The Extent to Which the Commonwealth Games Accelerated the

To What Extent has the
Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical,
Social, and Economic
Regeneration of East
Manchester?
A Dissertation by
Lauren Newby
March 2003
CONTENTS
SECTION
PAGE
1.
INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................1
2.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT – EAST MANCHESTER ......................................................5
3.
THE CASE FOR THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES TO BE HELD IN EAST
MANCHESTER ..........................................................................................................13
4.
THE CONTRIBUTION THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES MADE TOWARDS
ACCELERATING THE ECONOMIC REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER ..27
5.
THE CONTRIBUTION THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES MADE TOWARDS
ACCELERATING THE PHYSICAL REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER ....39
6.
THE CONTRIBUTION THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES MADE TOWARDS
ACCELERATING THE SOCIAL REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER.........49
7.
EFFECTIVENESS OF A SPORTS-LED REGENERATION STRATEGY AND THE
FUTURE OF EAST MANCHESTER ..........................................................................59
8.
CONCLUSIONS .........................................................................................................71
APPENDICES
A – Bibliography
B – List of Consultees
C – Statistical Baseline
With thanks to all who have supported me in the development of
this dissertation, particularly those who gave up time to allow me to
interview them and shared information with me
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
1.
INTRODUCTION
1.1 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH
The 17th Commonwealth Games, 2002, were hosted by the City of Manchester, from July
25th to August 4th. It was hailed as the largest multi-sport event ever held in the UK. East
Manchester, one of the most deprived areas in England, had been chosen as the area
where ‘Sportcity’ would be built in the early 1990’s. The prime focus of Manchester City
Council was to use a major sporting event as a vehicle to bring substantial investment into
East Manchester.
The aim of this research is to consider the question:
To what extent has the Commonwealth Games accelerated the physical,
economic, and social regeneration of East Manchester?
The role of sport as a tool of regeneration has been an area of intense debate in recent
years. Its transformational impacts have been most prominent in the case of Barcelona,
where the hosting of the 1992 Olympics was perceived to have had a significant
regenerative impact on the city.
The role that sport can play in regenerating areas of
deprivation has risen high on the policy agenda in recent years, namely through the Social
Exclusion Unit’s Policy Action Team report on the role that arts and sport can play in
combating social exclusion, and the role agencies such as Sport England have played in the
regeneration agenda. The aim of this research is to examine the extent to which a sporting
mega-event has impacted on the regeneration of the community of East Manchester where
the majority of sporting infrastructure investment occurred.
1.2 THE RESEARCH METHOD
The research method was largely qualitative. It included:

Undertaking an extensive literature review, which included the review of background
material on East Manchester, academic thinking on the role of sport as a regeneration
tool, and findings to date on the role that the Commonwealth Games has played in
regenerating East Manchester. It also considered examples from elsewhere, including
Sheffield, Barcelona, and Sydney.
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A review of all national, regional, and local policy documentation, which informs the
context for regeneration in East Manchester, and the role a sporting mega-event could
play in the regeneration of the area.

Statistical analysis of socio-economic conditions, examining the ‘pre-Games’ and ‘postGames’ position on a number of indicators, including demography, business mix,
unemployment and social exclusion, education and skills, crime and disorder, housing,
health, and environment. This information indicates change over time in East
Manchester, and the extent to which this change could be attributed to the Games is
debated in this report.

Review of the impact of the Games on the regeneration of East Manchester through
considering secondary sources of information, namely the Cambridge Policy
Consultants research into the ‘Economic Impact of the Commonwealth Games’.

Twelve strategic consultations with regional and local strategic partners and service
providers, including the North West Development Agency, Manchester City Council,
New Deal for Communities, and New East Manchester Ltd.

Two academic consultations with Professor Brian Robson, Director of the Centre of
Urban Policy Studies at Manchester University, and Chris Gratton, Director of the
Leisure Industries Research Centre at Sheffield Hallam University.

Community consultation with eight community and voluntary sector representatives.
This included five consultations with the community representatives on the Beacons
Board, one small focus group with three residents of a local Tenants and Residents
Association, one consultation with a resident who works for New Deal for Communities
as part of the Resident Liaison Team, and one consultation with a voluntary sector
representative from the Beswick and Bradford Community Project.

Three private sector consultations with a new investor (Asda), the private sector
representative on the Beacons Board, and with the Chair of the East Manchester
Partnership (a private sector partnership).
In total, 25 consultations were achieved. A full list of consultees can be found in Appendix B.
1.3 STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION
The remainder of the dissertation can be summarised as:

Section 2: The historical context of East Manchester

Section 3: The case for the Commonwealth Games to be held in East Manchester

Section 4: The contribution the Commonwealth Games made towards accelerating the
economic regeneration of East Manchester

Section 5: The contribution the Commonwealth Games made towards accelerating the
physical regeneration of East Manchester

Section 6: The contribution the Commonwealth Games made towards accelerating the
social regeneration of East Manchester
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Section 7: The effectiveness of a sports-led regeneration strategy and the future of East
Manchester

Section 8: Conclusions
1.4 STUDY AREA
Map 1.1 illustrates the location of East Manchester in relation to the Manchester City Council
area. For the purposes of this research East Manchester has been defined as the two wards
of Beswick and Clayton, and Bradford.
MAP 1.1: LOCATION MAP
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2.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT – EAST MANCHESTER
2.1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
East Manchester stretches from the city centre eastwards towards the city boundary,
including distinct neighbourhoods such as Beswick, Bradford, Clayton, and Openshaw. East
Manchester was, historically, characterised by expanding and prosperous light and heavy
engineering industry. In the early 1970s, East Manchester supported 34,000 jobs, two thirds
of which were in engineering, textiles and coal-mining.
However, industrial decline began to set in from the late 1960s, when a number of major
employers closed their works, including the Bradford Colliery (1968), Gorton Works (1965),
Bayer Peacock (1968), English Steel (1973), Bradford Gas Works and Stuart Street Power
station (1975), and Manchester Steel (1985).
By the mid-1980s, 20,000 jobs had
disappeared; unemployment rose, and firm closures created large tracts of vacant and
under-used buildings and land.
created.
There was over 250 hectares of vacant industrial land
The economic decline of the area led to severe social as well as economic
problems. Tye et.al (1994, p.45) found that “the area is characterised by a higher than
average number of pensioners and of lone parents, by high levels of dependence on welfare
benefits, and has difficulty attracting young working age people. The population of East
Manchester is characterised by high measurable levels of poverty and low income, and a
concentration of the most vulnerable elements of urban society”.
Remaining important employers in East Manchester include ICL Computers, Sharp
Electronics, and GEC. The environmental consequences of heavy industry decline presents
a generally unattractive picture to potential investors: “the scars left by industrial decline
contribute to a poor environment, which is inimical to confidence, a good quality of life,
private investment and high quality economic activity” (Tye et.al, 1994, p.48).
East Manchester can therefore be seen as typical of many inner city areas in the north of
England: a declining economic base, social problems manifesting themselves in high
unemployment and benefit dependency, low educational attainment, high crime rates, and a
poor quality environment. The area’s population fell as many of the economically active left.
Shopping facilities were poor, and leisure and recreational provision was limited.
Lord
Rogers of Riverside, in Minutes of Evidence for the Proposed Urban White Paper in 2000
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drew on the case of East Manchester in indicating the need for an urban renaissance: “It has
a density of about eight households per hectare. The density used to be eight times that at
its peak…It is real dereliction and we have to start to look at the problems of institutions.
Because there is such poverty – physical and social – everyone wants to get out”. Tye et.al,
1994, p.48, highlights how the “dispersed neighbourhoods and lack of identity, combined
with poor road and public transport links have constrained economic development and
contributed to the isolation of local residents and their access to the wider Manchester labour
market”.
2.2 HISTORIC REGENERATION PROCESS
East Manchester has been high on the regeneration policy agenda for the last couple of
decades. The difficulty was how to bring about successful regeneration on the large scale
required, indeed ODPM in ‘Urban Regeneration Companies: A Process Evaluation’ stated
“The area presents an immense challenge in terms of the scale and complexity of tackling so
large and complex an area”.
A plethora of initiatives have been carried out in East
Manchester over the years in a response to the need for regeneration in the area. These
included the ‘East Manchester Initiative’ which was funded through the Urban Programme
and Derelict Land Grant funding, and focused on acquisition, reclamation and landscaping.
The initiative invested £9m in 250 schemes in the area between 1982-89 to acquire and
demolish derelict buildings, landscape vacant sites and prepare land for development. The
aim of this exercise was to bring back private investment and jobs into the area. Thus, the
focus was strongly on physical regeneration, based on the ideology that this would lead to
economic regeneration.
The East Manchester Planning Framework introduced in 1983 set out a number of
objectives for the area, including: the need to assist in the economic recovery of the area; to
reintroduce a wider range of housing opportunities into East Manchester; to improve the
environment; to improve accessibility; and to improve the quantity and quality of community
facilities.
The Framework was used to reassess land use allocations, rationalise and
improve the quality of land available, and co-ordinate reclamation initiatives.
A report
commissioned by Manchester City Council on the mechanisms needed to revitalise the area
concluded that an Urban Development Agency (UDA) was required to offer a multi-agency
approach to tackling the area’s problems.
However, instead Central Manchester was
designated an Urban Development Corporation, and this, combined with a developing
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budgetary crisis and perceived private sector interest in the area meant that a UDA was no
longer considered relevant.
The East Manchester Development Strategy was put in place in the late 1980s.
It
consisted of a number of key elements, including the need to attract and develop new firms,
help indigenous firms to flourish, and enable the local labour force to access available jobs.
A critical need to develop the strategically significant site at ‘Eastlands’ (the 250 acre former
Gasworks) was identified, recognising this site could generate employment and boost the
area’s image. The resulting East Manchester Action Programme in January 1989 identified
opportunities to be taken forward. In 1990 an East Manchester Team was established within
the Chief Executive’s Department at Manchester City Council which was responsible for coordinating action under the East Manchester Development Strategy.
In the early 1990s, there was recognition by MCC and its partners that a mega-event such
as hosting the Olympics could offer a mechanism for promoting the regeneration of East
Manchester and also generate wider investment opportunities.
In 1992, the East
Manchester Regeneration Strategy was produced and was based on three factors, one of
which was the provision of sports and leisure facilities of international importance at the
Eastlands site in East Manchester. A sports-led regeneration strategy began to evolve from
this period onwards.
It is apparent that, historically, regeneration thinking for the area was largely focused on
physical regeneration, on the premise that economic and social regeneration would follow.
Whilst significant investment in the physical environment has been targeted at the area over
the last two decades, many of the initiatives have failed to secure long-term sustainable
economic and social benefits. Thinking on mechanisms for regeneration have evolved
significantly over the 1990s, towards a much more holistic model, incorporating physical,
economic and social aims and objectives. Since 1999 East Manchester has been fortunate
in being awarded a number of comprehensive regeneration initiatives, including New Deal
for Communities, Single Regeneration Budget, Urban Regeneration Company, Education
Action Zone and Sport Action Zone. Map 2.2 overleaf illustrates the boundaries of these
initiatives, and a summary of their intentions for East Manchester is outlined on pages 8-11.
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2.3 CURRENT REGENERATION CONTEXT
There are a number of regeneration initiatives currently underway in East Manchester. The
key initiatives are outlined in brief below.
Beacons for a Brighter Future
The Beacons for a Brighter Future project includes two major initiatives: New Deal for
Communities (NDC), which covers the neighbourhoods of Beswick and Openshaw, and has
a population of 11,231 (NDC Delivery Plan, 1999), and Single Regeneration Budget (SRB)
Round 5. The SRB5 scheme ensures that those parts of Openshaw and Beswick excluded
from the NDC programme are the focus for complementary activity, and Clayton is also
included in the SRB5 initiative. The combined budget is approximately £77m. “Beacons for
a Brighter Future provides the opportunity, firstly, to stem the decline of the area and then to
ensure its comprehensive and long-term regeneration” (NDC, Delivery Plan, 1999, p.8).
New Deal for Communities provides the scope to ensure that investment in physical
regeneration is made in conjunction with investment in local people, and to ensure that local
people capture the benefits of regeneration.
There are seven programme areas within the ‘Beacons for a Brighter Future’ project: Crime,
Education, Health, Worklessness, Physical environment, Local Services, and Community
capacity and cohesion. The ‘Beacons for a Brighter Future’ Partnership provides strategic
direction to the regeneration of East Manchester, and aims to ensure complementarity
between the New Deal for Communities and the Single Regeneration Budget initiatives and
other regeneration initiatives operating in the area.
New East Manchester Ltd
New East Manchester (NEM) was launched in October 1999, and formally incorporated as a
Company limited by guarantee in February 2000.
NEM was the second pilot Urban
Regeneration Company (URC) to be established in England, and is a joint venture between
Manchester City Council, North West Development Agency (NWDA) and English
Partnerships (EP). ODPM sees the URC in East Manchester as a “once-in-a-generation
opportunity to reverse the fortunes of the area” (Urban Regeneration Companies: A Process
Evaluation). Between them, the partners of NEM bring a range of powers and resources,
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including planning authority, CPO powers, finances and land holdings.
The three main
partners are contributing equally towards the running of the Company, which was given a
budget of £750K for its first year.
The objective of setting up NEM was to provide a strategic focus and single purpose delivery
body to lead and co-ordinate the regeneration of key parts of major urban areas. NEM has
produced an overarching strategic regeneration framework for the area which has two core
objectives:

To create sustainable communities, making East Manchester an attractive place to live,
work, invest and visit; and

To ensure that East Manchester maximises the contribution it can make to the local,
regional, and national economy.
The framework is, by definition, an overarching plan for the area. There are six frameworks
for action identified within the plan, including: education, housing, retail, community,
transport, and physical development.
In September 2001, £54m of ERDF money was
awarded to NEM, with a focus on three priority areas:

P1: Business support and employment = £1.3m

P2: Community and economic development = £7.13m

P3: Delivery of major strategic initiatives = £46m
NEM is expected to attract a total of £2bn in public and private sector funds over its fifteenyear lifetime.
East Manchester Education Action Zone (EAZ)
The EAZ incorporates 17 schools and 6,500 pupils in East Manchester.
It began in
December 1999 and its vision is to “ensure that all children, young people, and adults in East
Manchester realise their educational potential, and are equipped with the confidence,
qualifications, and skills, to enable them to make a positive contribution to the social and
economic well-being of their community” (East Manchester EAZ Action Plan). The EAZ will
access over £4.1m of funds over its three-year lifetime.
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East Manchester Sports Action Zone (SAZ)
East Manchester secured SAZ status in 2000. The Sports Action Zone is funded by Sport
England through the National Lottery for five years commencing September 2000.
The SAZ is intended to help bring the benefits of sport to deprived communities. It is a
response to the PAT 10 report, on best practice in using arts, sports and leisure to engage
people in poor neighbourhoods. The SAZ national aims are: to work to help those that excel
to succeed in their chosen sport; to work with young people involved in anti-social behaviour;
to work with community health services to support people in poor health, to provide
education, training and support for community sport workers, to set up local sports clubs
where none exist, and to make sport centres more accessible.
The East Manchester SAZ identified ‘Sport and the Commonwealth Games’ as a major
theme. The SAZ will access £300,000 over its five-year lifetime.
East Manchester is host to numerous other initiatives, including a ‘Surestart’ scheme in
Clayton, an SRB4 scheme focused on a narrow investment corridor between Ashton Old
Road and New Road, a city-wide Excellence in Cities initiative, and a recently completed
Health Action Zone which covered Manchester, Salford and Trafford as a whole. A key
task for New East Manchester Ltd has been to co-ordinate the many funded and unfunded
initiatives operating across all or part of East Manchester.
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3.
THE CASE FOR THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES TO BE HELD IN EAST
MANCHESTER
3.1 RATIONALE FOR BIDDING FOR THE GAMES
The failure of the numerous regeneration initiatives deployed throughout the 1980s to
reverse the decline in East Manchester led to new thinking by Manchester City Council
(MCC) on the role that a mega-event such as the Olympics could play in regenerating the
area. The most promising Olympic Stadium site lay at Eastlands in East Manchester. MCC
bid to host the 1996 Olympic Games and were unsuccessful.
Reflections upon the
unsuccessful bid indicated the need to emphasise a real commitment to the Olympics.
Manchester accessed a £55m grant that enabled the City to support its pledge to have sport
complexes under construction by 1993, including the construction of a velodrome and indoor
arena. This was intended to help strengthen a renewed bid for the Olympic Games in 2000.
In September 1993, Manchester discovered it had been, once again, unsuccessful at bidding
for the 2000 Olympic Games.
Manchester was encouraged to bid instead for the
Commonwealth Games in 2002: “Manchester was awarded the Commonwealth Games in
the aftermath of its enthusiastic but doomed bids to hold the Olympic Games in 1996 and
2000. At the time it looked like a consolation prize” (Thames et.al, 2000, p.54). Manchester
discovered it was the successful host city of the 17th Commonwealth Games in 1995.
The Need for Intervention
The need for intervention in East Manchester is evidenced by socio-economic conditions in
the area before the successful Commonwealth Games bid. The statistical overview outlined
below identifies the pre-Games (i.e. before 1995) baseline position, drawing on information
from the 1991 Census and 1995 ABI/Nomis. In some cases, the baseline position refers to
information sourced from 1999, which is when a large-scale residents survey was carried out
as part of the Beacons for a Brighter Future baseline. The complete statistical baseline can
be found in Appendix C.
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In 1991, East Manchester (as defined by the two wards of Bradford and Beswick and
Clayton) had a population of 23,405. The population had declined over time in line with the
decline in the economic base, particularly through the out-migration of the economically
active. In 1991, only 56% of the population were of working age, compared with a national
average of 61.2%.
The area had a particularly high dependent population.
The
characteristics of the population are illustrated below in Figure 3.1.
Figure 3.1: Demographic Characteristics, 1991
100%
80%
60%
Working age
Retired age
15 years and under
Working age
Retired age
15
18.4
18.5
18.7
18.7
56
58.9
60.5
61.2
10
5
40%
20%
Total Population
25.6
22.6
0%
20.8
20.1
% Change
% of total population
15 years and under
Figure 3.2: Population Change: 1991 – 1998/2001
0
-5
-10
-15
-20
East Manchester
Source: NomisCrown Copyright
Manchester
North West
Source: 1991 Census/2001 CensusCrown Copyright
*East Manchester figure is taken from the 1998 Oxford
University estimates
Between 1991 and 1998 East Manchester lost 4.7% of its population (1998 Oxford
University Population Estimates). This compared unfavourably with population growth in
Manchester, the North West, and GB of 3.5, 4.2 and 12.3 percentage points respectively
over the 1991 to 2001 Census periods.
Manchester is the third most deprived local authority district in England on the 2000 Indices
of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) district rank. The wards of Bradford and Beswick and Clayton
are some of the worst deprived in England, scoring particularly poorly on the income,
employment, and health indices. Map 3.1 highlights the extent of deprivation on the overall
IMD. Maps of the individual domains are illustrated in Section 4, 5, and 6 respectively.
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GB
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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Map 3.1: Extent of Deprivation in Manchester, 2000
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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In 1995, there were 12,000 employees in employment in East Manchester, of which 85.1%
were full-time, and 14.9% were part-time.
The dominance of full-time working in East
Manchester is indicative of a traditional manufacturing economy.
There were 705
businesses in 1995 according to the Annual Business Inquiry. The employment mix of East
Manchester is illustrated in Figure 3.3.
Figure 3.3: Employees in Employment by Sector, 1995
Public
administration,
education and
health
22%
Other Services
2%
Manufacturing
37%
Banking, finance,
& insurance
4%
Transport and
communications
9%
Distribution, hotels
and restaurants
22%
Construction
4%
Source: AES/ABICrown Copyright
The dependence on the manufacturing industry is particularly apparent, accounting for 37%
of total employment, which compared with 17.6% nationally. Only 1.3% of the firms in East
Manchester employed more than 200 people, however, this 1.3% accounted for 26.4% of
overall employment, illustrating the importance of large employers to the economy.
Levels of entrepreneurship for Manchester as a whole were above average, as outlined in
Table 3.1. However the City Centre will have had a significant impact upon these figures,
and consultation findings suggest that entrepreneurial behaviour in East Manchester was
low. .
Table 3.1
Indicators of Entrepreneurship, 1995
Manchester
North West
Stocks at start of year
9,995
159,875
VAT registrations
1,285
15,915
VAT de-registrations
1,215
18,445
Churn
+70
-2,530
Registrations as a % of stock
12.6
9.6
Registrations per 10,000 population
29.8
23.1
Source: Inter-departmental Business Register
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GB
1,556,960
160,360
170,095
-9,735
10.3
28.1
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Unemployment in East Manchester has traditionally been significantly above the Manchester
average.
The area also had below average economic activity, with only 58% of the
population economically active compared to 67.2% in England as a whole.
Figure 3.4: Rate of Unemployment, 1996
Figure 3.5: Economic Activity and Inactivity, 1991
100%
25
Dec-96
20
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
15
40%
30%
10
20%
10%
0%
5
0
% Economically inactive
% Economically Active
Source: NomisCrown Copyright
Source: 1991 CensusCrown Copyright
East Manchester was characterised by above average youth unemployment, at 32.1% of all
claimants in 1996, compared to 25.5% in GB. It also had average long-term unemployment,
at 43.3% compared to 36.3% in GB. Benefit dependency was high with 27.5% of the 16+
population claiming Income Support, and 15.7% claiming Incapacity Benefit in 1998.
Car ownership was low in 1991, with 67.5% of households not owning a car, compared with
56.6% in Manchester as a whole.
Household Income was also low, with only 17% of
households receiving over £200 per week (excluding housing benefit) in 1999, according to
the NDC Residents Perceptions Survey. This survey also recorded 49% of households
reporting financial difficulties, and 35% of households not having access to a bank account.
Many primary and secondary schools in East Manchester were under-achieving in 1999
relative to the Manchester and national average.
Truancy was an issue, particularly in
secondary schools, with an attendance rate of 79% in East Manchester compared to 93.8%
in England according to NDC figures for 1999. A below average proportion of Year 11
school leavers went into further and higher education relative to the Manchester average,
and 11.6% became unemployed.
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Basic skill deficiencies were particularly significant in the wards of East Manchester, with
numeracy deficiencies very high - 30.1% of the working age population held low numeracy
skills in Bradford, and 29.9% in Beswick and Clayton. The 1999 Skills Audit revealed that
only 6% of respondents held qualifications above NVQ level 3.
Housing in East Manchester was predominantly local authority/housing association owned in
1991, accounting for 56.7% of all households, compared with 24.3% in GB. Private renting
was also above average at 11.3%. House prices in the area were low, and a significant part
of the private housing stock was suffering from negative equity. In October-December 1998,
the average house price in the area was £18,810, compared to £54,075 in Manchester as a
whole. The majority of the housing in the area falls into Council Tax Band A (96.6%).
Housing void rates were 16% in 1999, and there was a high turnover of 23.5% in social
housing. According to the 1999 Resident Perception Survey, 76% of residents had plans to
move outside the area, and of this figure, 29% attributed their reasons for moving as wanting
a better neighbourhood.
Poor health was also evident in East Manchester, with a Standard Mortality Rate of 147 in
1999, compared to 100 in the UK. Low birth weight babies accounted for 10.9% of all babies
born in 1997, compared to 7.8% in the UK. Teenage pregnancy rates were high, at 114.7
per 1,000 girls aged 15-17 compared to 45.9 in the UK. Long-term illness in households
stood at 18.8% in 1991, compared to 12.7% in GB. There were 188 registered drug users
recorded in East Manchester in 1999.
Crime in the area was high, with 81.3 recorded burglaries per 1,000 households in 1999,
compared to 72.6 in Manchester as a whole. The Residents’ Perception Survey found that
63% of residents felt unsafe walking in the area after dark, and 53% felt the area was less
safe than two years before.
Overall, only 46% of residents were satisfied with their neighbourhood in 1999 according to
the Residents Perception Survey. 52% felt that the neighbourhood was getting worse. Only
18% felt satisfied with their accessibility to sports and leisure facilities.
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Thus, to summarise: the pre-Games position in East Manchester highlights how the area
suffered from a number of deep-seated and inter-linked problems: population decline; an
increasing dependent population; a dependence on traditional industry; high unemployment
and social exclusion; high crime rates and fear of crime; poor health; poor environment and
a high proportion of social housing; and high levels of resident dissatisfaction with the area.
This set the context for the need for regenerative action in East Manchester.
3.2 THE POLICY CONTEXT
The Social Exclusion Unit’s (SEU) National Strategy Action Plan for A New Commitment
to Neighbourhood Renewal describes how “many neighbourhoods have been stuck in a
spiral of decline. Areas with high crime and unemployment rates acquired poor reputations,
so people, shops and employers left. As people moved out, high turnover and empty homes
created more opportunities for crime, vandalism and drug-dealing” (2001, p.7). The Action
Plan recognises that government policies have sometimes been part of the problem, with
departments working at cross-purposes on problems that required a joined-up response.
Too much reliance was put on short-term regeneration initiatives in a handful of areas.
Furthermore, “Government failed to harness the knowledge and energy of local people, or
empower them to develop their own solutions” (p.7).
The Urban White Paper published in 2000 stated “previous governments failed to stem
urban decline because they only addressed part of the problem, and ignored the underlying
causes. Often, they forgot that urban policies are not just about bricks and mortar, but about
improving the prosperity and quality of life for the people who live there” (John Prescott,
Deputy Prime Minister, November 2000). The White Paper highlighted the need for holistic
regeneration. Indeed the recent report by ODPM on ‘Sustainable Communities: Building
for the Future’ describes the key to lasting, sustainable solutions in regeneration as
“creating communities that can stand on their own feet and adapt to the changing demands
of modern life. Places where people want to live and will continue to want to live” (2003).
Initiatives such as New Deal for Communities, Neighbourhood Management, and
Neighbourhood Renewal are a response to this type of thinking.
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The Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) was established in 1997. The work of the SEU forms part
of the Government’s strategic approach to tackling social exclusion. The SEU has published
18 Policy Action Team reports since its inception in 1997, and has influenced policy
developments such as the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund.
The remit of Policy Action
Team 10 is to identify best practice in using arts, sports and leisure to engage people in poor
neighbourhoods, particularly those who may feel most excluded; and to maximise the impact
on poor neighbourhoods of government spending and policies on arts, sports and leisure.
The report shows that “art and sport can not only make a valuable contribution to delivering
key outcomes of lower long-term unemployment, less crime, better health and better
qualifications, but can also help develop the individual pride, community spirit, and capacity
for responsibility that enable communities to run regeneration programmes themselves”
(Secretary of State for DCMS). “Arts and sport can tackle not only the symptoms of social
exclusion, but also its causes” (p.28) through a number of mechanisms. These include the
economic benefits they bring through increased employment opportunities, their ability to
engage and strengthen local communities, and the emphasis they place on people, not
buildings or places.
Sport England’s ‘Investing in our Sporting Future’ strategy recognises the link between
regeneration and sport, identifying sport as a catalyst for regeneration through its ability to
provide a common identity and make people feel part of a community, and the ability of
major sporting projects to promote development by providing a lasting contribution to a high
quality of life for current and future generations. Initiatives such as the Sport Action Zones
(SAZ) are an opportunity for Sport England to build on its relationship with the social
exclusion and regeneration agendas.
The North West Development Agency’s (NWDA) Regional Economic Strategy Review
continues to recognise East Manchester as a regional urban priority area.
The NWDA
Business Plan sets out a number of targets for these areas, including the need to achieve
stabilisation or net increase in population, to reduce the disparity in house/land prices
relative to regional and national averages, to increase the volume of retail trade, and the
value of commercial property rentals.
The NWDA recognises the need for a holistic
approach to regeneration in its regeneration prospectus: “Sustainable development is a
fundamental part of the NWDA’s plans for regeneration and if future projects are to meet
with success they must adopt an integrated, holistic, and comprehensive approach with
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extensive local consultation” (p.3).
The NWDA identifies New East Manchester as
“represent [ing] one of the most significant forces in the North West for bringing about an
urban renaissance” (p.16).
The NWDA Regeneration Prospectus highlights how “the Commonwealth Games stadium
will be a key contributor to an improved world image of the region as the Games focuses the
attention of the world’s media upon the region” (p.28).
An overview of local initiatives was given in Section 2. It is apparent that these initiatives
saw the Commonwealth Games as a focus for regeneration activity in East Manchester:

“Sportcity represents the largest development of its kind in the UK. It is intended that
Sportcity will provide the basis for restructuring the economy and the image of East
Manchester. Its implementation will secure a fundamental shift away from traditionally
heavy industrial/manufacturing base to a new focus on leisure, service sectors and
technology” (SAZ Needs Assessment and Action Plan, 2000);

“The Zone hopes to ensure that the 2002 Games provides a lasting legacy of success
for the children of East Manchester, and will work hard to make sure that local children
reap the greatest rewards from one of the greatest international sporting events” (EAZ);

“The area will be the focus of international attention up to and during the staging of the
2002 Commonwealth Games…the long-term, sustainable regeneration of the area must
be achieved. The timing is critical if the area is to capture the opportunities offered by
the Games and the investment in infrastructure”…”NDC will add value to the
Commonwealth Games and to Sportcity by providing the focus and funding to maximise
the local benefits arising from these major regional projects” (NDC Delivery Plan, 1999);

“East Manchester presents an opportunity for regeneration on a scale and diversity
almost unprecedented in an English City”. Unique opportunities for the renaissance of
East Manchester have been generated by “the stimulus provided by a buoyant economy
within Manchester, and the major investment represented by the staging of the 2002
Commonwealth Games in East Manchester, has generated an irresistible impetus for
regeneration”….”From a physical perspective, the location of such a magnificent
stadium on a large, vacant former industrial site will have a profound impact in creating
a new image and providing a focus for much of the intended urban regeneration” (NEM
Regeneration Framework, A New Town in the City).

Sportcity: “its regenerative effect will extend beyond the core sports facilities…the
stadium itself provides a powerful and positive locational image” (NEM Regeneration
Framework, A New Town in the City).
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3.3 SPORT AS A TOOL OF REGENERATION
Up until the 1980s hosting major sporting events such as the Olympics were thought of as a
financial and administrative burden to the organising city and country, for example, Montreal
hosted the 1976 Olympics and suffered a loss of £692m. In general, staging major events
often leads to local authorities losing money even though the city benefits greatly in terms of
additional spend. The role of the local authority to stage the event and incur losses was
accepted as a means to generate benefits to the local economy (Gratton et.al, 2001).
However, the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles indicated it was possible to generate a surplus
through staging these events (of £215m in LA). There are a number of ways in which a
sporting mega-event is seen to facilitate the regeneration effort in deprived areas. These are
summarised below.
Re-imaging of an Area
A sporting mega-event offers an opportunity to re-image an area. This is often a result
sought by industrial cities. Hall, 1997, outlines how industry evokes negative, unfashionable
images, and the attempts of industrial cities to develop associations with more positive
concepts in order to attract capital and people: “The media coverage devoted to sport, its
intrinsic popularity in contemporary culture and its supposed positive connotations have
therefore resulted in the adoption of sporting initiatives by industrial cities as a means of
image enhancement” (p.128 in Gratton et.al, 2001). Sporting mega-events associate the city
with consumption rather than production: “Sporting arenas are perceived to be symbols of
success, of urban mechanisms and vibrancy as well as providing multi-functional leisure
facilities” (Schimmel, 1993 IN Gratton et.al, 2001).
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A Case Study of Sheffield
Sheffield hosted the World Student Games in 1991. In order to stage the event, Sheffield had to provide topclass facilities to host the various events, including Ponds Forge International Sports Centre, the Sheffield
Arena, and the Don Valley Stadium. The benefits were seen as the provision of sports and recreational
facilities, employment opportunities in the construction and operation of new facilities, and the marketing of
Sheffield to attract trade, industry and tourism.
The facilities were seen to meet the City Council’s economic and social regeneration strategy through the
revitalisation of the Lower Don Valley through the introduction of growth industries, and the provision of facilities
to meet the leisure and recreational needs of the community. One determinant of Sheffield’s success in
becoming the host city was “the city’s commitment to the provision of world class facilities as part of the general
economic regeneration of the city” (p.4 in Short et.al, 1990).
Former Mayor of Sheffield, Peter Price, believes sport has transformed Sheffield, from a relatively affluent, fullyemployed steel city in the 1960s, through the massive recession of the 1980s where unemployment reached
20% in some areas, through to the present day. Since 1991 Sheffield has hosted over 300 major sports events,
was awarded the first ‘National City of Sport’ designation in 1995, and is the headquarters of the UK Sports
Institute.
Source: Short et.al, 1990.
Source: Grattan, C, 1998.
Major sporting events allow the world’s media to descend on the host city: “It is the ultimate
opportunity for place marketing” (Morphet, 1996, p.312). Morphet goes on to describe how
“local identity is reinforced by world recognition. World events provide localities with a period
of power – a window through which all the prizes must be snatched”. Thus major sporting
events provide a mechanism for ‘place-marketing’, whereby the event strives to sell the
image of a place to make it more attractive to potential investors, tourists, and inhabitants,
indeed it is seen as a vehicle for city image enhancement.
Rich, 1984 describes sporting mega-events as “major one-time events or recurring events of
a limited duration, developed primarily to enhance the awareness, appeal and profitability of
the host location” (p.129, in Gratton et.al, 2001). Morphet, 1996, describes how “world
events change cities. They join the super-league and never leave it….they are the ultimate
place ‘success’ stories…if a city can succeed in this race it has made its space” (p.313).
Sport can modernise an area’s image and provide a stimulus for regeneration.
Attracting Visitors and Further Sporting Events
Sporting mega-events are attractive economically because of the number and type of ‘sport
tourists’ they attract, these tend to be the more affluent, more likely to stay overnight, and
have a greater disposable income (Gratton et.al, 2001).
Furthermore, “the favourable
publicity which can follow from a successful event may increase the attractiveness of a city,
raise its profile overseas, and enable it to attract an increasing number of tourists” (p.38 in
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Gratton et.al, 2001). In addition, once the initial investment in sporting infrastructure has
taken place, the host city can then attract other sports events.
A Case Study of Barcelona
Barcelona is a densely populated city of 1.9 million inhabitants. Barcelona was chosen to host the 1992
Olympics: “Barcelona chose to pursue the Olympics not as an end but as a means to a more competitive and
global city”, “Infrastructure improvements, investment in mass transportation, the reclamation of waterfront
property for public beaches and the construction of a retail centre in the middle of the old industrial port are all
examples of how Barcelona used the Olympics to give itself competitive advantage” (Ortiz, 1998). Barcelona’s
motivations to host the Olympics were mainly economic and social. The city had been in deep economic crisis
in the 1980s, with mass industrial closures and high unemployment. The Olympics were seen as having the
ability to regenerate deprived districts and to massively extend public spaces and facilities.
The Olympic village was previously a largely redundant, heavy industrial site. The Olympic Village had four
main themes: the revitalisation of the Port; the creation of the ring road; the creation of park land; and the
redevelopment of the industrial area to build 2,000 homes.
Barcelona is seen as the “model of how a sporting event can play a pivotal role in urban renewal and
regeneration” – some 128,000 jobs were created in the city, and the games were widely seen to have been the
catalyst for development and renewal well beyond that required by the games themselves (Wright, 2001).
Barcelona has become one of Europe’s most popular city destinations, it is now one of five most visited cities in
Western Europe, and has doubled its number visitors. There is now a year-round turnover of visitors wanting to
take in Barcelona’s culture, museums, architecture, restaurants and atmosphere. “The transformation from a
city with, in 1980, great services and infrastructure deficits, in the midst of a deep economic crisis, to the
restructured, dynamic and outward-looking metropolis of the mid-1990s, is seen as testimony that some cities
can indeed exercise an influence over their destiny” (Marshall, 1996, p.147).
Pride and Identity
Investment in sport is seen to contribute to the more qualitative benefits of enhanced pride
and identity.
Some commonly claimed community benefits of participation in sport and
leisure include: enhanced confidence and self-esteem, empowered disadvantaged groups,
improved community capacity, increased social integration and co-operation, and increased
pride in the community (Long & Sanderson in Gratton et.al, 2001, p.189). Coalter et.al,
2000, describes how sports facilities can make an important contribution to the physical
infrastructure of communities, providing a social focus and affecting people’s perception of
their neighbourhood.
Hooper, 1998, describes how the building of a multi-purpose sports centre in a Priority
Partnership Area in Glasgow enhanced the physical appearance of the area, raised the
confidence of the local community and provided employment and training benefits. Overall
the facility was seen to “play an important role in changing perceptions of the area,
encouraging people to live in the area as well as acting as a catalyst for further investment
contributing to the overall regenerative process” (p.225 in Coalter et.al, 2000).
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3.4 CONCLUDING COMMENTS
Coalter et.al’s research concluded that there is a general absence of systematic empirical
evidence relating to the impact of large scale sports-related developments, although they
conclude that the strength of theoretical arguments, with a range of indicative and
associative information and anecdotal evidence, have led most commentators to agree that
sports activities have a positive role to play as ingredients in wider ranging initiatives to
address holistic urban regeneration (p.93, 2000).
Manchester saw the Games as a mechanism for bringing jobs and investment to the city, as
well as creating world class sporting facilities. “Manchester’s determination to be seen as a
modern, vibrant city; a centre for youth culture; and a centre for sporting success is part and
parcel of why it is hosting the Commonwealth Games” (Brown & Massey, 2001, p.22). “The
Games are seen as an opportunity, a catalyst, a focus and foundation for regeneration in
East Manchester” (CPC, 2002). This study goes on to discuss the role the Commonwealth
Games played in accelerating the regeneration of East Manchester.
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4.
THE CONTRIBUTION THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES MADE TOWARDS
ACCELERATING THE ECONOMIC REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER
This section draws on consultation findings, alongside statistical trends, and secondary
sources of information such as the CPC Economic Impact Study to explore the extent to
which the Games accelerated the economic regeneration of East Manchester.
“The strengthening of the economic base of the area is fundamental to its successful regeneration. It will
generate employment for residents and create the wealth necessary for sustained improvement.
East
Manchester has a number of key advantages as a business location, including proximity to the thriving city
centre, a relatively low cost base, availability of large flexible sites, available labour supply, improved access to
the M60 motorway and the development of the Metrolink system.
This coupled with the development of
Sportcity, the hosting of the Commonwealth Games and the major regeneration programme offers enormous
potential for businesses and investors” (NEM, Regeneration Framework).
4.1 CHANGE IN ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OVER TIME: THE PRE-GAMES VS THE POST-GAMES
POSITION
This Section compares Section 3 (i.e. the Pre-Games position) with up-to-date statistical
information reflecting the Post-Games positon.
Since 1995, East Manchester has lost a further 5% of its employment, as indicated by the
Annual Business Inquiry. It is apparent that the number of employees in employment has
grown in the ward of Bradford by 6.2%, but decreased in Beswick and Clayton by 18.1%.
However, the increasing importance of part-time working as a proportion of total employment
from 14.9% in 1995 to 23% in 2001 suggests that East Manchester is beginning to diversify
its business base into more flexible forms of employment, which are often service-sector
activities. Figure 4.1 indicates changes to the employment mix in East Manchester.
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Figure 4.1: Employees in Employment by Sector, 1995-2001
40
% of total employment
35
30
1995
25
2001
20
15
10
5
0
Source: AES/ABICrown Copyright
The area’s dependence upon manufacturing industry has reduced by 15.5 percentage
points.
In contrast, it can be seen that construction employment has increased by 3.5
percentage points, and there has been an increase in service sector employment,
particularly in distribution, hotels and restaurants (4.9 percentage points), banking, finance
and insurance (6.3 percentage points), and public administration, education and health (7.2
percentage points). There has been a slight increase in business stocks in the area, from
705 businesses in 1995 to 709 in 2001. There has also been a growth in the number of
businesses employing less than 200 people, and a corresponding increase in the proportion
of employees working in firms employing less than 200 people from 73.2% in 1995 to 74.3%
in 2001, indicating dependence on large employers is reducing.
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MAP 4.1: EMPLOYMENT DEPRIVATION, 2000
Unemployment in East Manchester has reduced at a rate which is in line with national
averages, to 9.8% in December 2002, from 18.1% in December 1996, but it remains well
above the Manchester, North West and GB average. Figure 4.2 illustrates this information.
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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Figure 4.2: Unemployment Rate – 1996-2002
Rate of Unemployment
25
Dec-96
20
Dec-02
15
10
5
0
Bradford
Besw ick &
Clayton
East
Manchester
Manchester
North West
GB
Source: NomisCrown Copyright
Youth unemployment as a proportion of total employment has reduced slightly by 0.8
percentage points, but still remains high above the GB average. Long-term unemployment
has improved significantly, from 43.4% of all claimants in 1996, to 19.5% in 2002, bringing
East Manchester in line with the Manchester average. Benefit dependency slightly reduced
over the 1998 and 1999 period, although more recent information was not available.
Figure 4.3: Benefit Dependency – 1998-1999
30
% Income Support
% Disability Allow ance
% of 16+ Population
25
% Incapacity Benefit
20
15
10
5
0
1998
1999
Bradford
1998
1999
Besw ick & Clayton
1998
1999
East Manchester
1998
1999
Manchester
Source: www.statistics.gov.uk
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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The proportion of households earning more than £200 per week has increased from 17% in
1999 to 34% in 2002 according to the Residents’ Perception Surveys.
Gross Weekly
earning figures taken from the New Earnings Survey suggest that the average gross weekly
wage in East Manchester is £342.35 in 2002, which is 11.5% below the national average.
Figure 4.4: Average Net Household Weekly Income excluding Housing Benefit – 19992002
40
35
1999
% of residents
30
2002
25
20
15
10
5
0
Less than
£60
£61-99
£100-200
£201-300
£301+
Not
responded
Source: NDC Resident Perception Survey
The proportion of households in financial difficulties in East Manchester has reduced from
49% in 1999 to 26% in 2002 according to the NDC Resident Perception Survey.
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MAP 4.2: INCOME DEPRIVATION, 2000
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East Manchester has experienced a significant rate of improvement amongst its primary and
secondary schools from the 1999 position. The assorted maps below indicate their current
position, with the yellow dot indicating if a school falls within the East Manchester EAZ.
Map 4.3: Key Stage 2, Level 4 in English, 2002
Map 4.4: Key Stage 2, Level 4 in Maths, 2002
Map 4.5: Key Stage 2, Level 4 in Science, 2002
Map 4.6: % of pupils gaining 5+ A*-C grades, 2002
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It is apparent that school attendance rates have increased at both primary (by 2.7
percentage points) and secondary (4.4 percentage points) levels. Furthermore, a higher
proportion of Year 11 leavers are now progressing into higher and further education (an
increase of 17.5 percentage points). Resident satisfaction with the quality of local schools
has increased to 76.5%.
Thus it can be seen that on general economic indicators East Manchester has experienced
improvement from the pre-Games position.
4.2 WHAT EAST MANCHESTER HAS ACHIEVED
There have been a number of achievements (both realised and developing) in East
Manchester in recent years which have created jobs, brought investment into the area,
attracted private sector interest, and which will provide an economic generator for the area in
the future. These key economic achievements are summarised below:

Central Park Manchester is seen as the key economic generator for the future of East
Manchester, providing the centrepiece of a major new employment area. The North
West Regional Assembly rates the business park number one out of 25 Regional
Investment Sites in the North West. Overall, the site encompasses 160ha. Phase 1
includes the development of 30ha for industrial and commercial uses. Fujitsu Services
has already signed up to be a tenant on the park and will take 150,000 square feet of
space. Phase 1 is expected to create or safeguard 2,000 new jobs, with a further
10,000 new jobs expected once all phases of the park are completed.

Asda Walmart store is a 16,722 sq.m retail supercentre adjacent to Sportcity. 588
permanent positions were created, in addition to 150 cleaning operatives and 100
temporary staff. In total, 95% of the residents are local people (John Reynolds, Asda).

Ancoats Urban Village is a mixed use scheme including 2,790 sq.m media office centre,
bars, restaurants, and studio workshops.

Openshaw Business Centre will be a new business and enterprise centre incorporating
more than 16,000 sq.m of commercial floorspace and is expected to create more than
500 jobs over the next 3 years.

Further commercial developments around Sportcity are coming forward, including a
regional retail centre, and a four star hotel and offices, which will support a total of 3,800
jobs.
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4.3 THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF THE GAMES
Manchester City Council commissioned Cambridge Policy Consultants to analyse the
economic impacts of the Games on the City of Manchester. The report was finalised in April
2002, with an updated Executive Summary in October 2002 to provide a re-assessment
post-Games of the key economic benefits identified in the final report. The report identifies:

6,300 direct FTE jobs attributable to the Games, of which 2,900 would be additional
direct and indirect jobs to Manchester. Of this figure, CPC estimate that 2,050 jobs will
have been created before the Games, 250 during the Games, and a further 4,000
arising from developments 3-5 years post-Games.

The greatest impact of employment creation will be felt in East Manchester. Of the
2,900 additional jobs in Manchester, 2,000 are expected to occur in East Manchester.

Public investment in the Games and the associated regeneration infrastructure and
activity of £670m (at 2002 prices) of which some £570m was in or will be (in the future)
in East Manchester.

Tourism spend from Games participants and visitors estimated at £29m for Manchester.

Attraction of 300,000 new visitors per annum, spending some £18m.

An additional £35m of inward investment (£11m value added) attributable to the raised
profile of the City over the next 2-3 years.
4.4 WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS CAN BE ATTRIBUTED TO THE GAMES?
The extent to which the economic achievements in East Manchester can be attributed to the
Games is uncertain. It is difficult to separate what has been achieved by the Games, and
what would have occurred anyway through the regeneration process in the area. The CPC
report puts forward a clear view of what they feel is attributable to the Games in East
Manchester. This sub-section goes on to explore other views emerging from this research.
The statistical analysis at the beginning of this section indicates a more diverse business
base, an increase in flexible working opportunities, growth in the service sector, a lowering of
unemployment, and an increase in educational attainment post-Games. It is very difficult to
attribute the extent to which the Games has played a role in improving economic conditions
in the area. Some assumptions, however, can be made:
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The increase in construction employment can be partly associated with the construction
of Sportcity, in addition to the other developments which are occurring in the area
through the wider regeneration activity;

The growth in service sector and part-time employment is in line with national trends,
and can also be linked with retail developments, namely Asda, which was attracted by
the regeneration of the area and the scale of opportunity.

Unemployment in the area has fallen in line with national trends. This has been
facilitated by stable economic conditions, and new initiatives for the unemployed to help
them back into work, such as the New Deal. East Manchester experienced a slight
decrease in unemployment over the period of the Games, from 948 claimants in
January 2002, to 908 in July 2002. The number of claimants rose again to 941 in
December 2002.
Therefore the direct impact that the Games had on the
unemployment rate, if any, was minimal and temporary. However, the indirect impacts
may have played a role.

Improvements in educational attainment and attendance can be attributed to initiatives
such as the East Manchester Education Action Zone and pro-active education
institutions. Steve Edwards, the Director of the EAZ believes that whilst the Games has
not impacted on improved attainment or attendance, it has combined with the EAZ to
make a difference. In particular, the Games helped improve motivation, aspiration, pride
and confidence.
As indicated earlier, the Games were used by the regeneration initiatives in the area as a
focus for their activity: “The Games are seen as an opportunity, a catalyst, focus and
foundation for regeneration in East Manchester” (www.manchester.gov.uk/news).
The
majority of key public agency stakeholders consulted for the purposes of this study agreed
on the role the Games was playing in driving the economic regeneration of the area: “The
investment, jobs and visitors that Sportcity is bringing to East Manchester is the major
catalyst for new developments, new jobs, new homes, and new opportunities for local
people” (Chief Executive, NEM).
New East Manchester’s (NEM) primary focus was on the short-term (when it was
established in 1999): ensuring linkages between the Games and local people were made,
and that the event was fully exploited to ensure a lasting legacy for East Manchester. NEM
used the Games to give an impetus to the wider regeneration effort in East Manchester, it
was very clear that there was a deadline of the 25th of July 2002 and this “focused the mind
and got momentum going” (Chief Executive, NEM). NEM’s Chief Executive felt that the
Games enabled agencies to fastrack decisions through normal bureaucratic processes to
ensure maximum value was gained through hosting the Games. He felt that the Games
gave ”clarity of vision” to the regeneration process.
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The consultations explored what achievements could be attributed to the Games and what
would have happened anyway, for example:

Central Park Manchester: this initiative is a huge challenge for East Manchester, an
area which is not perceived as a business district. Fujitsu Services is the anchor tenant
for this development. NEM believe that Fujitsu would have gone elsewhere if they had
not been convinced that the area is going to radically transform, as illustrated by the
positive signs of progress indicated by hosting the Games.

Asda Walmart saw the regeneration of the area as providing the opportunity to come to
East Manchester and they saw the regeneration programme as being underpinned by
the area’s hosting of the Games. Asda recognised there was an opportunity to further
serve the Greater Manchester conurbation. Furthermore, the size of the site available
and the amenable planning permission conditions made the site adjacent to Sportcity
very attractive (Head Office representative, Asda). Thus Asda were ultimately attracted
by the regeneration of the area and the scale of opportunity. Indeed, the Leader of
Manchester City Council, outlined how sites on offer in East Manchester for
supermarket development were declined in the past, but “with the Games there was a
bidding war!”
The Asda development has enabled local people to capture the benefits of regeneration
through job opportunities and access to services. Asda saw itself as one of the key
drivers of investor inclination in the area: “when you see major household names being
prepared to make substantial investments in an area that might be perceived as rundown, it is a boost to outside perceptions” (p.19, Williams, H in Willis, B, 2001).
There have been numerous innovative initiatives to ensure local people capture benefits
emerging from the Games and the wider regeneration effort. This includes the use of a
Labour Market Intermediary service called ‘Step Ahead’ which was used by Asda for their
recruitment, enabling local people to access jobs. Other initiatives include the North West
SRB programme which carried out a region-wide Pre-Games Volunteer Programme ‘PVP’.
This enabled residents living in disadvantaged areas of the region to have the opportunity to
volunteer for the Games, through equipping them with the required skills. The experience
and skills gained enabled individuals to add to their curriculum vitae, and assist in their
employability. A total of 6,350 individuals participated in the scheme (Meridien Pure, 2002).
4.5 CONCLUDING COMMENTS
From an economic regeneration perspective, all of the consultees (including key
stakeholders and private sector representatives) were in firm agreement that the Games had
accelerated the regeneration of East Manchester. There are a number of factors which
have impacted upon the progress of the economic regeneration to date, and are identified in
NEM’s Regeneration Framework:
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The scale of regeneration activity, incorporating initiatives such as NEM, NDC, SRB,
SAZ, and EAZ which is enabling holistic regeneration to occur;

The stimulus provided by a buoyant economy within Manchester, with vigorous
commercial, retail and housing markets, creating many new employment and
investment opportunities: “This momentum has the potential to spread further east and
re-position the new and revitalised residential communities across East Manchester”
(NEM Regeneration Framework: A New Town in the City);

The completion of the M60 ring road, providing access into East Manchester;

The construction of the Ashton Metrolink; and

The Commonwealth Games.
It is apparent from this list that the Games is just one ingredient in the overall regeneration
framework.
Nevertheless, it has been identified as key to “creating a new image and
providing a focus for much of the intended regeneration” (NEM Regeneration Framework).
Indeed, the Head of Regeneration at the NWDA described how the Games helped develop
“enough developer interest to emerge that you could see a masterplan exercise would work”.
The Sportcity development was seen as an “icon for attracting other business and activity”
(Senior Development Manager, Sport England).
Many of the consultees are in agreement that a significant proportion of the regeneration
would have occurred anyway but it would have taken much longer to happen, and much
longer to get private sector interest in the area (Chair, EMP). Sportcity is a “Unique Selling
Point” for East Manchester, the private sector are now “knocking on the door to buy in to an
emerging success story” (Chief Executive, NEM).
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5.
THE CONTRIBUTION THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES MADE TOWARDS
ACCELERATING THE PHYSICAL REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER
This sub-section considers the physical regeneration achieved in East Manchester, and
considers the role the Games played in these achievements.
5.1 CHANGE IN THE PHYSICAL CONDITIONS OVER TIME: THE PRE-GAMES VS THE POST-GAMES
POSITION
Statistical information on the physical characteristics of East Manchester is more limited.
Availability of published sources of information on the environment, in particular, at a ward
level tends to be low, and largely dependent upon local agencies collecting this information.
Unfortunately, because of the need for a short-term focus on the Games when many of the
initiatives in East Manchester came into being, data collection procedures are only now
being established. This section considers change in the environment, transport and access,
and housing.
The North West was estimated to contain 25% of England’s derelict, under-used and
contaminated land in 1993 (NWDA Regeneration Prospectus). The historic context outlined
in Section 2 identified that by the mid 1980s, there was over 250 hectares of vacant
industrial land created in East Manchester by industrial closures (Tye et.al, 1994).
Regeneration effort over the last two decades has made significant inroads into bringing this
brownfield land back into use.
Indeed, the Eastlands site on which Sportcity was built
accounts for 40 hectares of land reclaimed, and Central Park Manchester accounts for a
further 160 hectares, of which Phase 1 accounts for 32ha.
The 1999 and 2002 resident perception survey findings reported change over time:

In 1999, 28% of residents were satisfied with provision of parks and green spaces; this
had increased to 75% satisfaction by 2002;

In 1999, 19% of residents reported vandalism to their property had occurred in the last
two years; by 2002 this figure had reduced to 13%;

Residents’ satisfaction with access to supermarkets has increased from 75% to 89%
over the 1999-2002 period;
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In 1999 only 17% of residents felt the neighbourhood was getting better; by 2002 this
figure was 52%. In contrast 52% of residents felt the neighbourhood was getting worse
in 1999 which fell to 30% by 2002;

In 1999, 75% of residents reported satisfaction with their home; this had increased to
82% by 2002; and

53% of residents rated their home in a good condition in 1999; this increased to 75% by
2002.
Access deprivation was not seen as significant on the IMD access domain. This was largely
because of its proximity to the city centre. Nevertheless, consultations revealed that public
transport within the area was poor, and prior to the completion of the M60 Orbital route and
the Metrolink proposals, East Manchester was perceived as lacking modern infrastructure
that would prove attractive to inward investors.
East Manchester suffers from a failing housing market, in particular, the demand for
traditional pre-1919 terraced homes has collapsed and this has resulted in significant drops
in value, increasing problems of abandonment, high levels of negative equity for owneroccupiers and high levels of exclusion of residents and communities who are suffering from
the effects of market failure (Manchester Community Strategy, 2002-2012). In 1998, the
average house price in East Manchester was £18,810 (Land Registry). A high proportion of
residents (76%) had plans to move out of the area in 1999 (NDC Resident Perceptions
Survey).
House prices in the area have improved remarkably between the pre-Games and postGames position, overall accounting for a 37.6% improvement. This rate of improvement
compares with 56.6% in Manchester as a whole, and 49.4% in the North West region.
Figure 5.1 illustrates improvement over time in East Manchester.
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Figure 5.1: Average House Prices in East Manchester: 1998-2002
60,000
Oct-Dec 1998
Oct-Dec 2002
50,000
40,000
£
30,000
20,000
10,000
0
Semi-detached
Terraced
Overall
Source: Land Registry
The Index of Multiple Deprivation housing indices illustrate deprivation in East Manchester.
MAP 5.1: HOUSING DEPRIVATION, 2000
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Housing void rates have decreased over time, from 16% in 1999 to 12.2% in 2002 according
to NDC figures. Furthermore, the proportion of social housing stock which is in demand has
risen from 6.5% in 1999 to 21% in 2002 (NDC).
These indicators reveal that housing
demand is increasing within East Manchester.
5.2 WHAT EAST MANCHESTER HAS ACHIEVED
A number of initiatives to reclaim brownfield land in the area for economic, leisure, or
recreational purposes are underway.
The Sportcity development was a key initiative,
reclaiming 40ha of industrial land for mixed uses, including leisure and recreation (in terms
of sport), housing (providing 200 units of new housing), and employment (Asda and other
retail developments). A further major initiative is the Central Park Manchester initiative,
which covers 160ha, of which 32ha has now been reclaimed as Phase 1 of the project. The
NWDA describes how “in place of the area’s tracts of derelict land and buildings caused by
major decline in its traditional industries of heavy engineering and manufacturing, new
industries will be attracted onto reclaimed and well-landscaped sites, increasing the area’s
attractiveness to further private sector investment” and how the Park will “spearhead a fully
integrated approach to economic, social and environmental regeneration” (Regeneration
Prospectus, p.10).
A further large-scale regeneration scheme has been the Ashton Canal Corridor, which
provides a strategic link between Manchester City Centre and East Manchester. It is a major
arterial route and is visible to many outside the area, however, prior to regeneration activity
“the large scale dereliction and decay paints a very poor impression and this merely
exacerbates the negative image of East Manchester” (p.9, Ashton Canal Corridor Action
Plan and Implementation Strategy, 2000). Total investment required from the public sector
for this initiative was approximately £34,735m. The aim of the initiative was to regenerate
despoiled open land to form an unbroken ‘green’ corridor, to create a safe and attractive
corridor for pedestrians and cyclists, to create up to 1,000 new homes, and to create up to
1,400 new employment opportunities in leisure and manufacturing.
There have also been a wide range of environmental improvement programmes, such as the
Community Environmental Programme that is managed by Groundwork Manchester and
which has developed projects in partnership with local residents. The ‘Positive Open Space
Community Project’ is delivering environmental schemes such as small environmental
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improvements to upgrade vacant and derelict sites and community safety projects.
By
March 2002 over 20 projects had been completed over the previous 12 months.
NEM intends to double the area’s population to 60,000 through housing, business and
transport improvements over its lifetime. The programme will lead to the development of
12,500 new homes, and to the improvement of 7,000 existing homes. These ambitions
emerge from the recognition that East Manchester needs to offer varied choice in housing to
meet the needs of all occupational groups and to attract inward investors. Brauner, 2002,
outlined how East Manchester has succeeded in attracting private sector developers to
areas of inner-city deprivation, with Gleeson and Lovell planning a joint scheme in Beswick,
Urban Splash working with English Partnerships on a Millennium Communities project on the
Cardroom Council estate, and Countryside Properties developing next to the Stadium.
These three schemes account for 1,500 of the 12,500 new homes planned in the area.
Furthermore, the transfer of just under 3,000 council homes to a new social housing
company, Eastlands Homes, was announced in December 2002. In total 76% of tenants
voted in the ballot and 90% were in favour of the transfer. This is expected to lead to major
investment, over £60m in the first five years alone, with improvements such as increased
security, new windows, bathrooms and kitchens, plus environmental improvements and
strengthened services.
Following the launch of the Regeneration Framework for East Manchester, the area was
divided into 15 distinct neighbourhoods to facilitate the neighbourhood planning process.
This has begun, and work is underway in a number of areas, e.g. Beswick where proposals
are being developed to build new housing with some reprovision for existing council tenants.
Also in Ashton New Road, where residents in the Eccleshall Street area have already stated
their preferred option is to demolish and rebuild the area (Beacons for A Brighter Future
Annual Report, 2001-2002).
The severe disadvantage of an inadequate road system was seen by regeneration agencies
in the area as one of the factors behind East Manchester’s inability to attract large-scale
investment projects in the past. The M60 orbital motorway was completed in 2000, enabling
East Manchester to access the regional and national motorway network so repositioning the
area as a modern and accessible location for business. Alan Turing Way, an inner road
making east and west movement more direct and less time-consuming has also been
constructed, and this road cuts through the centre of the Eastlands site, now known as
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Sportcity. In addition, the Ashton Metrolink will come through East Manchester and aims to
be completed by 2005.
The Metrolink will act as a regeneration tool, facilitating land
assembly and targeting investment: “It will greatly contribute to redefining the potential of
East Manchester as an accessible and desirable address within the city, and to repositioning
it as a centre for investment and growth” (NEM Regeneration Framework).
5.3 WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS CAN BE ATTRIBUTED TO THE GAMES
The consultations revealed that there was a general satisfaction with the physical
regeneration delivered to date. It was felt by regeneration agencies that the Commonwealth
Games provided one of the most significant opportunities to inform the rest of the world
about the developments taking place in East Manchester and to provide a positive image of
the area.
New East Manchester, in conjunction with partners, used the opportunity to
promote the work being carried out in East Manchester through highly visible signage
incorporating the regeneration agencies’ logos. “From a physical perspective, the location of
such a magnificent stadium on a large, vacant former industrial site will have a profound
impact in creating a new image” (NEM Regeneration Framework).
To what extent, however, can the physical regeneration be attributed to the Games? There
were mixed views from consultees about whether the different types of investment would or
would not have happened. These are considered below.
The Leader of Manchester City Council saw the role of the Games as key: “The
Commonwealth Games is driving Manchester from strength to strength.
As the City of
Manchester stadium has grown, so has our attraction to investors. We are now selling land
in East Manchester that previously we could not give away” (www.manchester.gov.uk/news).
During the consultation, the Leader of MCC offered Central Park Manchester as an example
of what has been achieved. The initiative was conceived before Manchester knew it was to
host the Games, but he is unsure of whether the current level of developer interest would
have been achieved in the absence of the Games. He believes developer interest would
probably have come along later with the Metrolink. He also highlighted how hosting the
Games meant a huge proportion of derelict land in East Manchester had a use created for it
in the form of Sportcity.
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The Leader of MCC highlighted the M60 Orbital motorway completion as another example of
an initiative that would have happened anyway, however its ability to draw in inward
investment on its own would have been questionable, given that East Manchester is located
two miles from the motorway junction - there would have “to be other selling points for East
Manchester to secure the benefits” of this investment (MCC). This raises the question of
how successful each of these investments would have been in isolation from each other, for
example, it is unlikely that investor interest would have been captured to the same extent on
the back of the M60 if it hadn’t been for the Games which captured developer interest and
illustrated how “a decimated area could be revived” (Head of Regeneration, NWDA).
The work of Cambridge Policy Consultants on the Economic Impact of the Games estimated
that the Games have brought forward a number of major transport schemes (with a total cost
of approximately £800m), and CPC estimate the additional public investment in transport
infrastructure to be £125m.
There was agreement amongst the consultees that the regeneration of Ashton Canal would
have happened but at a slower pace, and is unlikely to have happened at all by now (2003)
in the absence of the Games. NEM’s Chief Executive felt the regeneration would not have
been as comprehensive, and would have been achieved in a much more incremental way.
The Canal Corridor is seen as a critical component to the success of the Regeneration
Framework, and “will be a key contributor to an improved world image of the region as the
Games focuses the attention of the World’s media upon the Region” (p.28, NWDA
Regeneration Prospectus).
By the time of the Games, there had been canal related
improvements, creation of pedestrian and cycle routes, footpath improvements, tree planting
and provision of new lighting and street furniture, and land reclamation and landscaping
works: “expenditure has been geared thus far towards maximising impact in advance of the
Commonwealth Games” (p.15, NEM Implementation Plan).
The NWDA describes how “the quality of new buildings defines the built environment….and
helps to promote such areas as attractive places to live, work and visit. The new stadium
and velodrome in East Manchester…will have the same ‘magnet’ effect. The quality of place
is increasingly recognised as an important factor in deciding the economic health of an area”
(p.30, NWDA Regeneration Prospectus). The Housing Officer for NEM believes that the
Games shifted perceptions in the market and “brought about a real change in developer
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confidence”. NEM have held three developer competitions to date for the new housing
development sites and all have had very positive responses.
The extent to which developer interest would have happened anyway as the wider
regeneration activity in the area occurred is a matter for debate. Bill Stevenson, Chairman of
Bellway Urban Partnership argues that developers need reassurance that wholesale
transformation of an area is in the pipeline: “you have to change perceptions of the area and
that involves change on a substantial scale” (in Brauner, 2002). Clearly the Games has
played a significant role in changing perceptions of the area.
Duncan Innes from EP
described how the Games put East Manchester on the developer market radar. However,
Tom Russell also describes the advantage of having large sites available in the area:
“housebuilders have told us that they could create a market for housing for sale in East
Manchester provided that they can build a sufficiently large development” (in Blackman,
2001).
A significant amount of environmental improvements were carried out in the area which were
explicitly targeted at improving the image of the area for the purposes of the Games, this
included heavy street cleaning, dressing of the area i.e. banners, street furniture, flowering
etc, and cleaning up vandalism. The consultations held with the community highlighted how
the improved street environment contributed to feelings of pride amongst the community.
East Manchester won the urban ‘Britain in Bloom’ award as an outcome of this investment.
However, the community consultations did identify that this investment was not maintained
after the Games, and this encouraged feelings of double-negativity. Clearly, the sheer cost
of sustaining this high level of cleanliness was unsustainable in the long-term, however the
consultation with the Leader of MCC revealed that next year’s budget has been changed to
take account of the need for heavy street cleaning.
5.4 CONCLUDING COMMENT
All of the physical initiatives outlined in this chapter were developed in advance of the
knowledge that Manchester was going to host the Games, or through the wider regeneration
framework. The main exception to this being the manner in which Eastlands was developed
as a mixed use development including leisure and recreation facilities which are unlikely to
have occurred on this site without the Games.
However, the key messages from the
research suggest that the way each of these physical initiatives were brought forward were
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influenced by the Games presence, and there was strong agreement that gaining private
sector interest in the area would have not been as successful in the absence of the Games.
It was felt by consultees that a number of the physical improvement programmes, namely
the Ashton Canal Corridor, were accelerated: the “Games gave a real impetus to bringing
[this] forward” (Leader of MCC). There was agreement that these initiatives would have
happened anyway, but in all likelihood this would have been three to four years later.
Whether these initiatives would have achieved as much, so quickly, without the Games, is a
matter of considerable debate. In particular, it is questionable whether the level of developer
interest would have been achieved.
The Leader of MCC pointed out how he believes
“regeneration has to have iconic statements” which he feels the Commonwealth Games
enabled East Manchester to offer.
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6.
THE CONTRIBUTION THE COMMONWEALTH GAMES MADE TOWARDS
ACCELERATING THE SOCIAL REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER
This section considers the progress of the social regeneration of East Manchester and the
role the Games has played in facilitating social change. Measuring social change is very
difficult, and as such there is a lack of quantified information, and assessment of progress is
largely dependent upon anecdotal evidence. Coalter et.al’s study on the role of sport in
regenerating deprived urban areas in Scotland concluded that there is little research on the
regenerative potential of investment in sport, or the long-term benefits to local communities
of sports-led investment strategies.
This section examines indicators of social change which impact upon daily lives, including
health, crime, community cohesion and identity, satisfaction with neighbourhood, and
community capacity. Other areas that impact upon quality of life such as employment and
education have been discussed in previous sections.
6.1 CHANGES IN SOCIAL CONDITIONS OVER TIME: THE PRE-GAMES AND POST-GAMES
POSITION
The evidence shows that the area is still continuing to de-populate, accounting for a
decrease of 4.7% over the 1991 to 1998 period. However, a more recent picture will soon
be available with the release of the 2001 Census data at a ward level in April. This will offer
a more reliable picture of population change in the area and enable the regeneration
agencies to see whether the population decline is slowing, and whether they are beginning
to move towards their ambition of increasing the population in the area. This is a longerterm plan that should occur as new housing is developed and employment opportunities
emerge.
The pre-Games position indicates high levels of poor health in the area. This is illustrated by
Map 6.1, which outlines East Manchester’s position on the IMD health domain.
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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MAP 6.1: HEALTH DEPRIVATION, 2000
Health statistics such as the Standard Mortality Rate (SMR) reveals that East Manchester’s
position has deteriorated further since 1999, with an increase in the SMR from 147 in 1999,
to 221 in 2002 relative to 100 in GB. However, on such a small geographical area this
information can be unreliable, and SMR’s only relate to death rates. Furthermore, healthy
living takes time to impact on SMR’s. The proportion of low birth weight babies has fallen
from 10.9% to 10.3% in 2002, compared to 7.6% in GB. The teenage conception rate has
also experienced a slight decrease from 114.7 conceptions per 1,000 girls aged 15-17 to
113.9 in 2002, which is significantly above the UK average of 7.6. The number of registered
drug users has fallen from 188 in 1999 to 156 in 2002.
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Superintendent Thomson described the importance of crime reduction in regenerating
deprived areas. He described a situation whereby unemployment led to an unsustainable
community in East Manchester, this encouraged de-population, the decline of communities,
the rise of criminal activity, and further people leaving the area.
The 1999 Resident
Perception Survey indicated a fear of crime, and the need for police to tackle this fear, to
remove crime as an inhibitor of economic growth, and to raise the quality of service
provision. There has been an improvement over time, for example the number of recorded
burglary crimes and offences per 1,000 households has decreased from 81.3 to 52.8 in 2002
(NDC) in line with the national trend. Furthermore, the proportion of residents feeling unsafe
in the area after dark has reduced from 63% to 55%. Figure 6.2 illustrates the change in the
proportion of residents experiencing specific crimes in the last two years, it is apparent there
has been a decrease in the proportion of residents experiencing virtually all of these
problems, with the exception of assault.
% of residents experiencing problems
Figure 6.1: % of Residents Experiencing Problems in the Last 2 Years
35
30
25
1999
2002
20
15
10
5
0
Source: NDC Resident Perceptions Survey
Beswick, the area where Sportcity is located, has experienced the biggest reduction in
crime. Overall, the change in policing to be a more proactive, responsive and visible service
which uses the media as a tool to illustrate police tackling crime has helped reduce fear and
lower the crime rate. The police used a number of local innovative projects such as ‘Project
Excalibur’ and ‘Embrace’ to pilot schemes which proved successful.
The use of
Neighbourhood Wardens has played a role in making people feel safer.
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Life expectations and aspirations is a further area which impacts upon quality of life. In
areas which have experienced problems of generational unemployment, such as East
Manchester, there can be problems of low aspirations amongst the younger population.
Destinations of Year 11 students is an indicator of aspirations. Figure 6.2 indicates change
over time of Year 11 destinations upon leaving school.
Figure 6.2: Destinations of Year 11 Leavers in East Manchester, 1999-2002
70
% of Year 11 Leavers
60
1999
2002
50
40
30
20
10
0
% into
% into further % into other
employment
education
training
%
unemployed
% other
Source: NDC taken from 1999 Career Partnership and Better Choices Ltd, 2002
It is apparent that more school leavers are aspiring to continue in education, with an
increase from 46.8% to 64.3%, which is in line with the Manchester trend. This can be partly
attributed to the decline in employment opportunities for school leavers, as shown by the
lower proportion moving into employment.
However, it can also be attributed to a
recognition of the need for further qualifications to ‘get on’ in life.
The ability to access services and community facilities impacts upon quality of life. Figure
6.3 illustrates improvement on a number of these indicators. A significant improvement can
be seen on all of these indicators, particularly on provision of sports and leisure facilities, and
parks and green spaces.
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Figure 6.3: Recreation, Leisure, and Access to Services, Satisfaction with….
Access to supermarket
Access to shops
Children play facilities
Provision of parks/green spaces
2002
1999
Provision of sports and leisure
facilities
Accessibility to sports leisure
facilities
Neighbourhood
0
20
40
60
80
100
% of residents satisfied with...
Source: NDC Resident Perception Survey
In total, 59% of the residents surveyed in 2002 indicated their spirit of community.
Involvement in the community has increased substantially since the 1999 position, from 25%
feeling closely involved with their community, to 56% in 2002. There has also been a growth
in the number of Tenants and Residents Associations (TRA’s) from 21 in 1999 to 44 in 2002,
indicating commitment by residents to their neighbourhoods, and illustrating the improved
capabilities of regeneration agencies such as New Deal for Communities to use the TRA’s
as a method of community engagement in the regeneration process.
Consultations also suggested that there are numerous immeasurable benefits which have
emerged from the regeneration in recent years, namely the community confidence in the
regeneration process, and the increased pride in the community. There is also evidence of
the development of interest in volunteering in the area. These are explored in more detail
later in the section.
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6.2 WHAT EAST MANCHESTER HAS ACHIEVED
The statistical overview highlights how East Manchester has experienced:

Slight health improvements;

Helped diminish the fear of crime, and experienced a decrease in the crime rate for
particular crimes, i.e. burglary;

Increased aspirations amongst the younger population;

Improved sense of community cohesion and identity;

Increased satisfaction by residents in their access to services and facilities, particularly
sports and leisure facilities;

Development of significant interest in volunteering;

Improved satisfaction with neighbourhood.
One of the biggest achievements is the bottom-up approach to regeneration in the area.
David Wilson described how “most people feel they have a real say in their future and are
being listened to. In other words, they take ownership”.
6.3 WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS CAN BE ATTRIBUTED TO THE GAMES
As stated at the outset of this section, measuring social benefits is very difficult, and
attributing social benefits to an initiative or event is even more problematic. Nevertheless,
this sub-section attempts to consider the role the Games played in these achievements.
Clearly the development of Sportcity has played an important role in enabling local people to
access leisure and recreational facilities.
Sportcity is an elite athlete facility, however,
regeneration agencies, along with Manchester City Council and Sport England wanted to
ensure that local people could capture the benefits of this sporting infrastructure located in
their community. The Velodrome, built in 1994 as a “stalking horse to get the [Olympic]
Games” (Senior Development Manager, Sport England) was seen as an example of a facility
which was not identified by local people as accessible to them. The use of regeneration
initiatives such as the Sport Action Zone has facilitated community access to the new
facilities.
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It is unlikely that East Manchester would have got SAZ status if it had not been for the
Games – “The SAZ ensured the community could access the facilities situated in their
locality” (Senior Development Manager, Sport England). Through Sportcity the community
has:

100 days use of the City of Manchester stadium annually;

Opportunity to use the National Cycling Centre, National Squash Centre, Tennis Centre,
indoor and outdoor athletics track, health and fitness suite and medicine facilities every
day of the year;

The delivery of sports programmes for all local schools;

Access for sports clubs to use Sportcity facilities.
Source: Sport England, Investing in our Sporting Future
Brown and Massey, 2001, in their research into the Sports Development Impact of the
Commonwealth Games identified positive social effects of events as:

Increased social interaction;

Involvement of all age groups;

Involvement of non-regular participants in sports;

Community group involvement;

Civic pride and identity.
Source: McKinnon, 1987 IN Hall, 1992, p.68.
Indeed, Sport England highlighted the ability of sport to “reach all levels” in engaging the
population in a way that other cultural events such as ballet or opera couldn’t achieve. It
provides a common identity, and plays a crucial part in regeneration at a more personal level
(Sport England, Investing in our Sporting Future).
Despite the benefits which having Sportcity has brought to East Manchester, there was a
minority of consultees who expressed the view that Sportcity had not been a response to
local need for leisure facilities.
The SAZ Manager expressed the view that whilst East
Manchester has benefited from improved sport facilities, the facilities the community actually
needed included a multi-use centre and football facilities. There was also some resentment
amongst the older people who were consulted as part of this research, some objected to the
development and felt they had not been consulted initially as to whether the Sportcity
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development should be located in East Manchester. Brown & Massey, 2001, support this
claim, by describing how the decision-making process surrounding cities’ bidding for major
events is seldom a democratic process: “The decision to host the event is…a joint decision
of community elites of which elected officials and the government in power are a part, but
seldom is the decision to host the event the result of grass-roots democratic decisionmaking” (p.23, taken from Hillier, 1998)
Furthermore, the closure of a nearby local swimming pool has caused upset amongst the
local community: “People are very angry because they know local services and facilities are
being sacrificed for the Games” (resident quoted in Chaudhary, 2001).
The Senior
Development Manager from Sport England argued that Gorton Tub would have closed
regardless although the opening of the Aquatic Centre helped, and this argument was
upheld by MCC who attributed the closure to other factors such as best value assessments.
In addition, there are numerous fears about the use of the Stadium by Manchester City
Football Club (MCFC) now that the Games are over. Brown, 2001 believed that “whatever
benefits the stadium may bring, the East Manchester community is likely to face a host of
additional problems, including the influx of 35,000 football fans every week or so. These
concerns range from the ubiquitous parking problems to crime and social disorder” (p.18).
These fears were relayed during the community consultation and ranged from concern with
parking, to noise, and increased crime and disorder.
On this final point, there is an
expectation by the police that the development will lead to a slight increase in crime in the
area, namely vehicle crime and shoplifting around the Asda development, and an increase in
disorder during MCFC games (Superintendent of MCC), although crime generated during
the Games itself was very low, with approximately 60 offences reported over the period of
the Games, mainly offences such as purse-snatching. It is felt, however, on a positive front
that having MCFC located in East Manchester will give an identity to the area, in addition to
providing an on-going use for the stadium.
All consultees highlighted the role the Games played in generating commnunity pride in the
area. Comments on the Games included:

“Brought some hope for the area again” (Clayton Community Representative)

“Very proud of the Games” (Openshaw Community Representative)

“The level of pride generated through the Games will have a lasting effect, [it] raised
people’s expectations” (NDC Resident Information and Support Worker)
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“Restored pride in an area where pride had been dissipated in a lot of ways” (Director of
the EAZ)

“A brilliant boost to community spirit” (Community Representative for the East
Manchester Resident Forum).
There was a feeling amongst some of the consultees that the success of the Games
overcame community scepticism about the regeneration effort. The Director of the EAZ
described how the success of the Games overcame a history of a perception of broken
promises, providing a “tangible symbol of delivery and honorary of a promise”. One of the
Community Representatives for NEM Ltd described how there had been promises of
regeneration for the last twenty years that never happened or failed. The stadium provided
visible proof to the community that the regeneration was going to happen. The Director of
the Centre of Urban Policy Studies at Manchester University described how the sporting
investment gave a “sense of commitment and place to [the] population”. He went on to
describe how the stadium was a symbol of regeneration, and one which was of critical
importance to the local population. The Chair of EMP added further weight to this argument:
“Promises that things would get better did not materialise. Now suddenly, the realism that
the Games will happen – and very soon – motivated everyone. It is no longer a pipe dream.
The sight of the stadium emerging from the ground was key” (p.6).
The role the Games has played in improving other aspects of quality of life is more tenuous.
For example, the lowering of the crime rate, the diminished fear of crime, slight health
improvements, and heightened residential satisfaction with neighbourhoods can be
attributed to the wider regeneration effort, and a step change in the way service providers
such as the police and the health authority deliver their services to the area. If anything, as
highlighted earlier, the Sportcity development is more likely to contribute to increased crime
in the area in the longer term through the presence of MCFC. However, a number of the
consultees expressed their surprise at the lack of vandalism of Games related investment,
suggesting a link between an improved sense of pride and a reduction in vandalism. The
impact on health by the presence of Sportcity is more likely to be realised in the longer term,
as improved health is realised through participation in sporting activities.
Similarly, the role the Games has played in encouraging community capacity is also an area
of debate. Regeneration agencies such as New Deal for Communities have played a key
role in empowering the community through consultation, neighbourhood planning, and
encouraging the community to express their views through: representation on the Beacons
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Board (the NDC and SRB5 delivery board), New East Manchester Ltd, the various task
groups such as Crime, Education, Housing, Tenants and Resident Associations (TRA’s),
and the Resident’s Forum. These provide a mechanism for feeding back information and
providing a community voice. However, as discussed earlier, the Games themselves did
play a role in encouraging ‘buy in’ to the regeneration process, as the Sportcity development
provided a symbol that the regeneration was going to happen. Furthermore, initiatives such
as the Pre-Games Volunteer Project (PVP) delivered through the North West SRB scheme
initiated significant interest in volunteering, providing a mechanism for engaging individuals
in the regeneration of their area.
6.4 CONCLUDING COMMENT
The area co-ordinator in East Manchester for Groundwork, described his thinking on the
progress of regeneration in East Manchester: “The difference physically to the area is huge,
the difference socially is less apparent”. It is evident from the research findings that there
has been some headway made into social regeneration. However, as mentioned earlier, it is
difficult to measure social progress, and measurement is largely dependent upon anecdotal
evidence. The current round of regeneration activity in East Manchester, including NDC,
SRB, NEM etc, has only been underway since 1999, and social change is something which
occurs over decades, not over five years of regeneration.
It is apparent, however, that improvements have been made although this can largely be
attributed to the wider regeneration activity in the area. What the consultees felt that the
Games brought to the process was confidence that the regeneration was going to occur, and
pride in the area, and “confidence and pride are two fairly important building blocks in social
regeneration” (Director of the EAZ).
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7.
EFFECTIVENESS OF A SPORTS-LED REGENERATION STRATEGY AND THE
FUTURE OF EAST MANCHESTER
This section considers a number of issues relating to the effectiveness of the regeneration
effort in East Manchester. Firstly, it considers the value of a sports-led regeneration strategy
in East Manchester - to what extent could investment in the Games been better spent
elsewhere? It then goes on to consider the sustainability of Sportcity and the legacy of the
Games.
The chapter then assesses the wider regeneration scheme, in particular the
efficiency of partnership structures and identification of the future needs of the area.
7.1 THE VALUE OF A SPORTS-LED REGENERATION STRATEGY IN EAST MANCHESTER
Section 3 made the case for the Commonwealth Games to be held in East Manchester.
This sub-section reiterates what benefits a sports-led regeneration strategy aimed to yield in
East Manchester, and considers the reality of the investment.
The belief by key
stakeholders was that “Manchester’s hosting of the 2002 Commonwealth Games [would]
provide a unique launchpad for the regeneration of East Manchester on a scale and diversity
almost unprecedented in an English City” (p.4, England’s RDAs, 2002). Manchester City
Council described the Games as an opportunity to “kickstart regeneration in East
Manchester” (Leader of MCC). Historically, regeneration initiatives have struggled to make a
difference in East Manchester. The Leader of the City Council described how MCC have
“been looking for 20 years for that catalyst to drive economic change”. A sporting megaevent was seen as driving the regeneration forward.
ODPM described how “the scale and national/international significance of the Games, and
their subsequent legacy, is a central anchor to the whole process of regenerating East
Manchester. The Games themselves can be expected to raise the commercial profile of the
area. So too, subsequently, will the sports stadium and the associated sporting facilities.
They provide an important part of the rationale for the extension of the Metrolink network to
the area…they clearly present an anchor development from which an uplift in land values
should provide the lever for the wider regeneration of the area” (p.9, Urban Regeneration
Companies: A Process Evaluation).
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Overall, there was unanimous consensus that the Games had made a significant difference
to the regeneration effort in East Manchester, and this has been explored through Sections
4-6. However, there was some debate in consultations on some of the concerns held by
stakeholders around the Games, and some questions asked as to whether money could
have been better spent elsewhere, i.e. is a new stadium a wise use of Manchester’s
resources? These issues are outlined and debated below.
Schimmel highlighted how a sport strategy for urban development may serve as a vehicle to
symbolically construct consensus, “however, we should also be cognisant of the fact that
such a powerful symbol of common interest may also obscure other less dramatic concerns
such as improving city housing, or health care, or schools, or job training” (p.275 in Gratton
et.al, 2001). These concerns were expressed by some of the consultees who queried the
extent to which the investment in the Games had skewed service provision from other areas.
It is difficult to quantify the extent to which this did occur, as this would be another study in
itself. However, it is acknowledged by MCC that there were a number of staff seconded to
work on the Commonwealth Games. One service provider interviewed for this research
described how there was a “massive dislocation of service provision” to support the Games
through staff secondments.
There was also some resentment expressed by residents in the area, as they could see the
additional resources being given to the area because of the Games, i.e. quality of cleansing
in the area, improved environment, flowering of the area etc, which they saw as being “just
for the telly” (Area co-ordinator, Groundwork).
This level of investment could not be
sustained in the long-term, which meant “locally, the difference felt by local people is almost
worse than if it hadn’t taken place” (Area co-ordinator, Groundwork). Now the Games “has
gone, a lot has gone with it” in terms of street cleanliness (Community Resident). Service
levels have returned to pre-Games standards, but expectations of the community were
raised during the Games.
In monetary terms, there were initial concerns that residents of Manchester may bear the
price of running the Games through increased council tax: “we were promised that the
Commonwealth Games would not affect services or council tax but this is not true. We are
very concerned at the financial management of the Games and the impact this is going to
have on the city”, “If you are spending millions on the games it means you are not able to
spend it on anything else” (Simon Ashley, leader of the Liberal Democrats on MCC, IN
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Chaudhary, 2001). There were concerns by residents that by channelling money into such a
specific area ,such as a sports event, there may be a vacuum created in other areas.
However, unlike the case of Sheffield in 1991, Manchester has succeeded in bringing in
external funding from central government and other funding pots, which meant the local
authority did not have to use too much of their own funds. This meant that the event in
Manchester was more economically regenerative because the cost was largely borne
outside the City (Director of the Leisure Industries Research Centre, SHU). The public
investment in the Games and the associated regeneration infrastructure and activity was
estimated to be £670m (CPC, October 2002) which came from a variety of sources,
including the Sports and Heritage Lottery funds, ERDF Objective 1, MCC, and the NWDA.
Furthermore, the contingency funds for the Games were only partly spent, enabling them to
be redistributed to partners, including MCC which will be money reinvested back into
Manchester.
There remain some sceptics who challenge whether a sports event can contribute to
regeneration: “I’m not convinced you can build regeneration on a stadium” (Stephen Lowe,
Bishop of Hulme, in Lipman, 2001). A number of community representatives agreed that
before the Games they (and the communities they represented) were cynical about what the
Games could achieve. However, those who are fully engaged in the regeneration process
have now recognised what the Games did bring to East Manchester.
A community
representative on the NEM Board explained that he recognised how the Games played a
role in bringing forward inward investment, private sector interest, and public sector projects.
Section 8 will conclude the debate on whether a sports-led regeneration strategy (i.e. the
Games) was an effective tool for regeneration in East Manchester.
7.2 SUSTAINABILITY AND THE LEGACY OF THE GAMES
Sportcity is now the largest integrated sports development site in Britain. The view held by
key funders of the Games was that their investment was not just about hosting the
Commonwealth Games, but more about leaving a legacy in provision: “The Games were a
tremendous success and have left Manchester with a legacy it will have for years to come”
(Simmonds, 2002). Indeed, “delivering a ‘legacy’ to the city from the Commonwealth Games
is something which has been a primary motivation for Manchester’s strategy to host the
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Games” (Brown & Massey, 2001). Sustainable after use of venues was considered an
important priority, there was a determination that venues built for the purpose of a ten day
sporting event would not become ‘white elephants’ as in the case of Sydney and Kuala
Lumpur: “MCC were very clear that we were not going to build anything unless we were sure
how it was going to be sustained after the Games” (Leader of MCC). The sporting legacy
was identified as:

Venues are available for future events and sports development;

There will be significant community use of the facilities;

The area will be home to the Regional HQ of the English Institute of Sport;

The after-use of the stadium is secured by Manchester City Football Club (MCFC) who
will relocate to the stadium in time for start of the next football season in autumn 2003.

MCFC will pay a rent based upon ticket sales for use of the stadium which will be
reinvested into sports facilities and development programmes across the rest of the
Sportcity site.
As revealed earlier, there are concerns about MCFC moving to the area, particularly by the
community, who fear the noise, rubbish, vandalism and disorder it may bring. However,
MCFC will give an identity to the area: “despite the negative aspects of the game, the
football stadium remains a significant landmark on the urban landscape. Football remains
the number one spectator sport in the UK, it is still the major vehicle through which a town or
city expresses its aspirations and sense of civic pride” (Churchman, p.13).
MCFC will generate spend in the local community, through fans spending in local shops and
pubs, although the research on how extensive this spend will be is inconclusive: “It has
become something of a given that the construction of new stadiums will bring economic and
social benefits to the areas in which they are sited…there seems to be few guarantees about
the pay-off for the local area, communities and the cities in which they live.
The
assumptions that new stadiums will inevitably bring these benefits is just that” (Brown, 2001,
p.18). This is further supported by the consultation with the Director of the Leisure Industries
Research Centre at SHU, who believes there will be relatively small amounts of ancillary
spend in East Manchester associated with MCFC, with the majority of money spent on
tickets. On a more positive angle, it is felt that the sporting infrastructure on Sportcity will
provide a social focus for the community, and alter people’s perception of their
neighbourhood.
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The extent to which local people captured the benefits of the Commonwealth Games has
been considered in this research.
ODPM in their publication: Urban Regeneration
Companies: A Process Evaluation identified how “key to the effectiveness of the whole East
Manchester project, will be the extent to which the benefits of the Commonwealth
Games…can be accrued to local people”. These can be considered as direct and indirect
benefits.
Directly, there will be a small number of jobs created within the Sportcity
development although these are likely to be part-time and in low-skill hospitality work such
as stewarding, bartending, and catering (Hayward, 2001). Local people also benefited from
attending the Games events through tickets being distributed. Over the two weekends of the
Games the NDC team and their partners organised four parties in four local parks to
celebrate the regeneration of the area, as well as other events over the games, and the
schools were involved in education related events.
A stated objective of the Commonwealth Games was for them to be the ‘Inclusive Games’,
and the slogan ‘Count Yourself In’ was used. The North West SRB programme aimed to
ensure that the Games were inclusive for the region, in particular to ensure that
disadvantaged communities had fair access and equity in sharing the benefits arising from
the Games.
The Pre-Games Volunteer Project run by the NW SRB scheme enabled
residents in the North West, including East Manchester, to be volunteers at the Games.
There are also numerous indirect benefits which have been identified throughout this study.
There is debate as to whether these can be attributed, in some form, to the Games, such as
the jobs created by the Asda-Walmart store opening. It is felt that these indirect benefits will
continue to emerge in the longer-term as the regeneration effort continues.
Regeneration partners have worked hard to ensure that local people have ownership of the
Sportcity development. Lesley Spencer, NDC Regeneration Officer, described how, in East
Manchester, “people are talking about ‘our’ stadium” (Lixenburg, 2002, p.13). The Sports
Action Zone has played an important role in ensuring local people can access the facilities.
Consultations with the community representatives revealed a high degree of pride amongst
the community associated with hosting the Games, although there was some feeling that
local people have not fully captured the legacy of the Games, in particular they are not
getting the most out of the sporting facilities, particularly those who have not previously
participated in sporting activities. There are some misconceptions about the cost of using
these facilities which need to be addressed.
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7.3 THE EFFECTIVENESS OF PARTNERSHIP STRUCTURES
Section 2 described the current regeneration context in East Manchester, identifying the key
regeneration vehicles operating in the area as New Deal for Communities, SRB5, an Urban
Regeneration Company (NEM), Education Action Zone, and Sport Action Zone. Historically,
having a plethora of regeneration initiatives operating in an area frequently led to duplication
and competition in terms of ‘chasing’ outcomes. However, current policy dictates the need
for joint working between initiatives and the need to work towards a shared vision. The
approach in East Manchester is widely hailed as a good practice example of the
effectiveness of such an approach. A balance has been struck between social, economic,
and physical aims and objectives through having different initiatives with different emphases
working closely together. For example:

New East Manchester is responsible for ensuring that current local regeneration
initiatives are integrated with one another. Its remit is largely physical and economic
regeneration, but it is responsible for developing and putting in place a strategic
framework for regenerating East Manchester (New East Manchester: A New Town in
the City);

New Deal for Communities and the SRB5 scheme together form the ‘Beacons for a
Brighter Future’ project. This ensures the social needs of the community are addressed,
with the project offering a targeted and neighbourhood focused approach in key
programme areas such as worklessness, crime, and environment. It also provides the
scope to ensure that investment in capital projects is made in conjunction with local
people: “Beacons will allow for the right balance to be struck between people based and
physical investment in order to ensure not only that problems are successfully tackled,
but also that the significant opportunities which will be available, such as Sportcity, will
be harnessed to maximise the benefit for the local community” (p.5, NDC Delivery Plan,
1999).
The Director of the Centre of Urban Policy Studies at Manchester University referred to the
combination of NDC, SRB and URC models of regeneration as “extraordinarily potent” in
East Manchester, blending social (NDC/SRB) objectives with the physical and economic
concerns of the URC.
NEM describe that one of their “greatest strengths [is] that excellent partnership relationships
have been developed with a range of local stakeholders and…the three funding partners”
(p.6, NEM Implementation Plan). This statement was supported by many of the consultees
interviewed:
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The level of partnership in East Manchester is “probably exceptional” (Director of the
EAZ);

“East Manchester has got the chemistry right” (Manchester University);

“The URC has helped create a shared vision” (Head of Regeneration, NWDA).
The strength of the partnership was attributed to a number of factors:

Firstly, co-location in shared office accommodation has helped facilitate joint-working,
indeed, the Director of the Centre of Urban Policy Studies referred to the Beacons
project and NEM as “seamless animals” because of their co-location.

Secondly, there are a number of jointly-funded posts which helps share information.
There are also a number of shared members on each of the initiative’s boards, e.g.
Chief Executive of NEM, sits on the Beacons Board, and the Manager of the NDC, sits
on the NEM Board. A number of the consultees also touched on the individuals
involved in the initiative: “Any partnership is only as good as its members, and their
willingness to subjugate agendas to the greater good” (Head of Millennium
Communities, EP). Having the right people in the right posts is seen as an important
ingredient in the East Manchester partnership arrangements. The Chief Executive of
NEM described how all of the initiative managers are adamant that they “will succeed or
fail together” and how “there is an interdependence between what we are all trying to
achieve”.

Thirdly, a Public Agencies Forum has been established to develop closer working
relationships between the various bodies delivering public services across the area.

Finally, all of the organisations have their own strategic plans, aims and objectives, but
the over-arching regeneration framework, New East Manchester: A New Town in the
City, which all partners helped develop has played a strong role in ensuring all
regeneration partners are signed up to the shared vision, aims and objectives put
forward in the document.
From the public sector perspective, therefore, the partnership in East Manchester appears to
be a strong vehicle for driving regeneration forward. However, it is important to consider
how inclusive these partnership structures are of the community and the private sector.
There are a number of mechanisms for ensuring these voices are heard:

The Beacons for a Brighter Future Partnership is the key vehicle for capturing the views
of local people. There are six residents on the Board of which three represent the areas
of Clayton, Openshaw, and Beswick respectively, one represents the EAZ, and two
represent NEM. One of the residents chairs the Board. This illustrates the use of
shared members on different initiatives operating in the area. There is also a
representative from the Voluntary Sector Consortium, and one local business
representative. These are elected through the Residents’ Forum and the Voluntary
Sector Consortium.
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The East Manchester Residents’ Forum is open to representatives from each of the
Tenants and Resident Groups operating in the area, and operates on an invitation only
basis.

There are six thematic task groups (Crime, Community Safety and Anti-Social
behaviour; Housing and Neighbourhood Management; Youth Issues; Environment;
Employment, Education and Training; and Health and Well Being) which are open to
local people.

There is a Resident Liaison Team within the NDC which works with local people,
provides a point of contact for residents who want information about the regeneration,
and tries to engage them in regeneration activities.

Community consultation is carried out in areas where a specific project or initiative is
being undertaken.

Neighbourhood Planning is a key tool for engaging local people.
Nevertheless, there were concerns put forward, particularly by consultees from the
community, voluntary and private sector. These are debated below.
Effectiveness of Structures to Include the Community
There was a strong view put forward by all consultees that the community were not
consulted in the past about regeneration initiatives, with regeneration being ‘done’ to
communities rather than ‘with’ communities. There were high levels of satisfaction with the
current initiatives, particularly NDC, in ensuring that the regeneration is now about what local
people want: “NDC has given residents access to the regeneration of their areas, and clout
in decisions being made which affect them” (Bosworth Street TRA). Residents now feel they
have got a say and can “now question and it is our decision” (Chair of the Beacons Board
and Resident). The capacity for resident involvement has been progressed and they have
“become aware of what can be achieved” (Chair of the Beacons Board).
However, some concerns were expressed about the community representatives routes of
accountability back to their community. There was also concern expressed by the voluntary
sector about the confidence of community representatives to disagree with proposed
actions, although the consultations held with each community representative did not raise
this as a concern. Indeed, one representative described how the community have been
empowered, “they are now very vocal, and the confidence issue has been overcome”. The
ability for community representatives to be accountable to their community varied,
depending on the community they represent. Some of the communities are very engaged,
whilst others agreed that being accountable to their community was difficult.
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There were a number of reasons put forward for this, it did not appear to be due to a lack of
effort on the part of the representative or the NDC, “the hardest thing is getting involvement
from the local community” (NDC Resident Liaison Team).
The NDC Resident Liaison
Worker highlighted the difficulties of changing cynical attitudes about the regeneration and
the resulting apathy making it incredibly difficult to engage some individuals. Some of the
representatives who are not representing communities but initiatives (i.e. NEM or EAZ) felt
their input tended to be personal because of the difficulties of representing the East
Manchester community as a whole: “I can only say what I think” (Community
Representative).
One representative felt that communities within the area were very competitive which was
not conducive to inclusion. In particular, there is some resentment amongst communities,
for example, residents in Openshaw and Clayton who resent what has happened in Beswick
(i.e. in terms of the money spent on the area to host the Games).
This flags up the
importance of proving to the East Manchester community as a whole that the regeneration
plan is for the entire area, and other areas will benefit as the focus moves from the shortterm emphasis on Beswick as the location of Sportcity, to encompassing the area as a
whole.
Despite these problems, overall, consultees felt that the partnership was strong, and whilst it
is “not fully inclusive of community…[it] is more inclusive than any other partnership I have
ever experienced” (Community Representative).
Private Sector Engagement
In addition to having a private sector representative on the Beacons Board who is a local
business person, there is also the East Manchester Partnership (EMP) which operates in the
area. EMP is a private sector led partnership, and is used as mechanism for feeding back
progress on regeneration to the private sector. It assists in the identification of opportunities
which the private sector can aim to exploit and provides a vehicle for the public sector to
pass on knowledge to the private sector with the intention of creating awareness and
enthusiasm. There is a lot of representation on the partnership from the construction and
property sector, in addition to other local businesses and agencies such as NEM, the City
Council, and the FE College MANCAT.
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The private sector representative who sits on the Beacons Board was invited rather than
elected into post. During consultation he explained how he aims to ensure his voice is
inclusive of the business community, although there are clear difficulties in achieving this,
because ultimately his main aim is to run his own business. The nature of the business he is
in means he does have a lot of contact with other businesses in the area which he uses as
an informal mechanism. Because he runs his own business the amount of time he can
devote to the regeneration effort is limited although it can prove time-consuming. It was felt
that EMP could play a greater role in feeding back information to the Beacons Board (at the
moment it disseminates information to EMP members on initiative progress, but does not
collect feedback from EMP members) and this is something that is under consideration.
Future Plans
There are currently some plans underway which will help strengthen the partnership further.
For example, NEM as the over-arching regeneration agency are keen to develop an East
Manchester Implementation Plan (Chief Executive, NEM). Because of different reporting
arrangements for each initiative this will prove to be challenging. Already there have been
some developments to overcome bureaucracy, with the Beacons project managing two
streams of funding (NDC and SRB) through one pot of funding. They have developed joint
appraisal and monitoring systems, although they do aspire to get the NWDA and GO-NW to
give them one set of guidelines. One particular time-consuming task is audits, which are not
undertaken jointly, and resulted in 18 audits being carried out in 2002. There are aspirations
for an ‘East Manchester Single Pot’ of funding, although “in reality it is very difficult” to
achieve this (Regeneration Officer, NDC).
7.4 THE FUTURE OF EAST MANCHESTER
The overarching regeneration framework: ‘New East Manchester: A New Town in the City’
has set ambitious targets over the lifetime of the regeneration effort in East Manchester,
including a doubling of population to 60,000, developing 12,500 new homes, and the
improvement of 7,000 new homes. There are two fundamental objectives which underpin
the framework: to create sustainable communities, and to maximise the contribution that
East Manchester makes to national, regional, and local competitiveness.
It is apparent
through this study that there have been numerous achievements since the initiatives began
in 1999, namely diversification of the business base, a lowering of unemployment and other
social exclusion indicators, and improvements in educational attainment amongst others.
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The intention of regeneration initiatives such as NDC was to concentrate “on slowing the rate
of, and beginning to reverse the decline of the area” in the first three years of the programme
(p.8, NDC Delivery Plan, 1999). Then the intention is to ensure the area’s comprehensive
and long-term regeneration. There is a recognition amongst partners of the need to ensure
the community of East Manchester is sustainable through:

The economic base of the community;

The quality of life of residents, measured in terms of educational provision, a safe and
pleasant environment, good health, absence of crime, and other factors which influence
choice about where people live and work;

The strength of the local community networks and organisations;

The quality of public services and the management of local neighbourhoods;

The ability of residents to access homes suited to their needs and aspirations.
Source: Manchester Community Strategy, 2002-2012
When the regeneration of the area began, there was a need for a short-term focus on the
Games, “the timing [was] critical if the area [was] to capture the opportunities offered by the
Games and the investment in infrastructure” (p.8, NDC Delivery Plan, 1999). NEM’s Chief
Executive described how their focus was on the short-term, ensuring linkages between the
Games and local people were made, and ensuring maximum benefit was achieved. They
used the Games to give an impetus to the wider regeneration effort in East Manchester, it
was “very clear that this was a real target and this focused the mind and got momentum
going” as there was an absolute deadline that had to be met. Many of the consultees
expressed the opinion that the Commonwealth Games could not be allowed to fail, which
meant East Manchester was brought to the top of priorities.
There is recognition amongst all of the partners that the “real work is now that the Games is
over” (Chair of EMP). There is a belief that many of the real benefits to East Manchester are
still to come, as several major regeneration projects that are in the pipeline come to fruition,
such as Central Park Manchester, the Metrolink, and further developments around Sportcity.
The consultations illustrated their agreement on how the Games was a milestone in the
regeneration effort:
Date: April 2003
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?

“The hosting of the Commonwealth Games between 25th of July and 4th of August,
2002, was a key milestone in the long term regeneration of the area” (p.58, Beacons for
a Brighter Future Annual Report, 2001).

“The Games was the milestone in a much greater scheme” (NW SRB Programme
Manager, MCC);

“It was a starting process, helping put East Manchester on the map” (Area Co-ordinator,
Groundwork)

“The Games provided the base for East Manchester to move on from” (Chair of EMP).
Date: April 2003
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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8.
CONCLUSIONS
This section summarises this research, and draws conclusions to the research question.
8.1 WHAT HAS BEEN ACHIEVED IN EAST MANCHESTER?
The pre-Games position (Section 3) illustrated how East Manchester suffered from a series
of interlinked problems, including population decline, high unemployment, multiple
deprivation, poor housing and environment, low educational attainment, high crime, and poor
health. Yet its location a mere 1.5 miles from the buoyant Manchester City Centre offered
significant opportunities. Over the 1980s and 1990s a series of regeneration initiatives had
tried and failed in East Manchester. During the 1990s thinking developed amongst key
partners of the possibilities of a sports-led regeneration strategy for the area developed
around a sporting mega-event such as the Olympics. In 1995 Manchester was awarded the
2002 Commonwealth Games. Sections 4 – 6 outlined the post- Games achievements in
East Manchester under the headings of economic, physical, and social regeneration
respectively.
The scale of deprivation in East Manchester means that the area has benefited since 1999
from a plethora of regeneration initiatives, including New Deal for Communities, Single
Regeneration Budget, Education Action Zone, and an Urban Regeneration Company.
These initiatives were aimed at achieving the holistic regeneration of the area, with the
ambition of achieving a sustainable community in the long-term. There have been numerous
achievements since the regeneration effort began:

The business base is beginning to diversify;

Flexible part-time working opportunities are beginning to emerge;

Unemployment has decreased over time in line with national averages;

Benefit dependency has experienced a slight reduction;

Educational attainment and attendance has significantly improved;

Housing demand is beginning to develop;

There are improved levels of resident satisfaction with their neighbourhood;

Large tracts of brownfield land have been reclaimed;
Date: April 2003
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?

There has been an overall reduction in crime and fear of crime;

Access to services by residents has improved;

Transport infrastructure has improved with access to the motorway network, and the
arrival of the Metrolink in 2005;

A number of key developments have come forward, such as Central Park Manchester,
and inward investors attracted such as Asda Walmart, and Fujitsu;

The level of community engagement has increased;

A number of more qualitative improvements have been identified such as increased
pride and confidence amongst the community.
This research has explored the role that hosting the Commonwealth Games has played in
the regeneration of the area.
8.2 WHAT WOULD HAVE HAPPENED ANYWAY, AND WHAT IS THE ADDED VALUE WHICH THE
GAMES BROUGHT TO THE REGENERATION OF EAST MANCHESTER?
It is very difficult to disentangle what would have happened anyway in East Manchester
through initiatives such as NDC, and NEM, from what the Games contributed. Because of
the scale of need (as demonstrated by the Index of Multiple Deprivation) it is highly likely that
East Manchester would have achieved the NDC, URC, SRB, EAZ status regardless of the
Games. However, it appears likely that the Sport Action Zone status was given to the area
because it was hosting the Games to ensure local people could capture the benefits of the
sporting infrastructure investment.
The work by Cambridge Policy Consultants (CPC) on the economic impact of the Games
estimated the additional employment opportunities which have emerged from hosting the
Games. In particular, they estimated that there would be 6,300 FTE direct jobs created, of
which 2,000 would be in East Manchester.
Furthermore, the public sector investment
associated with the Games and its associated regeneration infrastructure activity led to an
additional investment of £570m in East Manchester. This is the added value which hosting
the Games brought to East Manchester.
Initiatives such as the connection of East Manchester to the M60 Orbital motorway, and
Central Park Manchester were conceived in advance of the Games and the current
regeneration initiatives. The reclamation of brownfield land would have occurred through
schemes such as Central Park Manchester and the work of New East Manchester, although
Date: April 2003
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
the ability of the Eastlands site where Sportcity is located to be home to retail, leisure, offices
and housing in the absence of the Games is unlikely. However, the research revealed that
the level of private sector interest would have been unlikely to have been achieved as
quickly in the absence of the Games.
For example, investors such as Fujitsu, Asda
Walmart, and housing developers needed the reassurance that the area would be radically
transforming. The Sportcity development offered an icon of change.
The Ashton Canal Corridor regeneration scheme was also identified as a project that would
not have happened as quickly, or indeed in as comprehensive manner, if it had not been for
the Games.
Changing the image of the area is key to achieving the long-term ambitions as identified in
the regeneration framework: ‘New East Manchester: A New Town in the City’. Changing the
image of the area would help maintain the existing level of population, attract new residents
to live in the area, and attract private sector investment. CPC, 2002, described how “the
transformational impact of Sportcity, in particular in re-positioning East Manchester as an
attractive area to invest, would not have been possible without the Games”. Public opinion
of the Games expressed by the media illustrated how the Games contributed towards
changing perception: “Glorious Games prove that it’s glam up North” (The Mirror, 1st August
2002). The success of the Games also offered an “enhanced perception of Manchester as a
place that delivers” (Leader of MCC).
Many of the social indicators of improvement, such as crime reduction and changes in the
perception of crime, health improvements, and resident satisfaction can be attributed to the
wider regeneration effort and improvements to service provision by providers. However, the
development of two of the key building blocks of social regeneration - confidence and pride were assisted by the hosting of the Commonwealth Games. The Games also provided a
symbol of the regeneration effort in East Manchester, and gave the community trust in the
long term regeneration process. Furthermore, the Games also helped improve community
access to sport and leisure facilities.
Overall, it was felt that the added value that the Games brought to the regeneration activity
was its ability to maximise the benefits from the regeneration investment.
The Chief
Executive of NEM believed that “the Games are not just about ten days of sport, they are
about long-term investment.
Date: April 2003
I cannot prove that these things wouldn’t have happened
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
without the Games, but having lived through their planning for two years, I am convinced
they have made a difference” (p.8, Niven, 2002).
8.3 DID THE GAMES ACCELERATE THE PHYSICAL, SOCIAL, AND ECONOMIC REGENERATION OF
EAST MANCHESTER?
The consultation findings were unanimous that “the pace of change in East Manchester has
altered dramatically” (Head of Millennium Communities, EP) and that the Commonwealth
Games played a role in this. The findings from this research are largely anecdotal, as it is
very difficult to attribute economic, physical and social change to an event. Given the wider
regeneration activity underway in the area it is fair to conclude that the Games has been a
tool for accelerating change, rather than an initiator of change in itself.
This belief is
expressed by the Leader of MCC - that the regeneration initiatives such as NDC/SRB would
have delivered anyway without the Games, “but in the short term, they would not have
achieved as much…what has been achieved in East Manchester would have come 5 or 10
years later without the Games”. The regeneration initiatives used the Games as a focal
point, adding to the critical mass of impact.
The research findings add weight to this conclusion that the Games did play a role in
accelerating the regeneration of the area:

The awarding to Manchester of the 2002 Commonwealth Games “was the spark that
really set off the regeneration of East Manchester” (Chair of EMP);

East Manchester “could not have generated impetus and interest as quickly” without the
Games (Manager of the SAZ);

“The momentum of change and improvement – generated by New Deal for
Communities, by the Single Regeneration Budget, by the rapidly developing City of
Manchester Stadium – is palpable” (NEM, A New Town in the City).
Whilst it is fair to conclude that the Games has played a significant role in regenerating East
Manchester, it is also apparent that the Games, on their own, were not a regenerator in
themselves. They did play a role in regenerating the derelict site of Eastlands, and providing
direct job opportunities associated with the Games and their after-use. However, it was the
ability of the wider regeneration initiatives to capture the benefits of the Games that
contributed to the surge of change in the economic, physical, and social characteristics of
East Manchester.
Date: April 2003
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To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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Appendix A
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Date: March 2003
Appendix A : Bibliography
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Date: March 2003
Appendix A : Bibliography
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
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Date: March 2003
Appendix A : Bibliography
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Date: March 2003
Appendix A : Bibliography
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Appendix B
Consultation List
Date: March 2003
Appendix B : Consultation List
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Date: March 2003
Appendix B : Consultation List
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Name of Consultee
Professor Brian Robson
Chris Gratton
Baron Isherwood
Tom Russell
Richard Leese
Chris Dodd
John Dwan
Superintendent Thomson
Lesley Spencer
Lesley Giddins
Ian Nuttall
Duncan Innes
Jason Brindle
Steve Edwards
Veronica Powell
Elaine Wright
Bill Booth
Gary Loftus
Irene Johnson
Tim Presswood
Alan Watson and
colleagues
Diane McIntyre
John Reynolds
David Wilson
Hedley Carter
Date: March 2003
Organisation
Manchester University – Geography
Department and Director of the Centre of
Urban Policy Studies
Sheffield Hallam University, Director of the
Leisure Industries Research Centre
NWDA, Head of Regeneration
Chief Executive of New East Manchester
Ltd
Leader of Manchester City Council
Senior Development Manager at Sport
England
Manager of the Sports Action Zone in East
Manchester
Greater Manchester Police
New East Manchester: Regeneration
Officer and deputy co-ordinator for the NDC
Programme
Legacy Programme Manager, Manchester
City Council
Site Manager of MANCAT (Manchester
College of Arts and Technology)
Head of Millennium Communities at English
Partnerships
Area Co-ordinator East Manchester for
Groundwork Manchester
Director of East Manchester Education
Action Zone
New East Manchester Ltd Community
Representative on the Beacons Board and
Chair of the Beacons Board
Community Representative for Openshaw
on the Beacons Board
Community Representative for Clayton on
the Beacons Board
Resident Information and Support Worker,
NDC Resident Liaison Team
Community Representative on the Beacons
Board for the East Manchester Residents
Forum
Community Representative on the Beacons
Board for New East Manchester Ltd
Bosworth Street Tenants and Residents
Association
Beswick and Bradford Community Project
Asda Walmart – Head office representative
Chair of the East Manchester Partnership
Private sector representative on the
Beacons Board
Representing
Academic Perspective
Academic Perspective
Strategic Perspective/Key
stakeholder
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder
Service Provider
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder/Service Provider
Key Stakeholder/Games organiser
Service Provider
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder
Service Provider/Community and
Voluntary sector perspective
Strategic Perspective/Key
Stakeholder/Service Provider
Community perspective
Community perspective
Community perspective
Community perspective
Community perspective
Community perspective
Community perspective
Voluntary sector perspective
Private sector perspective
Private sector perspective
Private sector perspective
Appendix B : Consultation List
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Date: March 2003
Appendix B : Consultation List
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Appendix C
Statistical Baseline
Date: March 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Date: March 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
Demographic Profile
Total population
1991
1998
2001
11,600
11,200
-
11,805
11,100
-
23,405
22,300
-
379,529
392,819
6,458,782
6,729,800
52,365,813
58,789,194
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University Pop Est’s
2001 Census of Population
1991
1998
2001
2,999
3,300
-
2,989
2,900
-
5,988
6,200
-
91,584
77,692
1,401,811
1,300,392
11,023,723
11,105,238
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University Pop Est’s
2001 Census of Population
1991
1998
2001
25.9
29.5
-
25.3
26.1
-
25.6
27.8
-
22.6
19.8
20.8
19.3
20.1
18.9
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University Pop Est’s
2001 Census of Population
1991
1998
2001
6,655
6,200
-
6,465
6,100
-
13,120
12,300
-
238,486
255,122
4,067,049
4,178,516
33,589,496
36,873,078
1991
1998
2001
57.4
55.4
-
54.8
55.0
-
56.1
55.2
-
58.9
64.9
60.5
62.1
61.2
62.7
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University Pop Est’s
2001 Census of Population
1991
1998
2001
1,946
1,700
-
2,351
2,100
-
4,297
3,800
-
74,810
66,005
1,258,000
1,250,892
10,275,625
10,810,878
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University Pop Est’s
2001 Census of Population
1991
1998
2001
16.8
15.2
-
19.9
18.9
-
18.4
17.0
-
18.5
15.3
18.7
18.6
18.7
18.4
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University Pop Est’s
2001 Census of Population
Total Population
Aged 15 and under
Of working age
Of retired age
-3.5
+10.0
-6.9
-12.7
-6.0
-3.0
-6.3
-10.7
-4.7
+3.5
-6.3
-11.6
3.5
-15.2
7.0
-11.8
4.2
-7.2
2.7
-0.6
12.3
0.7
9.8
5.2
% Change figures are 1991-1998 for
ward and East Manchester, and 19912001 for Manchester, NW, and GB
No. aged 15 and under
% aged 15 and under
No. of working age (16-59/65)
1991 Census of Population
1998 Oxford University
(includes 16-59 only)
2001 Census of Population
Pop
Est’s
% of working age (16-59/65)
No. of retired age (59/65+)
% of retired age (59/65+)
% Change
Date: April 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
Source
% non-white population
1991
2001
3.9
-
4.5
-
4.2
-
12.6
19.0
3.7
5.6
6.2
9.1
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
1991
2001
2.5
-
2.4
-
2.4
-
4.7
4.5
0.7
0.6
1.9
2.3
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
1991
2001
0.2
0.7
0.5
5.4
9.1
2.2
3.4
3.0
4.6
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
1991
2001
1.2
1.4
1.3
2.6
2.2
0.8
0.6
1.3
0.9
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
1991
2001
-
-
-
3.2
0.9
1.3
1991 Census of Population : no data for
‘mixed’ as not used identified separately
in the 1991 census.
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
1991
2001
4,880
-
4,927
-
9,807
-
169,011
167,451
2,654,027
2,715,052
21,802,788
24,479,439
1998 ILD Rank
2000 IMD District Rank
-
-
-
3
3
-
-
% Black population
% Indian/Pakistani/Bangladesh
% Chinese/Other
% Mixed
No. of households with residents
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
Rank of Deprivation
Date: April 2003
1998 Index of Local Deprivation
2000 Index of Multiple Deprivation
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
2000 Index of Multiple Deprivation
Rank: out of 8,414 wards - most
deprived =1
Overall Rank
Income Domain Rank
Employment Domain Rank
Health Domain Rank
Education Domain Rank
Housing Domain Rank
Access Rank
Child Poverty Rank
DTLR 2000 Index of Multiple Deprivation,
www.statistics.gov.uk
22
43
37
39
294
723
7,523
181
17
57
67
41
111
593
7,197
95
3
3
3
-
-
-
-
6,514
6,916
+6.2
5,534
4,532
-18.1
12,048
11,449
-5.0
257,708
289,875
+12.5
2,614,746
2,887,026
+10.4
22,728,869
25,456,421
+12.0
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
86.0
78.7
84.2
74.3
85.1
77.0
74.9
72.4
71.3
69.3
71.4
69.3
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
14.0
21.3
15.8
25.7
14.9
23.0
25.1
27.1
28.7
30.7
28.6
30.7
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
3.2
-
3.0
-
3.1
-
4.8
4.6
6.8
7.0
7.8
8.3
391
383
-2.1
314
326
+3.8
705
709
+0.6
14,196
16,640
+17.2
210,396
226,748
+7.8
1,968,605
2,168,711
+10.2
Manchester – district rank, out of 354
districts – most deprived = 1
Business Profile
Number of employees in employment
1995
2001
% Change
% of employees in Full-Time employment
1995
2001
% of employees in Part-Time employment
1995
2001
% of 16-74 year olds who are economically
active and are in self-employment
1991
2001
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
No. of businesses
1995
2001
% change
Date: April 2003
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
No. of businesses employing less than 200
people
1995
2001
% change
% employing in 1995:
0-9 employees
10-49 employees
50-199 employees
200+ employees
% employing in 2001:
0-9 employees
10-49 employees
50-199 employees
200+ employees
% total business registrations 1995:
Stocks at start of year
VAT registrations (business start-ups)
VAT de-registrations (business failures)
Churn (Reg’s-Dereg’s)
Registrations as a % of stock
Registrations per 10,000 population
% total business registrations 2001:
Stocks at Start of Year
VAT registrations (business start-ups)
VAT de-registrations (business failures)
Churn (Reg’s-Dereg’s)
Registrations as a % of stock
Registrations per 10,000 population
Date: April 2003
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
386
375
-2.9
310
325
+4.8
696
700
0.5
13,976
16,422
+17.5
208,834
224,993
+7.7
1,955,371
2,153,409
+10.1
15.8
31.1
26.0
27.1
14.1
28.8
30.8
26.4
15.0
30.0
28.2
26.4
14.4
23.5
21.0
41.4
18.8
27.1
23.2
30.9
20.0
26.0
23.9
30.1
15.6
23.2
24.3
36.8
20.1
36.4
34.7
8.7
17.4
28.5
28.4
25.7
14.6
21.7
23.6
40.2
20.0
25.3
24.2
30.5
21.0
25.0
23.9
30.1
-
-
-
9,995
1,285
1,215
+70
12.6
29.8
159,875
15,915
18,445
-2,530
9.6
23.1
1,556,960
160,360
170,095
-9,735
10.3
28.1
240
-
205
-
445
-
11,840
1,295
1,750
-455
15.5
33.0
161,765
17,565
16,175
+1,390
10.9
26.1
1,609,485
171,810
159,295
+12,515
10.7
29.2
Source
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
Interdepartmental Business Register
(NOMIS)
Mid Year Population Estimates (ONS)
Interdepartmental Business Register
(NOMIS)
2001 Census of Population
Neighbourhood Statistics: ward level
information is for March 2000
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
% employment by sector 1995:
Agriculture & Fishing
Energy & Water
Manufacturing
Construction
Distribution, Hotels & Restaurants
Transport & Communications
Banking, Finance & Insurance etc.
Public Administration, Education & Health
Other Services
Total
% employment by sector 2001:
Agriculture & Fishing
Energy & Water
Manufacturing
Construction
Distribution, Hotels & Restaurants
Transport & Communications
Banking, Finance & Insurance etc.
Public Administration, Education & Health
Other Services
Total
Indicators of Deprivation
Unemployment: December 1996:
Persons
Rate
Date: April 2003
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
0.0
0.0
27.7
3.6
27.2
5.2
4.5
30.3
1.5
100
0.1
0.0
47.6
4.4
16.2
13.2
3.7
13.1
1.6
100
0.0
0.0
36.8
4.0
22.2
8.9
4.1
22.4
1.6
100
0.0
0.7
10.2
2.3
21.3
11.5
22.6
27.4
4.0
100
0.8
0.8
20.5
4.0
23.6
5.8
15.0
25.0
4.4
100
1.2
1.0
17.6
4.0
23.6
5.9
17.8
24.3
4.7
100
0.0
0.0
14.5
8.7
28.4
1.7
13.0
32.9
0.9
100
0.0
0.0
31.8
5.5
25.2
3.4
6.5
24.5
3.1
100
0.0
0.0
21.3
7.5
27.1
2.3
10.4
29.6
1.7
100
0.0
0.6
6.8
2.7
20.5
9.6
26.6
28.4
4.7
100
0.6
0.7
16.4
4.6
24.9
5.9
16.2
26.1
4.6
100
1.0
0.8
14.2
4.5
24.3
6.1
19.6
24.3
5.2
100
949
20.2
707
15.8
1,656
18.1
23,962
8.1
222,213
6.8
1,796,266
6.2
Source
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
Annual Business Inquiry (NOMIS)
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
wholly unemployed claimants.
Note ward based unemployment rates
are based on 1991 economically active
figures.
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
112,956
3.4
885,353
3.0
Unemployment December 2002
502
10.7
Persons
397
8.9
899
9.8
13,297
4.3
Source
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
wholly unemployed claimants.
Rate
Note ward based unemployment rates
are based on 1991 economically active
figures.
% of all claimants, December 1996,
Youth (18-25 years) Unemployment
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
claimant count, age and duration
% of all claimants
No.
% of all claimants, December 2002, Youth
(18-25 years) Unemployment
% of all claimants
No.
% of all claimants, December 1996, Longterm (one year or more) Unemployment
% of all claimants
No.
% of all claimants, December 2002, Longterm (one year or more) Unemployment
% of all claimants
No.
% Persons 16-74 years of age
Economically Active, 1991
%
No.
% Persons 16-74 years of age
Economically Active, 2001
%
No.
Date: April 2003
31.9
303
32.2
228
32.1
531
30.5
7,300
28.4
63,089
25.5
458,914
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
claimant count, age and duration
29.5
148
33.5
133
31.3
281
30.8
4,097
29.7
33,499
26.0
230,303
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
claimant count, age and duration
43.4
412
43.3
306
43.4
718
39.9
9,568
34.1
75,876
36.3
652,310
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
claimant count, age and duration
22.1
111
16.1
64
19.5
175
19.5
2,599
15.6
17,597
15.2
134,952
59.2
4,691
56.8
4,472
58.0
9,163
60.3
171,853
65.2
3,166,647
67.2
23,044,619
-
-
66.0
-
55.8
159,127
63.9
3,093,186
66.9
23,756,707
1991 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
2001 Census. *GB refers to England
NDC, taken from the 2002 Residents
Survey. East Manchester refers to the
Beacons regeneration zone.
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
Source
% Persons 16-74 years of age
Economically Inactive, 1991
1991 Census of Population
*GB refers to England
%
No.
40.8
3,239
43.2
3,401
42.0
6,640
39.7
113,361
34.8
1,691,884
32.8
11,242,064
% Persons 16-74 years of age
Economically Inactive, 2001
%
No.
-
-
34.0
-
44.2
125,867
28.0
2,215
26.9
2,205
27.5
4,420
18.1
58,870
43.8
2,121,411
33.1
11,775,384
16+ Population, August 1998:
Income Support
2001 Census. *GB refers to England
NDC, taken from the 2002 Residents
Survey. East Manchester refers to the
Beacons regeneration zone,.
www.statistics.gov.uk
Population figures taken from Oxford
University 1998 population estimates
%
No.
16+ Population, August 1999:
25.4
2,010
Income Support
25.9
2,125
25.7
4,135
17.6
57,340
%
No.
16+ Population, May 1998:
Disability Living Allowance
%
No.
8.9
705
8.7
715
8.8
1,420
6.8
22,150
16+ Population, May 1999:
Disability Living Allowance
%
No.
Date: April 2003
8.5
670
8.8
725
8.7
1,395
6.9
22,470
12.0
-
9.0
-
www.statistics.gov.uk
Population figures taken from Oxford
University 1998 population estimates
North West/GB figure taken from
Regional Trends. GB refers to England.
www.statistics.gov.uk
Population figures taken from Oxford
University 1998 population estimates
www.statistics.gov.uk
Population figures taken from Oxford
University 1998 population estimates
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
Source
16+ Population, December 1998:
16.4
1,300
Incapacity Benefit
14.9
1,225
15.7
2,525
www.statistics.gov.uk
Population figures taken from Oxford
University 1998 population estimates
10.4
33,890
%
No.
16+ Population, December 1999:
15.5
1,225
Incapacity Benefit
14.8
1,215
15.2
2,440
www.statistics.gov.uk
Population figures taken from Oxford
University 1998 population estimates
10.2
33,295
%
No.
% households receiving income support and
housing benefit
1999
2002
-
-
54.1
32.9
27.1
26.4
-
-
% households receiving standard housing
benefit
1999
2002
-
-
16.5
43.7
12.7
11.9
-
-
%
No.
67.3
3,284
67.7
3,333
67.5
6,617
56.6
95,651
37.4
994,482
32.4
6,442,466
1991 Census of Population
*GB refers to England and Wales
%
No.
-
-
-
47.8
80,018
30.2
849,769
26.8
5,802,183
2001 Census of Population
GB refers to England and Wales
NDC, 1999 figures taken from 1999
Local Authority Records, 2002 taken
from 2002 Local Authority Records. East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
Regeneration Zone.
NDC, 1999 figures taken from 1999
Local Authority Records, 2002 taken
from 2002 Local Authority Records. East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
Regeneration Zone.
Households with no car
Households with no car
Date: April 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
% income by range –estimated net
household income excluding housing
benefit, 1999
Less than £60
£61-99
£100-200
£201-300
£301+
% income by range –estimated net
household income excluding housing
benefit, 2002
Less than £60
£61-99
£100-200
£201-300
£301+
Earnings, 2002
Gross Weekly Pay £
% households in financial difficulties
1999
2002
% households with access to a bank
account
1999
2002
Date: April 2003
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
-
-
-
-
320.31
17.0
36.0
24.0
6.0
11.0
-
North
West
GB
-
Source
-
7.0
28.0
31.0
11.0
23.0
-
-
-
370.93
342.35
411.44
358.14
386.54
-
-
49.0
26.0
-
-
-
-
-
65.0
67.0
-
-
84.0
-
NDC, taken from
Perceptions Survey
1999
Residents
NDC, taken from
Perceptions Survey
2002
Residents
Office of National Statistics (NOMIS)
New Earnings Survey
NDC taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester
refers
to
Beacons
Regeneration Zone.
NDC taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester
refers
to
Beacons
Regeneration Zone. GB refers to UK
and is sourced from the 1996/97 General
Household Survey.
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Education
% Key Stage 2, Level 4, 1999
Ashbury Community Primary School
English
Maths
Science
57
57
67
English
Maths
Science
67
63
75
61.1
61.3
70.8
69.7
68.2
77.9
Source
DfES School Performance Tables. No
data is available for Corpus Christi with
St Anne RC Primary School
Bank Meadow Primary School
Clayton Brook Primary School
English
Maths
Science
CofE School of the Resurrection
English
Maths
Science
Corpus Christi with St. Anne RC Primary
School
English
Maths
Science
Higher Openshaw Community School
English
Maths
Science
Ravensbury Junior and Infant School
English
Maths
Science
Seymour Road Primary School
English
Maths
Science
Date: April 2003
61
76
76
83
92
96
41
43
50
52
72
82
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
St. Barnabas’ CofE Primary School
English
Maths
Science
18
23
23
English
Maths
Science
70
78
74
English
Maths
Science
71
61
87
English
Maths
Science
76
71
82
English
Maths
Science
57
54
74
St Bridid’s RC Primary School
St. Clement’s CofE Primary School
St Willibrord’s RC Primary School
Varna Street Primary School
Date: April 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
% Key Stage 2, Level 4, 2002
Ashbury Community Primary School
English
Maths
Science
64
79
79
English
Maths
Science
69
69
94
English
Maths
Science
-
English
Maths
Science
Corpus Christi with St. Anne RC Primary
School
English
Maths
Science
91
86
91
65.7
67.5
80.4
75
73
86
DfES School Performance Tables. No
data is available for Corpus Christi with
St Anne RC Primary School
Bank Meadow Primary School
Clayton Brook Primary School
CofE School of the Resurrection
Date: April 2003
53
47
53
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Higher Openshaw Community School
English
Maths
Science
Ravensbury Junior and Infant School
English
Maths
Science
Seymour Road Primary School
English
Maths
Science
St. Barnabas’ CofE Primary School
English
Maths
Science
St Brigid’s RC Primary School
English
Maths
Science
St. Clement’s CofE Primary School
English
Maths
Science
St Willibrord’s RC Primary School
English
Maths
Science
Varna Street Primary School
English
Maths
Science
Date: April 2003
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
68
68
79
58
71
76
47
47
63
80
88
96
70
90
90
73
85
96
84
100
100
70
62
80
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
% Key Stage 2 pupils with SEN, 2002
Ashbury Community Primary School
Bank Meadow Primary School
Clayton Brook Primary School
CofE School of the Resurrection
Corpus Christi with St. Anne RC Primary
School
Higher Openshaw Community School
Ravensbury Junior and Infant School
Seymour Road Primary School
St. Barnabas’ CofE Primary School
St Brigid’s RC Primary School
St. Clement’s CofE Primary School
St Willibrord’s RC Primary School
Varna Street Primary School
GCSE’s, 1999
Cedar Mount High School
5+ GCSE’s A*-C
5+ GCSE’s A-G
No GCSE’s
St Peter’s RC High School
5+ GCSE’s A*-C
5+ GCSE’s A-G
No GCSE’s
Wright Robinson Sports College
5+ GCSE’s A*-C
5+ GCSE’s A-G
No GCSE’s
Date: April 2003
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
DfES School Performance tables
28.6
31.3
77.3
13.3
8.9
18.4
24
43.3
20.0
-
30.2
79.1
10.1
47.9
88.5
6.0
DfES School Performance Tables
*Data missing for Cedar Mount High
School and St. Peter’s RC High School
32
80
2
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
GCSE’s, 2002
Cedar Mount High School, 2002
5+ GCSE’s A*-C
5+ GCSE’s A-G
No GCSE’s
St Peter’s RC High School
5+ GCSE’s A*-C
5+ GCSE’s A-G
No GCSE’s
Wright Robinson Sports College
5+ GCSE’s A*-C
5+ GCSE’s A-G
No GCSE’s
A-levels/GNVQ, average point score per
student
MANCAT, 1999
MANCAT, 2002
School attendance rates: Primary
1999
2002
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
DfES School Performance Tables
16
56
26
33.3
77.9
12.6
51.5
88.9
5.4
20
66
22
43
85
6
DfES School Performance Tables
9.5
7.9
10.6
14.7
9.9
17.4
90
92.7
91.2
92.6
91
94.2
1999
2002
79
83.4
85.3
87.8
93.8
91.3
Destinations of Year 11 leavers, 1999
% into employment
% into higher and further education
% into other training
% unemployed
% other
16.0
46.8
7.0
11.6
-
10.0
53.0
6.0
-
-
School attendance rates: Secondary
Date: April 2003
NDC, taken from DfEE in 1999, and
Manchester LEA in 2002.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
NDC, taken from DfEE in 1999, and
Manchester LEA in 2002.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
NDC,
taken
from
1999
Career
Partnership. East Manchester refers to
the Beacons regeneration zone
- indicates missing data
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
Destinations of Year 11 leavers, 2002
% into employment
% into higher and further education
% into other training
% unemployed
% other
Residents satisfaction in quality of local
schools
%, 1999
%, 2002
Residents happy with the quality of the
schools
%, 1999
%, 2002
Working age population with basic skills
deficiencies, 2000
% with very low/low literacy
% with low numeracy
% of working age with qualifications, 1999
None
GCSE A-C or equivalent, (1 or more)
A levels ( 1 or more)
Degree
% with qualifications of some form
% of working age with qualifications, 2002
None
GCSE A-C or equivalent, (1 or more)
A levels ( 1 or more)
Degree
% with qualifications of some form
Date: April 2003
12.7
64.3
7.0
8.2
7.8
North
West
GB
16.0
60.0
3.0
10.0
4.0
Source
-
NDC, taken from Better Choices Ltd,
2002. East Manchester refers to the
Beacons regeneration zone
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002
Resident Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002
Resident Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
Basic Skills Agency, 2000
69
76.5
86
89
27.3
30.95
25.5
29.92
-
20.4
21
25.6
26.5
24.0
24.0
-
-
8.0
21.0
4.0
2.0
61.0
-
-
-
-
-
43.0
24.0
7.0
1.0
57.0
-
-
-
NDC, taken from the 1999 Skills Audit
NDC, taken from the 2002 Resident
Skills Survey
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
% of working age with qualifications, 1999
None
NVQ L1
NVQ L2
NVQ L3
NVQ L4+
Other qualifications
Trade Apprenticeships
% of working age with qualifications, 2001
None
NVQ L1
NVQ L2
NVQ L3
NVQ L4+
Other qualifications
Trade Apprenticeships
Housing
Tenure, 1991, % of all households
Owner-occupier, owned outright
Owner-occupier, buying
Renting privately
Housing Association
Local Authority
Tenure, 2001, % of all households
Owner-occupier, owned outright
Owner-occupier, buying
Owner-occupied, shared
Renting privately
Housing Association/RSL
Local Authority
Rented from Other
Date: April 2003
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
Source
Local Labour Force Survey, ONS
-
-
-
16.6
15.6
14.5
8.2
12.8
22.6
9.7
19.0
15.4
15.1
9.6
13.0
19.7
8.2
25.2
10.9
11.2
6.6
16.7
19.4
10.1
-
-
-
16.4
15.1
14.8
13.9
23.7
8.9
7.3
18.9
15.6
15.5
14.5
21.2
6.7
7.7
25.4
11.0
11.7
15.2
24.4
6.7
5.7
13.4
22.8
13.3
13.6
36.9
9.6
18.4
9.3
12.6
50.1
11.5
20.6
11.3
13.1
43.6
14.8
26.4
13.1
7.3
38.4
25.2
42.9
7.4
3.7
20.8
23.8
42.6
9.0
3.1
21.2
-
-
-
16.8
24.3
0.7
15.0’
10.8
28.6
3.8
29.8
38.9
0.6
7.7
6.5
13.6
3.0
29.5
38.8
0.6
8.7
5.9
13.2
3.3
Local Labour Force Survey, ONS
1991 Census of Population
2001 Census of Population
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Average House Prices, Oct-Dec 1998
Detached
Semi-detached
Terraced
Flat/Maisonette
Overall
Average House Prices, Oct-Dec 2002
Detached
Semi-detached
Terraced
Flat/Maisonette
Overall
Housing Void Rates
1999
2002
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
North
West
GB
Source
-
-
16,500
18,722
18,810
107,296
58,132
39,429
58,281
54,075
108,584
57,717
37,638
50,817
61,218
-
-
-
51,307
22,416
25,876
198,697
93,423
50,983
115,036
84,700
179,390
92,432
54,356
94,020
91,457
-
% turnover in social housing per annum
23.5
25.7
In demand, 1999
In demand, 2002
Low demand, 1999
Low demand, 2002
Non demand, 1999,
Non-demand, 2002
Council Tax Banding, 1999
A
B
C
D-H
% residents satisfied with home
1999
2002
6.5
21.0
29.3
23.0
64.0
53.0
% of social housing stock
Date: April 2003
96.6
3.0
0.4
0.0
75
82
Land Registry. An average of M11 is the
postcode district being used as a proxy
for house prices in the area.
NDC, taken from 1999 Local Authority
Records, and 2002 Council Tax Records.
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
NDC, taken from 1999 Local Authority
Records, and 2002 Local Authority
Records. East Manchester refers to the
Beacons regeneration zone.
NDC, taken from 1999 Local Authority
Records, and 2002 Local Authority
Records. East Manchester refers to the
Beacons regeneration zone.
16
12.2
1999
2002
Land Registry. An average of M11 is the
postcode district being used as a proxy
for house prices in the area.
70.0
12.7
11.0
6.2
25.9
19.4
21.8
33.0
NDC,
taken
from
Council
Information. GB refers to UK.
Tax
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002
Resident Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
% residents rate home in good condition
1999
2002
% residents with plans to move outside the
area
1999
2002
% of residents with plans to move who
attribute their reasons for moving as wanting
a better neighbourhood
1999
2002
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002
Resident Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002
Resident Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002
Resident Perceptions Survey.
East
Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone.
53
75
76
75
29
9
Health
SMR’s, 1999
All Cancer
Cancer-lung
Ischaemic heart disease
All circulatory diseases
All causes
137
226
155
145
147
128
172
141
139
141
100
100
100
100
100
All Cancer
Cancer-lung
Ischaemic heart disease
All circulatory diseases
All causes
179
295
225
217
221
139
190
152
149
154
100
100
100
100
100
10.9
10.3
6.7
9.7
7.8
7.6
SMR’s, 2002
Low birth weight babies
1999
2002
NDC, taken from the 1997 North West
Region Small Area Database, and 19982000 NHS Exec NW Small Area
Database
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone, GB refers to UK
NDC, taken from the 1997 North West
Region Small Area Database, and 19982000 NHS Exec NW Small Area
Database
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone, GB refers to UK
NDC, taken from 1997 ONS Birth
Extracts, and ONS Planning Studies,
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone, GB refers to UK
Date: April 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
Beswick
and
Clayton
Under 18 conception rates per 1000 girls
aged 15-17
1999
2002
North
West
GB
NDC, taken from ONS Planning Studies
and ONS Conceptions Data
114.7
113.9
62.9
58.1
18.8
4,189
17.4
66,063
45.9
46
Long-term illness in HH, 1991
Limiting long
population,
2001
term
illness,
%
%
No.
of all
%
No.
18.3
2,007
19.3
2,182
Residents satisfaction with:
Accessibility to sports leisure facilities
Provision of sports and leisure facilities
provision of parks/green spaces
children play facilities
Date: April 2003
14.3
926,642
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone, GB refers to UK
1991 Census of Population
12.7
6,674,358
2001 Census of Population
*GB refers t to England
-
-
-
Number of registered drug users
1999
2002
Recreation, Leisure and access to services
1999
Satisfaction with neighbourhood
Neighbourhood is getting better
Neighbourhood is getting worse
Source
188
156
46
17
52
21.5
84,507
20.7
1,394,609
17.9
8,809,194
NDC, taken from Manchester University
Drug Abuse Research Team
NDC, taken from the 1999 Residents
Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
18
10
28
8
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
2002
Satisfaction with neighbourhood
Neighbourhood is getting better
Neighbourhood is getting worse
Residents satisfaction with:
Accessibility to sports leisure facilities
Provision of sports and leisure facilities
provision of parks/green spaces
children play facilities
No. of tenant and resident associations
1999
2002
No. of residents feeling closely involved with
their community
1999
2002
59
52
30
GB
Source
NDC, taken from the 2002 Residents
Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
61
50
75
38
21
44
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
25
56
Community spirit
2002
North
West
59
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from the 2002 Residents
Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
Level of satisfaction with neighbourhood: %
satisfied
1999
2002
46
59
Residents satisfaction with access to shops
1999
2002
88
90
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
Date: April 2003
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Residents satisfaction with
medium/large supermarket
Bradford
access
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
GB
to
1999
2002
Crime
No. recorded crimes and offences per 1,000
households – burglary
1999
2002
Residents feeling unsafe walking in the area
after dark
1999
2002
Source
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
75
89
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from 1999 and 2002 Greater
Manchester Police figures
81.3
52.8
72.6
22.7
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
63
55
Residents who feel the area is less safe
than 2 years ago
1999
2002
53
26
Residents experiencing neighbour problems
in the last 2 years, 1999
Victim of assault
Attempted theft of vehicle
Theft of motor vehicle
Attempted burglary
Burglary
Vandalism to property
Theft from garden/shed
Theft from/damage to vehicle
7
20
13
21
21
19
21
31
Date: April 2003
North
West
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from the 1999 and 2002
Residents Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
NDC, taken from the 1999 Residents
Perception Survey
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline
To What Extent has the Commonwealth Games
Accelerated the Physical, Social, and Economic Regeneration of East Manchester?
Indicator
Residents experiencing neighbour problems
in the last 2 years, 2002
Victim of assault
Attempted theft of vehicle
Theft of motor vehicle
Attempted burglary
Burglary
Vandalism to property
Theft from garden/shed
Theft from/damage to vehicle
Date: April 2003
Bradford
Beswick
and
Clayton
EAST MANCHESTER
BASELINE PROFILE
East
Manchester
Manchester
North
West
GB
Source
NDC, taken from the 2002 Residents
Perception Survey
10
11
8
11
16
13
13
15
East Manchester refers to the Beacons
regeneration zone
Appendix C : Statistical Baseline

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