groupselectionintosim- in one wayor anotherto fitness.Selectionoperatedon
ofgroupdecisionandresulting
changein human thephenotypes
as bearersofcharacteristics,
ulationmodelsof transgenerational
be it mornotvery phological,physiological,psychological,or cultural.
currently
areaofresearch
a promising
societies,
interested
in cul- Whenwe speakofunitsof selectionwe mustalways
well knownamonganthropologists
turalevolution.
clearlydefinewhatwe mean.Arewe talkingaboutthe
uponwhichselectionoperatesanddefining
evolu- phenotypes
In sum,thisis a fineexampleofhow fruitful
researchcan be for thetraitsselected,orarewe speakingaboutthegenesas
tionarilyinspiredanthropological
Selectiondoesnotdirectly
operateon them.
endeavour.Boehm replicators?
corequestionsof the ethnographic
selectedwhentheyarerespontheoryand Theyareonlyindirectly
successfullybringstogetherevolutionary
of the phenoeffect sible foran advantageouscharacteristic
data.The mostimportant
fieldwork
ethnographic
role, genes are
ofsuchwork,to mymind,is thatit makestheoreticallytype.Despite theirbehind-the-scenes
andI agreethatmemesarea construct
entities,
relevantquestionsof culturalevolutionamenableto concrete
not to be comparedwiththem.A pot,a knife,and an
studyin thefield.
ideology,all productsof culturalevolution,possess
characteristics
intowhichverydifferent
forms
ofexperiencesenteredas precursors,
and anytool can be comI. EIBL-EIBESFELDT
paredto an organ.
Forschungsstellefir Humanethologiein der
of groupselectionin humanshas
The phenomenon
D-82346 Andechs,
Max-Planck-Gesellschaft,
as a prerequisitea numberof characteristics
which
Germany.I7 V 96
evolvedbyindividualandkinselectionin theserviceof
nurture
andbonding.Theyprovedto be so
human parent-child
A journalistonce askedKonradLorenzwhether
in bondingindividualsin quasi-familial
indibeingseverbehavedlikeanimals.Lorenzreplied:"Actu- effective
withanimalsonlysubject vidualizedgroupsthattheyfinallybecameunitsofseallynever.Manis comparable
from lection.Withthe evolutionof nurturant
motivations
notdistinguished
He is certainly
to qualifications.
foradultbondthemby havingnothingwhateverin commonwith and behaviorsa set of"preadaptations"
the
defense,
them,... but byhis havingacquiredsomethingessential ingcameintobeing.Theseincludedfamily
andbonding,
andneooverand abovethosethingsthathe shareswiththem abilityforindividualrecognition
nurturant
andthemotiresponses
changein his behavior; natesignalstriggering
thatresultsin a fundamental
his vationto seek nurturance
I972, i982,
his thought,
(Eibl-Eibesfeldt
and thatis his intellectualfunction,
ethosofface-toandinhibi- I995). In humanbeingsthesmall-group
andaboveall hismoralconcerns
vocabulary,
is basicallynurturant,
of
expressions
tions"(quotedby R. J.Hummin Die Weltwoche[Zii- face-communities
dominancesuch as boastingbeingcounterrepressive
3, I 958).
rich],February
ofinterpersonal
tacabilityto setthem- actedby activelevelingconsisting
In particular,
humans'intellectual
780
I CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number S, December I996
ticssuchas shunning
andridicule(Wiessner
in studying
andSchie- pologistsare interested
and understanding.
fenhoveln.d.). It is also divertedtowardout-group-To implythatthechiefdom-level
Tikopiansareegalitarto thehomogenizing
Boehmrefers
socialcon- ian,despitetheirstratified
members.
societyandhierarchical
political system,is misleading.
trolsin suchsocieties.
Tikopiansaremoreegalitarbutarecategorically
societiesthe ian thanWesterners
Withtheevolutionoflarger,
unlikehighly
anonymous
ethoswas extendedto the egalitarian
Basarwa,Inuit,orMalaysianBatek.Boehm's
individualized
small-group
as "egalitarian"any societythatis more
theactionofculturalinstitutions,categorizing
largergroupthrough
thanhighlystratified,
and egalitarian
evolvednurturant
hierarchical
whichtap the phylogenetically
state-level
As societiesincreasedin societies,suchas Westernones,renders
thetermmeangroup-defensive
dispositions.
size and extrafamilial
and finallyanonymousinterac- ingless.Suchovergeneralizing
and collapsingofcategosuchinstitutions
became riesalso obscureimportant
differences
tionsincreasedin frequency,
betweensocieforengineering
increasingly
important
cohesionwhere ties that are importantto take into accountwhen
cross-cultural
research.
once, in the evolutionary
past, it had been a self- conducting
Boehmis vaguewithothertermsessentialto his disorganizing
outcomeof livingin small groups.In this
regardideologiesand symbolidentification
evaluateswhetherspecificbehave come cussion.He frequently
to be of paramountimportance(Eibl-Eibesfeldt
and havioris "realistic"and "rational."In almosteveryuse
ofeach term,it appearsthatwhathe meansis whatis
Saltern.d.).
realisticand rationalto Westernculture.Boehmdoes
not see thesetermsas culturally
relativeor culturally
sensitive.Is it validto applyWesternviewsofwhatis
SUSAN
KENT
oris not"realistic"or "rational"to non-Western
socieAnthropologyProgram,Old Dominion University,
ties?Anevolutionary/biological/genetic
viewofculture
Norfolk,Va. 23529, U.S.A. 24 v 96
is definitely
a igth-and 2oth-century-sensitive
concept
Sometimes it is as enlighteningto examine why two thatWesternsocietywouldhave rejectedas irrational
merelya fewhundred
yearsbefore.
researchers
disagreeas it is to focuson theissuespro- orunrealistic
vokingthedisagreement.
Beyondourobvioustheoreti- In addition,does Boehmassumethatconsensusand
cal differences,
notedbelow,a majordifference
between collectiveactionalwaysresultin "winners"in contrast
Boehmand me stemsfromthe disparatesocietieswe to all otherswho are the "losers"?He states,"There
formembers
ofgroupsthat
have studied.As my own fieldwork
and publications maybe seriousconsequences
show,I am definitely
an advocateofcross-cultural
stud- fail to act collectivelyand merelydisband,or thatdo
ies. Forexample,I have conductedintensivefieldwork nothingormakemaladroitdecisionsorrelytooheavily
help.It seemslogicalthattherewillbe
amongsocietieswithdiverseeconomies,mobilitypat- on supernatural
decimaeffects,
simplythrough
terns,social and politicalorganizations,
amountsof geneticgroup-selection
egalitarianism,
andmore.BecauseI haveworkedin such tionoflosergroupsand naturalincreaseand fissionof
are mostconvincing
when
variedsocieties,I am able to recognizethatresearchers thewinners."Assumptions
who have had directfieldexperience
withonlyone or backedby empiricaldata. For example,Boehmapparresponsesor solutions
twotypesofsocietiesandrelyonthecross-cultural
liter- entlybelievesthatsupernatural
are invariably
harmful
to thesurvivaland successofa
aturefortheirmodelssometimesovergeneralize.
I have studiedsocietiesthatrangefromhighlyegali- group.In agreement,otheranthropologists
interpret
tarianto highlynonegalitarian
beliefs,as
andinclude(i) theCen- meattaboos,oftentheresultofsupernatural
maladaptivefora segmentofthepopulatralKalahariBasarwa(Bushmen
or San),whoarehighly nutritionally
activewomen.Forinstance,
egalitarianhunter-gatherers;
(2) the Navajos,who are tion,oftenreproductively
i
Aunger
(i
992:
writes
that
amongsomeIturiForest
less egalitarian
tribalpastoralist/farmers;
9
Northwest
9)
(3)
Coast Indians,who are [weretraditionally]
hierarchical villagers "for some individuals. . . (and particularly
and rankedchiefdom-level
maladaptive."
and (4) women)foodavoidancesarebiologically
hunter-gatherers;
whoarea highlyinegalitarian,
Euroamericans,
complex However,medical data demonstratethatin areas where
state-levelsociety.As a result,I seriouslyquestion malaria is endemic,such as the Ituri,supernaturallyinBoehm'sgeneralization
that"extantforagers
areso pre- spiredmeat taboos can help reducethe riskofacquiring
some superdictablyegalitarian."
Northwest
Coast Indiansand the malaria (e.g.,Kentet al. I994). Furthermore,
KalahariBasarwaarebothforagers,
buttheformer
area naturalresponsesmightbe instrumentalin preservinga
stratified,
rankedsocietywhiletheBasarwaarea nonhi- particularculture among a few individuals or groups
erarchical,
acephalousone.Thesetwogroupshavelittle within a society even if detrimentalto the successful
in commonotherthanrelying
on wildplants reproductionofa largenumberofpeople in thatsociety.
primarily
andanimalsforsubsistence.
In decision-making,
social, Such responsesmightor mightnot be viewed as benefipolitical,and otherrespects,NorthwestCoast Indians cial, using Westerndefinitions.
are much morelike sociallyand politicallystratified It also is not clear whetherBoehm assumes that sucsuchas theTikopians,thantheyareliketribal cessful individual physical (i.e., genetic) reproduction
farmers,
Australian
orband-level
Aborigine
Ba- and individualselection coincide with successfulgroup
hunter-gatherers
sarwahunter-gatherers.
Boehm'suncritical
use ofterms or cultural reproduction.People may reproducephysisuch as "egalitarian"maskstheverydiversity
anthro- cally withoutalso reproducingculturallyand vice versa;
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection I 78I
examplesoccurin the literature,particularlyin societies BRUCE M. KNAUFT
EmoryUniversity,
undergoingacculturation.Does this,then,alterBoehm's DepartmentofAnthropology,
Atlanta,Ga. 30322, U.S.A. (antbk@ anthro.emory.edu.)
conclusions?
The last difficulty
I have withthisarticleis notspecific i6 v 96
to it but relates to his and otherculturalevolutionists/
ecologists' theoretical orientation.Boehm presents a Boehm's insightfuland stimulatingcontributiondraws
compellingargumentagainstusing individualselection attentionto the benefitsof collective decision making
as the basis ofculturalevolution.However,he and other in human evolution. In most simple human societies
researchersuse jargonfromevolutionarybiologyto dis- such decision-makingis indeed the norm and has high
cuss how culture changes. These two processes- primafacievalue in promotingsurvivalon bothan indiculture change and physical or biological change-are vidual and a collective level. This is a key arena in
It is misleadingto use the same terminol- which the cultural bias for conservatismand imitaverydifferent.
ogyfordissimilarprocesses.People think,theymanipu- tion-which may otherwiseimpede instrumentallearncounteracted.
late and deceive, they change their minds, and they ing (see Boyd and Richerson I985)-is
make decisions on the basis of a wide varietyof factors Novel situations of stress or threatcommonlyentrain
thatare sometimesquite unrelatedto the decisionbeing human responsesthat are at once intentional,creative,
made; genotypesand phenotypesdo none ofthis. Genes and-most important-collective. As such, they help
do not behave like people or people like genes; genes generatethe variationupon which groupselection can
and physicalevolution,therefore,
are not appropriatean- operate.
The processesofcollectivedecision makingdescribed
alogs forhuman behavior.Boehm's referenceto individual effectsas genes and to groupselection as phenotype by Boehm are highlygeneralin simple societies and resonlyconfusesthe issues and misleads people into think- onate with what I know of Gebusi longhousedynamics
ing that there are commonalities between individual in interiorNew Guinea (KnauftI985; cf.Marshall I976,
changeand genotypicchangeor betweenculturechange Lee I979, Turnbull I96I, WoodburnI979). This pattern
and phenotypic change. Calling a body of cultural raises severalimportantissues. First,collectivedecision
knowledgea "culturepool" implies similarityto a gene makingpresumesaccuratesharingofinformation;it assumes trustthatthe information
providedis correctand
pool, whence the termis derived.
From my perspective, evolutionary analogies and not a productof lyingor deceit. It is strikingthatsmallmodels are potentiallydeceptivein thattheyimplythat scale societies tend to presume honesty rather than
reproductivesuccess is as responsibleand rigidforcul- doubt or disbeliefunderconditionsof existentialthreat
turalevolutionas it is forphysicalevolution.While the or emergency(cf. Rappaport I971). This is consistent
two may be equivalenton the abstract,theoreticallevel, with experimentalresults: controlledstudies in social
theyare not equal on the operativelevel (also see Hall- psychologydocument the power of face-to-facehuman
pike i986). The evolutionaryterminologyshould not be collectivityto entraincooperationand altruismeven in
identicalunless the processes are themselvesidentical, the absence of dependablepayoffs(Caporael et al. I989).
particularlysince using the same termimplies extreme Evidently,sociality has been stronglyselected foras a
behaviorin humans. This may be an evosimilarity,if not actual synonymy(Kent I996). It is rule-of-thumb
much easier and less time-consumingto apply highly lutionaryoutgrowthof the solace-seekingand alliance
successful theoreticalmodels and jargon froma well- behavior that intensifiesduringtimes of stress among
respected and established discipline, such as biology, nonhumanprimates(de Waal I982; i989a, b).
thanto grapplewith developingmodels directlyrelevant
Second, the social and cultural dynamics of "emerto how cultureoperatesand is reproducedor passed on gency" are amenable to more refined analysis. The
to succeedinggenerations.This is particularlytruenow emergency circumstances considered by Boehm are
thatthe disciplineof anthropologyappearsto be experi- stressorsor catastrophesthat threatenthe group as a
encingan identitycrisis. However,it is not necessarily whole and not just selectedmemberswithinit. Physical
valid,appropriate,or illuminatingto do so. Forcingnon- threatsor difficultiesthat affectonlyparticularindividgeneticbehaviorand processes into genetic-appropriate uals are less likely to producethe benefitsof collective
categoriesand jargonis detrimentalto the entirestudy decision making. In cases such as intergroupconflict,
of human behavior,particularlyin an articledevotedto what constitutesan "emergency"is in part a cultural
construction;threatsor grievancesmay pertainmost dishowingthe uniqueness of culturalevolution.
Like Boehm's previouspublications,thisone is stimu- rectlyto selected individuals while being definedas a
with it is that the threatto the groupas a whole. The culturalconstruction
latingand provocative.My difficulty
argumentrelies too heavily on untested assumptions, of stress and threatis underscoredby phenomena that
many of which seem to be based in Westernconcepts are perceivedas spirituallyor cosmologicallythreatenand perceptions,theuncriticaluse oftermssuch as egal- ing even though their threatto physical survival may
itarianism,and the appropriationof biological evolu- seem limited froman analyticperspective.Among Getionarymodels and jargonfornonbiological,culturally busi, some ofthegreatestthreats-and thosedemanding
inspiredbehavior.Here,as withmost fundamentaltheo- the most decisive, collective, and violent decisions to
Boehm and I must be contentwith protect the group as a whole-are believed to derive
retical differences,
from sorcery or spiritual malevolence (Knauft I985,
simplyagreeingto disagree.
782
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number S, December 1996
I989a). Boehm's argumentthus opens the question of individual strategies and egoistic cost-benefitassesshow the group-levelconstrual of "emergency"articu- ments (e.g., Axelrod and Hamilton I98I; TriversI97I,
lates with intersubjectiveprocesses of communication I985). Whatthisviewpointneglects,however,is thepreand legitimation.His argumentis tautologous (though sumed trustworthiness
ofinformation,
opinions,and inproductive) insofar as phenomena that are group- tendedsolutionsfoundin the conditionsof stressor criconstructedas "emergencies"are "naturally"subjectto sis that Boehm describes. It is exactly under such
group-leveldecision makingand counteraction.
conditions that narrower self-interestwould predict
Third, focusing on collective decision making in competitivebreakdownand disintegrationof social oremergencysituationsbegs the question ofthe dynamics der ratherthan the collective decision making that is
of decision making in more informaland everydaycir- the normin responsesto adversityin simple human socumstances.AmongGebusi (andin othersimplehuman cieties.Emergencydecisionmakingis thusan especially
societies), a communal period of sharinginformation, strongexample of the importanceof groupselection in
opinions, and possible actions is an everydayoccur- human evolution (Wilson and Sober I989, I994; Knauft
rence-for instance, in communal conversationbefore I994b, I996; Soltis, Boyd,and Richerson I995; Richeror afteran eveningmeal (Knaufti985:chap. 3; cf. Mar- son and Boyd I989; Boyd I988; Boyd and Richerson
shall I976). The adaptivepotentialofcollectivedecision I985, i99oa, b).
making duringrecognizedemergenciestypicallybuilds
One productiveway to mediate these opposed perupon and presumestrustbuilt up throughdaily sharing spectiveswhile keepingthem empiricallyengagedis to
of informationin simple, small-scale societies (see considernew dimensionsofpracticeand agency(Knauft
Boehm I993). The potentials affordedby collective in- n.d.b: chap. 4; cf. Bourdieu I977, I990; Giddens I979,
formationsharingand decision makingon a daily basis I984; Ortner I984). Agency can promote self-interest,
likelyprovideda key group-selectiveadvantageforsim- albeitas culturallydefinedand constructed.At the same
ple human societies-and forthe evolutionofdisplaced time, communal decision making is a prominentand
communicationand language-in conditionsof human tangiblemeans by which agencyis establishedand proevolution where resources were dispersedand patchy moted on a collectivelevel. Collective agencyis not the
(see Kurland and Beckerman I985). A numberof rein- nominal sum of individual attitudes and decisions in
forcingfeaturesin the evolution of Homo, and H. sapi- simple societies-as is obvious to anyonewho has witens in particular,are consistentwith this pattern:in- nessed the sudden emergenceof consensusfroman evecreased home range, increased group size, increased ningof seeminglyhaphazardpalaver.Collective creativencephalization,adaptationto diverseecozones, and in- ity and innovation take root in response to the
creased pressurefor complex communicativeand lin- perceptionof intrudingstressorsand problems.This is
guistic means to facilitate social bonding (Aiello and theoreticallyimportantbecause it shows how variation
Dunbar I993, Dunbar I993, KnauftI996).
is generatedand maintainedat a collectivelevel among
Fourth,thoughBoehm does not allude to it, collective groups. Further, the social and discursive process
decision makinghas a stronglygenderedcomponentin throughwhich decision makers are seen to "speak for
many simple societies. In all of the cases Boehm dis- thegroup"definesits normativeaction and providesthe
cusses, as well as among Gebusi, collective decision means by which innovationsspreadthrougha largersomakingis largelycontrolledby men in formalor public cial universe.Conscious agencyon the partof some has
terms.Whetherthe public awarenessor constructionof its counterpartin practicalacceptance by others.Deci"emergencies"is also a male phenomenonis an impor- sion makingthus reflectsand encodes the dynamicsof
tant and unresolvedquestion. Boehm's argumentthus culturalinequality,wherebythe discourse of some beoverlooksthe more informalcommunicationprocesses comes the dominantsocial as well as the symbolicrealwherebypublic collectivedecision makingis influenced ityof a group(e.g.,Brenneisand Myers I984). In simple
by-or shut offfrom-women and othersin more pri- human societies,this collectivitymaybe relativelyegalvate communication.
itarian among men even though it potentiates other
In theoreticalterms,collectivedecision makingreso- formsof inequitybased on age or sex.
nates with many otherfeaturesof linguisticand social
In importantways, then, the collective featuresof
cooperationthat take place despite diurnaldispersalof makingand legitimatingemergencydecisions as illumiindividualsin simplehuman societies-and presumably natedby Boehm point to the dynamicsofagencyas well
in prehistoricpopulations of H. sapiens (Knauft i989b, as revealingkey processes of group-levelselection.
I994a, b, n.d a; cf. Rodseth et al. 199I). These include
featuressuch as food sharing,affinalor fictive-kinaffil- STEVEN MITHEN
iation,giftexchange,and rule-of-thumb
trustin the ac- Departmentof
Archaeology,Universityof Reading,
curacyof reportedevents and information(see Leacock Whiteknights,
P.O. Box 2I8, Reading RG6 6AA, U.K.
and Lee i982). These formthe largersocial contextof 26 Iv 96
group living and group-leveladaptation within which
emergencydecision makingoccurs.
I am in considerablesympathywith Boehm's thesis. If
The competingviewpoint,of course,is thatcollective anthropologistswish to explain the course of culture
behavior is self-interested
ratherthan altruistic-that change-whether duringthe millennia of prehistoryor
what appearsas collective advantageis only the sum of within the few days of an ethnographicstudy-they
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1783
have no choice but to get to gripswith the nitty-grittyany single decision that is made always has myriadunofhuman decision making.This requiresthatour expla- anticipatedand/orunintendedconsequences.
I applaud Boehm's demand that anthropologistsdisnations be mentalistic in character (Mithen 1990).
Whetherhuman behaviouris approachedfromthe per- tance themselves fromthe models of biologists or at
spective of the social or the natural sciences, we are least make very substantial modificationsto these.
inevitablydrawn towardsthe individual as our unit of Those models may be importantfordefininghow certain predispositionsarise within the human mind but
study(Mithen i989b).
Boehm performsan excellent service in pointingto can tell us little about how those predispositionslead
the weaknesses ofwhat he describesas the "grand"and to the patternof cultural variationwe observe in the
middle levels of cultural-selectiontheory,such as the ethnographicand archaeological records.It is a more
models of Boyd and Richerson (i985). These models, profoundunderstandingofhuman decision makingthat
largely developed by biologists, provide few, if any, our discipline requires,not furtherabstractmodels for
means for connecting theorywith data. As a conse- cultural-selectionprocesses. Boehm demonstratesvery
quence theyare limitedin theirusefulness(althoughsee effectivelythat ethnographicreportscontain considerLake I 994foran importantuse ofBoydand Richerson's able informationforpursuingthis study.
One question that obviouslyarises fromBoehm's patheoryand models forexploringPlio/Pleistocenehomiper is the significanceof the group,consensual-typedenid behaviour).
Boehm quite rightlystressesthatthe analogybetween cisionshe describesrelativeto theroutinized,individual
gene and cultural selection is weak; in fact,it has so decision making which is the stuffof everydaylife. I
many problemsthat one must question its usefulness. assume that the latteris of farmore significance.How
As he notes,thereis no unit ofcultureequivalentto the oftendo the "emergencydecisions" which mightfavour
gene; competingculturalunits can only everbe vaguely groupselection arise? If not veryoften,then the group
defined;decision alternativesare highlyunstable, and selection effectsthat mightderivefromthese are oflitthey do not constitutea random source of variation.I tle significanceforculturechange.Related to this is the
am relievedthatBoehm has avoided using the notionof problemofgroupmembership.How oftendoes the same
the "meme," invoked as the culturalequivalent to the group make consensual decisions? Boehm notes that
forhis argument,
gene (Dawkins I976). Memes and related "cultural vi- this is a potentialsource of difficulty
rus" theories (Cullen I993) are ideas of very limited acknowledgingthe volatilityofband membership,but I
value, althoughtheycontinueto receiveserious discus- feel that he ratherinadequatelyaddressesit. The prob"groups" in the ethnographicand arlem of identifying
sion (e.g.,Dennett I995).
There are several fundamentaldifferencesbetween chaeological recordshas receivedinsufficientattention
cultural and biological evolution,the two most impor- fromthose favouringgroupselection (Mithen I993).
tant of which are the role of intentionalityin cultural
evolution,as opposed to "blind" natural selection,and
the factthat inheritedgenes are forlife,whereas inher- PETER J. RICHERSON
ited cultural traits may last for no more than an in- Divistxn of EnvironmentalStudies, Universityof
stant-in fact, there is no such thing as an inherited California,Davis, Calif. 956I6, U.S.A.
cultural trait, as these are continually transformed ([email protected]). 2 vi 96
within the mind of each individual.Of these problems
that of intentionalityis the more serious. Not only do Boehm makes two importantpoints in this paper,one
people make decisions with clearlydefinedgoals which substantiveand the othermethodological.The substanthey strive to achieve but often they have multiple tive argumentis thathuman collectivedecisionmaking
goals, which sometimes appear to us as contradictory. in egalitarian societies is evidence for some form of
Forinstance,hunter-gatherers
are expertnaturalhistori- group selection. The methodologicalargumentis that
ans, oftenhaving a profoundunderstandingof ecology, cultural-selectionmechanics are processes that are acand are "realists" when theymake theirforagingdeci- cessible to ethnographicinvestigation.A fewcaveats are
sions. As a consequence, models derivedfromoptimal in order,but the main thrustof my commentaryis to
foragingtheoryhave considerablesuccess at explaining underlinethese two points.
The most importantcaveat is thatthe collectivedecitheireconomic behaviour.Yet at the verysame timethe
same hunter-gatherers
may conceive of their environ- sions Boehm describesare not unambiguouslyexamples
ments as controlledby supernaturalforces.To us these of culturalevolution.In each case, the emergencysituaappearas contradictory
viewpoints,butno contradiction tion describedappears to be one that occurs repeatedly,
is apparentwithin theirminds. As ErnestGellner once if relativelyinfrequently.For example, the Mursi are
wrote,for traditionalnon-Westernsocieties "the con- locked in a runningconflictwith the Bodi,and the deciflationand confusionof functions,aims and criteria,is sion to make active war on them or not occurs perhaps
the normal, original condition of mankind" (i988:45; several times per generation.The decision alternatives
elsewhere[Mithen I996] I attemptto addresswhen and in the focal case in the papermay be well withinhistorihow this thinkingcould have arisenduringthe courseof cal experienceand demandno innovationexceptadjusthuman evolution).And of course a furthercomplicating ment to the unique circumstancesof that particular
factoris that whereas intentionalgoals may be present, case. The group decision in this case may reflectno
784 1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
more than the applicationof a contingentstrategy,caseshaveprosocialinclinations.
Peopleseemtobe prewhichitselfis unmodified
decision. paredto considerthecollectivewell-being
ofthegroup,
by the particular
Thatsaid,itis plausibleenoughthatcollectivedecisions treatthedecision-making
processas fairandlegitimate,
sometimesdo resultin culturalevolution.In the case and act accordingto the resultsof the collectivedeciofpickingfromamongknownstrategies,
thesuccessor sion.He alludesto evidencethatin othercasescooperafailureofa strategy
andenterinto tivedecisionmakingfails,suggesting
maybe remembered
thatthereis culfuturedebates.Strategiesthatfail repeatedly
may be tural variationin such attitudes.His proposalthat
modifiedor abandoned.Collectivedecisionsmayalso egalitarianism
reducedthescopeforindividual
selection
newvariations.
generate
ofseeking whilecollectivedecisionmakingenhancedtheroleof
Perhapsthestrategy
foreignaid in the Tikopiancase was such a novelty. groupselectionduringa longstretch
ofourevolutionary
decisionsabout acceptinginnovations
Similarly,
from past is quite plausible.It is also plausiblethatgroupoutsidesources,such as decisionsof LatinAmericans selectedculturalrules can drivegeneticevolutionon
to convertto Protestant
showin
faiths,mayoftenbe commu- such timescales,as theoretical
investigations
nity-level
ones.
the abstract(Richersonand Boyd i989:2I4 ff.;Kumm,
The caveat underlinesthe methodologicalpoint Laland,and FeldmanI994) and empiricalcases suchas
Boehmmakes.A certainopportunism
is important
illustrate
moreconcretely
in adultlactoseabsorption
(Durstudyingphenomenalike culturalevolution.Typical ham I99I:228 ff.).Batson (i99i) reviews a complex secasesincludemanydifficult-to-measure
experiments
showingthathumans
processesofap- riesofpsychological
proximately
equal importance.
motivations
to a collective
Emergency
decisionsare mightindeedbringaltruistic
interesting
because theirimportance
forum.
tendsto produce decision-making
thefullestexpression
ofcollectivedecision-making
institutions.
Routinedecisionsaffected
bythesameprocesses maybe made in the courseof casual conversa- DAVID SLOAN WILSON
tions, by the tacit approvalof the most respected Departmentof Biological Sciences, Binghamton
membersofthe community,
and so forth.
The deepest University,State UniversityofNew York,
insightintoprocessesoftencomesin unusuallimiting Binghamton,N.Y. I3 902-6000, U.S.A.
instances,when the processof interestis easiest to [email protected] VII 96
study.One setofcasesofinterest
in thisregard
is behaviorin complexsocieties.Modernsocietiesareverydif- Boehm'sarticlemakestwoimportant
points.First,culfromthoseunderwhichourpsychology
ferent
evolved, turalevolutionis notalwaysa matterofblindvariation
but forjust this reasontheyare likelyto throwinto and selectiveretention
but can be directedbyadaptive
reliefdispositions
processes.Thispointmayappearmunevolvedforverydifferent
sortsofso- decision-making
cial environments.
Forexample,advicebooksforjunior dane againstsome intellectualbackgrounds
(e.g.,ecoin modernarmies(e.g.,MaloneI983) soundsus- nomics),but it is new and insightful
officers
againstthebackpiciouslyas iftheycouldbe meantforaspiring
leading groundof culturalevolutionmodels,which usually
in egalitarian
figures
"mutatheju- assumethatculturalvariantsariseas arbitrary
societies,notwithstanding
niorofficer's
rolein one ofthemostdeeplyhierarchical tions"and succeedor failas theresultoftheirconseformsofsocialorganization
evercreated.Collectivede- quences.Boehm'ssecondpointis thatadaptivedecision
cisionmakingis muchmoredifferentiated
in modern makingis oftena group-level
process,in whicha large
of the community
discussesthe issues and
ones buthas the proportion
complexsocietiesthanin egalitarian
advantagethattheexistenceofwritten
recordsand the attemptsto reacha consensus.Some readersmay be
atBoehm'ssympathetic
touse questionnaires
treatment
ofgroupsemakeavailablea great surprised
opportunity
deal moreinformation
thanis typically
biologists
possibleto ac- lection,whichwas rejectedby evolutionary
as a viabletheory
duringtheI960s. However,thestatus
quirethrough
research.
ethnographic
Sabatierand Jenkins-Smith's
(I993) "policy learning" of groupselectionis rapidlychangingin evolutionary
hypothesisabout how policy evolves in the United biology,and Boehm'sanalysisis fullyconsistent
with
States demonstrates
view(reviewed
the powerof using quantitative theemerging
byWilsonandSoberI994,
data to dissectquite complexpolicyevolutionon the Sober and Wilson I997).
I will expandupon Boehm's
decadaltimescale. As withmilitaryleadership,
there In this commentary
is an uncannysimilarity
as a group-level
betweenBoehm'sdepictionof themeofhumancognition
process.Codecisionmakingin small-scalesocietiesand operationand altruismare usuallystudiedin the conemergency
the behaviorofparticipants
in the elementary
predator
de"policy textofphysicalactivitiessuchas hunting,
subsystem
advocacycoalitions"thatare at thecoreof fense, and aggression.However, cooperationand
altruismcan also be studiedin thecontextofcognitive
SabatierandJenkins-Smith's
model.
The paperraisesthecentralissuesofthearticulation activitiessuchas learning,
anddecisionmakmemory,
of individualand groupdecisionmakingand of genes ing.Foreach of theseactivities,groupsof individuals
in a coordinated
and culture.Whatdecisionsgroupswill makedepends working
fashionmightoutpertogether
on theattitudesandpredispositions
actingas self-contained
units.In
critically
thatpeo- formsingleindividuals
ple bringto the collectivedecision-making
process. fact,the benefitsof cognitivecooperation
mighteven
Boehmgives evidencethat participants
in the three surpassthe benefitsofphysicalcooperation,
since the
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1785
Our own
former
oftendo not need to be divided(in contrastto dependingon one's intellectualbackground.
designed
areexplicitly
thought politicalandjudicialinstitutions
foodsharing)and the processof coordinated
machines, so why
does not necessarilyrequireextremeself-sacrifice
(in as group-leveldecision-making
in
to findsimilararrangements
can shouldwe be surprised
in battle).Forexample,everyone
to bravery
contrast
and
benefitfroma gooddecision,and thementalcoordina- tribalsocieties?At the same time,psychologists
biologists
haveadoptedsuchan individualtionrequiredto make a gooddecisionas a groupneed evolutionary
overthepastfewdecadesthattheconisticperspective
member.
notbe costlyforanyparticular
neednotbe costly,it ceptofa "groupmind"appearsheretical.Recentdevelcooperation
Althoughcognitive
biologyaremakinggroup-level
Individualsmustinteract opmentsin evolutionary
doesneedto be coordinated.
in the rightway,just as neuronsmustinteractin the adaptationsrespectableagain,and Boehm'spaperprocognitionto take place at the vides a glimpseof unexploredvistas in the formof
rightway foreffective
cognition.
individuallevel.Forexample,decisionmakingis a se- group-level
evaluaquentialprocessthatinvolvesthe generation,
are
Whenindividuals
tion,andselectionofalternatives.
solutionsto a problemin
askedto generatealternative
theyusuallylist a verysmall Reply
experiments,
psychology
cancolGroupsofindividuals
subsetofthepossibilities.
thananysinmanymorealternatives
lectivelygenerate
BOEHM
gleindividualbutonlyiftheydo notinhibiteachother. CHRISTOPHER
duringtheearly Los Angeles, Calif., U.S.A. 8 viii 96
aredysfunctional
to conform
Pressures
theybeprocess,although
stagesofthedecision-making
have becomeapparent
come essentialduringthe finalstages,when a single Overtime,majorshortcomings
toexplainthehumancondiattempts
experi- in anthropological
is chosen.Controlledpsychological
alternative
to overlooktheimplitendency
mentshaveshownthatbetterdecisionsaremadewhen tion.One is a distortive
people
leadersencouragegroupmembersto disagreeandwith- cationsof maladaptivebehaviorsof nonliterate
theoppoI994), yetwe also errinprecisely
holdtheirown opinionsuntilothershave spoken(An- (seeEdgerton
presentaethnographic
leadersdo notact as site direction.In streamlining
dersonand BalzerI99I). Effective
the "brains"forthe groupbut rathermoderatethe tionsforpublication,we tendto take the impressive
of
achievements
strategizing
and emergency
process(Hogan,Curphy, everyday
decision-making
group-level
I addressed
thelatterissue,and
forgranted.
leaderswhoimposetheir nonliterates
andHoganI994). Overbearing
commentsreflectthe virsize of the the largelyverysupportive
own decisionsmerelyshrinkthe effective
and the interdisciplinary
outcomes tures of good ethnography
unittoN = i, oftenwithdisastrous
cognitive
at which
ofethnology
butalso thecrossroads
strengths
(Janis I972, i982).
problems
literature ourdisciplineis poised.The above-mentioned
reviewedthepsychological
I have recently
challengeforthosein searchof a
perspec- pose an interesting
ongroupdecisionmakingfroman evolutionary
divisivemalaise.Mysuggestion,
Boehm'sac- cureforanthropology's
tive(Wilsonn.d.).Againstthisbackground,
is thatstudyintrospection,
countof decisionmakingin tribalsocietyappearsre- in an eraofmethodological
involvedin activecopmarkablywell-adapted.Especially notable are the ingtheculturalmicroprocesses
andone
ofourbestefforts
thefreedom
andeven ingbehavioris a goalworthy
leadership,
absenceofoverbearing
processuallyoriented
to disagreeduringtheearlystagesofthe that could lead to an effective,
encouragement
of
ofcostsand definition
ofcultureand a moreusefulcombination
decision-making
process,andtheregulation
whena consensuscan- culturalandbiologicalapproachesbehaviors
ofalternative
benefits
ofexploita- The focuson emergency
decisionsmadeit easierto
notbe reached.It appearsthattheproblems
people'sdecisions,but
thatdominatetheoreticaldiscus- discernthe basis ofnonliterate
tion and free-riding
and altruismare largelyexcluded twocommentators
pointto thegroupdecisionbehavior
sionsof cooperation
Wilconcern.
the decision-makingofliteratemodernsas a presentandfuture
by the social normssurrounding
studiesofdecisions
sondemonstrates
thatpsychological
processin tribalsocieties.
and
In myopinion,Boehm'spaperrevealsonlythetipof in modernsocietyare alreadyquite sophisticated
have developedsomevery
as a group-level
process. pointsout thatnonliterates
theicebergofhumancognition
In additionto decisionmaking,a similarstorycanprob- usefultechniquesin theirconsensualapproachas they
and createa constructive
betweenindividualistic
interplay
ablybe toldformemory(WegnerI986), learning,
Richerson
believes
oriented
behaviors.
othercognitiveactivities(HutchinsI995). A singlehu- andcommunally
were extendedto
manmindis an impressive
organ,butit is feeblecom- that if the suggestedmethodology
to docutendency
paredwitha networkofhumanmindsthatinteractin modernsociety,withits convenient
to contemplate mentits decisions,thiswouldprovea boon to ethnofashion.It is fascinating
a coordinated
as graphicresearch.
thatthe humanmindevolvednot onlyto function
unitbutalso to playa rolein
Mithenand Knauftquestionthe overallimportance
an independent
cognitive
Mithensuggests
ofemergencydecisionsfornonliterates.
mentalprocessesthataredeeplycommunal.
like theroleofdecisionmak- that routinizedindividualdecisionsmay be the real
cognition,
Group-level
life,"while Knauftdrawsfromhis
ingin culturalevolution,can appearmundaneornovel "stuffof everyday
786 1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number S, December I996
childrenandthemenGebusiexperience
to suggestthatthegroup'sabilityto one can safelysaythatnormally
orinsanetendtobe outoftherunning,
dealwithemergencies
derivesfroma continuousmull- tallyretarded
but
I wouldagreethatroutine whataboutfemales?Problemswiththeinternalsocial
ingoverofroutineproblems.
invitesocial distancing
decisionsare basic. The main patternsof cultureare environment
and manipulative
anditis themoralcommunity
surelyformed
byindividualandgroupdecisionsthatare socialcontrol,
as a whole
everydecisionis made thatdecideswhois deviant;womenarefullparticipants.
well-routinized;
indeed,virtually
in the lightof previousdecisionmaking(Howardand Withthenaturalenvironment
itis logicalthatdecisions
even tendto involvemenor womento thedegreethateach
Ortiz I971). Furthermore,
as Richersonsuggests,
maybe seenas routin- sex is involvedin the subsistenceactivitiesdirectly
theemergency
decisionsI treated
at
a previoushurricane, issue;thiswilldiffer
radically
ized: theTikopiahad experienced
between,
say,theEskimo,
offeuding,
raid- wheremenareso directly
activein subsistence,
whiletheMursihada long-term
pattern
andthe
Fur- Iroquois,where women basically carrysubsistence
ing,warfare,
and pacification
withtheirneighbors.
farming.
Problemswiththepoliticalenvironthermore,
Meggitt(I977) basicallytreatsMae Engawar- through
I also agree mentusuallyaredebatedbymenas activewarriors,
faredecisionsas routinizedemergencies.
but
decisioninputas well,as
withKnauftthatthetrustbuiltup duringroutineprob- womenmayhave important
lemsolvingprovidesa socialcapitalwhichmakespossi- when Yanomamowomenencouragetheirmen to go
I be- raidingso thatothervillageswill be too intimidated
in timesof emergency.
ble smoothcollaboration
to
is needed; raid theirvillageforwomen(Chagnoni983). Further
lieve some terminological
improvement
suchas individual
versusgroup, directstudyofdecisionscouldhelpto clarify
dimensions
contrasting
remaining
versusemergency questionsabout the divisionof labor-and powerroutineversusnovel,and low-stress
wouldbe useful.However,I focuseddirectly
uponcol- betweenmalesandfemales.
Mithenexplicitlyapplaudsthe mentalisticinterests
novel)belectiveemergency
decisions(notnecessarily
who tryto studyactiveindigenous
advan- ofresearchers
stratmethodological
cause of theirverysignificant
so clearlyhumanintentions egizing,whileas a culturalanthropologist
Knauftsees
tage,becausetheyillustrate
as beingofreproductive
in action,and becausetheyhave the mostimmediate suchrealisticstrategizing
imsuccess.They portance.As a humanethologist
Eibl-Eibesfeldt
and discoverable
impacton reproductive
underalso may providea specialstimulusto culturalinno- lines the unique human capacityto share communicativelyin strategizing,
and he criticizescurrent
vation.
ofconnect- tendenciesto ignorehumaninteractions
Antweiler
emphasizesthegeneralbenefits
undertheinan- fluenceof "blind-watchmaker"
ing ethnography
more directlywith evolutionary
models.As a biologist
thropology
and calls attentionto Fjellman's(I976a, b) Wilsonagreesand suggeststhatstudying
culturalguidto implement)
emphasison "natu- ance of adaptiveprocessesis newerto culturalevolucogent(butdifficult
raldecisionmaking."The incorporation
ofdecisiondata tioniststhanto economists.Antweiler,
a culturalanobservesthatthecapacityofnonliterates
into studiesof transgenerational
changeas he thropologist,
directly
in thesubstantive tomakecopingdecisionsat thegrouplevelextendsback
suggestsmighthelpwithdifficulties
a pointwell-elaborated
studyof transmission
at the culturallevel. However, intoprehistory,
byMithen(i990)
standardization
maynotbe as an archeologist.
his call formethodological
practicalin the shortterm;I hope thatat least a few
Basically,myheavilypsychological
approachwas not
In spite
bythisvariedgroupofcommentators.
ethnographers
may be inspiredto put to use the very criticized
in anthropology,
audiovisualtechnology
avail- of some vehement"antimentalism"
potent(and inexpensive)
abletodaytorecordnonliterate
who would take
groupdecisionmeetings thereare manyculturalmaterialists
oremergency)
while indigenouscognitivestrategizing
into accountif only
(betheyroutineornovel,low-stress
localautonomy.
Fortu- theycouldaccess it ethnographically.
The challengeis
suchgroupsstillhavesignificant
thedegreeto whichnonliterates
nately,thereare stillsomeuntappedpublisheddatafor to determine
equipped
withbrainsidenticalto ourscan function
as competent
nonliterates
(e.g.,BioccaI970:36-37; MeadI966:36-44;
in problemareasin whichabsenceof
BoehmI983; McNabb i99i) and also manyroughde- systemstheorists
fieldnotesofanthropolo- formalscientificapparatusdoes not preventrealistic
in theunpublished
scriptions
In thiscontext,I disagreewithKent
deci- causal inferences.
gistswhichwouldhelpus toevaluatenonliterates'
Mithenpoints thatI have beenvagueor inappropriately
acumen.In thisconnection
sion-making
ethnocentric
thewidespread
outthatin thecase offoragers
anthropo- in evaluatingnonliterates'decisionsas "realistic"or
facedrought
andmigrate
toa place
theoryhas resultedin "rational."Ifforagers
logicaluse of optimalforaging
whatamountsto an ex postfactotestingoftheirdeci- wherewaterholestendnotto dryup andgameis likely
acumen:actualbehaviorshave correlated to congregate-andiftheydo so becausetheyareaware
sion-making
Withricherdata of the situationas describedand wish to be betterquitewellwiththeoretical
predictions.
itshouldbe possible nourished-thentheirpracticalactionis "realistic"by
onthecontentofdecisionmeetings
but mycommonsense
is likelytobring
behaviorpatterns
to contrast
notjusttheirobserved
yardstick.
Migration
in therealworld-as they(andwe)
also theirpracticalchoicecriteriawiththosepredicted materialadvantages
perceivesuch advantages-andthe causal reasoning
byourtheories.
Whocontributesaboutobservableneeds of plants,people,and animals
Knauftraisesthequestionofgender.
and forwateris also quitesimilartoours.IfI canunderstand
to "communal"decisionsis obviouslyimportant,
BOEHM
EmergencyDecisions and Group Selection 1787
theirdecision debate, I can ascertainthat they are not selection (Richerson and Boyd i985) and empirically
using some radically alternativesystem of causal rea- tested models of cultural transmission(Cavalli-Sforza
soning, such as a supernaturalone, that happens to and Feldman I984). It is our job as ethnographers
to dispromptsimilar behavioral results. One reason for the cernwhat, if any,basic "units" of culturemay be presgood match between our predictionssurelyis thatpeo- ent on the groundand as ethnologiststo defineculture.
ple can starveto death as a resultof droughts.Foragers The attemptto describethefuzzilybounded,changeable
have a serious need to be realistic.
cultural"elements" involved in decision debates was a
One still mightargue that foragersare enactingcul- preliminaryeffort
in these directions,and it is gratifying
turallyhabitual patternsof behaviorwhich are held in that Eibl-Eibesfeldtand Mithen agree the meme is not
place by self-organizing
cultural mechanisms-so long a veryusefulconceptwhile no one objectsto myprelimas people survive.I explicitlyset aside this teleonomic inarytreatmentof cultural"elements."
aspect of cultural traditionbecause it is so difficultto
Kentoverlooksmycriticismofoverlyrigidextensions
study at the level of microprocess,but Eibl-Eibesfeldt ofbiologicalconceptsto accuse me-in effect-ofdoing
and othershave mentionedit. On the basis of tradition, verymuch what I was attacking.Her argumentis not
the apparentlyuseful taboos cited by Kent may be held entirelyclear to me, but it seems to be thatgenes don't
in place "automatically,"and Durham (i 99i) has devel- behave like people or people like genes and this is an
oped a detailed hypothesisabout West Africantaboos obstacle to drawing analogies between biological and
on yam consumptionas an unrealized mechanismthat cultural evolution. It has been culturalanthropologists
amelioratescell-sicklingeffects.The advantageofstudy- who set culture offby itself,overlookingthe fact that
ing decisions directlyand in detail is that we can at people (and also groups) are the vehicles which carry
least beginto describethe deliberatelyorganized,guided genes,thatthe reproductivefatesof individualsand the
phase of culturalprocess, identifyindigenouspractical demographicfates of groups governthe frequenciesof
reasonin action,and evaluate its realisticeffects.Super- genesin a genepool, and thatwe dependon geneswhich
naturalreasoningdoes have its place, even in the forma- channel our behavioral potential in certain directions
tion and execution of realisticallyconceived decisions. such as hungerand sociality.Thus, we are speakingof
To surviveand prosper,the Mursi certainlyhad to un- an interlockingset of processes and not a mere "analderstandtheirrathercomplicatedproblemson a realistic ogy." Given our tremendousanthropologicaldifficulties
basis-but then the priest had to bless their military withtryingto studyculturalstabilityand change,I have
expedition. With all these considerationsin mind, I found it natural to look for cues in the already wellthinkit is ethnologicallyusefulto "applyWesternviews understoodprocess ofgeneticvariationand selectivereofwhat is or is not 'realistic'or 'rational'to non-Western tentionand to search forforcesthat select or eliminate
societies," particularlywhen it comes to emergencyde- aspects of culture.Human choice is a prominentseleccisions that clearlyinvolve serious threatsto reproduc- tive agency,and in explainingits action it is reasonable
tive success.
to get theoretical help from any quarter that seems
Mithen agrees that hunter-gatherers
are "realists" promising.Indeed, it may well be our reluctance to
with a profound(realistic) understandingof cultural make analogical connectionswith biologythathas preecologyand suggeststhat nonliteratesthemselveshave vented our gettinga bettergeneral purchase on "culno problem about the distinctionbetween "realistic" ture" as anthropology'skey concept. Kent's difficulties
and "supernatural";theymix theirmethodsverynicely. with my interpretation
of "egalitarianism"seem to be
He also pointsout a problemwith my analysis: I do not generic,so I shall simplv point out that what I mean
deal with the unintendedconsequences of decisions. I by "egalitarianism"is a political situationin which the
dodged that bullet here but have covered it previously subordinatesremainfir.nlyin controland are guidedby
(Boehm I978). I suggestthatas decision makingcontin- an egalitarianethos; this can be applied to varioustypes
ues over time, trials are made and errorscorrectedif ofsociety(see BoehmI993, I994). IfKentthinksI was
possible; unintended consequences are one important includingTikopia as a typicalegalitariansocietyshe has
typeof "error."
seriouslymisreadmy argument,but the Tikopians did
Anthropologists
appearto be increasinglyopen to tak- use public assemblies to debate theirpossibilitiesand
ing into account the intentions of nonliterates(e.g., make decisions.
MacLaughlan I983; Boehm I983, I986; Mithen I989,
Kent's criticismsaside, members of this "panel" of
I990; Durham i99i), and I hope that the methodology anthropologistsand biologistswho share an interestin
presentedwill stimulatefurtherattempts.However,an cultureas a process seems to agreethatculture,with its
obstacle to bringinghuman intentionsinto human be- strongintentionalcomponent,must be studied on its
havioral ecology has been the enthusiasticand produc- own terms-even thoughanalogiesfrombiologymaybe
tive anthropologicalcannibalization of self-organizing useful. The circle of anthropologistswilling to engage
biological models. Indeed, it is biologistsinterestedin in such discourseabout human behaviorand its organicultureas a process who have come up with not only zation appearsto be growing,and thismay be propitious
"memes" (Dawkins I976; see also Durham i99i) but, fora disciplinewhich-I quite agreewith Kent-is facmore apt, "culturgens" (Lumsden and Wilson i98i). ing an identitycrisis. The crisis has many causes, but
Fromother"outsiders"thereare dual-inheritancemod- one may be the past half-century'stendency toward
els that relate the mechanisms of culturaland natural "fashions" that have made the growthof explanatory
788 1 CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume 37, Number S, December I996
powerin culturalanthropology
rathersporadic.Close traitsif theyare not too costly.This has implications
investigation
ofthe guidedaspectofculturalproblem- forhumannatureitself,forit providesa selectionbasis
solvingprocess may provideanthropological
theory forgenuine(as opposedto sociallyenforced)
altruism.
buildingwitha chanceto regainitsholisticvitalityand
Eibl-Eibesfeldtemphasizes parental investment,
also a possibility
formorecumulativegrowth
in explan- whichmakesfamiliesveryimportant
as vehiclesofseatorypower.
lection(see also Wilsonand SoberI994). Forexample,
bandtemporarily
atomizesin the face
With respectto paleoanthropological
implications,whena forager
its individualfamiliesformulate
theirown
Knauft
andAntweiler
seemtoagreethatextantforagers' ofhardship,
Eibl-Eibesfeldt
strategies.
also suggests
thatcerdecisionscan be projectedbackwards,
a positionthat varying
behaviorsmaybe extensions
ofmaternal
Mithen(i990) is alreadyon recordas favoring,
and tainaltruistic
Knauftagreesthatsuch groupdecisionshad implica- or paternalbehaviorsthathave workedwell reproductionsforgroupselection.Not everyoneaddressesthis tivelyat thefamilylevelandareextendedto thegroup.
parallelsmyownanalysisofaltruistic
conanthropologically
controversial
issue, but Wilson-as Thisdirectly
innonhuman
primates
(Boehmi981),
biology'sforemost
and mostinsistentadvocateofthat flictinterventions
is correctin suggesting
thatin huparticular
heresy-ispredictably
favorable.
He correctly and Eibl-Eibesfeldt
ingreatly
pointsout thatsomething
like a substantial
paradigm mansideologiesand symbolicidentification
suchextensionsofparentalbehaviorfromclose
shiftmay be in the worksin his own disciplineand tensify
concentrates
hereon thepsychology
typeofarguofdecisionmaking kinto theentiregroup.This "pleiotropic"
yetanotheravenueforexplaining
altruism
(advantages
go to groupsoverindividuals)
and thenu- mentoffers
ances of groupdecisionprocessas studiedin modern (seeBoehmi996).
This discussionhas focusedon an empiricalprosociety.He pointsout majorsimilarities
betweenthe
decision-making
dynamicsof modemdecisiongroups cessualanalysisofdecisionsmadebynonliterate
groups
I arandthebehav- butalso on a numberoftheoretical
ramifications.
(thosefoundto operatemosteffectively)
in theircouncils.In an era guedfora methodology
thatcould provideimportant
iorofegalitarian
nonliterates
ofmethodological
Wilson'sthoughts
on leveragein gettingat cultureas a microprocess,
using
individualism,
I believethata smalldose groupdecisionsas a "naturallaboratory."
The com"groupmind"arerefreshing.
of "methodological
collectivism"would do anthropol- ments,whilediverse,seemedquitefavorable
to suchan
and to extendingit to less stressful
ogysome real good-if the emphasiswereplaced di- enterprise
smallrectlyon cohesive,cooperative,
action-oriented
groups groupdecisions,includingthosein modernsociety.By
and how they try to cope directlywith common extrapolating
the findings
to prehistory
I have made a
case forgroupselection'soperating
morerobustly
with
problems.
Richerson'ssubstantiveforaysinto groupselection humansthanis currently
thoughtto be possible,and I
havebeenprimarily
at thelevelofculturalgroup am gratified
thatthispositionwas attackedbynoneand
theory
selectionand specifically
warfare
as a factorthatraises supported
bysome.
The discussionsuggeststhatthemethodology
rates(Soltis,Boyd,andRicherson
undergroupextinction
i995;
I havemadeis soundandthatthere
see also Boydand Richersoni99i). Bycontrast,
I have lyingthearguments
interestin thestudyofcultural-selection
focusedon theintentional
selectionofbehavioral
strate- is continuing
effects
ofgroupdecisionsonbasic mechanicsin theirteleologicalaspect.I am convinced
giesandthelong-term
Darwinian selection mechanisms.Richersondeems thatin the futuretraditional
theoretical
and methodplausiblemyhypothesis
thattheegalitarian
approachto ologicalbiasesneed not obscurefromus theproblemlifereducedthepowerofindividualselectionandat the solvingaccomplishments
ofnonliterates,
as wellas their
sametimeenhancedgroupeffects.
To paraphrase
Rich- sometimesgrievousadaptivemissteps.Withrespectto
and its moreintegrated
culturalpatternsar- ethnology
and cumulativefuerson,thismeansthategalitarian
rivedat by forager
groupscouldhave affected
natural- ture,I hopethatwhatever
mileagehas beengainedhere
selectionmechanicsoverthelongrun;Knauftconcurs. fromputtingdecisionprocessesunderan ethnographic
The effect
was to promotegroupselectionand provide microscopemay interestotheranthropologists
in aca betterbasis forexplainingaltruisticand cooperative tivelyexploring
researchpossibilities
in thisdirection.
behaviors.
I musttreatseparately
Kent'sfavorable
comment
that
"Boehmpresentsa compellingargument
againstusing
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