The Social Costs and
Benefits of Migration
into Australia
Editors: Kerry Carrington, Alison McIntosh and Jim Walmsley
http://www.une.edu.au/arts/CARSS
First released in 2007
ISBN 1 920996 07 9
Copyright © Commonwealth of Australia
This work is copyright. You may download, display, print and reproduce this
material in unaltered form only (retaining this notice) for your personal, noncommercial use or use within your organisation. All other rights are reserved.
Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be
addressed to the editors, Centre for Applied Research in Social Sciences.
2
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Editors
Kerry Carrington, Alison McIntosh and Jim Walmsley
Authors
Chapter 1: Introduction
Kerry Carrington, Alison McIntosh and Jim Walmsley
Chapter 2: Settlement Patterns and Experiences
Jim Walmsley, Fran Rolley, Raj Rajaratnan and Alison McIntosh
Chapter 3: Human Capital
Michael Bittman, Jude Brown, Alison McIntosh, Fran Rolley, Raj Rajaratnam
and Jim Walmsley
Chapter 4: Social Capital
Jim Walmsley, Alison McIntosh, Kerry Carrington, Michael Bittman, Fran Rolley
and Raj Rajaratnam
Chapter 5: Produced and Financial Capital – Product Diversity
Jim Walmsley, Alison McIntosh and Raj Rajaratnam
Chapter 6: Natural Capital
Jim Walmsley, Alison McIntosh and Raj Rajaratnam
Chapter 7: Shepparton
Kerry Carrington, Neil Marshall and Ron Reavell
Chapter 8: Toowoomba
Kerry Carrington and Ron Reavell
Chapter 9: South Brisbane
Kerry Carrington, Neil Marshall and Ron Reavell
Chapter 10: Darebin
Kerry Carrington, Neil Marshall and Ron Reavell
Chapter 11: Common Issues, Costs and Benefits
Kerry Carrington and Neil Marshall
Chapter 12: Migration Futures
Tony Sorensen
Chapter 13: Conclusion
Kerry Carrington and Alison McIntosh
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
3
Acknowledgments
The research team wishes to to thank the Joint Commonwealth, State and
Territory Research Advisory Committee for funding the project, and to
acknowledge the constructive advice and guidance provided by the project's
Management Committee. We especially thank David Smith, Department of
Immigration and Citizenship, for his patience and forbearance throughout the
project. We are also grateful to a number of State and Local Government public
servants who arranged venues and provided the research team with vital onthe-ground support in Toowoomba, Shepparton, South Brisbane and Darebin.
While unable to participate in the research project due to an extended leave
last year from the university, we warmly acknowledge the level of support and
leadership Associate Professor Jeff Archer gave to the project in its beginnings.
We are also deeply indebted to UNE’s Pro-Vice Chancellor of Research,
Professor Peter Flood, for his moral and financial support of both CARSS and
its Director during the duration of this large research project. Last but not least,
we thank the many focus group participants from Toowoomba, Shepparton,
South Brisbane and Darebin who so generously participated in the project
without any incentive or reimbursement whatsoever. To all of you a very big
thank you from the research team.
The project was headed by Professor Kerry Carrington, Director of the Centre
for Applied Research in Social Sciences, University of New England. She
wishes to thank the research leaders – Professors Jim Walmsley and Michael
Bittman, Associate Professors Neil Marshall and Tony Sorensen, the field
research project manager, Ron Reavell, senior researchers Drs Alison
McIntosh and Fran Rolley and data analysts, Jude Brown and Raj Rajaratnam
for their collective efforts.
4
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Table of Contents
ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................................................. IX
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..................................................................................................... XI
PART I
1: INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................. 1
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
Background to the project ............................................................................. 1
Project scope and framework ....................................................................... 1
Conduct of the project ................................................................................... 3
Comments on data quality ............................................................................ 4
Structure of the report ................................................................................... 5
2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES .................................................................. 8
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
Patterns of migrant settlement in Australia ................................................... 8
Comparisons of migrant settlement by States and Territories .................... 12
Dispersal of recently arrived migrants by States and Territories ................ 19
Migrants’ synoptic view of the settlement experience (LSIA)...................... 21
Conclusions ................................................................................................ 24
PART II
3: HUMAN CAPITAL......................................................................................................... 25
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and education ............... 25
Physical and mental health ......................................................................... 36
Leisure and recreation ................................................................................ 42
Overall assessment .................................................................................... 46
4: SOCIAL CAPITAL......................................................................................................... 48
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
Culture and diversity ................................................................................... 49
Community life and civil society .................................................................. 57
Social networks and neighbourhoods ......................................................... 68
Crime and justice ........................................................................................ 74
Overall assessment .................................................................................... 79
5: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL – PRODUCTIVE DIVERSITY ................................... 81
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
Housing ....................................................................................................... 81
Infrastructure ............................................................................................... 88
New businesses, goods and services ......................................................... 93
Overall assessment .................................................................................... 97
6: NATURAL CAPITAL...................................................................................................... 98
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
Population impact ....................................................................................... 98
Environmental impact ............................................................................... 100
Sustainability ............................................................................................. 102
Summary of benefits and costs................................................................. 103
Overall Assessment .................................................................................. 103
PART III: COMMUNITY STUDIES ..................................................................................... 105
7: SHEPPARTON ........................................................................................................... 108
7.1
7.2
7.3
Background ............................................................................................... 108
Benefits specific to Shepparton ................................................................ 108
Costs and issues specific to Shepparton .................................................. 113
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
5
7.4
Overview ...................................................................................................114
8: TOOWOOMBA ...........................................................................................................115
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
Background ...............................................................................................115
Benefits specific to Toowoomba................................................................115
Costs and issues specific to Toowoomba .................................................118
Overview ...................................................................................................125
9: SOUTH BRISBANE .....................................................................................................127
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
Background ...............................................................................................127
Benefits specific to Brisbane .....................................................................128
Costs and issues specific to South Brisbane.............................................131
Overview ...................................................................................................133
10: DAREBIN ................................................................................................................134
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
Background ...............................................................................................134
Benefits specific to Darebin .......................................................................134
Costs and issues specific to Darebin.........................................................138
Overview ...................................................................................................142
11: COMMON BENEFITS, ISSUES AND CONCERNS ..........................................................144
11.1
11.2
11.3
11.4
Benefits common to all communities .........................................................144
Common issues and concerns to migrants ...............................................147
Common issues and concerns to host communities .................................151
Overview ...................................................................................................156
12: MIGRATION FUTURES .............................................................................................158
12.1
12.2
12.3
12.4
12.5
Aims ..........................................................................................................158
Purpose .....................................................................................................158
Approach ...................................................................................................159
The Scenarios ...........................................................................................175
Overview ...................................................................................................182
13: CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER RESEARCH DIRECTIONS ..............................................184
13.1
13.2
6
Conclusions ...............................................................................................184
Directions for further research ...................................................................189
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
List of Tables
Table 1.1: Assessing the social impact of immigration .................................................. 2
Table 2.1: Ancestry by global region (per cent) ............................................................. 8
Table 2.2: Birthplace of top ten source countries for the overseas born ........................ 9
Table 2.3: Birthplace of parents (per cent) ................................................................... 10
Table 2.4: Birthplace by year of arrival (per cent) ........................................................ 11
Table 2.5: Migrant arrivals by birthplace, 2002-03 to 2005-06 (per cent) .................... 12
Table 2.6: Major migrant birthplace groups, by States/Territories – 2001 Census ...... 13
Table 2.7: Birthplace groups with highest proportion aged 0-14 years ........................ 16
Table 2.8: Birthplace groups with highest proportion aged 65+ years ........................ 16
Table 2.9: Sex ratio of birthplace groups by States/Territories (males: 100 females).. 18
Table 2.10: Size of the first generation relative to the second generation ................... 18
Table 2.11: Settler Arrivals by State/Territory, 2002-03 to 2005-06 ............................. 19
Table 2.12: Visa categories of entrants 2005-06 by States/Territories ....................... 20
Table 2.13: Migrants viewing the migration decision as right (per cent) ...................... 21
Table 2.14: Views of different visa categories on the decision to migrate being right. 22
Table 2.15: Migrants who would encourage others to migrate (per cent) .................... 22
Table 2.16: Views of different visa categories on encouraging others to migrate ........ 23
Table 3.1: Overview of labour force participation rates by birthplace .......................... 28
Table 3.2: Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and education issues .... 34
Table 3.3: Physical and mental health issues .............................................................. 41
Table 3.4: Leisure and recreation issues ..................................................................... 46
Table 4.1: Culture and diversity issues, 1995/96 and 2003 ......................................... 53
Table 4.2: Culture and diversity issues – summary review .......................................... 56
Table 4.3: Community life and civil society issues ....................................................... 66
Table 4.4: Social network and neighbourhood issues.................................................. 73
Table 4.5: Crime and justice issues ............................................................................. 78
Table 5.1: Housing issues ............................................................................................ 87
Table 5.2: Infrastructure issues .................................................................................... 92
Table 5.3: New businesses, goods and services issues .............................................. 96
Table 6.1: Natural capital issues ................................................................................ 104
Table 12. 1: Forecasting components ........................................................................ 162
Table 12. 2: Attributes of scenario components ......................................................... 164
Table 12. 3: Scenario components ............................................................................ 167
Table 12. 4: Scenario construction template .............................................................. 168
Table 12. 5: Key ingredients for scenario construction .............................................. 170
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
7
8
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Abbreviations
ABC
ABS
ACDE
ACE
ACT
AES
AHURI
AIC
AIHW
AMES
AuSSA
CALD
CARSS
CURF
DEST
DET
DEWR
DFAT
DIAC
DIMA
DIMIA
ENS
ERFP
ESL
FaSCIA
FECCA
FYR
FYROM
GSS
HREOC
ICVS
ISSP
LOTE
LSIA
NESB
NOM
NSW
NT
OECD
Australian Broadcasting Corporation
Australian Bureau of Statistics
Australian Council of Deans of Education (Incorporated)
Adult Community Education
Australian Capital Territory
Australian Electoral Studies
Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute
Australian Institute of Criminology
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare
Adult Migrant English Service
Australian Survey of Social Attitudes
Cultural and Linguistic Diversity
Centre for Applied Research in Social Science
Confidentialised Unit Record Files
Department of Education, Science and Training (Commonwealth)
Department of Education and Training (NSW)
Department of Employment and Workplace Relations
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
Department of Immigration and Citizenship
Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (now DIAC)
Department of Immigration, Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs (now
DIAC)
Employer Nomination Scheme
Estimated resident female population
English as a Second Language
Department of Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs
Federation of Communities’ Councils of Australia
Former Yugoslavia Republic
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
General Social Survey
Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission
International Crime Victim Survey
International Social Survey Programme
Languages Other Than English
Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia
Non-English Speaking Background
Net Overseas Migration
New South Wales
Northern Territory
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
9
RAC
RSMS
SAR
SBS
SCARC
SDAS
SLA
SMS
TAFE
TFR
TPV
TUS
UK
USA
VWS
10
Research Advisory Committee
Regional Sponsored Migration Scheme
Special Administrative Region (of China: Hong Kong and Macau)
Special Broadcasting Service
Senate Community Affairs Reference Committee
Skilled Designated Area Scheme
Statistical Local Area
Short Message Service
Tertiary and Further Education
Total Fertility Rate
Temporary Protection Visa
Time Use Survey
United Kingdom
United States of America
Voluntary Work Survey
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
11
Executive Summary
Australia is one of the most multicultural countries in the world. Statistics
indicate that around one quarter of the Australian population were born
overseas and almost half (around 40%) have at least one parent born overseas.
This is the broad context that frames the importance of comprehending the
scale and nature of the social costs and benefits of migration into Australia.
Using the four capitals framework for measuring Australia’s progress, this study
has synthesised a vast amount of evidence relevant to the topic. It has
consolidated material from 49 different data sets and a large volume of existing
although disparate research. Furthermore, original empirical material has been
gathered through four community studies, two in regional Australia and two in
metropolitan cities on the East Coast of the continent.
The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that the social benefits of
migration far outweigh the costs, especially in the longer term. The evidence
that is available overwhelmingly supports the view that migrants to Australia
have made and continue to make substantial contributions to Australia’s stock
of human, social and produced capital.
Most migrants have come to Australia to work, produce, and fill skills shortages.
In addition, migrants are generally healthier than the resident population
providing a further boost to human capital stocks. The migrant presence has
also substantially increased the range and viability of available recreational and
cultural activities for all Australians. Australia is characterised by relatively high
levels of inter-marriage between migrants and the Australia-born, and this fact
alone is evidence of the success of migration outcomes. These factors
encourage most migrants to embrace Australian society, its political and cultural
norms and to participate in various aspects of community life.
Migration has been critical to building the nation’s stock of social capital. Over
the past decade, social capital has received increasing attention by government
policy makers because it is transferable within and between communities and
many public and private benefits are thought to be derived from its nourishment.
While social capital is difficult to measure the results contained in this research
suggests that immigration has been critical in the development of Australia’s
world standing in part through its ability to enhance this nation’s share of global
bridging social capital. Australians are keen to develop bridging capital between
those with different cultural heritages although some seek these opportunities
more than others. With respect to bonding capital, migrants from particular
ethnic groups also act as bonding agents for the next wave, assisting their
cultural and economic integration in a multitude of ways that are immeasurable
and hence largely invisible.
12
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Migrants contribute in positive ways to the productive diversity of Australia
through investment in housing, in the transformation of urban areas, the
creation of new businesses, the supply of products, the provision of new and
different skills, and through other types of entrepreneurial activities. From the
perspective of the host country, migration contributes substantially to Australia’s
capacity for innovation, productive diversity and economic prosperity, opening
up valuable cultural and business opportunities with the rest of the world. As an
island continent in the southern hemisphere the benefits to Australia, while
incalculable, clearly have been enormous. Although most migrants initially settle
in metropolitan areas, those who move elsewhere help to ameliorate critical
skills shortages and replenish the stock of social and human capital in regional
Australia facing widespread rural population decline.
Most social costs associated with migration are short term and generally arise
from the integration phase of the settlement process. While issues such as lack
of English proficiency, cultural integration, infrastructure inadequacies and
religious fundamentalism were raised as matters of concern to the host
community in the focus groups, it is difficult, on the basis of the interview data,
to gauge the actual social costs involved. Other matters raised were mostly
short-term integration issues or cultural conflicts that understandably arise from
the chasm between migrating from a refugee camp or war-torn part of world to
the comparative security of Australia, and the time it takes to learn new ways of
living, speaking, and relating with members of the host culture. However these
are issues that tend to fade in the longer term.
While most migrants entering Australia are skilled, some humanitarian or
preferential family groups from refugee camps, upon arrival in Australia, may
lack education and English language skills. Development of social capital in the
form of linkages between migrant groups and the host community is inevitably
influenced by the extent to which people share a common language. The
evidence amassed in this report suggests that the ability to communicate with
the host community is absolutely vital, not only for practical reasons of attaining
employment and attending education, but also for building cross cultural
understanding, social cohesion, and social capital networks. A lack of
proficiency in English presents barriers to participation not only in employment
but also in education and training and in leisure, cultural and sporting activities.
However, most migrants, including those arriving through the humanitarian
intake, have over time learnt English, acquired qualifications and done well.
Furthermore, they are generally ambitious for their children to achieve and to
have better opportunities in life. Most cherish Australian values of political
freedom, justice and equality and express immense appreciation for the security
and wellbeing they enjoy in this country. Hence many of the benefits of
migration accrue to the second generation, while most of the personal costs of
migrating are born by the first generation. These costs may include cultural
isolation, separation from family and friends left behind, problems with acquiring
English literacy, lack of recognition of overseas qualifications, underemployment, unemployment and welfare dependency.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
xiii
There seems to be no doubt that policies of multiculturalism have encouraged
the right sort of environment for cultural diversity to be generally not only
accepted but also enthusiastically embraced by migrants and host communities
alike. This does not mean that tensions do not exist and that racism and
prejudices are not experienced at times but there seems to be wide-ranging
acceptance within Australian society of the cultural and religious diversity that
migration brings.
Governments in Australia and around the world only have a limited capacity to
control factors influencing immigration patterns through planning intake quotas
of various visa streams. Immigration is a dynamic policy field, where outlooks
can be rapidly superseded as international settings unfold. Migration is no
longer confined to poor people seeking a better life but relates to a large and
growing cohort of people living as global citizens seeking careers and personal
development across the world. The notion of immigration as a form of
permanent relocation may itself become superseded. Progressively more
employers have a global view of labour recruitment, recognising sponsored
temporary skilled workers as essential for successful operations. The ability to
attract migrants will probably be influenced by their perceptions about
Australian society in general and the ease with which their re-settlement and
acceptance can be accomplished. To date, Australia has, on the whole, been a
beacon to the rest of the world but more research into how local factors impact
upon the success or otherwise of the settlement process warrants further
research.
xii
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
xiii
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1: Introduction
1.1
Background to the project
Australia is one of the most culturally diverse societies of the 21st century.
Over six million migrants have entered Australia since 1945 and almost a
quarter of all Australians today were born overseas (ABS 2004d). Since the
1958 Migration Act, immigration to Australia has become increasingly planned
through migrant intake targets, caps and quotas for various visa streams. In
the financial year ending June 2006, permanent settler arrivals to Australia
through migration Programmes totalled 106 495 people, mostly through
Skilled Migration and Family Reunion Programmes.1 The total number of
settler arrivals included 12 113 through the Humanitarian Programme.2 A
further 48 214 onshore applicants were granted permanent settler status3
(DIMA 2006g). Having a planned immigration Programme is especially
important in a globalised world where the reduction of national barriers to
trade and financial investment has spawned cross-border flows of goods,
financial resources, information and people.
The economic impact of immigration has been studied extensively in Australia
(see Access Economics 2004; Garnaut et al. 2003) as it has in other western
countries (for example, Coleman and Rowthorn 2004). Of course, the effect of
migration extends well beyond its economic impact and yet the social impact
of migration is less well understood. Consequently, the research team was
asked by the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC) to examine
the social costs and benefits of migration to Australia.
1.2
Project scope and framework
An inherent difficulty in assessing the social costs and benefits, or social
impact, of migration to Australia is the problem of conceptualising and
measuring these. ‘Social impacts’ are clearly multidimensional as this report
illustrates. The research team sought guidance on how to conceptualise social
impact from a range of other authoritative sources (notably several ABS
publications: Measuring Australia’s Progress 1370.0; Measuring Wellbeing
4160.0; and Australian Social Trends 4102.0). Similarly, the OECD’s List of
Social Concerns Common to Most OECD Countries provides insight into what
might be deemed fundamental social concerns from an international
perspective.
1
2
3
This comprised 34 771 family migrants sponsored by family members in Australia; 59 507 places for
skilled migrants; and 104 places for special eligibility migrants who have lived in Australia for 10
years (Resolution of Status Visa) (DIMA 2006g).
The Humanitarian program comprises 5190 places for refugees from overseas and another 6923
places within the special humanitarian program.
Of this total, 11 172 were family sponsored; 31 994 were skilled; and 197 were special eligibility
migrants. A further 4851 were granted permanent settler status under the Humanitarian Program
(DIMA 2006g)
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
1
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Following the ABS framework used in Measuring Australia’s Progress,
national assets can be viewed as comprising several forms of capital. In each
case, the capital in Australia as a destination country can be augmented,
remain unchanged, or diminish as a result of the impact of migration. It is
common to differentiate four sorts of ‘capital’: (1) human capital (incorporating
the knowledge, skills, health status and recreational lifestyle of the
population); (2) social capital (including attachment to social groups and trust
in government and business): (3); produced and financial capital or productive
diversity (to be seen in such things as the money, machinery and
infrastructure which help the economy and society to function) and (4) natural
capital (as evidenced primarily in the condition of the biophysical
environment). These ‘capitals’ can be divided into different components,
thereby providing a conceptual schema for the evaluation of the social impact
of migration (Table 1.1). This conceptual schema has fundamentally shaped
our analysis of the social costs and benefits of migration to Australia, and the
organisation of this report into discrete chapters that address how migration
impacts on each of these capitals. (Limits to this study’s capacity to assess
the social impact of migration to Australia are listed in Appendix 1A)
Table 1.1: Assessing the social impact of immigration
Human capital – Chapter 3
Work, welfare payments, workplace skills and education
Physical and mental health
Leisure and recreation
Social Capital – Chapter 4
Community life and civil society
Social networks and neighbourhood
Culture and diversity
Crime and justice
Produced and financial capital – Chapter 5
Housing
Infrastructure
New businesses, goods and services
Natural capital – Chapter 6
Environmental impact
Population impact
Sustainability
Definition of a migrant
There are legal, social, academic and commonsense ways of defining who
constitutes a migrant. In this study the scope has been confined to lawful
migration to Australia through four main streams: skilled, business, family and
humanitarian streams. DIAC definitions are included at the end of this chapter.
2
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
The study excluded from its scope: unlawful migrants and temporary visa
holders including students and skilled visa entrants (such as subclass 457)
which together comprise the bulk of non-permanent migrants. Also excluded
are onshore applicants who have been successful in their bids for permanent
residence status (i.e. overseas students who apply for permanent residence
onshore). The research team encountered difficulties in implementing this
approach in the communities studies as some participants did not (or could
not) distinguish between temporary or permanent migrants.
Taking a longer term view, around 98 per cent of Australians are descendents
of migrants to Australia. Much of the analysis in this report relates mostly to
the first generation of new and emergent migrant communities, yet many
second, third and fourth generation Australians will have strong links to
migrant communities and ancestral homelands in other parts of the world.
Information about ancestry has only very recently been collected in national
data sets like the census, yet it clearly has a large bearing on the social impact
of migration and feelings of national belonging and identity. In an increasingly
globalised world where individuals (perhaps increasingly) can be citizens of
more than one nation state, the link between country of birth and one’s identity
is likely to become even more complex. Until such data are available, much
about the social impact of migration over successive generations will remain
unknown.
Whose cost and Whose Benefit?
The social costs and benefits have been investigated mostly as they relate to
the broader Australian community, but also to the individual (the migrant and
the Australia-born). In some cases, the benefits or costs are predominantly
realised by individuals. A case in point is the stress related to separation from
a familiar culture as well as from family and friends that occurs with relocation
to a different country. In this instance, most of the cost is initially born by the
individual migrant. Nevertheless, if migrants cannot find work appropriate to
qualifications and perhaps suffer, for example, social stigma or mental illhealth as a result, some of that cost (economic as well as social) is also born
by the wider community. In contrast, mutual benefits to individuals and to
Australia are realised when human capital is enhanced through new skills
bought to Australia by migrants and when social capital is enriched due to
stimulation provided through increased cultural diversity.
1.3
Conduct of the project
Methods of Investigation
Some aspects of the social impact of the migration experience to migrants
have received attention in the literature and are measured in national data
sets such as the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (LSIA). This
study has also drawn upon existing research and data sets (national, state
and territory) where available to present a picture of the social impact of
migration. By contrast only limited robust research exists with respect to the
social costs and benefits of migration to host communities – especially at a
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
3
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
local level – although anecdotal material abounds. Additionally, many of the
social costs and benefits of migration to Australia are either unquantifiable, or
not systematically measured. To address this shortfall the research team
undertook community studies in regional Australia (Toowoomba and
Shepparton), and in the capital cities of Brisbane and Melbourne, to explore
the social costs and benefits of migration to host communities. The focus
groups interviews were combined with local sources of evidence, such as local
publications, Council reports and community directories to distil a picture of
the local social costs and benefits of migration. This permitted rich qualitative
data – particularly from a grass roots perspective – to be added to the broad
quantitative findings. More details about the methodology are provided in
Chapter 7. Interviews with federal government officials, peak industry body
representatives and other key stakeholders were undertaken to further inform
the scenario planning stage of the study. The research team also benefited
from feedback as a result of regular teleconferences with members of the
Commonwealth, State and Territory Research Advisory Committee.
There are contradictory and mutually reinforcing sources of evidence about
the social impact of migration. The report makes a genuine attempt to wrestle
with and balance these. Importantly there is a time lag between the lay
person’s understanding of these impacts and any policy initiatives that may be
in place to address these. For many people their perceptions frame their
reality and shape their attitudes to migration – regardless of evidence or
policies to the contrary. Hence the main aim of the community studies was to
capture a snapshot of how key stakeholders and a cross section of ordinary
Australian perceive and experience the social impact of migration at a local
level. This report is not a piece of policy evaluation, nor an appraisal of how
well ordinary Australian’s understand government policy, or recent shifts in
policy.
The research team’s empirical analysis has sought to provide a better
understanding of how the social costs and benefits of migration affect
migrants, the Australia-born, host communities and the wider Australian
community. It has also sought to examine more closely the various influences
at work across different states and territories and within specific geographic
localities. The analysis has been informed by the latest data, where possible –
although many gaps exist and this has limited the analysis possible.
1.4
Comments on data quality
Significant data quality issues with respect to social impacts of immigration are
generally recognised. For instance, there is no standard definition of migrant
status used in national data sets. Hence there is a great deal of variation
which makes robust comparative analysis difficult. Some data sets choose
country of birth to define a migrant, while others use language spoken at
home. There are also significant issues arising from the small numbers in
some data sets with standard errors of between 25 and 50 per cent or more.
Hence reliable interpretations are limited to a few national data sets although
many others have been explored. This has meant that the report has had no
choice but to rely heavily in places on the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to
4
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Australia (LSIA). LSIA is by far the superior source of data on the social costs
and benefits of migration. This data set provides not only insights into migrant
early settlement experiences that have not previously been available in any
other national data set but also is comparatively robust. However where
possible this data has been triangulated with another 48 data sets to produce
evidence about the social costs and benefits of migration to Australia. Data
quality issues relating to the large number of data sets used by this study are
detailed in Appendix 1B.
Despites these shortcomings and the lack of focussed attention around social
impacts of migration, substantial amounts of relevant material both in the
literature and in data sets are available. A major undertaking of this study has
been to track down and synthesise this material into a coherent analysis
guided by the four capitals framework.
1.5
Structure of the report
The report is divided into three parts. Part I, which includes this chapter,
provides readers with the essential background information for assessing the
social impact of migration to Australia. This chapter has outlined the report’s
conceptual approach to assessing the social impact of migration, source data
and data quality issues, as well as the methods of investigation used by the
research team. Chapter 2 provides an overview of Australian migration and
settlement patterns. This chapter, more than any other, has had to rely heavily
on the LSIA data.
Part II (Chapters 3-6) presents reviews of the literature and data with respect
to the social costs and benefits of migration for Australia. The chapters draw
together existing research and available quantitative measure according to
four capitals being used to assess the impact of migration: human capital;
social capital; produced and financial capital (productive diversity) and natural
capital (see Table 1.1). Issues identified and discussed are referenced in
summary tables at the end of each chapter. Some assessments in these
tables with respect to social benefits and costs have been objectively derived
from quantitative data sets. However, many relate to issues explored in
scholarly literature which may or may not be based on quantitative research.
To enhance the readability of the report, most of the data supporting the
report’s findings has been located in the appendices. Given the project scope
is focused on the social impact of migration to Australia, the largest chapter
with the most disparate array of sources, is naturally the one on social capital.
Again it is important to point out that some of the evidence is contradictory.
Where this is the case we have reported that the findings are mixed.
Part III presents the findings of the original empirical research undertaken by
the field research team. Results of community studies conducted in four
locations are described and analysed in Chapters 7-10 (one chapter for each
location). Chapter 11 presents an overview of the common themes, issues,
costs and benefits that arose across all four communities. Chapter 12
presents three scenarios which speculate upon three plausible migration
futures for Australia: one assumes planning levels and other factors proceed
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
5
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
according to the status quo, another predicts migration scenarios based on a
stress model of socio-economic down-turn and turmoil, the last contemplates
a migration future based on an optimistic outlook for Australia as a country of
choice for migrants in an increasingly globalised world and a growing shortage
of skilled labour.
An overview of the social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia is
distilled in Chapter 13. This final chapter also identifies and recommends
further directions for research.
Endnotes
Visa Categories Included in this Study
Family Stream
There are a number of migration options for partners, children, parents and other
family members of Australian citizens, Australian permanent residents or eligible New
Zealand citizens. Partner migration options include:
•
•
•
people intending to get married
married (de jure) partners or de facto partners
interdependent partners (including those in a same-sex relationship).
Parents may be able to migrate to Australia if they have a child in Australia who is an
Australian citizen, Australian permanent resident or eligible New Zealand citizen.
Dependent children, orphan relatives or adopted children of an Australian citizen,
Australian permanent resident or eligible New Zealand citizen may also apply to
enter Australia through family reunion. Aged dependent relatives, remaining relatives
and carers of Australian citizens, Australian permanent residents and eligible New
Zealand citizens may apply for visas to enter Australia permanently.
Humanitarian and Refugee Stream
The Humanitarian and Refugee Programme has two components: offshore
resettlement; and onshore protection for those people already in Australia who claim
protection under Australia’s international obligations. This latter group can usually
only apply for temporary protection or temporary humanitarian visas. Permanent
humanitarian visa categories cover the special humanitarian Programme and the
refugee Programme which resettles people identified by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as subject to persecution in their home
country. This study excluded from its scope on-shore applicants who arrived in
Australia illegally seeking asylum.
Skilled Workers Stream
There are number of visas that allow skilled workers to enter Australia. Most skilled
workers come to Australia as either a Skilled Independent migrant, or, if they have
recently completed a tertiary qualification at an Australian university, as a skilled
independent overseas student. These particular types of visas are preferred by
skilled migrants as they have the least restrictions placed on them.
6
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Other skilled visas include:
-
-
-
-
Employer Nomination Schemes – Allows employers to sponsor and employ
skilled workers who have recognised qualifications and skills or experience in
particular occupations which cannot be filled from the local labour market.
State or Territory Nominated Independents – A permanent visa for people
unable to meet the Skilled Independent criteria. Applicants must be sponsored
by a participating state/territory government, and their nominated occupation
must be on the skills shortage list of the sponsoring state.
The Regional Sponsored Migration Stream supports regional development by
addressing the skill needs and shortages of regional employers. Skilled
migrants can also migrate through formal labour agreements with an industry
group, or through international business operations which make a significant
investment in Australia.
Skilled Designated Area Sponsored visas. These are provisional visas allowing
people living in a designated area to sponsor their relatives as skilled migrants.
The sponsored migrant will obtain permanent residence by living and working
the same designated area as their sponsor.
This study excluded from its scope the newly created temporary work visas (such as
sub-class 457).
Business Stream
These visas have been established for business people to establish a business in
Australia, manage a new or existing business or invest in Australia. These are
temporary visas that offer migrants a pathway to permanent residence once they
have demonstrated a genuine commitment to participate in the management of a
new or existing business in Australia.
Source: DIAC 2007
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
7
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
PART II
3: Human Capital
Human capital is a summary term for the investment in education, training and
other qualities which increases the worth of individuals to society generally.
Although the importance of different levels of human capital is most evident in
the labour market, where differences are often reflected in income, the
concept has a wider relevance. Investment in the health of an individual has
obvious benefits for society at large, not least with respect to welfare
payments, as do the skills and talents which individuals are able to bring to
bear in the general fields of leisure and recreation.
3.1 Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and
education
Review of the literature and data
Employment and wellbeing
Employment is obviously a key issue in the lives of migrants. Skilled business
stream immigrants, for instance, are selected on the basis of the jobs they will
do and the investment they will make. Humanitarian stream migrants also
need employment in order to establish a life in their adopted land and to
reduce their dependency on welfare payments. In this sense, employment is
of crucial economic significance to both individuals and society at large.
Employment is important in other ways however. For example, employment
helps to give a person identity, social contact (Peters 1995) and a shared
sense of belonging. Working hours provide ‘shape’ to the lives of all
Australians in the paid labour force. Employment is a way in which people
develop the skills of collaboration and a route to self-development and
realisation of personal potential (Maslow 1998). Moreover, contact through
employment can help in the social adjustment of migrants in Australia. In this
sense, the skills and the prior training of migrants are critical concerns
because they influence the work opportunities open to immigrants. Important,
too, is any training and skills acquisition undertaken after arrival. These are
fundamental components of human capital. Also important is the quality of
immigrants’ working lives and the satisfaction they derive from employment.
Such experiences can also influence the work ethic of future generations.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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25
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
Welfare payments, risks and recipients
As a result of Australia's migration policies, migrants (taken as a whole) have
higher levels of skills and qualifications than the Australia-born population.
This positive impact on the economy and on Australia’s stock of human capital
is well reported (for instance, Garnaut 2002; Garnaut et al. 2003). Despite this
general recognition, myths have developed and endured with respect to levels
of welfare payments paid. For example, there is widespread belief that
migrants are uneducated and take the jobs of other Australians or that they
live on welfare (C. Richardson 2002). The opposing view is supported by one
study (Birrell and Jupp 2000) which found that, overall, overseas-born persons
had lower welfare-recipient rates than other Australian residents.
Welfare payments available to migrants are, of course, dictated to a large
extent by government policy and, for the past decade, additional limitations
have applied. For example, for non-humanitarian migrants, two years must
elapse before most social security payments can be accessed (HREOC
2005). In addition, most new immigrants are not eligible for disability or aged
pensions until ten years after their arrival in Australia. Nevertheless, higher
welfare-recipient rates apply for some migrant groups with low levels of
proficiency in English. This probably reflects relatively limited possession of
post-school qualifications or work experiences which would allow them to
compete for jobs in the Australian labour market (Birrell and Jupp 2000, p. vii).
There is recognition that the two-year waiting period for income support for
most migrants could add to risks of poverty and homelessness (Senate
Community Affairs Reference Committee (SCARC) 2004). Without provision
of appropriate settlement support, work opportunities and educational
opportunities for children, immigrants might not be able to fully participate in
and to become productive members of Australian society. Furthermore, the
SCARC found that failure by skilled migrants to have their qualifications
recognised or to have access to Programmes to quickly and inexpensively
upgrade qualifications diminished abilities to find work and to acquire higher
standards of living.
Historically, high welfare-recipient rates were more likely to be associated with
the early periods of settlement; with increased settlement time, welfare levels
have been shown to fall significantly (Birrell and Jupp 2000). This is
reassuring as one of the long-term concerns about migration expressed in the
focus groups centred on the risk of ongoing welfare dependency. While
immigrants generally access welfare less than Australia-born residents,
welfare use does increase in line with age on arrival in Australia (Birrell and
Jupp 2000). Parents accepted under the Family Reunion scheme naturally
tend to be older immigrants. Whilst older persons might not be so active in
terms of paid employment, the important role that grandparents play in
providing emotional family support and unpaid child-care should not be
disregarded.
26
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Migrant employment opportunities, qualifications and skills
Employment status and qualifications for major birthplace groups has been
influenced not only by age but also by time of arrival in Australia. Some longestablished birthplace groups – such as those from Italy, Greece and Malta –
have comparatively low levels of tertiary education (Hugo 1999). One reason
was due to post-World War II demand by the then buoyant manufacturing
sector for unskilled workers. By contrast, high proportions of more recent
arrivals, especially from the USA and some Asian countries including Malaysia
and India, have university degrees or diplomas. Nevertheless, not all recent
migrants are highly qualified; more recently arrived groups from Cambodia,
Thailand and Viet Nam have relatively low proportions of migrants with
degrees.
Differences in migrant qualifications over time also reflect in part the growing
availability of university and college education round the globe (and, for
migrants, in Australia after arrival) and the fact that university or college
education is much more attainable now than it was for the early settlers after
World War II. In part, too, they reflect the fact that selection for migrant entry
visas is a competitive process in which those with formal qualifications have
better chances of success.
Examination of qualifications and occupational status of migrants is relevant
to this discussion because human capital which migrants bring with them or
which they subsequently acquire through education and training is commonly
measured with respect to its application in the work place. This aspect has
been examined more fully in Appendix 3A.1 (with reference to Tables 3A.1.1
and 3A.1.2 and related discussion). It is not surprising that low occupational
profiles tend to parallel migrant groups with low levels of university and
college education. Notwithstanding this, there appears to be an anomaly in
the case of migrants sourced from some countries (such as Viet Nam and, to
a lesser extent, North Africa and the Middle East) which had strong
representation among both those with high formal qualifications and jobs of
low occupational status. This suggests either considerable variability within
the category of Viet Nam-born migrants in terms of their labour force
experience and lack of career choices or significant under-use of formal
qualifications. Whether under-use might be related to lack of recognition of
qualifications or language difficulties – or both – can only be speculated upon.
Labour force comparisons
Time of arrival in Australia has also influenced employment status for major
birthplace groups. Those who arrived in the early post-war period have aged
to the point where high proportions have retired and are therefore out of the
labour force. In contrast, some migrant birthplace groups (such as those from
Sub-Saharan Africa, the Philippines, the Americas and Southern and Central
Asia) have strong representation among the ranks of the employed.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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27
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
Labour force participation rates according to birthplace are summarised in
Table 3.1. ABS (2004c) statistics show that 66 per cent of Australia's
migrants6 were employed; this rate was similar to that of people born in
Australia (64%) (ABS 2006c). Additional statistics and commentary presented
in Appendix 3A.1 point to business migrants on temporary visas (83%) and
permanent visa holders (79%) having the highest rates of employment and
also high participation rates (88% and 82% respectively) (refer to Table
3A.1.3). The labour force participation rate for migrants of 70 per cent was
high compared with 58 per cent for all persons born overseas and 65 per cent
for the Australia-born. Accordingly, the unemployment rate for migrants was,
at 5.6 per cent, higher than for those born in Australia (4.9%). Further data
with respect to labour force status for migrants is presented in Appendix 3A.1
(with reference to Tables 3A.1.4 and 3A.1.5).
Table 3.1: Overview of labour force participation rates by birthplace –
November 2004
Civilian population aged 15
years and over
Australia-born
All overseas born
Migrants (a)
Other overseas born (b)
Persons ‘000
Participation
rate per cent
Per cent
employed
Per cent
unemployed
15 745.2
2151.0
625.3
1525.7
67.3
58.1
70.2
53.1
64.0
55.4
66.3
50.5
4.9
4.7
5.6
4.3
Notes
(a) People who were born overseas, who arrived in Australia after 1984, were aged 15 years
and over on arrival and had obtained permanent Australian resident status prior to or after
their arrival.
(b) People who arrived in Australia before 1985; people who arrived after 1984 and were
aged less than 15 years on arrival; and people who arrived after 1984 and were aged 15
years and over on arrival and were either temporary residents who had planned to stay in
Australia for 12 months or more, or those whose status was not able to be determined.
Source: after ABS (2006c); after DEWR (2005).
Post-settlement occupational status
Many migrants change occupations both on and after arrival in Australia
although there seems to have been minimal investigation of the reasons for
such changes. In fact, labour force statistics showed that around 40 per cent
of employed migrants changed to a different major occupation group by
comparison with their first jobs in Australia (ABS 2004c). Males (47%) were
more likely to take on a different type of occupation than females (37%) (ABS
2004c: 12-13). This might reflect migrants, particularly bread-winning males,
subsequently finding jobs better suited to their qualifications and liking after
initial settling-in periods. Alternatively there might be more negative
6
When interpreting labour force statistics, a migrant is defined as a person who was born overseas,
who arrived in Australia after 1984, was aged 15 years and over on arrival, and had obtained
permanent Australian resident status prior to or after their arrival (ABS 2004f: 34)
28
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
connotations such as job dissatisfaction or difficulties with adapting to
conditions of employment in a new country. Temporary business visa holders
(33%) were least likely to change and holders of humanitarian visas (45%)
most likely. For many people, changing jobs is associated with uncertainty and
stress. Employment status, how migrants handle job changes and whether
occupational changes are regarded positively could impact upon not only
economic but also social wellbeing of individuals as well as others within
affected households.
Results from the LSIAs which have permitted the educational qualifications
and work status of more recent migrants to be tracked are explored and
discussed in Appendix 3A.1 (with reference to Tables 3A.1.6 to 3A.1.8). In
short, recent migrants have increasingly contributed to human capital in
Australia by adding significantly to the pool of persons with qualifications.
Predictably, not all qualifications held by migrants can be put to most effective
use immediately upon arrival in Australia. Nevertheless, the longer migrants
were in the workforce, the more, generally speaking, they were able to use
their qualifications. This suggests that, with growing familiarity, employee
skills could be better matched to workplace tasks.
Migrant workforce characteristics
It is important to note that controls on migrant intakes in the 1980s and 1990s
meant that Australia did not develop a multicultural workforce on the same
scale as in the USA and European Union (Jupp 2002). As a result, residential
differentiation in Australia has not led to the same marked variations in quality
of life that are evident in some places overseas.
There is nonetheless a danger of overlooking the divide between those
immigrants who do well and those who experience difficulties (Jupp 2001).
While members of some Asian groups have faired relatively poorly in labour
markets (Hugo 1992; Viviani 1997), this camouflages the fact that many have
been highly successful. Indeed, Asian male immigrants have been found
overall to occupy positions equal to or even better in status than Australiaborn males (Evans 1985). Yet in spite of the obvious success of many
immigrants, some researchers (such as Jayasuriya and Kee 1999) have
pointed to extremely poor rates of Asian-Australian representation existing in
key sectors of the Australian workforce, such as in federal and state public
services, university governance, government advisory bodies (including those
dealing with Asia-Australia relations), corporate leadership and the media.
These differences are apparently not explained simply by degrees of fluency
in English.
On balance, little evidence was found in the literature of a migrant labour
underclass forming in Australia in spite of recognition that humanitarian
migrants have been among the worst affected by economic restructuring, with
the added burden of social exclusion resulting through unemployment, welfare
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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29
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
dependency and poverty (Castles et al. 1998). Nevertheless, there are
indications that overt discrimination has occurred in the labour market (Collins
1991), especially with respect to youth (Burnley 1985) and those from visual
ethnic minorities. Lack of fluency in the English language can present as
another barrier.
Proficiency in English
One of the keys to the successful adaptation of migrants in Australia is their
proficiency in the use of the English language. This influences the degree to
which new settlers are able to interact with the host society and to find
employment in skilled occupations. Of course, levels of proficiency in English
vary significantly according to place of birth. The major birthplace groups with
language difficulties (in the sense of not speaking English well if at all) were
from various parts of Asia including Viet Nam, China (excluding Taiwan and
SARs) and South Korea where around one in three did not speak English well.
Migrants from Turkey, the Former Yugoslav Republic (FYR) of Macedonia,
Lebanon and Croatia had problems speaking English to even greater degrees.
Difficulties with the English language are not however confined to these areas
or to recently arrived migrants. In some long-established groups, between
one-fifth and one-third of ethnic populations speak English not well if at all; this
included migrants from Greece or with Greek ancestry (32%) and Italy or with
Italian ancestry (22%). (Refer to Appendix 3A.1, Tables 3A.1.9 and 3A.1.10,
for further statistics and discussion).
Linguistic diversity
One aspect of human capital that is difficult to measure is the extent to which
migrants bring with them language skills which add not only to Australia’s
cultural diversity but also to the ability of Australia to interact and trade with
other nations. This obviously brings significant social benefit to Australia.
Some of the settling-in difficulties for new migrants are also alleviated if they
are able to communicate using familiar languages. That one in five Australians
has some capacity to speak languages other than English is some indication
of this linguistic resource (refer to Table 3A.1.11).
A striking feature of linguistic diversity is the huge range of languages spoken
in Australia. Whilst on the one hand this represents a significant addition to
Australia’s stocks of human capital, on the other hand, educators and trainers
are being faced with different and more numerous challenges as a result of
greater diversity.
30
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Challenges faced by education systems
English language competence is recognised as a key to socio-economic
adjustment in the wider society (Burnley et al. 1997). Nonetheless, misgivings
about the scale of resources necessary for training for those from non-English
speaking backgrounds persist (Iredale 1997; Matthews 1992). This concern
extends to the schooling of immigrant children where a number of factors
relating to migrant intakes impacts on Australia’s education systems. These
factors include unplanned-for fluctuations in migration levels; high proportions
of refugee and other humanitarian migrants in some areas; greater religious
and linguistic diversity within intakes; and broader geographical dispersal of
ethnic minority students (Cahill 1996).
Resulting competition for scarce resources has meant that the education
outcomes for recent first generation young migrants are sometimes presented
as being mixed and uncertain. There are also assertions that English as a
Second Language (ESL) Programmes originally provided in the main by the
Commonwealth have not been sufficiently supplemented by State government
initiatives. This is despite the fact that explicit curricula or curriculum
framework documents are in place for second language support in some
states including NSW, Victoria and the ACT (ACT Department of Education
and Training 2003; OECD 2006).
In spite of these concerns, a recently released OECD (2006) report that
examined performances of students with immigrant backgrounds and
compared them to those of their ‘native’ counterparts found that Australia was
one of a handful of countries, which included Canada and New Zealand that
performed well. Furthermore, the analysis found that background
characteristics of students in Australia were more similar whereas in most
European countries, immigrant students were from lower socio-economic
backgrounds and had parents who were often less well educated than in the
rest of the population.
Despite some misgivings, second and, to a lesser extent, third generation
immigrant Australians generally do well, as evidenced in the merit lists at the
end of secondary education (Khoo et al. 2002). Nevertheless, a dichotomy is
evident in tertiary education. Although permanent resident students who have
English as a second language overall have higher participation rates than
English-speaking-background Australians – for Chinese, Korean and
Vietnamese speakers, the level of participation is striking – there are some
other language groups (including Italian, Macedonian, Turkish, Greek and
Croatian speakers) which are underrepresented in universities relative to their
population (Dobson et al. 1996).
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
Competition for skilled labour
In more recent times, Australia has developed the business of export
education, demonstrated by numbers of temporary entry students. By way of
example, overseas students make up over 18 per cent of enrolments in
Australian universities (ABC Radio Australia 2005) and during 2004-05, in
excess of 225 000 international students were granted visas (DIMA 2006b).
There has been increasing emphasis on the skilled stream and on overseas
students training at their own expense and, in some cases, subsequently
taking out permanent residence (Birrell et al. 2005; Garnaut 2002). On the
downside, there is an oft-expressed view that many overseas students,
particularly ones from Asian countries, are not sufficiently proficient in English
to effectively participate in the workforce once they are qualified (Birrell,
Hawthorne and Richardson 2006, The Age 2006).
Despite these schemes, Australia still experiences shortages of skilled labour.
These shortages underscore what appears to be generally widespread
support by employers for continuation of existing federal government policies
to increase opportunities for people to convert from long-term temporary visas
(under which Australia has no obligation to provide jobs or social security) to
permanent onshore immigrant status (Jupp 2002; McDonald 2002).
Increasingly employers have a global view of labour recruitment, recognising
sponsored temporary skilled workers as essential for successful operations
(Khoo et al. 2004). While there appear to be many advantages for Australia of
temporary visa migrants (C. Richardson 2002), little is known of their
migration experience or whether training of Australian residents might present
a better long-term option.
Immigrants do not take jobs for which people in the Australia-born workforce
are qualified. On the contrary, migration helps to alleviate labour shortages
but it is not a substitute for natural population increase through births. Fertility
and immigration do not have equivalent impacts on long-term population size
and age structure (Kippen and McDonald 2004). Competition for immigrants
on a global scale, together with an expected shift to lower fertility rates almost
everywhere (AIHW 2004), could make recruitment of short and long-term visa
entrants in areas of skilled shortages increasingly difficult.
Summary of benefits and costs
Migrants are credited with raising the bar on Australia’s per capita reserves of
human capital due to overall higher qualifications and greater skills levels at
time of arrival than the Australia-born. However this capital might be underutilised due to potential transferability gaps emerging in the application and
recognition of post-migration qualifications.
In addition, superior economic outcomes from migration are claimed on the
basis that, due largely to government policies and types of visas issued,
32
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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migrants have overall lower welfare recipient rates. This does not apply to
some identifiable migrant groups including humanitarian and preferential
family entrants and some from non-English speaking backgrounds who
experience communications difficulties and thus fair relatively poorly in labour
markets. Naturally this leads to claims that education in English and ESL
courses are under-resourced.
Of course unplanned-for fluctuations in levels, composition and dispersal of
migrants do impact upon the effectiveness of education systems.
Unfortunately, immigrant representation and performance in different sectors
of society have not been monitored which limits the ability to gauge patterns
relating to social impacts as they emerge in the workplace, in education
systems, and with respect to welfare payments.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of migration to Australia with respect to
work, welfare payments, workplace skills and education are summarised in
Table 3.2.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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33
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
Table 3.2: Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and
education issues – summary of social costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Overall, migrants have attained higher Although well qualified, some migrants
education
qualifications than
the are not sufficiently proficient in English to
Australia-born prior to migration, thus effectively participate in the workforce.
raising national levels (on a per capita
basis) of human capital.
High levels of proficiency in English are Some birthplace groups, including in
demonstrated by many major birthplace some
long-established
groups,
experience difficulties with the English
groups of migrants.
language.
Linguistic diversity adds not only to
Australia’s cultural diversity but also to its
ability to interact and trade with other
nations, with attendant social benefits.
Educators and trainers are faced with
different and more numerous challenges
as a result of greater cultural and
linguistic diversity.
Those parts of Australia that have
attracted large numbers of migrants have
had their pool of human capital
substantially increased.
Those parts of Australia that have
attracted large numbers of humanitarian
migrants have experienced increased
pressures relating to welfare, education
and the workforce.
Overall, migrants have lower welfare- Some identifiable migrant groups have
recipient rates than the Australia-born.
higher welfare-recipient rates than the
Australia-born.
Eligibility periods for welfare payments Waiting periods for independent skilled
apply to most migrant groups thus migrants might not only be slowing down
limiting the size of the welfare umbrella.
settlement times but might also be
adding to risks of poverty and
homelessness.
Unskilled migrants were an important Large numbers of low-skilled migrants
source of labour during post-war periods have been affected by economic
of rapid economic growth.
downturns and reductions in blue collar
manufacturing jobs.
As a result of restricted intakes, Australia
does not have marked variations in
quality of life associated with multicultural
workforces on the same scale as, for
example, the USA and European Union.
High unemployment has occurred in
areas
where
large
numbers
of
disadvantaged
humanitarian
and
preferential family groups of migrants
have settled.
The Family Reunion Scheme has been
an important facet of the successful
integration of some migrant groups into
the workplace and wider community.
Reductions in family reunion categories
of visas have limited traditional family
support and unpaid child-care especially
for ‘new’ migrants and emerging migrant
groups.
34
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Most migrants obtaining employment Long-standing problems associated with
seem to successfully integrate into the integration and employment options
Australian workplace.
could be restricting social mobility for a
minority of recently arrived migrant
groups.
Members of some migrant groups have Members of some migrant groups have
been highly successful in labour markets. experienced difficulties and thus have
faired relatively poorly.
Migrants have expanded the scope and Migrants tend to be underrepresented in
style of expertise and creativity available many key sectors of the Australian
in the Australian workplace and to workforce.
industry.
There is limited evidence of a migrant There are indications that some overt
labour underclass or ethnic enclaves in discrimination occurs in the labour
Australia.
market. Risks of separate labour market
segments forming for migrants from nonEnglish speaking backgrounds exist, but
are not great.
A recent OECD (2006) report pointed to
Australia being among a handful of
countries
with
relatively
small
achievement gaps between immigrant
and ‘native’ students.
Unplanned-for fluctuations in levels,
composition and dispersal of migrants
may impact adversely upon education
systems.
Appreciation of cultural differences in Superficial notions of multiculturalism can
schools lays foundations for wider inter- hamper delivery of accurate information
cultural understanding and tolerance.
about the social impact of migration in
the classroom.
Australia has been successful
attracting highly qualified migrants.
in Australia is in strong competition in the
global market for skilled labour and loses
some through out-migration.
There is seemingly widespread employer
support for continuation of policies to
increase opportunities for temporary
visas and conversion of long-term visas
to permanent onshore status.
Little is known of the migration
experience of persons granted temporary
visas or whether training of Australian
residents might present better long-term
options.
More recent intakes of skilled migrants Qualifications held by migrants cannot
have increasingly better qualifications.
always be most effectively used
immediately upon arrival.
Many migrants change occupations after
arrival in Australia, perhaps reflecting
recognition
of,
retraining
for,
or
improvement in qualifications.
Qualifications are not always used to
best effect; it seems that ‘transferability
gaps’ exist between pre- and postsettlement use of qualifications.
Skill stream migrants have higher rates Unemployment rates are, overall, slightly
higher than for the Australia-born. Some
of employment than the Australia-born.
birthplace groups have relatively high
rates of unemployment.
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3.2 Physical and mental health Review of the literature and
data Importance to Australia of a healthy migrant
A prosperous Australian society requires a stock of people who are capable of
economic and social participation. In the first instance, this means people of
sound physical and mental health who can contribute their skills to supply
market and non-market labour. If migrants suffer from ill health, their
contribution to society can be lessened. Moreover, ill health brings with it the
cost of health care, much of which is ultimately met by governments through
provisions like the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, safety nets, and the
public hospital system. Migrants to Australia have to meet health requirements
in order to be eligible for certain visa classes of entry (DIMIA 2006d). These
requirements are designed to minimise the burden of planned migration on the
health care system, to prevent the spread of contagious diseases, and to
protect Australia’s record of good health.
Pre-migration screening
Australia is able to control the nature of the migrant intake through the issuing
of visas. This provides an opportunity to vet the health status of potential
migrants. It might be expected, therefore, that the health status of migrants on
arrival places few immediate demands on the health care system. As against
this, migration itself is known to be a stressful activity. Stress, in turn, can
contribute to ill health and, especially, to psychological distress.
Pre-migration screening appears to ensure that, overall, migrants have better
physical health, on arrival and for some years following, than the Australiaborn population (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999; Richardson et al. 2002; Singh and
de Looper 2002). This better health, known as the ‘healthy migrant effect’
(AIHW 2004:190), is reflected in longer life expectancy, lower death and
hospitalisation rates, and a lower prevalence of some lifestyle-related risk
factors.
Sub-group variations
While migrants generally have very good health on arrival, there are some
variations between visa categories with humanitarian and preferential family
visa entrants faring worst (S. Richardson 2002; Richardson et al. 2002;
Vanden Heuvel and Wooden 1999). These groups, particularly humanitarian
migrants, can be exempted from meeting certain health requirements. Of
course, sub-group variations in morbidity and mortality due to complex
36
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interactions between social, cultural, environmental, biological and genetic
factors are also present within different ethnic groups (Jarasuriya and Kee
1999).
By way of example, mortality rates among migrants from the UK and Ireland
are closest to the rates for Australia-born people. In contrast, migrants from
Asia have much lower standardised mortality ratios (AIHW 2004:191),
specifically for some cancers, respiratory causes and suicide (Singh and de
Looper 2002:3). Additionally, migrants born in the UK and Ireland experience
higher rates of breast and lung cancer and some migrant groups from Europe,
the Pacific Islands and Asia have higher diabetes mortality rates (Singh and
de Looper 2002:3-4). Furthermore heart, stroke and vascular diseases are
more than twice as likely to be reported by migrants from European countries
as by the Australia-born (ABS 2006d). Statistics and discussion relating to
selected long-term health conditions experienced by migrants and persons
born in Australia are presented in Appendix 3A.2 (with reference to Table
3A.2.1).
Pre-migration screening no doubt contributed to persons born overseas
overall having lower rates of core-activity limitations and disabilities than the
Australia-born (Table 3A.2.2). Stand out exceptions were those born in the
United Kingdom other than England and Scotland (highest rates) and for
those born in North-East Asia (lowest rates). Of course, age is a crucial factor
with respect to health and many migrants from all parts of the UK have by
now lived in Australia for several decades whilst those from some other
regions including North-East Asia tend to be comparatively more recent
arrivals.
The ‘healthy migrant effect’ is reflected in lower hospitalisation rates for
migrants (Table 3A.2.3). Once again, considerable variations occur according
to birthplace. For example, persons born in the Oceania region (excluding
Australia, New Zealand and Fiji) had the highest hospitalisation rate of all
overseas-born groups in 2004-05 (570.3 per 1 000 population) (AIHW 2006).
The single global birthplace region for which migrants had a higher
hospitalisation rate in 2004-05 than applied for the Australia-born (352.7) was
the Middle East and North Africa (358.2). Hospitalised patients born in China
had the lowest rate (203.2), contributing to the lowest regional rate (215.1) for
persons from North-East Asia.
Mental health
Although migrants have overall better physical health on arrival than the
Australia-born population (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999; Richardson et al. 2002;
Singh and de Looper 2002), they sometimes exhibit symptoms of significant
psychological distress, at about three times the rate of the general Australian
population (Jupp 1990; S. Richardson 2002; Vanden Heuvel and Wooden
1999). This is generally related to the stress and disruption of moving, and
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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leaving friends, family and familiar conditions behind. Thus the act of migration
itself can lead to mental health issues. The cost here is born primarily by new
settlers themselves and not the destination country. Survey data for recent
new settlers found that humanitarian migrants from the Middle East and the
Balkans and those who did not speak English well had especially high levels
of psychological distress (Richardson et al. 2002: 25).
It is not apparent how soon, to what extent, or even if problems of
psychological stress are alleviated with length of time in Australia. However,
one positive finding in interviews conducted with young refugees in Brisbane,
Adelaide and Perth was evidence of resilience amongst participants (Brough
et al. 2003). At the same time, the authors cautioned that the ability of
individuals to negotiate the settlement process could impact on their future
mental wellbeing, suggesting a heightened risk of later mental illness.
In this regard, research has pointed to socio-economic status as an important
factor. Accordingly, migrants from lower socio-economic backgrounds have
higher rates of mental health problems than those from higher socio-economic
groups (Krupinski 1967; Minas 1990). For instance, a study of elderly
Vietnamese migrants found that the extent of their loneliness and isolation
was such that it gave rise to chronic mental health problems (Thomas 1991;
Thomas 1999; Thomas and Balnaves 1993).
In spite of these issues, overseas born people are less likely to be
hospitalised for a number of mental disorders, including schizophrenia,
depressive episodes and sleep disorders (AIHW 2004: 193). Furthermore, at
the time of the 2001 National Health Survey (NHS), the prevalence of mental
and behavioural problems among the overseas-born was marginally lower to
the rate for that of the Australia-born (9.0% and 9.8% respectively) (ABS
2001: 7). However, at this time, it also seems that greater proportions of
migrants who spoke languages other than English at home had high (or very
high) levels of psychological distress (16.5% compared with 11.9% for
migrants who spoke English only and 12.4% for the Australia-born) (ABS
2001). This appears to be at odds with results from the 2002 GSS which
pointed to persons born overseas and who were not proficient in English
being significantly less likely to say that they had experienced stressors in the
preceding 12 months (ABS 2003a).
The most recent NHS survey (ABS 2006d) produced non-comparable albeit
interesting results. It showed that overseas-born persons who arrived prior to
1996 (9.8%) or who spoke English as their main language at home (10.0%)
were more likely to suffer from mental and behavioural problems that either
the Australia-born (8.8%), more recent arrivals (4.6%) or those who mainly
spoke other than English at home (7.9%). Persons born in the UK, many of
whom would be long-term migrants speaking English at home, also had
comparatively high rates (9.5%). Furthermore, there were stand-out results for
North Africa and the Middle East and Southern and Eastern Europe with 11.1
per cent and 10.4 per cent of persons born in these regions respectively
38
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having mental and behavioural problems. These results might be associated
with humanitarian migrants exiting refugee camps or fleeing from chaos or
war.
Obviously, understanding and interpreting factors that might influence the
mental health of persons is complex and issues are many and multi-faceted.
Further results and discussion relating to mental health issues of migrants are
presented in Appendix 3A.2 (refer to Tables 3A.2.4 to 3A.2.7).
Impacts of non-English speaking backgrounds
Barriers to accessing health services for those from non-English speaking
backgrounds include language difficulties (particularly with respect to medical
terminology); obstacles related to accessing transportation; time constraints
(especially for young women in the workforce); and knowledge about health
education and prevention of disease. General provisions implemented for the
ageing Australian population such as retirement villages, hostels and nursing
homes are often not considered viable options for migrant groups, either
financially or culturally (Stewart and Bien 2003).
At the time of the 2002 GSS, persons not proficient in English were over two
and a half times more likely to rate their health as fair or poor (ABS 2003a)
(refer to Table 3A.2.8 in Appendix 3A.2). Respondents were also asked in this
survey about core-activity limitations including schooling or employment
limitations. Core activity limitations refer to the ability, or rather lack of it, to
effectively communicate. In these results (ABS 2003a), persons with low
proficiency levels in English presented significant limitations (Table 3A.2.9).
Long-term health conditions – with the exception of diabetes – were generally
more likely to be experienced by persons whose main language spoken at
home was English (including Australians) (Table 3A.2.10). More recent
migrants (those who arrived after 1996) were less likely to have a disability or
a long-term health condition. Further results and discussion relating to health
according to language spoken are presented in Appendix 3A.2. Clearly ability
to effectively communicate in English seemingly has wide-ranging implications
with respect to perceptions about health.
More recent studies made of the waves of data from the LSIAs indicate that,
as time (up to two years) in Australia elapsed for migrants who did not speak
English well, a large decrease occurred in the proportion which said they were
in good health (Vanden Heuvel and Wooden 1999; Richardson et al. 2002).
Yet those migrants with poor English language skills were found to be
relatively less likely to have visited health care providers. Seemingly at
variance with these findings, humanitarian migrants – who are more likely to
have poorer English-speaking skills than other migrant groups – visited
doctors at more than double the rate for Primary Applicants from other groups
(DIMIA 2005c). The fact that humanitarian migrants have immediate access to
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
welfare assistance while other visa categories, in general terms, do not (the
waiting time is normally two years) might be a contributing factor.
Ageing migrants and health
The ‘equalising’ effect, whereby migrants and the Australia-born become more
similar over time (AIHW 2004: 190; Jarasuriya and Kee 1999), is increasingly
evident as many young migrants from the 1950s and 1960s, as well as
refugees from the 1970s and 1980s, and migrant family members, reach ages
at which they are at greater risk of a range of chronic conditions. Of course,
the process of ageing increases the proportion dependent on pensions and
savings, at a time when they experience their heaviest lifetime demands for
health care services (Jupp 2002). Health deterioration with increasing years of
residence in Australia might in part be related to quite large ethnic groups
historically having been heavily concentrated in potentially injurious industrial
occupations (Jupp 1990). As such, associated health problems are not the
direct result of ethnic differences but of the differing occupational experiences
of migrants from particular ethnic backgrounds.
Exploration of the health needs of Vietnamese migrant women in Brisbane
indicated that the needs of this group (and quite likely other migrant women)
are becoming increasingly urgent due not only to the ageing of original
immigrant refugees but also to the decreased capacity (and decreased
willingness) of children and families to provide support (although the research
does not reveal how this compares with the Australia-born). Common
problems for these women were associated with culture shock, low selfesteem, lack of friends and relatives, and lack of recognition of professional
skills (Stewart and Bien 2003).
Immigrants overall have comparable or somewhat higher levels of doctor
consultations than the Australia-born, perhaps suggesting increased health
awareness and an emphasis on preventative medicine. Their lower levels of
hospitalisation are certainly consistent with their better health status (Mathers
1996). While differences in self-reporting, language limitations and cultural
considerations may account for unexplained variations in results, further
examination of apparently rapid declines in the health status of some migrants
appears warranted. Indeed, people of non-English-speaking background have
been identified as a priority population in terms of monitoring the equity
objectives of social and health Programmes (Mathers 1996). The decline of
migrant health with increasing length of residence might well be an equity
issue in itself.
Summary of benefits and costs
The available evidence synthesised in this report suggests that persons born
overseas have, on balance, better physical health than the Australia-born. The
situation with respect to mental health is less clear. Of course, human health
40
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is multi-faceted and, as might be expected, there are demographic
characteristics of some migrant groups which can be identified as suggesting
better (or worse) health with respect to specific conditions than other overseas
born persons or the Australia-born. Notwithstanding this ability to identify
certain population characteristics with respect to various health conditions, no
single country can be promoted as most or least desirable for sourcing
migrants although proficiency in English recurs as a defining factor for
identifying the likelihood of substantially different responses – both positive
and negative – to a variety of health conditions.
Thus it seems that, as a result of ‘better’ health, migrant use of health services
should be less overall on a per capita basis than for the Australian born.
Whether this will be the case as large numbers of migrants from the 1950s
and 1960s, as well as refugees from the 1970s and 1980s and immigrant
family members subsequently issued with visas, reach ages at which they are
at greater risk of a range of chronic conditions needs to be monitored. Of
course, the process of ageing increases dependency on pensions and
savings at a time when individuals experience heaviest lifetime demands for
health care services. Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to
Australia with respect to physical and mental health are summarised in Table
3.3.
Table 3.3: Physical and mental health issues – summary of social costs
and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Overall, migrants have better physical There is some variation between visa
health, on arrival and for some years categories, with
humanitarian and
following,
than
the
Australia-born preferential family visa entrants faring
population.
worst.
Overseas-born persons are less likely to
be hospitalised for a number of mental
disorders,
including
schizophrenia,
depressive episodes
and
sleep
disorders.
Significant psychological distress for
migrants – about three times the rate of
the general Australian population – is
generally related to the stress and
disruption of relocation.
The ‘healthy migrant effect’ is reflected in The ‘equalising effect’ is reflected in
longer life expectancy, lower death and migrants’ health status deteriorating with
hospitalisation rates, and a lower increasing years of residence.
prevalence of some lifestyle-related risk
factors.
Higher levels of doctors’ consultations by
migrants
in
comparison with
the
Australia-born might reflect increased
health awareness and an emphasis on
preventative medicine.
Immigrants
have
comparable
or
somewhat higher levels of doctors’
consultations than the Australia-born,
resulting in higher demand rates for
some services.
Those immigrants who have applied for Migrants who say that they had been
or received citizenship report better satisfied with their lives in their former
general health than other migrants.
countries reported poorer general health
than other migrants.
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3.3
Leisure and recreation
Review of the literature and data
Increased diversity and amenity through immigrants
It is important to consider aspects of life other than those related to the work
environment and beyond commitments to personal care in assessing quality
of life and, in particular, social impacts of immigration. After all, beyond a
certain level (that is, by Australian standards, relatively low), human happiness
bears little relationship to income alone (Hamilton and Denniss 2005). Leisure
is often a convenient description of those other aspects. Although the view of
‘leisure’ as ‘time left over’ after work and other commitments have been met
has its critics (Jenkins and Walmsley 2003), it affords a way of conceptualising
an area of life in which migrants have made major long-term contributions to
Australia in fields covering sport, games, recreation, hobbies, the arts and
entertainment (Booth and Tatz 2000; Lynch and Veal 1996).
Migration, for instance, has increased the diversity of leisure pursuits thereby
providing greater amenity for society as a whole. In the 19th and early 20th
centuries, the emphasis in Australia was on leisure activities that were popular
in Britain (sports like rugby, and cricket) but this soon extended to Europe
generally (for example, soccer) and, in more recent times, North America (with
basketball a prominent example).
A case can be made that, in the last fifty years, migrants have pioneered the
scheduling of spectator sport on Sundays. At the same time, they have
promoted the rise of sports such as soccer (Warren 2002), increased the
popularity of activities like skiing, backgammon, chess and bocce, helped
provide a larger audience for classical music and opera than might otherwise
have been the case, and created multicultural theatre, film, and dance. By way
of example, Edouard Borovansky, a Czech migrant and naturalised Australian
was founder of Australia’s first major enduring ballet company, the
Borovansky Ballet (Potter 2001). One of the first migrant filmmakers to
dramatise the migrant experience in Victoria was Giorgio Mangiamele. His
work, Clay, was the second Australian film invited to screen at the Cannes
Film Festival (Australian Centre for the Moving Image 2004). Other migrants
who are recognised as having made significant contributions include Santo
Cilauro, writer, television presenter and film maker; Vince Colosimo who won
an Australian Film Industry Award for Best Supporting Actor in Lantana; Daizy
Gedeon Mir, journalist and film maker; actors Pia Miranda, Zoe Carrides and
Paul Mercurio (also a dancer); and international fashion designer Carla
Zampatti. Australian music has been greatly enriched by postwar immigration
such as virtuoso guitarist Slava Grigoryan, born in Kazakhstan. A prominent
overseas-born singer of contemporary music is Tina Arena. Authors of migrant
background including Brian Castro, Fotini Epanomitis and Beth Yahp have
added an international dimension to Australian literature.
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The impact of immigration on leisure and recreation at the grassroots level are
clearly demonstrated in many communities throughout Australia through
different types of cultural activities in which people participate. The huge
variety in cultural performances that can be witnessed at Harmony Day
celebrations across Australia is testament to this. These are presented not
only by migrants or persons with migrant heritage but also by Australia-born
residents who have been attracted by the richness and vitality offered. In this
sense, the social impact of immigration has been overwhelmingly positive.
Other aspects of this increasing multiplicity are dealt with more fully in the
following chapter dealing with social capital which explores, among other
issues, culture and diversity as a result of migration.
There seems to be no doubt that a growing migrant presence over many
decades has profoundly influenced what people do in their leisure time – what
music they listen to; what films they see; what cultural activities they
participate in as performers, artists or audience; what food they eat; what
sport they play or watch. In fact, a preparedness of both long-term Australians
and recent migrants to accept different values and new ideas might be
attributed to ongoing influences introduced through leisure and recreational
pastimes that have been both discreetly insinuated or brazenly presented. For
example, the 1965 film of Nino Colutta’s book They’re a Weird Mob about an
Italian migrant experiencing the strangeness of Australian ‘culture’ made
Australians look at themselves – and migrants – in different ways. Similarly,
four decades on, Bollywood film locations in Australia present different images
of Australia to Indians to the extent that numbers of visitors – and quite likely
migrants – from that country have been significantly boosted in recent years
(Vaile 2005).
Of course, constantly improving and affordable telecommunications methods
and international travel are external factors which are also influencing
Australians’ attitudes about global trends and events. The extent to which
different types of exposure influence behaviour and acceptance is not readily
determined. However, without first-hand experiences and contacts as a result
of Australia’s systematic intake of new migrants, acceptance most likely would
not have been so widespread or have achieved the same momentum. The
preparedness of Australians everywhere to embrace soccer during the 2006
World Cup is a case in point.
As activities in the creative arts as well as those relating to leisure pastimes
and sport have become more diverse, Australians have achieved greater
international recognition and success than ever before and, most likely as part
of this process, become less insular. Indeed, the migrant influence on what
people do in their leisure time is intuitively significant. Nevertheless, an
examination of levels of representation of migrants and those with migrant
heritage in cultural, leisure and sporting activities points to some interesting
distinctions.
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Migrant involvement in cultural, leisure and sporting activities
In this regard, children with other than an English-speaking heritage are
apparently significantly less likely to participate in a range of sporting and
leisure activities by comparison with the Australia-born or those born in main
English-speaking countries (ABS 2003e). Instead they tended to favour more
‘cultural’, passive or individual activity types such as playing musical
instruments, reading, watching television or using the internet. (Refer to
Appendix 3A.3, Tables 3A.3.1 to 3A.3.4, for data and further discussion.)
Whether the ABS survey results reflect influences of religious or cultural
preferences, strictures or taboos, language-related barriers, preference for
other less traditionally ‘Australian’ types of activities not readily identified by
the survey, or constraints on leisure time can only be speculated upon.
However, the results do suggest a divide in types of activities pursued by
children with a non-English speaking heritage and other children living in
Australia.
With respect to adults, the most recent ABS survey of attendance levels at
cultural venues and events (ABS 2002a) indicates that those with a nonEnglish speaking heritage generally had consistently lower attendance levels
than other adult Australians (refer to Table 3A.3.5). The exception was with
respect to venues and events where enjoyment or appreciation was not
dependent on proficiency in any particular language. This included botanic
gardens, classical music concerts and dance performances. Furthermore,
those from non-English speaking backgrounds were least likely to have had
outings to at least one venue in the 12 months preceding the survey. These
results are important as they reinforce perceptions about limitations in cultural
experiences available in Australia to persons not proficient in English. No
doubt this impacts in a negative sense upon quality of life.
Similar but more pronounced patterns were evident for attendances by adults
at spectator sports (ABS 2003c) (Table 3A.2.6). Lifetime or at least long-term
affiliations and loyalties attributed to supporters who attend large drawcard
events such as various codes of football possibly influenced results. Many
traditional Australian sporting events might not have appeal to those born
overseas, particularly if sporting cultures and languages are also significantly
different.
Use of public space and places
Some sporting and leisure activities preferred by migrant groups pose
challenges about the use of public space in Australian settings. For example,
draughts, chess, bocce, callisthenics, vovinam and some other martial arts,
badminton and volleyball are popular outdoor pastimes or commonly practiced
health pursuits in many European or Asian cities. These usually take place in
informal public settings such as in parks and on footpaths. Traditional sporting
fields in Australia are often bare of trees due to the nature of sporting activities
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that usually take place, with limited areas that provide shade and shelter. Thus
they are often not conducive to new types of activities (Watson and
McGillivray 1994). In addition, local government regulations and wider
community attitudes often preclude or discourage these types of activities
from occurring in public spaces.
While these types of outdoor pursuits do not require specific facilities as such,
others do. In this regard, it is important to recognise that community cinemas,
clubs and churches are recognised as important in the settling in process for
different migrant groups (Armstrong 1994; Mosely 1997). Leisure activities or
church organisations, rather than work associations, provide many migrants
with not only their social outlets but also educational and support networks.
Barriers to sporting participation by immigrants
Historically sport has been predominantly a male preserve not only in
Australia but also in most of the cultures of many of Australia’s post-war
immigrants. Females have been shown to be consistently less likely to
participate in or attend sporting activities than males. Interestingly, males
living in Australia with other than an English-speaking heritage have been
shown to be consistently less likely participate in sporting activities than
females born in the main English-speaking countries (including Australia)
(ABS 2003b, 2004e). Furthermore, with respect to children, similar patterns
applied according to gender when birthplace of parents was also considered.
(These issues are discussed in more detail in Appendix 3A.3 with reference to
Tables 3A.3.2, 3A.3.6 and 3A.3.7).
For significant numbers of migrant women and children, strictures against
participation in sport and some leisure activities have been especially strong
(Mosely et al. 1997). Some females with migrant heritage, therefore, confront
problems of access including religious and cultural restrictions that are
additional to those encountered by most Australian women. In addition to
gender differences, other barriers to participation by women from some
migrant backgrounds include not knowing others, inappropriate facilities and
Programmes, language difficulties, family responsibilities, and negative school
sports experiences (Taylor and Toohey 1997).
Summary of costs and benefits
There seems to be no doubt that Australia has benefited from the more
diverse range of leisure, sporting and recreational opportunities and activities
that are available as a result of accepting continual waves of migrants from a
range of source countries and cultures. This has helped to enrich the lives of
all Australians and, concomitantly, the country’s image has been positively
enhanced globally.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Not only has migration provided a greater range of activities but the critical
mass of migrants has also ensured their continuation through support of many
important cultural institutions without which the activities quite possibly would
not have otherwise endured. Furthermore, migrants have challenged the way
public space and places have traditionally been used and in the process
helped to give a new look and manner of use to many public settings. Thus in
a variety of ways, migrant involvement in and introduction of leisure and
recreational activities has meant Australians have become conducive to
change, a seemingly crucial factor in contemporary global society.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to
leisure and recreation are summarised in Tables 3.4.
Table 3.4: Leisure and recreation issues – summary of social costs and
benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Migration has increased the diversity of
recreational and leisure pursuits and
thereby provided greater amenity for
society as a whole.
Maintenance of ethnic identities has
been linked with fostering cultural
practices which, in the eyes of some,
challenge Australian culture.
As activities have become more diverse,
Australians have achieved greater
international recognition and success
than ever before and, most likely as part
of this process, become less insular.
As activities and the cultural heritage of
participants become more diverse,
greater ranges of facilities require
resourcing
and
culture-specific
management.
Migrants have provided proportionately Some sporting and leisure activities
larger audiences than the Australia-born challenge generally accepted Australian
for classical music and opera, helping to norms about the use of public space.
maintain
the
viability
of
various
performance companies. They have also
created multicultural theatre, film, and
dance.
Migrant support of and demand for
venues such as art galleries, museums
and libraries have increased functioning
capabilities.
3.4
Participation levels in sport, cultural and
leisure activities have been especially
low for significant numbers of migrants
from non-English speaking backgrounds.
Overall assessment
Assessing the social impact of migration for Australia through an exploration
of aspects of human capital has been a multi-faceted and challenging task
given the lack of compatible quantitative data sets. Nevertheless, the available
evidence overwhelmingly supports the view that migrants have made and
continue to make positive contributions to Australia’s stock of human capital.
These outcomes can be attributed in the main to Australia’s policies on
immigration which have in both historical and contemporary times been
successful in attracting highly qualified migrants with essentially good health.
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The migrant presence has introduced different types of sporting, cultural and
leisure pursuits traditionally practiced in the source countries to Australia. This
has increased, for all Australians, the range and viability of available
recreational activities and the manner in which such activities can be
accessed or practised.
Employment status, education, language skills, health and time available for
recreation and leisure are interlinked as fundamental components of human
wellbeing. An increase in Australia’s overall stocks of human capital has also
meant that migrants themselves have benefited from the migration
experience.
While most migrants entering Australia are skilled, some humanitarian or
preferential family groups are from disadvantaged backgrounds and, upon
arrival in Australia, can lack education and English language skills. However,
most have proven over time to be able to acquire qualifications and to do well.
Furthermore, they are generally ambitious for their children to achieve and to
have better opportunities in life.
Governments at all levels and society at large eventually bear any extra
burdens of increased costs for welfare and other intervention services, for
health care, and for loss of productive members of society and forgone
opportunities if migrant workers with qualifications are unable to use their
skills in the Australian working environment. Thus it is in the best interests of
not only migrants but also the host community to maximise opportunities and
facilitate environments in which persons can thrive. While good use is made in
Australia of migrants’ human capital, some factors which apparently extend
adjustment time have received attention in the literature. These include
problems associated with overseas qualifications being recognised or underutilised in the workplace due to potential transferability gaps.
There seems to be no doubt that Australia’s stock of human capital has
gained from migration and that migrants themselves have also reaped
benefits. An increasingly globalised society especially with respect to labour
has Australia competing with other traditional migrant destination countries for
skilled migrants. The ability to attract migrants will probably be influenced by
their perceptions about Australian society in general and the ease with which
settlement and social integration can be accomplished. These aspects are
explored in the next chapter through an examination of social capital.
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4: Social Capital
The idea of social capital is highly relevant to an examination of the social
impacts of immigration. ‘Social capital’ refers to the relations of trust, cooperation and mutual aid that are fostered by ‘norms and networks of civic
engagement’ and which provide the vital underpinnings of effective
government, productive economies, productive diversity, healthy populations
and socially cohesive communities (Putnam 2000). One of the crucial
characteristics of social capital is its transferability. Social capital is deemed to
be transferable to the extent that the networks, norms and trust built on the
basis of one common purpose can be used for another. Another feature of
social capital is that it can generate unintended effects. This is called an
externality. These third party effects can be positive when the social
connectedness generated by one activity can make other social interactions
easier. They can also be negative when social divisiveness and an erosion of
social capital can lead to friction within a community. Above all, the impact of
social capital has a distinct spatial field of operation, with the intensity of the
effect tapering away as distance from the activity in question increases (Pinch
1985).
These two elements of social capital – its transferability and externality effect
– make the prospect of increasing social capital an attractive idea for policymakers (see Productivity Commission 2003). The concept of social capital
suggests that there may be some public benefit to be derived from formal and
informal volunteering in sports, arts, education, youth groups, church
organisations, and emergency services even where these activities do not
substitute directly for government provision. These forms of public association
encourage civic engagement. Any form of civic engagement fosters more civic
engagement. As a result, tiny investments can build up a significant stock of
social capital (Putnam 2000). Perhaps the single greatest benefit of
immigration is that it modifies existing social capital and encourages the
continual evaluation of established norms and relationships, usually to our
considerable benefit. In short immigration accelerates the churning of social
capital in ways described below.
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4.1
Culture and diversity
Review of the literature and data
Positive aspects of cultural diversity
Cultural diversity is highly valued for a variety of reasons. As is the case with
genetic diversity, societies with greater cultural diversity stand a better chance
of successfully adapting to the rapidly changing environment of this
increasingly globalised world. Consequently, celebrating cultural diversity has
become an important theme in contemporary Australian society.
The presence of cultural diversity can, under the right circumstances, reduce
insularity, foster bridging social capital and promote social tolerance. These
qualities are fundamental not only to GDP such as through growth of tourism
and export education but also to Australia’s standing and future in a global
democratic world that values cultural diversity and nations that foster tolerance
and understanding.
Australia’s multicultural policy
Australia’s policy of multiculturalism helps to provide the right sort of
environment in which such diversity can flourish. The main elements of this
policy are directed towards encouraging all Australians to have an overriding
loyalty to Australia and its people, and to respect the basic structures and
principles underwriting its democratic society; that is, its Constitution,
Parliamentary democracy, freedom of speech and religion, English as the
national language, the rule of law, acceptance and equality (DIMIA 2003d).
Thus it involves recognition and acceptance of reciprocal responsibilities and
privileges by all Australians.
Multicultural policy is structured round a framework that aims to maximise the
social, cultural and economic benefits that become available as a result of its
cultural diversity through migration. The four principles that underpin the policy
and provide this framework encompass responsibilities, respect, fairness and
benefits of and for all persons.
Australia’s multicultural policy is generally well regarded in that most
Australians think that immigration has been beneficial and embrace cultural
diversity as a routine part of their civic and social lives (Poynting et al. 2004).
In return for this support, Australia gains not only cosmopolitan attitudes and
experiences but also benefits from diverse inputs – from bilingual skills,
cultural ‘know-how’ and contacts facilitating international trade, entrepreneurial
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activities, and technological and artistic creativity – which help to enrich
Australian life and enhance its positive image globally (Jupp 2001).
The policy of multiculturalism also aims to actively promote good community
relations and social cohesion among Australians. To this end, the Federal
Government has designed and implemented a Living in Harmony Programme.
Through this Programme, Australian values and ways to promote mutual
respect, understanding and acceptance are emphasised. The Programme
appears to have general community support as is evidenced by the level and
variety of involvement on Harmony Day, an annual event when successful
aspects of Australia’s cultural diversity are celebrated in a myriad of ways
throughout Australia. In addition, a range of Programmes has been
constructed at State and local government level which promote social
cohesion and awareness of the positive aspects of cultural diversity.
Aspects of multiculturalism
There can however be problems with the manner in which cultural diversity is
practised and perceived. First, diversity can be viewed simply in terms of
distinctive features like festivals, food, music, dance and alternative health
care with migration having dramatically affected the availability of a wide
range of different skills, business types, cultural activities, and goods and
services. Some people see manifestations of these elements as important
indicators of acceptance and racial tolerance while critics decry the superficial
ways in which they can be used to define the extent of a multicultural society
(Thompson 2005). Nevertheless, ‘even if the [perceived benefits of] new
cultures are simply ‘new cuisine’, their significance should not be
underestimated’ (Goot and Watson 2005:186).
While there are expectations that migrants will represent their culture through
these symbols in a manner that ‘fits in’ with the Australian way of life (Murphy
and Watson 1997), many migrants feel at least partly defined by them rather
than by other aspects of life (Zevallos 2005). These types of labelling can
have the concomitant effect of weakening messages about what it means to
be a migrant Australian. Despite this, celebration and enrichment of daily lives,
for example through harmony days, music and food, provide vehicles for
positive cultural interactions which in turn can open individuals to appreciating
and understanding ethnic differences (Thompson 2005).
Secondly, urban planning systems at the local government level have been
criticised for sometimes not adequately embracing cultural diversity, especially
in relation to the creation of a sense of belonging to neighbourhoods
(Thompson 2003). For example, there is a particular problem with some
groups’ requirements for places of worship. Approvals for social and sporting
clubs and also semi-private spaces for engaging in specific cultural practices
can also create controversy (Watson and McGillivray 1994). These planning
issues are important because multiculturalism must be translated into practice
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in everyday life in specific (often suburban or regional) locations (Armstrong
1994).
A third problem that is sometimes presented is with respect to childcare.
Shortage of culturally appropriate childcare provision can mean that women
with young children cannot attend English language classes (Burnley et al.
1997). While a variety of course structures and options are offered (such as
part-time evening courses or learning English at home), these do not
necessarily present solutions to the issue of childcare. Humanitarian and
family reunion migrants who have limited resources can also face barriers to
attending language classes when they are juggling multiple casual part-time
jobs, perhaps also with childcare commitments.
Racism and prejudices
Some Australians still have assimilationist notions and a preference for
European migrants over those of Asian and Middle-Eastern appearance (Jupp
2002). The media can play a significant role in fostering acceptance or,
alternatively, intolerance of new arrivals.
Strong anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiments have, quite likely, been
generated by geopolitical events, international media coverage, and local
concerns which have heightened levels of ‘Islamaphobia’ (Dunn et al. 2004).
However, a further dilemma is posed by Islamic fundamentalism. The Federal
government’s multicultural policy has been presented as a response to the
challenges, as well as the opportunities, of Australia’s cultural diversity.
Criticism has been directed towards the reluctance of others, including leaders
associated with some ethnic organisations, to publicly acknowledge the
undesirable side of diversity, denying and suppressing rather than addressing
criticisms (Lopez 2005). Consequently, some consider that ground has been
surrendered to critics of multiculturalism who attempt to point to evidence that
it is not working.
Inter-ethnic tensions
The issue of racism is not a trivial one. It exists at all levels of society (Ang et
al. 2002) and has done for some time (HREOC 1991). Competition over urban
resources, such as employment, education and housing, has been implicated
in fuelling racism and inter-ethnic tensions (Dunn and McDonald 2001).
The preparedness of individuals to express racist sentiment has been linked
to levels of education attained and other socio-economic characteristics of
individuals. In particular, Australia-born elderly people without tertiary
education are thought to more commonly have these attitudes (Dunn et al.
2004). Notwithstanding this, migrants who live in more affluent areas or who
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are seen as making valuable contributions to Australian society – through
providing employment opportunities or having financial and human capital –
are more likely to be respected than those who are regarded as the ‘takers’ of
jobs and welfare support (Cunneen et al. 1997).
Attitudes to migration and cultural diversity
Even though a majority of all migrant groups – and particularly people from
non-English-speaking backgrounds – live in large cities, there is little evidence
of urban-rural variations in acceptance of cultural diversity (Ang et al. 2002;
Dunn and McDonald 2001). However, as the community studies undertaken
for this project illustrate, many people, especially those living in essentially
homogenous communities in regional areas, have minimal exposure to
migrants from varying ethnic backgrounds. Residents of such communities are
generally dependent on media reports rather than personal experiences for
formulating views on migrants and immigration.
In response, specific Programmes to facilitate social cohesion have
sometimes been put in place to encourage acceptance of migrants in regional
areas. For example, in 2006, the City of Ballarat, through its Migrant Attraction
and Retention Population Strategy Steering Committee, launched a
Multicultural Ambassador Programme. This was aimed at fostering social
acceptance of migrants by having migrant ambassadors talk to community
organisations such as service clubs, schools, senior citizens and youth groups
(Shields 2006). Interestingly, this Programme very specifically targeted
acceptance and welcoming of skilled migrants and their families, perhaps in
itself an indication of differentiations that have been made in some parts of
Australian society.
There is evidence of widespread acceptance of the policy of multiculturalism
in Australia. Nevertheless consistent expressions of negative attitudes
towards some ethnic groups persist (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999). Further
extensive research needs to be conducted to better understand attitudes of
the Australian population to culturally diverse communities. Affirmative actions
by civic and community leaders as well as private and public organisations
and individuals are thought by some to be critical to promoting, and in some
instances restoring, a more socially cohesive understanding of cultural
diversity in Australia.
An indication of changing attitudes to immigration and multiculturalism over
recent years can be gauged from the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes
(AuSSA) in addition to Australian Election Studies (1996,1998 and 2001) and
the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data for Australia for 1995
(Gibson et al. 2004). Community attitudes towards culture and diversity issues
as they relate to migrants and migration policies are summarised in Table 4.1.
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Table 4.1: Culture and diversity issues – summary of overall social
impacts of migration for Australia
2003
opinions 2003 qualifications
compared
with
1995/1996
Levels of support for increased immigration
Higher levels
Agree have to share Australian customs and
traditions to be fully Australian
Agree ethnic minorities should be given
government assistance to preserve their customs
and traditions
Agree groups should maintain distinct traditions
and customs
Agree groups should adapt and blend into the
larger society
Agree that immigration opens Australia to new
ideas and cultures
Agree that migrants take job away from people
who were born in Australia
Agree that migrants increase crime rates
What it takes to be truly Australian
Speak English
Feel Australian
Have Australian citizenship
Respect Australian political institutions/law
Life mostly in Australia
Born in Australia
Be Christian
About the same
26% say increase
38% say decrease
42% affirmative
Unchanged
16% affirmative
Slightly higher
16% affirmative
About the same
71% affirmative
Lower levels
74% affirmative
Substantially lower
25% affirmative
Substantially lower
34% affirmative
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
92% affirmative
91% affirmative
89% affirmative
89% affirmative
68% affirmative
58% affirmative
39% affirmative
Source: after Goot and Watson (2005)
Generalisations that can be construed from the summarised results suggest
that attitudes to migration are sensitive to topical issues, global events and
economic conditions (Goot and Watson 2005). There has been, for example,
a turnaround in public opinion about attitudes to immigration since 1995, when
support was low. At that time, only 11 percent thought that immigration should
be increased and almost 60 per cent thought it should be reduced; one-third
said that intakes should be reduced ‘a lot’ (Goot and Watson 2005). (Refer to
Table 4A.1.1 in Appendix 4A.1.) A changing trend which first became
apparent in 2001 was confirmed by the AuSSA 2005 results: while 38 per cent
still wanted immigration cut, a substantial proportion (over one-quarter) now
wanted it increased.
This recognition appears to be tempered by divided views on whether
acculturation means assimilation to the dominant host culture (refer to Table
4A.1.2). Roughly the same proportion of people (42%) agreed (or strongly
agreed) in 2003 as in 1995 (41%) that it was impossible for people who did
not share customs and traditions to become fully Australian. However, most
Australians believed that some form of cultural adaptation was desirable and
support for ethnic distinctiveness was low. The idea that ethnic minorities
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should be given government assistance to preserve their customs and
traditions was widely rejected: only 16 per cent gave their support, unchanged
from 1995. When asked to decide whether it was better for society if different
racial and ethnic groups maintained their distinct customs and traditions or,
alternatively, that these groups adapt and blend into the larger society, just
over 70 percent opted for adapting and blending in both 1995 and 2003.
In spite of these reservations, some kinds of cultural differences were
welcomed with a large majority of Australians agreeing that there were
positive impacts from immigration (Table 4A.1.3). This included a majorityheld view that migrants make Australia open to new ideas and cultures.
However, the proportion that recognised greater diversity in ideas and culture
as a result of migration has gradually declined from 86 per cent in 1995 to 74
per cent in 2003. Over time, people have apparently come to accept many
aspects of diversity as a result of migration as the norm.
Attitudes on the impact of migrants on the economy, on employment
opportunities and on crime rates have shifted in a generally positive direction
since 1995 (Table 4A.1.3). In 1996, 1998 and 2001, about half the
respondents agreed that migrants were generally good for the economy; this
had increased to over two-thirds (69%) by 2003. There has also been
substantial movement in viewpoints about whether migrants took jobs away
from people born in Australia. Negative views have declined since 1996 when
40 per cent thought jobs were taken away, to 25 per cent in 2003. Different
patterns again are presented on whether migrants increase crime. In 1996,
over half (51%) thought that they did increase crime; this had dropped to
about one-third (34%) of respondents by 2003.
There have been only generally small shifts in viewpoints about what
constitutes being ‘truly Australian’ in the years since the 1995 ISSP (Table
4A.1.4). These include speaking English, feeling Australian (difficult to
quantify), having Australian citizenship and respecting Australia’s political
institutions and laws. About two-thirds of respondents also thought it important
to have lived mostly in Australia and over one half thought one had to be born
there. Around one-third thought to be ‘truly Australian’, one had to be
Christian.
According to Goot and Watson (2005:183), attitudes to migration are shaped
according to a person’s level of education and political affiliation and by views
about welfare, the death penalty and the economy. Consequently, support for
or against ‘nativism’ – that is, the belief that to be ‘truly Australian’ one has to
be born here, lived here and have Australian ancestors – may differentiate
attitudes to immigration much better than dissimilarities in feelings about
national pride.
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Results from the LSIAs
In addition to these views of what Australians think about migration, the LSIAs
have provided some important measures of how Australia is perceived by
more recent migrants. In interview sessions subsequent to the initial one,
migrants were asked for their impressions of selected aspects of Australian
life. These results are presented and discussed in Appendix 4A.1. In general,
very positive views were expressed about life in Australia, in comparison with
their former countries of residence. Levels of religious tolerance, contact
between and tolerance towards people with different racial or cultural
backgrounds or nationalities, and greater ability to influence government
decisions were perceived very favourably. These outcomes are worthy of
consideration because at the heart of any consideration of social capital is the
question of how well Australia is currently accommodating different ethnic
groups and categories of visa entrants.
Summary of benefits and costs
Most Australians think that immigration has been beneficial and embrace
cultural diversity as a routine part of their civic and social lives. There is
general realisation that Australia gains not only cosmopolitan attitudes and
experiences but also benefits immensely from diverse inputs which help to
enrich Australian life and enhance its positive image globally. Consequently,
places and people throughout Australia appear vitalised by the juxtaposition of
different languages and cultures.
Over the past decade, opposition to immigration appears to have fallen and
beliefs about the social impact of migrants as a result of cultural diversity have
become more positive. Nevertheless, views about multiculturalism remain
mixed. Furthermore, due to the increasing cultural and religious diversity of
the Australian population, the extent and intensity of identified problems could
be exacerbated. This is one of the scenarios considered in Chapter 8.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of migration with respect to culture and
diversity which have been identified and discussed in the review of literature
and data are summarised in Table 4.2.
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Table 4.2: Culture and diversity issues – summary of perceived social
costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Australia gains not only cosmopolitan
attitudes and experiences but also
benefits from diverse inputs which help to
enrich Australian life and enhance its
positive image globally.
Social costs
Less support for ethnic diversity per se
may occur through fear that this leads to
communities being divided along ethnic
lines
Places and people throughout Australia There can be difficulties with the manner
are vitalised by the juxtaposition of in which multiculturalism is practised and
different languages and cultures.
perceived at grass roots level.
There are examples of strong local
leadership and urban planning embracing
cultural diversity and putting it into
practice.
The urban planning system at local
government level sometimes does not
adequately embrace cultural diversity,
especially in relation to the creation of a
sense of belonging to neighbourhoods.
The majority of migrants speak English Barriers to attending English language
and make it a priority to learn to do so classes can be faced by women (due to
upon arrival.
cultural restraints) and humanitarian and
family reunion migrants (due to limited
resources).
Most Australians understand and value
cultural diversity.
Some Australians still have assimilationist
notions and a preference for European
migrants over those of Asian and MiddleEastern appearance.
There are high levels of inter-faith and A dilemma is posed by Islamic
religious tolerance in Australia.
fundamentalism and the way it is
represented in Australia.
Migrants
providing
employment
opportunities or having financial and
human capital are readily accepted in
Australian society.
Competition over urban resources, such
as employment, education and housing,
can fuel racism and inter-ethnic tensions,
and build resentment toward new and
emerging migrant communities.
Over the past decade, opposition to Views held in Australian society about
immigration has fallen and beliefs about migration and multiculturalism remain
how migrants affect the economy, jobs mixed.
and society have become more positive.
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4.2
Community life and civil society
Review of the literature and data
Bridging and bonding social capital
The notion of community is very important in human affairs. Communities can
be nurturing and supportive of their members, thereby enhancing quality of
life. They can however be inward looking and can serve to work against the
cohesiveness of society as a whole. Hence it is important to distinguish
between ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’ social capital. Bridging capital fosters bonds
between different social groups whereas bonding capital fosters cohesion
among a particular social group. Too much bonding capital can foster
communities that are insular, racially intolerant, resistant to social change and
unwelcoming of outsiders and newcomers, who may, as a result, be subject to
social exclusion. Too little bridging capital across different ethnic groups can
foster low trust communities which become adversely affected by suspicion,
fear and insularity (Putnam 2000).7
Consequently, the middle ground between the formal structure – including
government, political processes, the legal framework, markets for product and
labour, and welfare – and the core environment of immediate and extended
family and friends needs to be considered. This includes the realm of civil
institutions and associations in which much bridging social capital is created
and invested. Such non-government civil organisations are an important
instrument in the effective governance of society. The migrant contribution to
the development community life and civil society in Australia has been
substantial.
Ethnic media and organisations
Ethnic media and ethno-specific organisations in Australia (such as the Italian
Club) play crucial roles in the community life of migrants thereby promoting
both bridging and bonding capital with members of diverse community groups.
For instance, ethno-specific media outlets currently provide radio Programmes
in around 80 languages, television in 48 languages and newspapers in 30
languages (Clyne and Grey 2004). Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) Radio
(launched in 1975) and SBS Television (from 1980) not only serve the special
needs of people speaking languages other than English but are also charged
7
It is also important to note that the nature of community has changed greatly over time, from tightlyknit, geographically-bound rural society, to the agglomeration of large numbers of people in high
density industrialised cities (Walmsley 1988). Change continues today with the rise of
telecommunications (Walmsley 2000), increasing real incomes and improved mobility all suggesting
the possible emergence of ‘community without propinquity’ (McIntosh 2004).
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with being generalist broadcasters. These organisations also help to inform
other Australians about migrant issues. In these ways, Australia's current
multicultural policy which promotes acceptance and respect between
Australians of all cultural and religious backgrounds (DIMA 2003d) receives
widespread support.
Although ethno-specific media agencies are important elements of the social
glue for migrant diasporas, demands placed on new migrants in terms of
social adjustment and work are such that there can be minimal time remaining
for community commitments. Against this, mutual support to be derived from
community organisations can serve to encourage migrant participation.
One obvious key to community participation is the ability to communicate.
Lack of proficiency in English imposes restrictions with respect to involvement
in the wider community and presents as a barrier to the promotion of bridging
social capital. Another important aspect is the gendered nature of community
involvement. Cultural, religious and personal beliefs can sometimes inhibit
women from interacting in many aspects of Australian life, thus limiting various
types of activities to private homes. For many migrant women, especially
those from non-English-speaking backgrounds, the home can be very
important, particularly as a means of maintaining links with the past
(Thompson 1994) and in terms of both fostering pride through home
ownership and the provision of private space in which to be oneself (Watson
and McGillivray 1994). Away from the home, community life can be inhibited
by lack of informal public meeting places for migrants more comfortable with
street life than mall shopping.
Of course, a shared ethnicity or religion does not of its own accord create a
community. Age, gender, religion, generational differences and other social
divisions, such as socio-economic status, divide migrant communities, like any
other. All communities can be nurturing and supportive of their members,
thereby enhancing quality of life. They can however be inward looking and can
serve to work against the cohesiveness of society as a whole, contributing to
negative social capital and perhaps reinforcement of the marginal status of
some ethnic or religious groups (Ponyting et al. 2004).8 Thus while images of
a homogeneous ethnic identity for a community can be used positively, this
can also work against acceptance by the wider community.
8
For instance it is not uncommon for ethnic and religious leaders to disavow adverse or delinquent
behaviour associated with some ethnic gangs or individuals, potentially sustaining in the wider public’s
mind a link between that ethnic group or religion and persons involved in criminal behaviour (Poynting
et al. 2004).
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Migrants and volunteering
The way people respond to a given situation largely depends on the quality of
social capital in a particular community. Individuals and institutions often
provide social capital in the form of cultural and voluntary support to migrants
in areas of ethnic concentration (Burnley 2003a). For instance, some
established and second-generation migrants participate in voluntary capacities
by providing community support for new migrants. Others play key roles in
helping refugees to develop social networks and to feel part of the broader
community. First, second and third generation migrants are also to be found
as volunteers in a range of broad-based community organisations such as
service clubs. Some of the most obvious migrant contributions to civil society
are to be seen through religious organisations though this can create
controversy. For example, anti-mosque politics and conflicts over citizenship
are a continuing feature of Australian urban politics (Dunn 2003).
Volunteering is widely recognized as contributing to stocks of social capital
because undertaking such work is regarded as a measure of people’s
concerns for others (ABS 2006a). Where only one indicator can be used to
gauge current stocks of this capital, voluntary work is often selected.
Volunteering can be either through time or money given to formal organisation
(formal volunteering) or time to help or assist family, friends and neighbours
(informal volunteering).
Taking part as volunteers also present opportunities for people to become
active in new communities. The 2002 GSS (ABS 2003a) found that one in
three persons born in the main English-speaking countries (including
Australia) undertook voluntary work. For those born in other than main English
speaking countries, about one in four who was proficient in spoken English
said they had volunteered. Only about one in ten migrants not proficient in
spoken English had volunteered. Of course, different acculturation with
respect to doing volunteer work – and also interpretation of what might
constitute volunteer work – may influence participation levels and results but
fluency in the English language appears to be a factor determining
participation in such activities.
The ABS collects information on volunteering through two other vehicles – the
Voluntary Work Survey (VWS) and the Time Use Survey (TUS). The most
recently conducted VWS (in 2000) sought to find out about formal volunteering
activities over the preceding year; the TUS (last conducted in 1997) collected
both formal and informal time spent on any given day. An analysis of the VWS
shows that those born in Australia were more likely than migrants to volunteer
time through formal organisations. This was compounded for those groups
who spoke languages other than English at home. Analysis of the TUS shows
that well established migrants – those who had arrived in Australia prior to
1982 – spent more time in informal voluntary activities such as helping
neighbours or friends than people born in Australia. It seems that volunteering
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informal help and assistance is the main way by which migrants contribute
substantial stocks of social capital.
Other community support issues
An additional measure with respect to community support that was surveyed
in the 2002 GSS was the ability of individuals to ask others outside their own
household for small favours and for help in times of crises. Overall, people
were substantially more likely in times of crises to rely on the informal support
networks of family members or friends than on formal support such as that
offered through community, charity or religious organisations, or health, legal
or financial professionals (ABS 2006a: 29). Moreover, a comparatively high
proportion of the adult population born in countries where English was not the
main language felt unable to ask for small favours or to obtain support in a
time of crisis, particularly if they were not proficient in English. For example,
95 per cent of persons born in Australia felt able to ask for small favours
whereas only 81 per cent of overseas-born adults not proficient in English felt
that they could do so.
These generally accepted norms of civil society in times of crises were not
regarded as valid options for a comparatively large proportion of people from
non-English speaking backgrounds. Whether recent migrants have similar
levels of reluctance towards seeking assistance from more formal community
organisations can be gleaned from the LSIAs. Thus these results have been
referenced to further inform aspects of community support sought by migrants.
Results from the LSIAs pointed to only minimal contact between migrants and
ethnic clubs or various welfare agencies prior to their arrival in Australia.
(Refer to Tables 4.2.1 and 4.2.3 in Appendix 4A.2 which discusses data tables
referenced in this section.) After arrival, new migrants apparently drew more
on informal social links with relatives (in about two out of three cases) and
friends (the main source of help for 40% of primary applicants) already
resident in Australia (Tables 4.2.2 and 4.2.4) than on formal organisations.
Humanitarian migrants used formal organisations the most although still only
to a level that involved about one in eight migrants (Table 4A.2.5). The limited
extent to which ethnic and community organisations seemingly provided help
after arrival suggests low measures of social capital in the middle ground
between formal government structures and the core environment of family and
friends. However, these results were not fully supported by the community
studies which indicated formal organisations, many of which would be
providing Commonwealth-funded services, played substantial roles in
settlement and support for many migrants.
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Multicultural policies and migrant settlement
Often civil organisations that help new migrants settle in Australia have
developed with government funding and support. An example is to be seen in
the recently designed and implemented Settlement Grants Programme (DIMA
2006a). This programme, which commenced in July 2006, combined the
funding previously made available to the Community Settlement Services
Scheme and to Migrant Resource Centres and Migrant Service Agencies. The
Settlement Grants Programmeme provides organisations with funding to
provide settlement services to recently arrived humanitarian entrants, family
stream migrants who have low English proficiency and the dependants of
skilled migrants in rural and regional areas who have low English proficiency
for up to five years after arrival.
Such Programmes have been designed to provide migrants with service
coordination, information and referral services, and to facilitate community
capacity building. When effective, they have been beneficial and represent a
valuable resource. However, there has also been criticism about the cost of
such services and the divisiveness of some centres which have been seen as
promoting cultural differences at the expense of focusing on the settling of
new arrivals (DIMA 2003b; Jupp 2002). It is too early to assess the
effectiveness of the new programme which has been formulated around
needs-based settlement planning.
The Commonwealth, which has the portfolio responsibility for migration into
Australia, has supplied the following advice about its settlement services and
policies:
The Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) provides initial,
intensive settlement assistance for humanitarian entrants in the first six
months after arrival. This support can be extended to 12 months where
needed. Entrant’s needs are assessed and addressed through an integrated
case management approach. Services provided through the IHSS include:
Initial information and orientation assistance; assistance in finding
accommodation; a package of goods to help humanitarian entrants establish a
household; information and assistance to access services and become part of
the local community; and short term torture and trauma counselling.
English language tuition is provided under the Adult Migrant English
Programme (AMEP) for migrants and humanitarian entrants who do not have
functional English. Refugee and humanitarian entrants under the age of 25
years with low levels of schooling are eligible for up to 910 hours of English
language tuition and those over the age of 25 years are eligible for up to 610
hours of tuition. Other migrants are eligible for up to 510 hours of tuition.
The Australian Government also provides other targeted English language
Programmes through the Department of Education, Science and Training
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(DEST) and State/Territory Governments. DEST has two employment related
English language Programmes for adults and provides intensive English
language tuition to eligible newly-arrived students through the English as a
Second Language – New Arrivals Programme (DIAC advice, April 2007).
Importantly, given that the settlement phrase is the one associated with most
of the social costs of migration into Australia, the Commonwealth commences
its integration support off-shore through the provision of the Australian Cultural
Orientation (AUSCO) Programme. It is available to all refugee and special
humanitarian entrants over five years of age. This programme was introduced
for refugee and special humanitarian programme entrants in 2003 and has
since expanded globally to four regions – Africa, South Asia, South East Asia
and the Middle East. AUSCO is the beginning of the settlement process. In
2005, DIMA developed and trialled a pilot children's programme in Thailand
and a pre-literate programme in Tehran. A review of the curricula is currently
underway and this will ensure it will meet the needs of each specific location.
These Programmes are being introduced globally to all locations with
significant numbers of child and pre-literate applicants (DIAC advice, April
2007).
Social cohesion issues
The existence of migrants and migrant organisations can of course prompt
opposition and be a focus for criticism. Therefore, reactions within the majority
population should also be considered. Resistance to policies of cultural
diversity is, for some Australians, a reflection of the history of the nation’s
migration profile before its ‘White Australia’ policy was abandoned in the early
1970s (Jupp 2002). Belief in assimilation, as it was then practised, means that
tolerance and understanding of different cultures was sometimes limited (as it
was among some of the Queensland Focus Groups). The issue of some longtime Australians finding difficulty in adapting to the changing social complexion
of their neighbourhood is however not primarily an immigration problem.
Residential gentrification, which has proceeded rapidly over the last 25 years
mainly through well-off baby boomers entering into property markets that were
once working class neighbourhoods (as in Sydney’s inner eastern and
western suburbs and Brisbane’s south west suburbs), is a case in point.
Widely differing opinions about immigration intake and a culturally diverse
society were demonstrated in Australia in the mid 1990s as the views of the
One Nation Party received widespread media attention. In fact, ethnic
differences are sometimes seen as a threat to national unity in many of the
traditional settlement countries for migrants. The rioting and civil unrest
experienced in France in the latter part of 2005 were apparently triggered by
racial inequities but perhaps also in response to that nation’s high
unemployment levels. In Australia, opposition to immigration has been shown
to correlate strongly with increasing unemployment levels (McAllister 1993;
Goot 2000). It has been repeatedly demonstrated that ‘popular support for
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values like tolerance and equality of opportunity is easier to garner when
economic times are good than when they are bad’ (Jones 1996:25).
The widening gap in Australia between rich and poor could again see minority
groups such as migrants scapegoated – as when Pauline Hanson challenged
migrant intake levels, especially of Asians – upon a return to harsher
economic times. In this context, it should be noted that ethnic and racial
prejudices have generally not been used to provoke political disputes or point
scoring. In fact, in the decades following World War II, there has been a
generally recognised bipartisan convention between Australia’s two major
political parties that supports continuing immigration and endorses a policy of
multiculturalism (Jones 1996; Betts 2000; Lopez 2000).
The critical issue with respect to levels of satisfaction seems to be the
question of being heard. The Australia-born who think that they are not being
heard can be vocal in opposing immigration, just as migrants afraid of not
being heard might be predisposed to join migrant organisations (Hage 1998).
The powerful majority in society often stress the social obligations (rather than
the rights) of minority groups. Thus some migrants can find it difficult to gain
acceptance in civil society, generating concerns that their legitimate and
important agendas are not receiving attention (Jupp 2002). This can make
migrants less inclined to participate in more mainstream civil society. Other
factors serve to reinforce this view, not least of which can be more immediate
requirements associated with settling in processes.
Lack of proficiency in English can also discourage those from non-Englishspeaking backgrounds from engaging in civil society. Unfamiliarity with the
Australian political system or uncertainty about how they might be treated –
especially for refugees and asylum seekers who have fled chaos and
persecution – could be daunting. Of course, this does not mean that migrants
are unwilling to express views about topical issues including, for example,
Australia’s policies as they relate to multiculturalism. Indeed, some research
shows that migrants are less prepared than Australia-born citizens to support
a multicultural policy if it means retaining cultures of origin in preference to
integration into Australia (Betts 2005b).
National identity and citizenship
Ethnic differences can also sometimes be seen as a threat to national identity
and thus civil society. Although differences of opinion obviously exist, the
general view has been that very few people are extreme enough to disrupt
Australia’s social cohesion or sense of national pride and identity (Castles et
al. 1998). Of course, some recent global and local examples of terrorism and
civil unrest have caused a rethink of this philosophy. Nevertheless, the
majority of Australians recognise that national identity is not assigned at birth,
or the preserve of the Australia-born. This creates the capacity for Australia to
be a truly culturally diverse society where being Australian is:
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… an emergent and constantly evolving sense… including a commitment to
basic social institutions such as parliamentary democracy, the rule of law and
equality before the law, freedom of the individual, freedom of speech, religious
and other forms of tolerance (for example, a “fair go”), and equality of
opportunity (Jones 1996:25).
Of particular relevance with respect to national identity and community life is
the issue of citizenship. At the time of the 2001 Census, almost three-quarters
of people born overseas who had been resident in Australia for two years or
more were Australian citizens (ABS 2006c) (refer to Appendix 4A.2, Table
4A.2.6). Most recent migrants either intend to or, indeed, have become
Australian citizens. Those within the humanitarian stream seem more willing in
this respect despite outward signs of hardship (S. Richardson 2002). Recently
arrived skill stream and independent migrants are less likely to feel committed,
possibly reflecting the fact that they have more life choices available
(Richardson et al. 2002).
Generally speaking, persons from the main English-speaking countries are
less likely to take up citizenship whereas those from Asian countries,
especially where the main languages spoken are other than English, are more
likely to do so. More specifically, people most likely to become Australian
citizens have been those born in the Philippines, Viet Nam or China. Unstable
or changing political and socio-economic conditions in these countries may
have influenced desires for Australian citizenship (ABS 2006c). In contrast,
take-up rates by those born in the UK and New Zealand have been much
lower although they were the two largest groups granted Australian citizenship
in 2003-04 (Appendix 4A.2, Table 4A.2.7). Other residents who were granted
citizenship in that year were likely to have come from Asian countries.
Statistics for citizenship take-up reflect the immigration levels for countries
such as China, South Africa, India and the Philippines which were in the top
ten birthplace groups of overseas-born people arriving in Australia in the
intercensal period to 2001.
Australia, unlike some host countries, has made it relatively easy for migrants
to become citizens and actively encourages them to do so. Perhaps, for this
reason, there is scepticism about the value of using the take-up of citizenship
as an indicator of commitment to Australia (Cope et al. 1991). Of course,
changing criteria for citizenship (such as the mandatory four-year resident
period proposed for introduction after 1 July 2007) could alter these
perceptions in the future. Nevertheless, integration by migrants into Australian
society is regarded by many as inevitable (Hage 1998), with the speed and
extent to which this happens being largely determined by the effectiveness of
social institutions, community life and civil society.
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Summary of benefits and costs
Ethnic organisations can provide important support for migrants – particularly
in the earlier periods of settlement – and quite likely encourage participation in
community life and civil society within the broader community. The community
studies provide detail about concrete examples of how multiculturalism grows
social capital in this way. Immediate requirements associated with settling,
such as finding employment and suitable accommodation, can take priority
over building links with the wider community, especially for new and emergent
migrant communities preoccupied with finding work, learning English and
settling into a new country. However, lack of proficiency in English sometimes
restricts involvement. Further barriers to participations can be different and
seemingly non-compromising features of the cultural, social and physical
Australian environment by comparison with countries of origin. These also
have the potential to influence the reality of or perceptions about social
cohesion.
Existence of ethnic organisations can prompt opposition and be a focus for
criticism as they were in some of the focus groups. While images of
homogeneous ethnic community identities are often used positively, they can
also work against building bridging capital and acceptance by the wider
community. Ethnic differences are sometimes seen as a threat to national
identity and thus the issue of citizenship is particularly relevant with respect to
civil society and community life in a multicultural Australia.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of migration to Australia with respect to
community life and civil society which have been identified and discussed in
the review of literature and data are summarised in Table 4.3.
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Table 4.3: Community life and civil society issues – summary of social
costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Ethnic
media
and
ethno-specific
organisations help Australians to redefine
themselves as citizens of a multicultural
and multilingual local and global society
by recognising difference, valuing cultural
and linguistic diversity, and providing
outlets for broad cross sections of voices,
views and visions of the world.
Social costs
Existence of migrants and migrant
organisations can prompt opposition and
be a focus for criticism. Some Australians
have expressed concerns about the
viability of social cohesion under the
current policy of multiculturalism.
Mutual support derived from community Demands placed on new migrants in
organisations
encourages
migrant terms
of
social
adjustment
and
participation.
employment is such that there can be
little
time
remaining for
building
community networks.
Informal networks between established Community life can be inhibited by lack of
and new migrant communities provide a informal public meeting places for
wealth of support for each other
migrants more comfortable with street life
than mall shopping.
Communities with a strong multicultural
presence and avenues for cultivating
bridging capital can be nurturing and
supportive of their members, thereby
enhancing quality of life for all who live in
them.
Overly cohesive and insular migrant
communities can be inward looking and
can serve to work against the
cohesiveness of society as a whole,
contributing to negative social capital and
perhaps reinforcement of the marginal
status of some ethnic or religious groups.
The same can be said for overly cohesive
host communities.
Individuals and institutions often provide
social capital in the form of cultural and
voluntary support to migrants in areas of
ethnic concentration.
Cultural, religious and personal beliefs
can sometimes inhibit new migrant
women from interacting in many aspects
of Australian life, thus limiting various
types of activities to private homes.
Volunteering informal
help
and
assistance is the main way by which
migrants contribute substantial stocks of
social capital.
Migrants born in other than the main
English speaking countries and, even
more so, persons not proficient in English
are significantly less likely than others to
do formal volunteer work.
Some of the most obvious migrant
contributions to civil society are to be
seen through religious or faith based
organisations
Politics and conflicts over religious views
are a continuing feature of Australian
politics and an impetus for much
contemporary controversy.
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Civil
organisations developed
with
government support provide migrants
with service coordination, information and
referral services and facilitate community
capacity building.
Some migrant civil centres are seen to
have been costly and also divisive thus
promoting cultural differences at the
expense of focusing on the settling of
new arrivals.
Bipartisanship by major political parties
on most matters relating to immigration
reduces the impact of the ‘race card’ in
Australian culture and promotes a socially
cohesive multicultural society
The widening gap in Australia between
rich and poor could see minority groups
such
as
humanitarian
entrants
scapegoated upon a return to harsher
economic times.
Many migrants are willing to express
views about topical issues including, for
example, Australia’s policies as they
relate to multiculturalism.
Migrants can find it difficult to gain
acceptance in civil society with one result
being that their legitimate and important
agendas are not heard. This can make
migrants less inclined to participate in
civil society.
The majority of Australians recognise that
national identity is not assigned at birth.
This is the cornerstone foundation of a
mature and socially cohesive multicultural
society.
Ethnic differences, mostly associated with
new and emergent migrant communities,
can sometimes be seen as a threat to
national identity and thus civil society.
Very few people are extreme enough to Some recent global and local examples
disrupt Australia’s social cohesion or of terrorism and civil unrest have caused
sense of national pride and identity
a rethink of the level of social cohesion in
Australia.
Maintaining strong links with migrants’ Maintaining strong links with migrants’
homelands has been made easier in homelands can unsettle the development
recent decades.
of a sense of connectedness to
Australian national identity
Australia makes it relatively easy for Australians who think that they are not
migrants to become citizens and actively being heard can be more inclined to be
encourages them to do so. Most migrants vocal in opposing immigration.
eventually come to identify as Australian.
Most recent migrants, especially those
from non English-speaking countries,
either intend to or, indeed, have become
Australian citizens.
Dual citizens could experience conflicting
loyalties if the interests of foreign states
are not necessarily congruent with
Australia’s interests.
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4.3
Social networks and neighbourhoods
Review of the literature and data
Residential differentiation in Australian cities
Most migrants to Australia settle in cities, the capitals accounting for more
than four out of five new settlers in the last fifty years (ABS 2004d). The
residents of cities are not uniformly distributed. Rather they tend to cluster in
areas on the basis of income and wealth, age and life cycle, occupation,
lifestyle and ethnicity. Patterns of concentration among different ethnic
communities have been evident for a long time in Australia’s capitals (Burnley
et al. 1997; Jarasuriya and Kee 1999). This process of residential
differentiation is entirely normal and reflects the existence of diverse housing
opportunities in a society where people’s needs, aspirations and interests vary
(Forster 2004). They are also consistent with patterns in other immigrant
settler societies such as the UK, USA and Canada. In spite of these
similarities, Australian cities are among the least segregated in the Englishspeaking world and are characterised by their degree of ethno-cultural mix
rather than segregation (Poulsen et al. 2004; Waitt et al. 2000).
From the host community as well as the migrant perspectives, residential
clustering has several advantages: it facilitates adjustment to a new country; it
enables arrivals to overcome initial language problems by relying on the
translation skills of nearby compatriots; it provides efficiencies in forms of
institutional and mutual support during the stressful adjustment phase of
migration; and it provides a way of preserving culture through such things as
food outlets, religious facilities and social clubs (Burnley 2000; Dunn 1993).
Proximity fosters interaction. Thus neighbourhoods with a marked migrant
presence can become important in the socialisation of migrant children, the
provision of friendship, support, employment contacts and services. This all
helps to build social capital and minimise the uncertainty and fear which can
characterise settlement in a new land (Walmsley 1988).
There are other benefits to migrants who are able to identify with
neighbourhoods. Public celebration of cultural differences can provide a sense
of belonging, adding balance to contradictory feelings of exclusion because
they do not visually appear to be Australian (Zevallos 2005). The
neighbourhood may be particularly important for women – especially for those
without paid work – because it can represent public territory around the home
and be the area in which significant and meaningful relationships can be
formed (Thompson 1994).
Attractive features of clustering may even stimulate migrants who have settled
elsewhere to make deliberate choices to relocate to the places of
concentration in order to access the support they provide, particularly in times
of personal or economic adversity (Birrell 1993). In some localities, this has
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led to even greater commercial and cultural vibrancy and tourism (Jupp et al.
1990), commonly referred to as productive diversity. Such areas are likely to
be long-lasting features of the social geography of Australian cities and
regions rather than temporary phenomena (Dunn 1993). In this way, living in
residential concentrations can represent a zone of transition for some and end
stages for others (Jupp et al. 1990). Thus there is continual movement of
people into and out of areas (Carroll 2003; Viviani 1996; Wilson 1990).
Consequently residential clustering facilitates cultural identification and the
fostering of diversity. Herein though lays a potential problem. It can be argued
that humans have an innate need to feel a sense of belonging to place. As a
result, places have meaning to people. If sufficient similar people bond to a
certain place, then those people and that place become identified with each
other in the public mind (Walmsley 1988). In this way, the preconditions for
stereotyping can be met. Stereotyping can be positive or negative. The
positive features of a place (for example the food, smells and bustle of a
Chinatown) or the visibly different features, for example the prominence of
adolescent males in street life (often labelled gangs), can be highlighted (see
Poynting et al. 2004).
When individuals do not have direct experiences of a place or people, they
can become reliant on images created by the media, particularly distorted
ones. Sensationalist treatment of gangs can, for instance, lead to negative
images which bear little resemblance to reality. In the absence of direct
experience, media-based images become powerful. In this situation, there is
inevitably tension between reality and image and the possibility of negative
stereotyping is high. This can damage social cohesion and encourage racist
attitudes in others. More recent migrant groups are often easily targeted
because of distinctive physical appearances. As a result, they can become
scapegoats of cultural intolerance (Dunn et al. 2004; Jarasuriya and Kee
1999). Promoting cross-cultural experiences can help to counteract these
tendencies thereby building bridging capital which in turn reduces the potential
for stereotyping to be effective.
Diversity in inter-ethnic relationships
Inasmuch as residential lifestyles are exemplified by ethnic diversity, so are
interpersonal relationships. Australia is now recognised as having one of the
highest incidences of inter-ethnic marriages and relationships in the world.
Inter-marriage is regarded as the crucial measure of social cohesion (Murphy
and Watson 1997). Although rates of inter-marriage have been comparatively
low for first generation migrants and vary sharply among the second
generation, by the third generation most people have married outside their
own ancestry groups (Khoo 2004). Specifically, in the case of persons of
Southern and Western European ancestry, by the third generation, 80 per
cent or more had spouses of different ancestry. Of particular interest is the
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fact that most second or third generation persons reporting Southern or
Western European, Middle Eastern or Asian ancestry who had intermarried
had spouses who were of Australian or English-speaking ancestries.
With high degrees of intermixing and intermarriage it seems unlikely that
single-ethnic communities will self-perpetuate across generations (Birrell and
Betts 2001). It is of course too early to discern whether this high degree of
social integration with Australian society by the third generation will be a
continuing feature among more recent immigrant groups. However, people
reporting Indian and Chinese ancestry show similar patterns to the Greeks:
strong in-marriage in the second generation followed by strong out-marriage in
the third-plus generations (Khoo 2004: 35).
Diversity of family life
Comparing family life of migrants with that of the Australia-born is difficult due
to limited availability of statistics. Fertility is, however, an exception. Fertility is
considered important for Australia’s population growth and prosperity. In this
sense the fertility rates of migrants is of significance to Australian society.
Nearly one quarter of births in Australia are registered to women born
overseas; this level has remained constant since the early 1990s. In 2004,
overseas-born women, with a Total Fertility Rate (TFR) of 1.767, were slightly
more fertile than the Australia-born (TFR of 1.750) (ABS 2005b). The age at
which births occurred varied substantially by country of birth of the mother and
can be further influenced by age of the mother on arrival in Australia (ABS
2002b). Childbearing ages tend to be younger and more concentrated where
TFRs for countries-of-birth are high. In 2004 for example, the three countries
of birth with highest the TFRs also had the lowest median age ranges of
mothers. Furthermore, countries-of-birth with high TFRs in Australia are
generally ones where the main language spoken is not English. (Refer to
Appendix 4A.3 and Table 4A.3.1 and Table 4A.3.2 for additional statistics and
discussion).
In addition to having slightly higher fertility rates than mothers born in
Australia, recent migrants are also less likely to be divorced. Furthermore,
they marry earlier and live in non-family households more so than the
Australia-born and longer standing migrants (Hugo 2004). These factors point
to living arrangements among recent migrants producing patterns of
increasing diversity.
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Social network and interactions
Social networks and interactions include cross-cultural experiences with other
areas in large cities. The arrival of migrants over several decades has
therefore resulted in complex and overlapping ethnic communities with
subsequent commercial and residential occupancies generating enhanced
cultural diversity (Ang et al. 2002; Burnley 2000; Burnley et al. 1997; Collins et
al. 2000; Johnston et al. 2001; Jupp et al. 1990; Waitt et al. 2000). There is
little evidence of single-ethnic concentrations of migrant communities forming.
However, with continuing migrant intakes and some evidence of a widening
economic divide, some have questioned whether patterns of urban
heterogeneity will continue (Healy and Birrell 2003).
As well as considering the social networking of migrants which is facilitated by
proximity, it is important to reflect on the impact of migrant concentration on
longer-term residents of affected areas. Those who remain in situ can face
challenges resulting from the influx of migrant groups. For instance some
elderly Australia-born residents can have trouble adapting to the changing
face of their neighbourhoods and can experience significant discomfort with
the scale and types of change (Wise 2004). Interestingly it is the most visually
distinctive features of culturally diverse neighbourhoods, such as non-English
signage and symbols, which attract most complaints (Forster 1995).
Relevance of family and friendship networks
Migrants often have fairly intricate family and friendship networks which have
been developed over time within their homelands as well as in countries of
settlement (Burnley 2003a). These have at times stimulated successful chain
migration, including family reunion. However, in spite of family and friendship
networks offering social, practical and psychological support, elderly migrants
from non-English-speaking backgrounds can suffer from social isolation
(Thomas and Balnaves 1993). In addition, changes in family structures,
increased family mobility, and acculturation to the Australian way of life can
gradually erode traditional family networks and weaken senses of familial
responsibility. This in turn can undermine time-honoured patterns of family
care and deepen intergenerational conflicts among new settlers (Vo-ThanhXuan and Liampouttong 2003).
Contact with family and friends was used in the GSS as an indicator of social
integration. In 2002, the proportion of adults born overseas that had contact
with family and friends in the previous week was only marginally lower than for
persons born in Australia (ABS 2003a). Of course, the form of contact may
well be significantly different especially with respect to contact with family
members and friends who did not migrate. In this respect, how and where
contact was made are relevant factors with respect to exploration of social
integration.
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Social integration can be inhibited by lack of mobility and hence access to
transport is very important for belonging and human wellbeing. Furthermore,
passing driver’s licence tests and finding out about alternative transport
options – including being able to interpret public transport timetables and
travel routes – have added complexities for integration into the wider
community for those not proficient in English. Accordingly, such persons have
greater difficulty in getting about. Research has shown that persons without
motor vehicles (or access to one) generally have very small neighbourhood
areas by comparison with others (McIntosh 2004). In addition, they are less
likely to have outings for what many regard as normal activities such as eating
out, participating in recreational activities or attending sporting or cultural
events. Results previously discussed have highlighted comparatively low
participation and attendance rates with respect to sport and physical activities
by persons not born in the main English-speaking countries. Lack of access to
transport is quite likely an influential factor.
In this regard, the GSS found that the most common form of support given to
relatives who did not live in the same household was with respect to transport,
largely through providing lifts and lending cars (ABS 2006a: 31). English
proficiency (or lack of it) has little to do with the likelihood of such assistance
being provided (ABS 2003a). Nevertheless, migrants not proficient in spoken
English were significantly less likely than all persons living in Australia to have
access to motor vehicles (ownerships rates were 54% and 85% respectively)
(Table 4A.3.3). Furthermore, they were greater than three times more likely to
not be able to get, or at least often had difficulty in getting, to places where
they needed to go. These factors further highlight the importance of being able
to effectively communicate in English for what are regarded as normal aspects
of daily living that help promote quality of life.
Summary of benefits and costs
Social interaction between family, friends and neighbours enables new
migrants to develop a sense of place and belonging. These phenomena are
central to engendering identity as Australians, feelings of citizenship, and
comfort rather than alienation and anxiety in neighbourhood living. Residential
concentration of persons of the same ethnicity can be important in the
socialisation of migrant children, the provision of friendship and support,
employment contacts and services. These features of clustering may attract
other migrants to relocate to the places of concentration in order to access the
support they provide.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to
social networks and neighbourhoods which have been identified and
discussed in the review of literature and data are summarised in Table 4.4.
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Table 4.4: Social network and neighbourhood issues– summary of social
costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Residential clusterings of migrant groups Even some long-term migrants
provide friendship, support, employment experience feelings of exclusion.
contacts and services to new migrants thus
contributing to their sense of belonging and
ameliorating the uncertainty and fear which
can characterise resettlement.
can
Clustering may encourage migrants who
have settled elsewhere to make deliberate
choices to relocate to the places of
concentration.
Some Australia-born residents can have
trouble adapting to the changing face of
their neighbourhoods and can experience
significant discomfort with the scale and
types of change brought about by migrant
concentrations.
Australian cities are among the least
segregated in the English-speaking world
and are characterised by their degree of
ethno-cultural mix rather than segregation.
There is a view – generally regarded as
unlikely – that patterns of urban
heterogeneity might not continue; instead,
concentrations of single-ethnic groups
could emerge in some socio-economically
deprived sections of cities.
Residential clustering can facilitate cultural
identification, thereby highlighting the
positive features of ethnic groups and their
cultural diversity.
In the absence of first-hand experience, the
possibility of negative stereotyping of ethnic
groups through media reporting is high.
This can damage social cohesion and
cultivate racist attitudes.
With high degrees of intermixing and
intermarriage, it seems unlikely that singleethnic communities will self-perpetuate
across generations.
Whether high levels of social integration
through marriage will be a continuing
feature among some more recent migrant
groups for religious and cultural reasons
cannot be discerned at this stage.
Successful chain migration, including in the Migrants, especially those from nonform of family reunion, has occurred English-speaking backgrounds, can suffer
through maintenance of family and from social isolation.
friendship networks within countries of
birth.
The most common form of support given to
relatives not living in the same household is
with respect to transport, largely through
providing lifts and lending cars. English
proficiency (or lack of it) has little to do with
the likelihood of such assistance being.
A comparatively high proportion of people
not proficient in English have difficulty
getting about due to problems associated
with transport availability and use.
Ethnic groups can be stereotyped in Ethnic groups can be stereotyped in
positive ways, for example through food negative ways, for example through
and cultural diversity.
prominence of young people of certain
physical appearances in ‘gangs’.
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4.4
Crime and justice
Review of the literature and data
Popular misconceptions
One concern that reportedly accompanies a large migrant intake is that it
affords opportunities for people linked to overseas-based organised crime (for
example Mafia and Asian crime syndicates) to enter Australia. Crime, drugs,
anti-social behaviour, unemployment (especially for youth), culture clash,
crowding, and, more recently, radical Islam and sympathy and support for
global terrorism, have been among the dimensions of fear associated publicly
with these suburbs (Collins et al. 2000).
Time and again, research has shown the extent and nature of these subjects
of popular fear to be without foundation (Lee, 2007; Marshall 1997; Easteal
1994; Mukherjee 1999a; Poynting et al. 2004). Statistical studies of crime and
ethnicity go a long way towards demonstrating this but apparently fail to
displace popular conceptions largely because of the power of media images.
Several studies have indicated widespread belief in an unrealistically high
level of crime (of various types), particularly in notorious neighbourhoods as
depicted by the popular media, yet at the same time showing that most people
feel quite safe in their own familiar neighbourhoods (Poynting et al. 2004).
Nevertheless, recent research has provided additional insights which link
levels of proficiency in English with the extent to which people feel safe in their
own homes after dark.
Victims and migrant status
Limited data on country of birth for crime victims are collected by the ABS
national crime victim survey for the offences of robbery and assault. From
what can be sourced, it appears that people born in Australia are slightly over
represented as victims of crime (refer to Appendix 4A.4, Table 4A.4.1). Given
that around 23 per cent of the population is born overseas, both overseas
born males and female are under-represented as victims of crime according to
this survey. Interestingly, females born overseas are about half as likely as
females born in Australia to be victims of robbery, and possibly about 25 per
cent less likely to be victims of assault. However, data on robbery need to be
interpreted with caution given a high relative standard error of such national
surveys.
Other research has produced the contradictory view that, if anything, people
from visible ethnic minorities have been disproportionately the victims of
crime, including hate crimes (Mukherjee 1999a), many of which would be
unreported. Hate crimes are sometimes associated with racism and prejudice
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and can be manifested as vilification, harassment, vandalism and assault
against individuals solely on the basis of ethnic origins (HREOC 1991). These
types of racially motivated crime are felt and experienced both by the
individual and by the ethnic group to which individuals belong (Cunneen et al.
1997). Thus not only can a whole ethnic group become sullied by crimes
committed by an individual but all migrants who have a particular birthplace,
language or religion can also feel maligned by hate crimes carried out against
one of them. This can be damaging to social cohesion and feelings of
wellbeing and belonging.
State and Territory police forces are, under current policies, encouraged to
regard hate crime seriously (Cunneen et al. 1997). Law enforcement officers
in Australia – in Canada and the United Kingdom as well – are supported by
legislation to cover most acts of racial vilification committed by private citizens
with the substantial motivation for such legislation provided by the rise of
extremist vilification campaigns by organised racist groups.
Migrant status and feelings of security
Taken overall, persons born overseas have similar feelings about levels of
safety when home alone after dark as the Australia-born (Table 4A.4.2).
Capital cities – which are where migrants are more likely to live – have higher
proportions of people feeling unsafe than other locations within States and
Territories (ABS 2006e). This factor possibly accounts for the slightly higher
proportion that indicated feeling unsafe if not very unsafe.
The extent to which people felt unsafe alone at home after dark was also
probed in the 2002 GSS (ABS 2003a) (Table 4A.4.3). These results showed
that persons born overseas who were not proficient in spoken English were
more than twice as likely to feel unsafe as people born in the main Englishspeaking countries (including Australia). Furthermore, they were over 60 per
cent more likely to feel that way than persons born in other countries but who
spoke English well. The same survey found that overseas-born people not
proficient in spoken English were least likely to have had negative
experiences as victims of physical or threatened violence or actual or
attempted break-ins in the preceding 12 months. Hence, according to this
survey, for those born overseas, their fear of crime is misaligned with their
incidence of victimisation.
Further to this, the Australian component of the International Crime Victim
Survey (ICVS) found that people of Middle-Eastern and Vietnamese
backgrounds have higher levels of fear for their safety than other persons in
Australia (Johnston 2005:5). Women from these visible ethnic minorities in
particular held serious concerns for their public safety. While these findings
may appear at odds with the actual risk of victimisation, the mismatch
between perception and reality of risk is a common one (Weatherburn, Matka
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and Lind 1996). It may reveal more about a person’s sense of security and
vulnerability than patterns of crime.
Problems with data collection
It is difficult to gain a proper appreciation of the extent to which migrants are
implicated in criminal activities due to limitations and dissimilarities in data
collected by States and Territories in Australia (Mukherjee 1999c). All new
migrants undergo character and police checks before gaining entry; hence
policies are in place to screen out migrants with a criminal background from
entering Australia. The National Prison Census shows that a higher proportion
of the Australia-born population is in prison than those born elsewhere
(Mukherjee and Graycar 1997; Mukherjee 1999a). Of course, available data
for the Australia-born are distorted by the extremely high rates of
imprisonment for Indigenous Australians – around 20 times the national
average. However, while it is true that migrants in general have lower rates of
incarceration than the Australian norm, some groups have recorded high
crime rates (Cope et al. 1991; Mukherjee 1999c). Many offences are related to
drug importation and hence those in jail are not Australian nationals and under
domestic law will be deported upon the completion of their prison sentences.
Many problems with the manner in which crime statistics are collected lead to
major difficulties in officially refuting some of the images portrayed of migrants
and crime. Unreported or undetected crimes are examples. Imprisonment
rates do not capture the length of sentences and therefore do not reflect the
severity of sentences or the attitude of judges on sentencing policy (Jarasuriya
and Kee 1999; Mukherjee 1999a). Not surprisingly, there have been calls for
the collection of accurate data at several stages of the criminal justice process
(Collins et al. 2000; Mukherjee 1999a). It is only when such data are available
that any more accurate picture of the relationships between migration and
crime can be more accurately presented.
Impact of media reports
While some migrants are of course involved in criminal activity, media and
public images have exaggerated the extent of this involvement (Easteal 1994;
Poynting et al. 2004). Distorted media reports of criminal activities originating
from secret societies, organised groups and, more recently, youth gangs,
have fuelled popular myths. Crimes committed by an individual or group of
individuals can come to be seen as the fault of an entire migrant population
(Poynting et al. 2004). While the formation of, for example, a specialised crime
squad in NSW to investigate organised crime represents an essential pooling
of knowledge and language skills, this can also create exaggerated
impressions of high crime rates among certain ethnic groups (Jarasuriya and
Kee 1999).
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Ethnic youth and juvenile justice
The identification of gangs is sometimes conflated with ethnic groups of young
people which the media, in turn, readily over-sensationalise (White et al.
1999). Gang membership does not cause delinquency but it can be a risk
factor. A team of researchers from Victoria estimate that less than a quarter of
youth gangs were involved in trouble making (White et al. 1999).
Over-reactions to gang behaviour can at times escalate delinquent behaviour
by pushing gang members to the margins and policing their behaviour in such
a way as to criminalise their petty delinquencies. White argues that effective
intervention strategies to curtail undesirable gang behaviour associated with
ethnic youth need to be diverse, culturally relevant, community-oriented and
focused on prevention (White 2002: 5). In 2001, the NSW Government, for
instance, announced a package of legislative measures designed to combat
gang-related crime in NSW associated loosely with ethnic youths (Lousic
2002). These social responses have attracted their supporters and critics.
When youths from non-English speaking backgrounds are drawn into the
juvenile justice system, it tends to be for committing street offences. A 1995
inquiry in NSW, for example, found that police attitudes towards Arabicspeaking youth in particular were characterised by police stereotyping them as
members of gangs with no respect for police (Cunneen et al. 1997). Of
course, many types of offences are not explained solely by ethnicity, given
that the youths in question have high levels of unemployment irrespective of
birthplace (Hazlehurst 1987). In fact, it has been acknowledged for some time
that factors other than ethnic origins are strongly correlated with crime (Cope
et al. 1991; Weatherburn 2004; Mukherjee 1999a). Socio-economic and
demographic characteristics are likely to affect crime rates of a particular
neighbourhood (Mukherjee 1999c). However these socio-economic factors
can be displaced by an overly simplistic focus on race or ethnicity as the sole
cause of crime (Collins et al. 2000).
LSIA-sourced perceptions of crime levels also suggested that crime is related
to socio-economic profile of neighbourhoods in which migrants lived rather
than their migrant status per se in that humanitarian migrants were
significantly more likely to think there was more crime than skilled business
entrants. Perceptions about what constitutes a lot of crime would be based
largely on previous experiences prior to settlement in Australia, as well place
of residence upon arrival given the wide variation in crime rates across urban
and rural communities (Hogg and Carrington, 2006). (Refer to Appendix 4A.4
for further discussion about recent migrant perceptions about crime which
have been sourced from LSIA results.)
Language and communication difficulties for migrants from ethnic minorities
are potential biases affecting arrest and sentencing (Jarasuriya and Kee
1999). Language difficulties, the lack of properly trained translators and low
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representations of Australians from some minority ethnic groups in the police
service have been identified as factors that affect the low-level of interaction
between police and some ethnic groups (Cunneen et al. 1997). Furthermore,
the language used in discussing and reporting crime can be strongly racialised
with the media centrally involved in shaping perceptions. In constructing
particular ways of seeing ethnicity and crime, media representations can
blame a culture for what are often complex social phenomena (Collins et al.
2000).
Summary of benefits and costs
Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to
crime and justice are summarised in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5: Crime and justice issues – summary review of social costs
and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Studies of crime and ethnicity contradict
the popular fear that links visible ethnic
minorities with crime and terrorism.
Social costs
Many problems with the manner in which
crime statistics are collected lead to
major difficulties in officially refuting some
of the false images portrayed linking
migrants with crime.
All new migrants undergo character and
police checks before gaining entry
screening out criminals from entering
Australia through the planned migration
scheme.
Large migrant intakes are accompanied
by popular misconceptions amounting to
fear or anxiety that people linked to
overseas-based organised crime or
terrorism or other types of ‘undesirables’
will be able to enter Australia.
Migrants in general have lower rates of While some migrants are involved in
incarceration and victimisation than the criminal activity, media and public images
Australian norm.
have exaggerated the extent of this
involvement.
Evidence suggests the people born
overseas are less involved in crime than
Australian born. (with the exception of
driving offences among new arrivals).
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SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Crimes committed
group of individuals
as the fault of
population eroding
cohesiveness.
by an individual or
can come to be seen
an entire migrant
social harmony and
CHAPTER 4: SOCIAL CAPITAL
4.5
Overall assessment
Over the past decade, social capital has received increasing attention by
government policy makers, by researchers and in the literature. Because
social capital is transferable within and between communities and can
generate positive – and negative – effects, public and private benefits – and
costs – can be derived from its nourishment. As has been demonstrated, there
is wealth of literature discussing various aspects of social capital as it relates
to migrants and the communities within which they are active. Unfortunately,
social capital is difficult to measure and consequently quantitative data sets
have proved to be more elusive. Nevertheless, the framework established for
this project has enabled informed discussion. Furthermore, quantitative results
that are available point to migrants in general and Australian society as a
whole increasingly being generators and benefactors of positive elements of
social capital although the results are to some extent mixed.
In this chapter, social capital as a result of migration has been investigated
through an examination of culture and diversity; community life and civil
society; social networks and neighbourhoods; and crime and justice. There
seems to be no doubt that Government policies of multiculturalism have
encouraged the right sort of environment for cultural diversity to be generally
not only accepted but also enthusiastically embraced by migrants and host
communities alike. This does not mean that tensions do not exist and that
racism and prejudices are not experienced at times but there seems to be
wide-ranging acceptance within Australian society of tolerance for all aspects
of life that might be different to what individuals regard as their norm. Indeed,
attitudes to migration and cultural diversity appear to be more positive than a
decade ago although survey results suggest that such attitudes are sensitive
to topical issues, global events and economic conditions.
The extent of migrant involvement in community life, civil society, social
networks and neighbourhoods is, in many instances, similar to that of the
Australia-born although there appear to be distinct differences in the way this
might be manifested, particularly for persons without an English-speaking
heritage. The manner in which people volunteer help to others is a case in
point, with migrants from different cultural backgrounds or speaking
languages other than English more inclined to be involved in an informal
sense than thought formal associations or organisations. In fact, offering
support to new migrants from compatible ethnic groups in a myriad of ways
appears to be a crucial component of the settlement process and for
integration by individuals into Australian society. Accordingly, small numbers
of migrants from ethnic groups new to Australia can be faced with additional
and unforeseen hurdles – and opportunities – which can have ramifications
for the host communities as well as the individual.
An outstanding characteristic of Australian cities by comparison with those in
other migrant destination countries is the limited extent of residential
differentiation exemplified by ethnic diversity in suburbs that attract migrants.
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Households and families are also highly diversified as a result of inter-ethnic
marriages. These are potential features that encourage most migrants to
embrace Australian society and its political and cultural norms and, through
participation in various aspects of community life, to enhance stocks of social
capital. Of course, there are always exceptions and unfortunately media
attention can result in public misconceptions about migrant status and crime.
Such misconceptions damage individuals, the ethnic communities to which
they belong and the host communities, thus undermining social capital.
Addressing recognised problems with data collection could help to overcome
some costs associated with social capital and also promote the huge range of
benefits as a result of immigration both for individuals and for Australia.
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CHAPTER 5: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL – PRODUCTIVE DIVERSITY
5: Produced and Financial Capital – Productive Diversity
The human capital and the social capital that migrants either bring with them
or develop once in Australia also contributes to the growth of produced and
financial capital. Housing is one very obvious example. Housing provides
much more than immediate shelter for a person. On top of this, the presence
of migrants creates demands for physical and social infrastructure, sometimes
provided by the public sector, sometimes by the migrants themselves.
Similarly, migrants often invest in new business, thereby contributing to the
rich tapestry of the productive diversity of Australian life. It is clear that
migrants from other cultures offer special talents in economic relations with
their country of origin. They have linguistic skills, knowledge of cultural
sensitivities, market intelligence and the networks of associates to take
advantage of business opportunities that might otherwise be lost (Jupp 2001).
Immigrants have contributed significantly to the Australian economy in this
respect.
5.1
Housing
Review of the literature and data
Housing as a key to human wellbeing
Housing is a fundamental human need. Although, financially, the cost of
housing is a major drain on family budgets, housing is much more than an
economic asset that provides shelter. It is also an outlet for personal identity
and an opportunity, relative to the surrounding neighbourhood, for social
belonging. Furthermore, the neighbourhood in which housing is located can
serve as a unit for the provision of facilities which contribute to quality of life
(for example, open space and community centres).
Traditionally, housing tenure has been thought of in terms of ‘the housing
ladder’ whereby households move ‘upwards’ from renting to ownership. Such
ownership conveys certain advantages on individuals: it is a major form of
wealth creation; it is a symbol of attainment; and it affords a means of self
expression (owned homes being more easily altered and decorated than
rented homes). Satisfactory housing is therefore a key contributor to social
wellbeing.
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Levels of home ownership by different migrant groups
One major way in which migrants contribute to Australia’s stock of produced
and financial capital is through investment in housing. Thus the extent of
owner-occupied housing (including housing which is being purchased) by
persons born overseas documents a measure of this form of capital. Longestablished European migrant groups such as those born in Italy and Greece
have very high levels of home-ownership (93% and 90% for Italian and Greek
immigrants respectively) (2001 Census; 1% CURF). So too do migrants from
most other South and South-Eastern European countries and North-Western
Europe including England, with between 76 and 79 per cent with housing
tenure. (Refer to Table 5A.1.1 in Appendix 5A.1 which presents data tables for
results referenced in this section.)
All these levels are above the national average of 71 per cent for Australia
(Hugo 1999). In contrast, some birthplace groups including those from China
(excluding Taiwan), Vietnam and the Philippines have levels that are on a par
or just below the Australian national average; others have below-average
levels. The latter group includes migrants from North-East Asia (excluding
China), from South and Central Asia, and from North Africa and the Middle
East (between 61% and 63% with home-ownership). Only one in two settlers
from Oceania including New Zealand have housing tenure. Very low levels of
home ownership are associated with some Pacific Island groups (such as
Cook Islanders, Western Samoans and Tongan immigrants) and with refugee
groups (for example, those from El Salvador and Iraq) (Hugo 1999).
These differences are significant because of the recognised role that housing
plays in Australian society and in human wellbeing. In this sense, it is
important to note that a majority of migrants in all global regional birthplace
groups are owner-occupiers or owner-purchasers. This means that a majority
of migrants are on the main track to wealth creation. However, differences
between birthplace groups in the level of home owning and buying reflect
differences in levels of produced and financial capital which may become
more pronounced if home ownership as a form of capital gain increasingly
becomes favoured over other forms.
Home ownership in Australian States and Territories
Home-ownership in Australia according to global region of birth exhibits a very
uniform pattern across all States and Territories (Table 5A.1.2). Even in
expensive real estate markets like Sydney, migrants have high levels of
ownership. By overall national standards, the overseas-born have relatively
low levels of home ownership in the NT. However, migrant ownership in this
area is still well above the level found among the Australia-born in the NT, a
region recognised for its itinerant workforce.
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Some ethnic groups in NSW and Victoria have lower levels of owner
occupation than in other states. At a time when public housing is increasingly
becoming welfare housing, many of these groups are trapped long-term in the
private rental market. Decreasing home affordability might mean that these
groups are denied a route to wealth creation followed by earlier migration
streams.
Meeting the housing needs of migrants
It is difficult to assess the degree to which housing needs of migrants are met.
Recent LSIA data provide some insights and suggest that migrants find
housing quality generally quite satisfactory, according to both Australian
standards and migrant expectations (Richardson et al. 2002). Nevertheless,
because types and standard of housing are largely income-dependent, there
are discernable socio-economic differences in levels of satisfaction.
Highly skilled migrants who earn high incomes might readily become owneroccupiers, perhaps in affluent suburbs (Burnley 2005). By contrast,
humanitarian entrants, including those with TPVs, fare less well. Because it is
hard for them to find employment, they are more likely to have low incomes
and housing which is of poor quality, poorly located relative to needs, insecure
(or perceived as being insecure), small and relatively expensive (DIMIA
2003b; Ley et al. 2000; S. Richardson 2002; Vanden Heuvel and Wooden
1999). They are also less able to draw on the support of family members than
family reunion migrants.
An AHURI survey of Adelaide, Perth and Brisbane found that, even after
several years in Australia, refugees were unlikely to have achieved public
rental housing or satisfactory private rental accommodation let alone home
purchase (Beer and Foley 2003). Some independent migrants outside the skill
streams also have difficulty with housing, are more likely to be renting and
have a relatively high level of dissatisfaction with housing quality (Richardson
et al. 2002).
Potential for housing stress for recent migrants
The vast majority of new migrants stay with Australian residents immediately
upon arrival before moving out, when circumstances permit, to privately rent
and, when possible, to become owner-occupiers (DIMIA 2003b) (Table
5A.1.3). Public rental housing represents a small but much sought-after part of
the housing stock but waiting lists are long and most migrants’ aspirations are
therefore unlikely to be met from this housing stock in the short term (Beer
and Foley 2003; Burnley et al. 1997).
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Housing affordability in real terms has fallen over the past 30 years and
owner-occupation has become even more difficult for first-home buyers in
Australia in the past decade (Burnley 2005). Because it is taking longer for
disadvantaged immigrants to enter the owner-buyer markets than a
generation or so earlier, a rising proportion occupy public housing or private
rented accommodation for longer (Hassell and Hugo 1996). Lack of access to
priority public housing might be causing severe housing stress for some
recently arrived humanitarian entrants (Waxman 1999). Low-income refugees
who might have inadequate knowledge of the housing market and tenancy
laws are at risk of becoming homeless (Beer and Foley 2003).
Housing wealth variability within ethnic groups
There is no significant evidence of racially exclusionary policies being
practised in housing markets or of segregation (as opposed to residential
differentiation) of urban areas along ethnic lines (Johnston et al. 2001). In
terms of housing wealth, considerable contrasts occur within migrant groups.
These are often greater than between migrant groups or between immigrants
and long-time Australians (Burnley 2005).
The location of public accommodation and of sponsors has significantly
influenced initial and secondary housing locations (Waxman 1999). For
example, some migrant groups tend to concentrate in the west and southwest
of Sydney because these suburbs were close to the reception centres through
which most refugees passed, notably in Cabramatta (Burnley 1985). When it
was time to move from migrant hostels, proximate relocation was generally
sought due to familiarity with the area and a community presence, as well as
the existence of an already established network, places of worship, family
members, employment opportunities and friends. Later preferential family
migrants often settled close to kin who sponsored them (Waitt et al. 2000).
Migrant preferences for housing types
It is interesting to look at migrant preferences for housing type. Immigrants
have historically demonstrated preferences for detached housing, avoiding
higher density development, although some recent arrivals (especially
refugees) have settled in medium density developments on an interim basis
(Burnley et al. 1997). More recently, many middle- to higher-income
households in Sydney, particularly those from Asia, have shown preferences
for modern apartments and medium-density living (Burnley 2005). For a
variety of reasons, migrants have demonstrated greater tolerance for medium
density housing than the Australia-born and many have made significant use
of dual-occupancy provisions to accommodate relatives near to the family
home.
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A newer phenomenon impacting upon the low to middle-priced apartment
sector of Sydney’s private rental housing markets might be short-term visa
holders (excluding TPVs) (Burnley 2005). These migrants are thought to
favour rental accommodation in the inner eastern suburbs and northern
beaches and thus would not directly compete with humanitarian entrants and
those with TPVs looking to rent in cheaper localities.
Discrimination and the housing market
In spite of exclusionary practices apparently being minimal, discrimination
against some migrant groups can sometimes be an underlying barrier to
finding somewhere to live. For example, a pilot client survey commissioned by
DIMIA in 2002 of recently arrived migrants, service providers and others found
evidence that Serbian refugees, as white Europeans, were favoured over
African families (DIMIA 2003b: 78).
A further problem in regional as well as urban areas can be that the Australian
norm with respect to housing style may not be suited to all migrant groups.
For instance, houses to accommodate large and extended families are either
very expensive in the private rental market or non-existent in public housing
(DIMIA 2003b). With respect to interior form, lifestyle preferences and cultural
traditions can define the acceptability of housing. Needs of migrant families
can include providing suitable places of worship, appropriately sitting and
orientating doors, facilitating traditional methods of food preparation,
arranging rooms to reflect cultural attitudes, and issues associated with
cleanliness and hygiene (Watson and McGillivray 1994). However there is not
much evidence yet of change in the way that planning and housing policies
operate to accommodate these needs.
Potential impact of ethnic concentrations on housing markets
Low- and moderate-income non-English-speaking overseas arrivals continue
to settle disproportionately in core regions, potentially leading to depressed
housing markets as other buyers are discouraged from moving to the same
localities (Carroll 2003). Whether this could lead to the formation of ghettos in
the future, notably in areas settled by refugees in public housing, has been the
subject of speculation (Jupp et al. 1990). Talk about ghettos in Australia, the
reality of which has previously been disproved by well-documented evidence
(Viviani 1996), may only serve to further disadvantage and marginalise
immigrants and slow their economic and social adjustment.
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An alternative scenario is that some migrants may become established within
core regions through choice – either in the home-ownership or private-rental
sectors of the market – in order to sustain their ethnic identity. However many
others wishing to live close to their compatriots and to community institutions
may find that proximity is not feasible because of the relative immobility of
already established members. Moreover, where concentrations of particular
ethnic groups are established in the owner-occupier market, they may
become long-lived because of reluctance to sell and move to areas where
there is less concentration according to ethnicity (Johnston et al. 2001). This
can serve to drive up prices in sought-after areas.
Overall impact of migrant demand on housing prices
Historically high rates of home ownership among migrants have been
interpreted in terms of the cultural value placed on ‘home’ and as a symbol of
economic independence and family security (Ley et al. 2000; Thompson
1994). Overall migrant demand for housing has often been claimed to
increase house prices, especially in metropolitan markets, notably Sydney
(Burnley et al. 1997). According to this view, continued immigration will create
further demand and fuel concurrent house price increases.
An alternative perspective, based on projected Australian household
numbers, is that future growth in the number of households in cities such as
Sydney will be driven primarily by the (unstoppable) ageing of its population.
Thus, migration might have relatively little influence on household numbers
and therefore housing demand (McDonald and Temple 2003). This view is
contested by some (for example, Birrell and Healy 2003; Curnow 2004) who
maintain that immigration will increasingly be an important factor shaping
growth in demand for housing because the numbers of people aged in their
twenties would stabilise in the absence of immigration, thereby improving
housing affordability.
Summary of benefits and costs
Migrants have historically demonstrated preferences for home ownership and
detached housing and have thus benefited from this form of wealth creation,
social belonging and improved quality of life. This pattern might be changing in
Australian cities with increasing numbers of humanitarian entrants tending to
occupy public housing or private rented accommodation for long periods and
short-term skilled visa holders favouring higher density good quality rental
accommodation.
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It is difficult to assess the degree to which housing needs of migrants are met.
Low- and moderate-income non-English-speaking migrants are settling
disproportionately in core regions, potentially leading to depressed housing
markets in those areas. Whether this could lead to the formation of ghettos in
the future is the subject of speculation. Talk about ghettos in Australia may
only serve to further disadvantage and marginalise some immigrant groups
and slow their economic and social adjustment.
Interpretations of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with
respect to housing and with reference to the literature are summarised in
Table 5.1.
Table 5.1: Housing issues – summary of social costs and benefits
Social benefits
Social costs
Historically, investment in housing by
migrants has contributed to Australia’s stock
of produced and financial capital (and thus
social capital also through generating a
sense of belonging).
Some argue that capital tied up in producing
housing – and associated infrastructure –as a
result of high immigration levels is
responsible for supply constraints on capital
for the provisioning or upgrading of some
other types of essential infrastructure and
services.
More recent migrants find housing quality
generally quite satisfactory, according to both
Australian
standards
and
migrant
expectations.
Most refugees are unlikely to achieve public
rental housing or satisfactory private rental
accommodation after several years in
Australia, let alone home purchase.
Highly skilled migrants have the potential to Humanitarian entrants are less able to draw
readily become owner-occupiers, in affluent on the support of family members with
suburbs too.
respect to housing than family reunion
migrants or more established migrant
communities with an inter-generational
presence in Australia.
Over time differences between migrant and High demand for public rental housing means
Australia-born
in
housing
ownership that most disadvantaged migrants (and, quite
converge.
likely, Australia-born disadvantaged persons
as well) are unlikely have access to this form
of housing stock in the short term. This can
lead to resentments between low-socio
economic residents and newly arrived
migrants.
Low- and moderate-income non-Englishspeaking migrants continue to settle
disproportionately in the same localities in
order to sustain their ethnic identity. This is
an efficient and cost effective way of building
bonding capital among migrant communities.
Low- and moderate-income non-Englishspeaking migrants continue to settle
disproportionately in the same localities in
order to sustain their ethnic identity. Too
much bonding capital can reduce the
possibility of bridging capital emerging
between new and emergent migrant
communities and host communities.
Continued immigration might create further
housing demand and fuel concurrent house
price increases. This is beneficial to those
already in the housing market.
Continued immigration might create further
housing demand and fuel concurrent house
price increases. This adversely affects those
entering the housing market.
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5.2
Infrastructure
Review of the literature and data
Population pressures on infrastructure and services
Any population increase places pressure on resources (Burnley et al. 1997).
Immigration needs to be considered in the context of general population
trends. The impact of immigration therefore can be perceived as adding to the
overall pressure on infrastructure and the provision of services. In addition, the
presence of migrants stimulates the need for particular ethno-specific
resources (for example, places of worship for religions not previously wellrepresented in Australia). As against this, any increase in population could
potentially lead to economies of scale in service provision (Garnaut 2002).
Impact of migration on urban resources
Overseas immigration to Australia has focused largely on metropolitan areas.
Over 80 per cent of arrivals since 1945 have settled in capital cities,
disproportionately in Sydney and Melbourne (Forster 2004). More recent
arrivals have settled in cities to an even greater degree. The Atlas of the
Australian People – 1996 Census shows that, for many birthplace groups, the
concentration is well over 90 per cent in capital cities. Business migrants are
clearly likely to locate in business centres. Family reunion migrants are likely
to locate close to relatives, thereby enhancing metropolitan dominance.
Humanitarian migrants, particularly those with no recognised qualifications,
are likely to gravitate to the largest labour markets.
In addition to these permanent increases in predominantly urban populations,
student visa holders in Australia at the end of June 2006 were expected to
total around 208 000 persons (DIMA 2006a: 76). This represents an increase
of 50 per cent in persons on student visas in the five years since 2000-01. The
majority of students are here for higher education and post-graduate research.
Most institutions offering university education are located in metropolitan cities
and hence Australia’s role in this respect also has substantial impacts on
urban and educational infrastructure. Furthermore, Humanitarian migrants
mainly settle in major cities. Programme numbers for this visa category in
2005-06 were around 14 000, representing a modest increase of about 1 000
persons on previous year figures.
There are various temporary (non-permanent) visa categories including the
skilled visa class such as Temporary Business Visas (subclass 457 visas). In
2005-06, 457 visas were granted to some 39 800 primary applicants (DIMA
2006a:13). This represented an increase of around 42 per cent on the
previous year. A 2005 report looking at the employment and migration
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outcomes of 457 visa holders (Khoo, McDonald and Hugo 2005) showed that,
at that time, about two-thirds of these temporary migrants were married or had
partners and most (93%) were accompanied to Australia by their partners.
About one in four had children with them in Australia. If this same pattern is
applied, Australia’s population is increased by more than double the number
of 457 primary applicants when partners and children are also in the
reckoning. In 2005-06, some 13 300 subclass 457 visa holders (around one in
three) applied for permanent residence (DIMA 2006e: 85).
Sydney has been the main centre of settlement in recent years with the NSW
State Government claiming that it caters for about 40 per cent of arrivals. This
has fuelled metropolitan growth to some extent (Garnaut et al. 2003).
Assessing the social impact of immigration with respect to pressure on that
city’s resources is not simple. Recent migrants have tended to settle in ‘middle
distance’ suburbs, thereby transforming these areas, just as early post-war
arrivals did much to alter inner suburbs with (then) declining populations. In
this way, contemporary migration is contributing in positive ways to the
transformation of areas of Australian cities which are in need of renewal
(Randolph 2002).
Potential policies for coping with population pressures
Concentration of migrants in some areas leads to area-specific demands (as
demonstrated in the case of public and privately-rented housing) but such
concentration can also give impetus to the provisioning or strengthening of
additional services because of increasing demands for physical and social
infrastructure (Garnaut 2002). While controlling immigration by itself will not
halt increased demand for the provision of infrastructure and services, lower
levels of inflow into major cities such as Sydney could provide breathing space
while effective ‘catch-up’ policies are implemented to overcome any shortfall in
investment over the years.
Population growth in major cities and resultant infrastructure demands could
perhaps also be indirectly limited through behaviour modification. This could
involve a combination of pricing, policy and education aimed at achieving
sustainable cities, thereby avoiding any need to alter immigration levels
(Burnley et al. 1997). Some people, for instance, might move to cheaper
localities or places where choices are less constrained. This scenario
proposes that such policies might also limit the attractiveness of Australia and
its capital cities for immigrants.
The notion that immigrants should be encouraged to move to smaller cities
and to populate rural and remote regions is of course not new (see Borrie
1975). It is however a suggestion that flies in the face of apparent preferences
because, as in other societies, immigrants to Australia have continued to
favour major cities, especially Sydney and Melbourne (Jupp 2002). Recent
schemes which have been aimed at attracting location-specific nominations
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for migration within the skill stream – RSMS and SDAS – have been met with
limited success (DIMIA 2005a; 2005b).
Provisioning capacities as a result of migration
There is no reason why migration should be construed as creating
unmanageable demands with respect to infrastructure provisioning,
particularly when there is general recognition that immigration creates
economic benefits exceeding costs at the national level (Burnley et al. 1997;
Econtech 2004; Garnaut et al. 2003). Immigration numbers have been highest
when the Australian economy is growing strongly. At these times, it is argued,
there should be capacity to finance the provisioning of the urban infrastructure
even if this means additional allocations from the Commonwealth in areas of
migrant concentrations (Burnley et al. 1997). Consequently, it is not valid to
suggest (as some do, according to Burnley et. al.) that capital tied up in
producing housing – and associated infrastructure – for migrants as a result of
high intake levels is responsible for supply constraints on capital for the
provisioning or upgrading of some other types of essential infrastructure and
services.
Importance of planning migration levels
Timely provision of urban infrastructure requires, of course, high-quality
population forecasts. For this to happen, State Governments need reliable
information from the Commonwealth on proposed future immigration levels as
well as on birthplace and language groups (Burnley et al. 1997). The
historically fluctuating nature of immigration suggests this is difficult to provide.
The configuration of the humanitarian stream of migrants is particularly difficult
to predict, although this stream is considerably smaller than the skilled
migration stream of migrants to Australia.
The hard ‘coal face’ of local government
Local government is where multiculturalism really bites. Demands for culturally
appropriate services in areas of concentrated ethnic populations exert
financial pressures. Not only do migrants create substantial demands for such
services, they also suffer when there are inadequacies in supply. A national
survey of Australian local government regarding multicultural policy found that,
while some celebrated and responded to cultural diversity, as many again
refused to recognise the extent of ethnic heterogeneity, often constructing
minorities as a problematic ‘Other’ (Thompson et al. 1998). Thus there is a
view that local government has often coped ineffectively with migrants’ needs
– despite being the level of government closest to the people – with regular
occurrences of what can be perceived as discriminatory and unjust practices.
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Stretched resources could mean that community relations policies in some
areas are not accorded a high priority and thus are poorly developed. While it
is this level of government that attracts most criticism with respect to migrant
services, changes are deemed necessary at all levels of government to
ensure fair provisioning and to afford people from different cultural
backgrounds the opportunity to participate in the process of governance
(Thompson and Dunn 2002).
Importance of planning and infrastructure provision
It is a myth that migration leads to overcrowding in urban areas. The problem
is inadequate planning or insufficient infrastructure provision or, most likely, a
combination of both (C. Richardson 2002). Of particular concern are planning
practices (including ‘giving in’ to resident pressure groups) that discourage
types of infrastructure – such as places for worship – or uses – particularly
senior citizens’ clubs – that clash with existing urban form or traditional
treatment of public space (Murphy and Watson 1997).
It is misguided however to be too critical of planning. Sometimes the outcome
of ‘light’ planning is fascinating. Some of the most culturally distinctive and
vibrant areas of Sydney have been relatively unplanned (Hawkins and Gibson
1994). For example, waves of new migrant groups in Marrickville and
Cabramatta have tended to reinforce existing land use patterns while using
them in their own distinctive ways, providing active street life with strong links
to the local community.
Resourcing infrastructure and services
It is also important to note that pressures on city infrastructure can change
because of shifts in immigration policy from permanent to temporary migrants
(brought in for particular jobs, many of which are city-based) (McDonald
2004). This can be handled but it is important that the system of fiscal
federalism takes stock of where the demand lies when it is transferring money
from the Commonwealth to the States. It is also important that local
government is adequately resourced to meet its ‘coalface’ obligations
(Armstrong 1994; Thompson and Dunn 2002).
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Summary of benefits and costs
The historically fluctuating nature of immigration has been blamed for
pressures on physical infrastructure and social services in some
predominantly urban areas. Shifts in migration policy that become reflected in
changing numbers, skills levels, and composition of migrant – permanent and
temporary – do create varying demands on infrastructure and shortfalls in
services in migrant settlement areas. However, they can also result in
economies of scale and can be catalysts for urban renewal. Migrants
themselves generally bear the brunt of inadequacies in supply of services and
poor implementation of access and equity policies.
Interpretations of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with
respect to infrastructure and the literature are summarised in Table 5.2.
Table 5.2: Infrastructure issues – summary of social costs and benefits
Social benefits
Increases in population through migration
could potentially lead to economies of scale
in service provision.
Social costs
The impact of immigration can be
perceived as adding to the overall pressure
on infrastructure and the provision of
services.
Migration contributes to the transformation Pressures on city infrastructure and
of areas of Australian cities which are in services can change because of shifts in
migration policy from permanent to
need of renewal.
temporary migrants.
Migrants stimulate the need for particular Not only do migrants create substantial
demands for services at the local
ethno-specific resources.
government level, they also suffer when
there are inadequacies in supply.
Immigrants to Australia continue to favour Inadequate or inappropriate planning or
major cities.
insufficient infrastructure provision (or both)
to cope with migration-induced population
growth has contributed to various types of
pressures in urban areas.
Immigrants might be encouraged to move The historically fluctuating nature of
to smaller cities and to populate rural and immigration illustrates the difficulty of
providing high quality population forecasts
remote regions.
(source countries and numbers) to facilitate
planning.
Because migration levels are highest when
the Australian economy is strong, there
should at those times be capacity to
finance additional urban infrastructure and
services.
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SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Capital tied up in producing housing and
associated infrastructure as a result of high
migration levels might induce supply
constraints on capital for the provision of
other much needed infrastructure and
services.
CHAPTER 5: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL – PRODUCTIVE DIVERSITY
5.3
New businesses, goods and services
Review of the literature and data
Contributors to productive diversity
Migrants have made major contributions to the Australian economy, not least
through setting up businesses (Strahan and Williams 1988). Some of the
giants of Australian business arrived as ‘penniless’ migrants. In fact, migrants
are over-represented on the BRW ‘rich list’. In 2003, to be listed among the
ten wealthiest individuals in Australia required assets valued at $1,000 million
or more. As Stilwell (2004:para 15) pointed out, “the incidence of wealthy
people from migrant – mainly European – backgrounds [was notable]. 4 out of
the 10 richest Australians in 1993 were migrants, and 5 out of the 10 in 2003”.
Clearly, being a migrant is not synonymous with having a poor background
and it seems that inheritance and family connections are equally relevant to
‘success’ among migrants as among the Australia-born.
Migrants as small business operators and entrepreneurs
Unfortunately, little is known about the more general and low-key penetration
of migrant groups into the Australian economy. An indicator of the social
impact of migrants in the retail sector could potentially be gained by looking at
their involvement in shop ownership and management, particularly in
suburban and non-metropolitan areas, but research into this phenomenon is
patchy. This is disappointing because corner stores and other convenience
goods outlets, where migrant owners are perceived as being of continued
prominence, are pivotal in local communities. They are foci for social
interaction, not least because of their lengthy trading hours. Involvement in
this form of retailing is therefore a way in which migrants contribute to social
networking as well as to business.
It is perhaps not surprising that many pre-war migrants were highly motivated
and became successful entrepreneurs. Many were also responsible for chain
migration and for providing supportive roles to arriving family members and
contacts (Burnley 1985; Collins et al. 1995). There is no doubting the
penetration and diversity of migrants in the small business sector of Australia
when 30 per cent (or 500 900) of the nation’s small businesses are owned or
operated by people who were born overseas (ABS 2005a). Since people born
overseas make up about a quarter of the Australian population, it seems that
there are more migrant small business operators than one would expect on
the basis of population alone.
Another explanation for the continued propensity of immigrants to establish
businesses is the existing business migration schemes under which persons
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with business skills and capital are allowed to settle (Wooden 1994).
Moreover, new migrant arrivals often possess the skills and qualifications to
break into higher level jobs and the professional strata of immigrant
businesses (Collins et al. 1995).
Many migrant businesses have been shaped by the cultural needs, activities
and support of fellow migrants who remain very important to their economic
survival. In spite of this, migrant-owned businesses do not represent an
alternative to the open economy. They do not operate within enclaves – in the
sense that they solely serve the ethnic group of the business owner – unlike in
some other countries (for example, the Cuban enclave in Miami in the US)
(Collins et al. 1995; Tait et al. 1989).
Other incentives to self-employment include higher levels of social status,
personal gratification and improved financial wellbeing by comparison with
factory work or the receipt of welfare benefits (Tait et al. 1989). In this regard,
it should be noted that, in Australia, immigrants have not received government
funding assistance to establish businesses (Zhou and Logan 1989).
It is important to understand that other factors can transform small business
from a preferred option to a necessary one for many migrants wanting to work.
Opportunities for employment in mainstream labour markets are sometimes
blocked, perhaps due to lack of skills, poor fluency in English, or the effects of
economic restructuring including retrenchment and the elimination of
traditional sites of unskilled employment (Castles 1991; Collins et al. 1995;
Covick 1984). If new migrant groups continue to be disadvantaged in the
labour market for structural reasons, including ‘institutional racism’ (Jarasuriya
and Kee 1999), their dependence upon the ‘informal economy’ for survival
could increase and enclave industries might form (Collins et al. 1995).
Recognised work ethics and aspirations
It is also relevant to note different attitudes to work on the part of some
migrants. Some migrant groups, for example, aspire to values highly
compatible with a strong entrepreneurial spirit, such as loyalty, work ethic,
orderliness, responsibility and respect for authority (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999).
Important differences also need to be recognised with respect to the
integration of work and home. Home industries such as cooking, clothing
manufacture, jewellery making and motor vehicle repair can be looked upon
as empowering and as an avenue for incubating new businesses (Watson and
McGillivray 1994).
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Other important elements for success
In Australia, most enterprises operated by immigrants are family-run
businesses (Adrukari 1999). Family members are often important for their
successful operation in part because they are prepared to work long hours
and have restricted holidays (Castles 1991; Collins 2002; Tait et al. 1989).
Furthermore, housework and care of family – of children and elderly relatives
– can be managed conjointly with work in the family business. So, in addition
to entrepreneurial flair, other important elements for the successful operation
of businesses by immigrants include family support, ethnic group links,
patriarchal family structures and religion. On balance, then, the bulk of
migrants to Australia contribute substantially to the productive diversity of the
nation’s financial capital.
Summary of benefits and costs
Migrants have made substantial contributions to the productive diversity of
Australia especially through the establishment of businesses. Interpretations
of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to new
businesses, goods and services and with reference to the literature are
summarised in Table 5.3.
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Table 5.3: New businesses, goods and services issues – summary
review of social costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Migrants have made major contributions
to the Australian economy, not least
through setting up businesses. They have
contributed substantially to Australia’s
productive diversity.
Social costs
Opportunities
for
employment
in
mainstream labour markets can be
blocked, perhaps due to lack of skills,
poor fluency in English, or the effects of
economic
restructuring
including
retrenchment and the elimination of
traditional sites of unskilled employment.
for
employment
in
Many pre-war migrants were highly Opportunities
motivated
and
became
successful mainstream labour
markets
are
entrepreneurs.
sometimes blocked, perhaps leading to
small business operations by default.
Migrants responsible for chain migration Emerging ethnic groups do not have the
also provide supportive roles to arriving same level of support as more
family members and contacts.
established ethnic groups.
New migrants often possess skills, If new migrant groups are disadvantaged
qualifications and contacts that can be in the labour market for structural reasons
applied in new or different ways.
including
discrimination,
their
dependence upon the ‘informal economy’
for survival might increase and enclave
industries might form.
Many migrant businesses cater for the Some members of host communities
cultural needs and activities of fellow have trouble adapting to the changing
migrants.
face of their neighbourhoods and can
experience significant discomfort with the
scale and types of change.
Some migrant groups are recognised for Some
ethnic
groups have
been
loyalty,
work
ethic,
orderliness, stereotyped in negative ways for high
responsibility and respect for authority.
levels of dependency on welfare.
Family support, ethnic group links,
patriarchal family structures and religion
can be important elements for the
successful operation of businesses by
immigrants.
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SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Family support, ethnic group links,
patriarchal family structures and religion
can be important elements for the
successful operation of businesses by
immigrants.
CHAPTER 5: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL – PRODUCTIVE DIVERSITY
5.4
Overall assessment
Migrants contribute in positive ways to the productive diversity of Australia
through investment in housing, the transformation of urban areas, the creation
of new businesses, the supply of products, the provision of new and different
skills, and through other types of entrepreneurial activities. They also create
demand for a range of goods and services and also infrastructure such as
roads, schools and water supplies. For this reason, it is sometimes argued
that increased migration levels put pressure on resources and cause
shortcomings in infrastructure and services, particularly in Australia’s cities
which attract the bulk of new migrant settlers. According to this view,
continued population increase through migration will cause further housing
shortages and resultant price rises.
Herein lies the dilemma. Because intake levels tend to be highest when the
Australian economy is growing strongly and also because migrants boost
Australia’s supplies of human and social capital, it can be argued that
increased migration should provide the additional resources needed to
prevent shortfalls in existing infrastructure and services. Of course,
provisioning for many of these factors may take years to plan and implement.
However, intake levels can fluctuate according to a range of parameters and
with comparatively short lead times. Furthermore, the ethnic mix can varied
substantially, creating new and different types of demands, sometimes in
locations without a history of adapting for the types of services that might be
required.
What has been suggested is for the various levels of government to ensure
that allocations and resources are made available where they are most
needed. For this to happen, reliable information on proposed immigration
levels as well as on birthplace and language groups would need to be made
available in a timely fashion. Of course, the historically fluctuating nature of
immigration suggests this can be difficult to provide. How this challenge is
responded to will influence the level of benefit from productive diversity
afforded by immigration for Australia.
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CHAPTER 6: NATURAL CAPITAL
6: Natural Capital
Growing environmental awareness has been one of the hallmarks of
Australian society in the last twenty years. Nevertheless, major debates
continue about the role of population pressure on the atmosphere, on the
hydrological cycle, on soils, vegetation and fauna, and on landforms
(especially beaches) (Bridgman et al. 1995). Clearly, immigration impacts on
the biophysical environment through its contribution to population growth
(Cocks 1992; 1996; 1999; Lowe 1996). However impacts are mediated by
lifestyle. Consequently not all migrants have the same ecological footprint and
nor does footprint impact necessarily remain the same before and after
migration. This point was dramatically illustrated in a Sydney Morning Herald
article (1 August 2005:1) which pointed out: “If everyone lived like they do in
Mosman, we would need seven extra earths to cope with them”. Mosman is,
of course, a wealthy Sydney suburb with high levels of consumption. It is also
characterised by relatively low levels of migrants.
6.1
Population impact
Review of the literature
Migration policy and population growth
Because immigration is a major contributor to population growth, intake levels
have often been central to discussion about relationships between population
size, rates of population growth, environmental quality and sustainable
development. Migration has been suggested as a way to avoid population
decline and substantial falls in the size of the labour force, with a net intake of
around 80 000 suggested by some (Birrell et al. 2005; Econtech 2004;
Garnaut et al. 2003; Glover et al. 2001; McDonald and Kippen 1999). It is
inappropriate for this report to explore these issues or the potential for
immigration intake levels to offset ageing (Dowrick 2002; Garnaut et al. 2003)
other than to note increasing scepticism about the argument that higher
intakes can retard population ageing (McDonald and Kippen 1999; C.
Richardson 2002).
Views on migrant intake levels and the environment
Contradictory messages have been received with respect to how people feel
and think about migration intake levels and the environment. On the one
hand, those involved in the sustainability movements have generally opposed
population increase (Jupp 2002). However, this approach made it impossible
to defend family reunion and humanitarian intake Programmes without
abolishing all other immigration and inadvertently becoming aligned with
racially inspired views on immigration. On the other hand, some people who
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are concerned about the state of the environment favour immigration (Betts
2004; 2005a).
Characteristics of supporters of migration
Overall trends show that, by 2004, Australians were generally less concerned
about immigration levels than at any time since the beginning of the 1990s but
patterns based on education and occupational group did not produce uniform
results (Betts 2005a). Managers, administrators and professionals, in
particular people working in the social professions such as teaching, media,
the arts, social work, and religion, were less likely to believe intake levels
were too large and more likely to believe they were not large enough. The
pro-immigration stance was especially marked for university graduates and
indeed the data showed that support for immigration was highest among
graduates (Betts 2005a:34-35).
Challenges to notions of national identity
People who acknowledge a strong attachment to Australia demonstrate more
cautious approaches to immigration. This might be associated with national
identity whereby many Australians have a sense that they belong to and
identify with a distinctive national community and are proud to do so.
Immigration and multiculturalism are sometimes seen as synonymous and
thus potentially challenge some people’s notion of community: if migrants do
not integrate, some people are concerned that Australia might become
divided along ethnic lines (Birrell and Betts 2001).
State and Territory differentiations
Differentiations are also apparent geographically. Among the five mainland
states, opposition to immigration has been shown to be highest in New South
Wales, especially in the outer Sydney and regional areas, and lowest in
Victoria. It was even lower in the Australian Capital Territory. Inner
metropolitan areas also tended to score low (Betts 2005a: 37). The media, of
course, influence many people’s opinions about immigration, population policy
and the environment. Ambiguous views in society are understandable given
that an analysis of newspaper articles has shown that few Australian
journalists make a population-environment connection (Goldie 2002).
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6.2
Environmental impact
Review of the literature
Population growth and the natural environment
The impact of population growth on the nation’s natural capital is a huge issue
which has attracted sustained informed, uninformed and passionate debate.
Main areas of concern with respect to increased population levels include
pressures that are placed on natural resources and the environment through
land degradation, depletion of resources and threats to ecosystems. Some
argue that effective environmental policies which might not only repair past
environmental damage but also inhibit future degradation are unlikely to be
implemented without a smaller population base (Flannery 1995). Therefore,
from this perspective, an increase in population as a result of immigration
should be discouraged. Limiting immigration, and thus population growth, also
reduces the imperative to act with respect to waste production and excessive
lifestyles and so, some argue, presents a ‘lazy’ way to tackle environmental
problems (Burnley 2003b).
Another perspective is that national population growth, even with a modestly
raised immigration intake, is an extraneous factor with respect to
environmental problems. Existing pressures in and around cities and in rural
primary production areas demand that environmental and resource
management strategies be put firmly in place and consumption and resource
use practices be significantly modified (Burnley 2003b). Burnley argues that,
provided these occur, increases in population to, say, 26 million by 2050, as
projected by the ABS (2000a), would not place unacceptable stresses on the
physical environment.
Furthermore, if Australia were to reduce population growth via immigration as
a result of agendas determined by environmentalism and nationalist
sentiments, the nation could become marginalised in a global sense (Burnley
2003b). This view receives support in a Federal Government report into
Australia’s carrying capacity which suggested that a smaller population would
not reduce land use by agricultural and pastoral industries and thus not impact
upon associated environmental degradation (House of Representatives
Standing Committee for Long Term Strategies 1994). Other major studies
have likewise shown that land degradation is not causally linked to national
population growth (Castles et al. 1998; Wooden et al. 1994).
Effect on levels of natural resources
A further area of concern with population growth is depletion of natural
resources such as water and non-renewable minerals. Given international
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trade and factor substitution possibilities, population growth might be expected
to have little impact on depletion rates of most non-renewable resources
(Cocks 1996). However, ‘common property’ resources, such as fisheries and
forests and, of course, water, might need careful management to avoid
exploitation at unsustainable levels (Castles et al. 1998).
Implications for habitat modification
The potential for increased population levels to endanger ecosystems is an
issue because population growth has a clear impact on habitat modification. In
addition, lower population levels might marginally reduce efforts required for
Australia to meet international commitments on greenhouse emissions. As
against this, humans have biodiversity consequences irrespective of where
they live so that the net impact from a global as opposed to simply an
Australian perspective is far from clear. As a result, migration reduction is
probably an inappropriate vehicle for protecting ecosystems if a global
perspective is adopted (Castles et al. 1998).
Relevance of migrant settlement patterns
Where immigrants live is critical in terms of their impact on natural capital.
Approximately 36 per cent of current migrants settle in Sydney, potentially
adding to the air and water pollution problems that derive from that city’s
location in the Sydney basin. This influx of migrants needs to be set in the
context of Sydney’s pattern of internal migration because many immigrants
have settled in established areas that have been vacated selectively by
Australia-born or other immigrants as they move to satisfy housing aspirations
appropriate to stage of life cycle (Burnley et al. 1997).
Internal mobility within Australia as a whole has also meant that population
growth might have shifted to locations such as Brisbane or Perth (Castles et
al. 1998). Thus settlement patterns of immigrants might counter rather than
aggravate internal population flows (S. Richardson 2002).
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
101
CHAPTER 6: NATURAL CAPITAL
6.3
Sustainability
Review of the literature
Sustainability and urban renewal
Potential problems with issues of sustainability have been flagged for suburbs
in major cities that are undergoing renewal. In recent years, many immigrants
have moved to these suburbs. The areas in question were initially developed
in the decades following World War II. They are now being subjected to major
waves of social and physical restructuring (Randolph 2002). In these areas,
there are concerns about the older poorer housing as well as the new housing
that is replacing it in some places, particularly with respect to the energy
efficiency of buildings. The influx of migrants may provide the investment
capital necessary for change and appropriate design.
Sustaining urban infrastructure and amenity
Immigration has been singled out as causing problems in cities with respect to
infrastructure provision, road congestion, declining urban amenity and
pollution (see Burnley et al. 1997). Associated environmental deterioration
might in part be dealt with by investment in urban infrastructure such as
sewerage treatment works, urban transport and water recycling schemes. To
attribute this requirement for investment to immigration is of course harsh
because the current state of cities reflects conscious political and economic
choices with a result that any decline in amenity should not be ascribed solely
to immigration and population growth (Cunneen et al. 1997). The need to
apportion blame for social unease, financial hardships and pollution can
nevertheless make scapegoating new migrants an attractive option to some.
Immigration impacts in context
Concerns that short-term interests of groups which profit from population
growth might be inhibiting honest consideration of long-term realities have led
to calls for interdisciplinary empirical research by demographers and
sociologists with respect to impacts of population numbers on the natural
environment (Betts 2004; Jones 2001). While concern for depreciation of
natural capital as a resource is appropriate, it seems unlikely that lower
migration intake by itself will address most problems associated with natural
capital.
102
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 6: NATURAL CAPITAL
Generalisations are of course clumsy but the major issues regarding impacts
on the biophysical environment in Australian cities and regions include the
nature of lifestyle and the economic system; the adequacy of policies and
management; and the formulation and implementation of remedial
Programmes. Immigrants’ effects on population growth and the comparative
size of their ecological footprints, both before and after migration, are only
some of the factors to be considered when addressing these issues.
6.4
Summary of benefits and costs
Interpretations of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with
respect to natural capital and the literature are summarised in Table 6.1.
6.5
Overall Assessment
Clearly there are differing views with respect to impacts of immigration on
population growth, pressure on the environment and sustainability with central
issues for discussion varying depending on whether local, national or global
viewpoints are addressed. The comparative size of immigrants’ ecological
footprints after migration is most likely no greater than those of others who
comprise the Australia-born population. Lifestyle, internal population
migration, economic systems, adequacy of policies and management, and the
formulation and implementation of remedial Programmes are among those
factors with the potential to influence short- and long-term impacts. With
fertility rates in Australia and in all developed countries at lower than
replacement levels, intakes through migration are offered as the single option
for population maintenance or growth; an imperative for some and an
anathema for others.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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103
CHAPTER 6: NATURAL CAPITAL
Table 6.1: Natural capital issues – summary of social costs and benefits
of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Migration has been suggested as a way to
avoid population decline.
Family reunion and humanitarian intakes
are
subject
to
challenge
by
environmentalists when there is opposition
to population increase.
National
population
growth
through Population growth through migration places
migration is an extraneous factor with pressures on natural resources and the
respect
to
environmental
problems environment.
because land degradation is not causally
linked.
Limiting immigration and thus population
growth may in the short term reduce the
imperative
to
tackle
environmental
problems.
‘Common property’ resources, such as
fisheries and forests and, of course, water,
might need careful management to avoid
exploitation at unsustainable levels should
the
intake
of
migrants
increase
substantially in the long term.
Given international trade and factor Reduced population growth through
substitution possibilities, population growth reduced immigration could marginalise
might be expected to have little impact on Australia in a global sense.
depletion rates of most non-renewable
resources
Migration reduction is probably an
inappropriate
vehicle
for
protecting
ecosystems if a global perspective is
adopted.
The potential for increased population
levels to endanger ecosystems is an issue
because population growth has a clear
impact on habitat modification.
Settlement patterns of immigrants might Where immigrants live is critical in terms of
counter rather than aggravate inter- and their impact on natural capital.
intra-state population movements.
The influx of migrants may provide the Potential
problems
with
issues
of
investment capital necessary for change sustainability have been flagged where
and appropriate design.
there are concentrations of ethnic groups in
suburbs undergoing renewal.
It seems unlikely that lower migration Apportioning blame for environmental
intake by itself will address most problems deterioration can make scapegoating new
migrants an attractive option, and open up
associated with natural capital.
new divisions that undermine social
cohesion.
104
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
2: Settlement patterns and experiences
This chapter summarises broad historical characteristics and patterns of
migrant population and settlement in Australia including some snapshots for
States and Territories. Data from the 2001 (ABS 2002d) and, to a limited
extent, the 1996 (ABS 1997) Census of Population and Housing were
referenced, including Confidentialised Unit Record File (CURF) micro data
samples (ABS 2002c). Where relevant census data were not available, Atlas
of the Australian People (1999) provided reliable and comprehensive
information, if somewhat dated. In addition, migrant settler arrival statistics
produced by DIMA were sourced. Results from the Longitudinal Surveys of
Immigrants to Australia (LSIAs) were used as the basis for providing further
insights into recent settlement perceptions and experiences of immigrants and
for reviewing migrant satisfaction with life in Australia. The chapter concludes
with a synoptic view of recent settlement experiences.
2.1
Patterns of migrant settlement in Australia
Ethnicity of the Australian population based on estimates of ancestry is
indicated in Table 2.1. Given the sustained nature of European immigration to
Australia in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is not surprising that
Europeans, along with Australians, dominate the ancestry profile. Although
Asian regions figure prominently in the current intake of migrants, these
regions have had relatively little impact to date on the overall ancestry of the
population. That may of course change because Australia has been
characterised by relatively high levels of inter-marriage between migrants and
the Australia-born.
Table 2.1: Ancestry by global region (per cent)
Australia
North-West Europe
Southern and Eastern Europe
North Africa and the Middle East
South-East Asia
North-East Asia
South and Central Asia
Americas
Sub-Saharan Africa
Oceania
Not stated
Percentage
30.0
44.6
9.5
1.6
1.8
2.8
1.3
0.6
0.5
1.3
6.0
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
4
8
4
Detailed cross-tabulations of birthplace against social indicator variables, as used in the Atlas of the
Australian People – 1996 Census, are not available for the 2001 Census for the population as a
whole. However, cross-tabulations can be generated from the one percent sample of the population
contained in the Confidentialised Unit Record File (CURF) produced by the Australian Bureau of
Statistics.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
At the time of the 2001 Census, around one-quarter of Australia’s population
was born overseas (refer to Table 2.2). One million-plus migrants who had
been born in the UK dominated the overseas born, accounting for 5.5 per cent
of the national population. The next most prominent birthplace group was the
New Zealand-born with over 350 000 (1.9% of Australia’s population). Of
course, New Zealanders are excluded from Australia’s migrant Programme.
Italy topped the list of non-English-speaking countries, accounting for just over
one per cent of the population. All other birthplace groups accounted for less
than one per cent, with notable source countries including Viet Nam, China,
Greece, Germany and the Philippines.
Table 2.2: Birthplace of top ten source countries for the overseas born –
2001 Census
Country
Number
Per cent
Australia
13 629 685
72.6
UK
1 036 245
5.5
New Zealand
355 765
1.9
Italy
218 718
1.2
Viet Nam
154 831
0.8
China (excluding SARs and Taiwan)
142 780
0.8
Greece
116 431
0.6
Germany
108 220
0.6
Philippines
103 942
0.6
India
95 452
0.5
Netherlands
83 324
0.4
2 415 708
12.9
Total for top ten countries
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
Just over half of the 2001 population had both parents born in Australia (Table
2.3). Conversely, over 40 per cent of those providing information on the
birthplace of parents had at least one parent born overseas. This, together
with the range of source countries, reflects the multicultural and cosmopolitan
nature of the Australian population.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
9
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.3: Birthplace of parents (per cent)
Both parents born in Australia
Percentage
53.7
Father only born overseas
6.7
Mother only born overseas
4.4
Both parents born overseas
29.0
Not stated
6.2
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
The composition of Australia’s migrant intake has changed over time in terms
of source countries. Before 1986, North-Western Europeans (including
persons from the UK) were most prominent, accounting for almost half (44%)
of all arrivals (Table 2.4). This share had dropped to 17 per cent by 2001 (up
slightly from around 15% in the previous two years).
Much of the change in migrant intake had of course occurred by the late
1980s. Arrivals from North-West Europe had dropped to 19 per cent of the
total by that time and settlers from Southern and Eastern Europe were down
to 7 per cent (from 26% pre-1986); by 2001, their representation had further
declined to only 4 per cent of total migrant intakes. Conversely, the Oceaniaborn (including New Zealanders) had risen to 17 per cent (from 7%) and
migrants from North-East Asia already accounted for 14 per cent (up from
only 2%). This was to increase to a high point of 16 per cent of the total intake
in 1997 before declining slightly to 14 per cent in 2001. Southern and Central
Asia also became a more prominent source country (up from 3% pre-1986 to
10% in 2001). South-East Asia accounted for a greater proportion of migrants
in the late 1980s (22% in comparison with 8% prior to 1986) than in 2001
(17%).
10
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.4: Birthplace by year of arrival (per cent)
2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996
1991- 1986- Before
1996 1990 1986
Oceania
18.5
19.9
19.9
19.6
18.4
16.5
13.3
16.5
7.3
North-West Europe
17.0
15.2
15.3
14.3
15.2
14.7
15.1
18.6
44.0
4.4
6.3
7.0
9.5
8.4
10.5
10.7
7.1
25.7
4.7
5.7
6.4
6.1
6.2
6.3
7.2
5.9
4.5
South-East Asia
17.2
14.8
15.0
16.2
16.0
15.2
20.6
22.2
7.7
North-East Asia
14.2
15.0
15.0
14.3
16.3
18.9
14.8
13.8
2.4
Southern and Central
Asia
9.9
10.0
8.7
7.9
8.0
8.2
9.2
5.8
2.5
Americas
5.9
5.6
4.9
4.3
4.5
4.2
4.7
5.2
3.3
Sub-Saharan Africa
7.7
7.0
7.3
7.3
6.5
4.8
3.8
4.5
2.3
Other
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.7
0.6
0.4
0.3
Southern and Eastern
Europe
North Africa and Middle
East
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
Since the 2001 Census, variations with respect to global regions from which
new settlers have been sourced have not varied dramatically (Table 2.5).
While the overall mix from Asian regions has remained relatively stable (at
around the 40% mark), the mix within these regions has shifted with more
migrants from Southern and Central Asia at the expense of migrants of SouthEast or North-East Asian origin. Other fluctuations have been increases in
migrants from the African continent, both from North Africa and the Middle
East and Sub-Saharan Africa, especially in the three years prior to 2005-06
when they represented around 20 per cent of new settlers (from 11.4% in
2001). While there have been no clearly discernable reductions from other
major source regions, the proportion from the Americas (never a significant
source) have decreased.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
11
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.5: Migrant arrivals by birthplace, 2002-03 to 2005-06 (per cent)
Birthplace
2002-03
2003-04
2004-05
2005-06
Oceania
16.5
16.0
17.1
17.3
Europe
21.1
22.7
20.3
23.1
North Africa and Middle East
11.2
10.1
10.5
8.5
Southeast Asia
16.3
15.1
13.7
13.7
Northeast Asia
11.0
11.3
12.7
11.6
Southern and Central Asia
10.7
11.6
12.8
14.3
Americas
2.1
1.8
1.8
3.3
Sub-Saharan Africa
8.9
9.5
9.0
7.6
Not stated/Other
0.8
0.6
0.6
0.6
Source: DIMA Immigration Updates 2002-03 to 2005-06
2.2
Comparisons of migrant settlement by States and
Territories
Difficulties in measuring the social costs and benefits of immigration became
particularly apparent with respect to Australia’s States and Territories (and, for
that matter, for even smaller geographical areas such as SLAs) as historical
databases have not been structured with these types of interrogation in mind.
Furthermore, the LSIA proved inappropriate for teasing out State and Territory
variations due to the fact that the underlying numbers were too small for
differences of significance to be identifiable. Instead, consideration has been
given to proxy variables and to census data.
Social costs and benefits of migrants within States and Territories can to an
extent be influenced not only by certain characteristics of migrants, especially
visa categories and countries of origin, but also by recency of arrival and by
size of the resident immigrant community. For these reasons the nature of the
migrant intake in each State and Territory required examination.
The number of migrants in each State and Territory at the 2001 Census for
the thirty largest birthplace groups in Australia is presented in Table 2.6. This
table also shows average annual rates of change in the size of each
birthplace group over the 1996-2001 intercensal period. The extent of State
and Territory variations reflects the relative size of different birthplace groups.
Clearly, the size of the overall migrant community is much greater in New
South Wales and Victoria than in other areas. Of particular interest is the fact
that some migrants group are expanding in number while others are
contracting.
12
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.6: Major migrant birthplace groups, by States/Territories – 2001 Census
NSW
No.
% pa
2001
chang
e
19962001
Qld
No.
2001
SA
% pa
chang
e
19962001
No.
2001
Tas
% pa
chang
e
19962001
No.
2001
% pa
change
19962001
VIC
No.
2001
% pa
chang
e 19962001
WA
No.
2001
% pa
chang
e
19962001
No.
2001
ACT
% pa
change
19962001
NT
No.
2001
% pa
chang
e
19962001
-0.6
1.0
2.3
3.1
3.1
-1.6
0.3
0.0
-0.1
0.9
-11.4
-2.2
-1.6
6.4
-6.4
-7.7
-2.7
-2.4
-1.8
0.6
0.4
2.4
-2.7
12.8
-2.6
5.7
-2.2
4.3
1.6
-4.0
Canada
9295
1.8
6036
1.8
1591
0.6
510
1.8
5333
2.4
3481
1.4
773
-0.3
266
China (ex Taiwan) 85452
6.1
8848
4.2
3598
3.5
464
3.3
36 786
6.1
5246
3.0
2029
4.5
350
Croatia
18 425
1.4
3635
4.6
3595
4.7
294
0.6
18 981
1.6
5197
5.1
1715
-1.0
67
Egypt
17 376
-0.4
1511
0.9
1085
-0.4
78
-0.2
11 596
-0.7
1509
-0.2
225
-2.3
52
Fiji
27 137
4.0
7574
4.7
809
0.1
262
-2.5
7127
3.8
635
0.6
551
1.3
166
France
6472
2.3
3240
1.3
1126
1.1
169
0.2
3992
1.1
1645
1.0
430
0.4
194
Germany
31 680
-0.5
19 115
0.7
12 827
-0.1
1963
-0.8
29 227
-0.7
9940
0.0
2496
-1.0
971
Greece
36 864
-2.1
3979
-1.4
11 704
-1.5
587
-1.2
57 766
-1.3
3164
-1.6
1277
-1.8
1089
Hong Kong
37 614
-0.7
6646
-0.2
1801
-1.3
264
-3.6
16 005
0.5
3558
0.2
988
-2.6
245
India
37 889
6.4
7182
4.5
3695
1.6
523
0.5
30 716
5.3
13 127
0.7
1817
2.7
500
Indonesia
21 038
3.9
4639
0.8
1279
-0.7
179
-2.2
11 003
-1.9
7678
5.3
600
-1.8
731
Ireland
17 731
0.1
6914
-0.2
3306
-1.7
613
0.4
11 683
-0.7
8960
-0.9
701
-1.6
326
Italy
60 628
-1.7
15 197
-1.3
25 047
-1.6
1132
-1.6
90 788
-1.7
23 062
-1.6
2345
-1.8
519
Korea
27 987
5.5
4064
9.1
904
3.1
293
7.3
3530
8.0
1401
2.2
642
3.1
78
Lebanon
53 285
0.4
1122
0.1
1477
-0.3
49
-6.8
14 168
0.3
855
0.5
376
-1.0
17
Macedonia
19 062
0.5
808
6.5
442
-1.1
24
-1.5
19 560
0.6
3250
0.9
365
-0.7
16
Malaysia
21 063
0.6
8007
1.1
4162
-0.1
715
0.4
24 747
1.4
17 414
0.1
1591
1.1
604
Malta
18 422
-1.8
2821
0.3
1803
-1.6
100
-1.8
22 456
-1.5
1006
-1.6
339
-0.7
51
Netherlands
20 293
-1.1
15 288
0.0
8417
-1.4
2587
-1.5
24 302
-1.5
10 497
-0.9
1383
-1.2
554
New Zealand
105 976
4.0
127 344
5.2
10 946
2.6
3624
0.2
55 461
5.9
45 004
3.1
3949
2.2
3438
Philippines
52 272
2.1
15 368
3.3
4513
2.6
770
2.6
22 472
2.3
5384
2.6
1405
3.0
1755
Poland
16 890
-2.2
5226
-0.8
6954
-2.8
861
-3.8
20 414
-2.3
6417
-1.6
1235
-2.2
111
Singapore
8478
3.2
4512
4.8
1379
3.6
257
-3.5
7615
3.2
10 255
1.7
700
0.9
228
South Africa
28 685
7.4
14 353
13.5
3111
9.3
922
5.3
15 692
6.7
15 433
8.8
906
5.3
320
Sri Lanka
16 901
3.7
3965
2.4
1123
-0.5
187
0.2
26 654
2.6
2958
2.0
1403
2.4
270
Turkey
12 149
0.7
921
1.3
591
1.2
40
-0.5
15 220
0.5
730
2.0
143
-0.1
27
209 080
UK
275 568
-0.9
177 856
0.2
125 986
-1.2 21 810
-1.0
-0.9 201 932
-0.3 17 223
-1.5
6729
USA
19307
2.0
9997
1.8
3016
-1.0
939
1.3
11 281
1.7
6059
1.8
1877
1.0
1218
Vietnam
63025
0.6
11 619
1.1
10 472
-0.3
157
-4.5
56 664
0.5
10 124
0.1
2211
-0.3
558
Yugoslavia
19716
-1.1
5522
-0.2
4270
0.1
313
0.1
19 644
-0.1
4590
-1.7
1188
3.2
122
Source: 1996 and 2001 Censuses. The data relate to usual place of residence in the community profile except for Yugoslavia where the absence of data meant that time series files had to be used.
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
13
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
The birthplace groups that are most evidently declining are similar to those
identified in the national overview. It should be noted however that the pattern
of decline is by no means uniform across all States and Territories. Indeed,
there is significant variation for some groups (for example those born in
Indonesia, Lebanon and Viet Nam). Queensland stands out against the general
trend with increases in some groups which are declining elsewhere (for
example those born in the UK, Malta, the Netherlands, Yugoslavia and Egypt).
This is undoubtedly due to internal migration within Australia on the part of
established migrants who are participating in the overall trend of northwards
migration along Australia’s east coast. This means, of course, that aged
migrants might be increasing in number in Queensland at a greater rate than
elsewhere; this could have implications for aged care services. Furthermore,
the birthplace groups which are in decline are often those which are relatively
large in number, with substantial second and third generation representatives.
Care of the aged might therefore be born, in part at least, by some of those
relatives.
Rates of growth within States and Territories of some birthplace groups are
very high. The South Africa-born, for instance, grew at an average of over 5 per
cent per annum in all regions in the period 1996-2001. Other birthplace groups
which have consistent increases in all regions are from New Zealand, China,
Korea, the Philippines and India. Furthermore, predominant patterns of growth
are apparent for people born in Croatia (except in the ACT), Fiji (except in
Tasmania), France (except in the NT), and the USA (except in South Australia).
The pattern is certainly geographically uneven. Those from Indonesia, for
example, are increasing in NSW, Queensland and Western Australia but
declining in Victoria, South Australia, the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) and,
especially, the NT.
These geographically uneven patterns have important implications for the
delivery of migrant-related services (for example, language services for people
from non-English-speaking backgrounds and religious centres for individuals
not catered for fully in the host community). Such are the variations between
and within States and Territories in this regard that it is not possible to specify
which resultant costs or benefits accrue where. This issue should be subjected
to detailed local analysis in each region, taking into account results of the 2006
Census when available.
The age profile of migrants clearly has a significant bearing on social
interaction. Most obviously, school aged children have to socialise with their
peers. Conversely, aged people can (but need not) become isolated,
particularly as mobility and motility diminishes. These issues are explored by
reference to Table 2.7 and Table 2.8.
14
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
As can be seen from Table 2.7, there are high proportions of children from
countries with high proportions of more recent arrivals, for example, Thailand,
and Bosnia-Herzegovina. In this regard, it is important to note that, in all cases,
the percentage of children for almost all birthplace groups was lower than for
the Australia-born population. In other words, there appear to be no States or
Territories in which the number of migrant children is placing a numerical strain
on the school system greater than that created by the Australia-born. They
may, of course, create particular demands as in the case of English language
training and education in English as a Second Language (ESL), and this may
be felt more disproportionately by places of preferred settlement. The
community studies certainly raise this as an issue.
Very much the opposite view is shown in Table 2.8 with Western and Eastern
European countries having the greater proportion of older people. In this
regard, it is important to note that proportions aged 65 and over in these
communities were significantly above those for the Australia-born. The only
exception to this Europe-dominated profile is a significant aged population in
the NT of persons born in China. Except for this and the fact that there are
fewer aged persons in the NT overall, there are no major variations in the
pattern of aged migrants across the States and Territories. The extent to which
aged migrants impose a social cost on Australia is mitigated by the size of the
second and subsequent generations in each case, an issue that emerges in
various contexts throughout this report.
Development of social capital in the form of linkages between migrant groups
and the host community is inevitably influenced by the extent to which people
share a common language. This is a major issue considered in some detail in
the community studies in Chapters 7 to 11. Given the limited proficiency of the
Australia-born in most foreign languages, this means that social capital is
influenced considerably by the degree to which migrants speak English. The
extent to which English literacy presents a barrier to social interaction can be
inferred from Table 2.9 which sets out the proportions of persons in different
birthplace groups who either did not speak English at all or did not speak the
language well.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
15
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.7: Birthplace groups with highest proportion aged 0-14 years, by States/ Territories (per cent)
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Fiji (12.7)
Philippines (13.1)
Thailand (15.1)
USA (19.5)
Korea (24.6)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (17.1)
Bangladesh (17.8)
Colombia (17.9)
Thailand (18.9)
Afghanistan (19.1)
Papua New Guinea (10.9)
Sri Lanka (11.8)
Philippines (13.4)
Thailand (15.8)
USA (20.2)
Korea (15.4)
Hong Kong (17.2)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (18.5)
El Salvador (20.6)
Thailand (22.7)
Iran (17.2)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (20.5)
El Salvador (23.7)
Thailand (40.7)
Korea (40.9)
Fiji (9.9)
Philippines (10.3)
South Africa (11)
New Zealand (11.1)
USA (11.9)
Afghanistan (18.7)
Bangladesh (19.1)
Iraq (19.2)
Thailand (24.9)
Somalia (30.1)
Thailand (19.9)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (21.1)
Iraq (22.1)
El Salvador (23.6)
Korea (24.4)
Australia-born 26.9
Overseas-born 6.4
26
6.2
31.4
6.4
25.5
6.5
25.0
3.8
24.5
4.3
26
5.1
28.9
6.2
Table 2.8: Birthplace groups with highest proportion aged 65+ years, by States/ Territories (per cent)
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Scotland (21.6)
Italy (23.5)
Netherlands (23.5)
Poland (28.9)
Hungary (30.5)
Poland (38.7)
Hungary (38.8)
Ukraine (53.2)
Lithuania (60.2)
Latvia (61.9)
India (9.5)
Netherlands (9.9)
Ireland (11.6)
Italy (19.1)
China (20.4)
Italy (37.6)
Poland (41.5)
Russia (57.3)
Latvia (62.5)
Ukraine (66.1)
Hungary (38)
Russia (48.3)
Lithuania (69.6)
Latvia (69.6)
Ukraine (69.8)
Scotland (27.6)
Wales (27.9)
Germany (29)
Italy (35)
Poland (54.6)
Czechoslovakia (39.7)
Poland (40.8)
Ukraine (49.2)
Latvia (63.5)
Lithuania (63.7)
Greece (29.5)
Poland (31.7)
Italy (33.5)
Latvia (66)
Ukraine (75.2)
Australia-born 5.5
Overseas-born 13
11.9
14.7
2.6
6.4
10.1
15.2
11.7
21.4
11.4
22.1
10.9
16.9
8.3
15.1
Table 2.9: Proportion of birthplace groups who speak English not well or not at all, by States/ Territories (per cent)
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Serbia-Montenegro (21.3)
Korea (23.8)
Vietnam (28.5)
China (31)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (36.6)
Laos (36.5)
Korea (39.1)
Vietnam (44.5)
China (46.2)
Cambodia (49.4)
Thailand (20.4)
Indonesia (28.3)
Greece (32.9)
Vietnam (36.1)
China (45.6)
Laos (38.2)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (38.5)
Vietnam (42.2)
Cambodia (54.8)
Yugoslavia (57)
Greece (32.3)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (40.5)
China (40.8)
Vietnam (41.8)
Cambodia (47.1)
Italy (11)
Poland (14.6)
Hong Kong (17.8)
Greece (19.2)
China (28.4)
Ukraine (35.9)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (36.8)
China (43.9)
Vietnam (45.6)
Cambodia (47.8)
Vietnam (42)
China (43.3)
Iraq (43.6)
Singapore (47.3)
Cambodia (51.5)
Australia-born 0.5
Overseas-born 7.2
0.8
13.8
7.3
6.9
0.3
5.4
0.5
8.8
0.1
3.1
0.8
15
0.6
5.7
Source: Atlas of the Australian People (1999).
Note:
(a) Migrants from the UK and most other places in the British Commonwealth predictably experience few problems with English; thus the “lowest” category has been omitted from
this table.
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
16
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
As can be seen, new and emerging migrant groups (for example those born in
Cambodia, China and Viet Nam) but also some long established ones (for
example persons from Greece) have the highest proportions of poor English
speakers. The proportion of these birthplace groups with English language
difficulties is much lower in Tasmania and, to a lesser extent, in the ACT and
NT. Elsewhere, few geographical variations are apparent at the State level
although other facets of this research identified locations within regions where
costs associated with migrant language problems for both individuals and the
wider community appear significant.
Social capital includes not just linkages between migrants and the host
community; it also includes intra-migrant community links. There is minimal
data available to measure such links although the community studies
conducted for this project provide valuable data on this aspect of social capital.
Some indication of the balance of a community can however be derived from
an examination of the sex ratio. An unbalanced sex ratio (many more males or
females) can suggest social strain or difficulties. This might apply, for example,
within emerging ethnic groups where different roles are traditionally assumed
by different genders. For example, cooking and housekeeping might not be
living strategies understood or acceptable to some male immigrants and thus
single men could find themselves severely disadvantaged in their day-to-day
living. Similarly, the size of the second generation of migrant groups can
provide an indication of the support network available to migrants.
Geographical variations in the sex ratio are explored in Table 2.10. This shows
considerable imbalance for some birthplace groups in all States and Territories.
The most female dominated group is the Philippines-born. The Thailand-born
and Japanese migrant groups are also strongly female dominant. No simple
pattern is apparent for male dominated groups in that no fewer than 24
countries are mentioned in the highest ranked birthplace groups in Table 2.10.
The most male dominated profiles tend to be among refugee groups from the
world’s trouble spots (for example the Balkans and the Middle East). It is also
interesting that Tasmania and the NT have more extreme levels of male
domination than other States and Territories.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
17
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.9: Sex ratio of birthplace groups by States/Territories (males: 100 females)
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Philippines (19.8)
Fiji (69.7)
Papua New Guinea (80)
China (84.3)
Singapore (85)
Philippines (56.6)
Japan (67.1)
Thailand (69.2)
Finland (77.7)
Russia (78)
Philippines (35.2)
Thailand (45.6)
Japan (60.2)
Taiwan (65.9)
Korea (80.9)
Northern Ireland (117.3)
Greece (127.1)
Austria (147.7)
Italy (149.1)
Yugoslavia (184.3)
96.3
102.3
Switzerland (116)
Iran (117.6)
Somalia (120.5)
Pakistan (133.5)
Iraq (144.8)
96.1
101
Switzerland (122.5)
USA (122.7)
Turkey (124)
Iran (126.3)
Iraq (170.1)
99.5
99.9
Lowest
Philippines (48.3)
Japan (61.7)
Thailand (66.5)
Korea (81)
Poland (83.9)
Philippines (63.7)
Thailand (65.6)
Japan (66.7)
Russia (68.4)
Peru (74.6)
Thailand (36.3)
Philippines (41.5)
China (72.5)
Malaysia (79.6)
Papua New Guinea (81.8)
Philippines (33)
Thailand (50.1)
Japan (65.3)
Russia (67.3)
Chile (84.9)
Philippines (39.3)
Japan (56.7)
Korea (61.8)
Russia (66.5)
Fiji (81.9)
France (110.0)
Macedonia (111.9)
Lebanon (116.2)
Italy (119.6)
Serbia-Montenegro (121.2)
Australia-born 97.9
Overseas-born 97.4
Switzerland (122.6)
Czech Republic (125.3)
Denmark (133)
West Bank-Gaza Strip (145.9)
Bangladesh (150.2)
97
100.1
Netherlands (127.8)
Ireland (128.3)
Germany (147.5)
Greece (156.1)
Italy (201)
107.3
104.8
Austria (129.9)
Czechoslovakia (134.7)
Croatia (136.4)
Czech Republic (137.9)
Hungary (146.3)
98.7
102.6
Highest
Croatia (118.7)
Slovenia (119.2)
Czechoslovakia (119.4)
Czech Republic (126.3)
Hungary (126.4)
96.7
98.1
Source: Atlas of the Australian People (1999).
The figures represent the male population divided by the female population.
Table 2.10: Size of the first generation relative to the second generation by States/ Territories
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
SA
Netherlands (0.5)
Malta (0.5)
Scotland (0.6)
Italy (0.6)
Scotland (0.5)
Ireland (0.6)
Netherlands (0.6)
Malta (0.6)
Wales (0.7)
Netherlands (0.5)
Italy (0.5)
Ireland (0.5)
Scotland 90.5)
England (0.7)
Ireland (0.4)
Malta (0.4)
Scotland (0.5)
Greece (0.5)
Italy (0.5)
Sri Lanka (2.9)
Thailand (3)
Vietnam (3.4)
Korea (6.4)
Afghanistan (4.8)
Bangladesh (5.7)
Korea (6.7)
Taiwan (9.2)
Sri Lanka (36.8)
Sri Lanka (2.2)
USA (2.4)
Thailand (2.6)
Vietnam (2.8)
Indonesia (17.3)
Japan (3.4)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (5.1)
El Salvador (6.3)
Korea (11.8)
Taiwan (16.9)
TAS
Vic
WA
Ireland (0.4)
Netherlands (0.6)
Italy (0.6)
Scotland (0.6)
Greece (0.6)
Ireland (0.5)
Scotland (0.6)
Netherlands (0.6)
England (0.7)
Malta (0.7)
Malta (0.5)
Greece (0.6)
Netherlands (0.6)
Italy (0.6)
Ukraine (0.7)
Philippines (1.7)
Malaysia (1.9)
Hong Kong 1.9)
Singapore (2)
Papua New Guinea (2)
Afghanistan (5.1)
Somalia (5.2)
Korea (6)
Taiwan (7.1)
Bangladesh (8.9)
Bosnia-Herzegovina (5.8)
Brunei (5.9)
Korea (6)
El Salvador (7.3)
Taiwan (9)
Lowest
Ireland (0.6)
Malta (0.6)
Netherlands (0.7)
Italy (0.7)
Scotland (0.7)
Highest
Bosnia-Herzegovina (4.7)
Thailand (6)
Iran (6.3)
El Salvador (9.4)
Korea (11)
Source: Atlas of the Australian People (1999). The figures indicate the size of the first generation divided by the size of the second generation.
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
18
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
The size of the first generation of each overseas birthplace group relative to its
second generation is presented in Table 2.11. This provides a measure of the
extent of ‘the migrant community’, not just numbers born overseas, hence
indicating the extent to which individuals might be able to draw on compatible
ethnic resources in coping with challenges of life in Australia. Thus a low score
in Table 2.11 indicates a group where the second generation is comparatively
large and where there are potentially many resources upon which to draw.
Conversely, a high score indicates a situation where migrants have relatively
limited resources within their own ethnic community in Australia. This is
obviously the situation with emerging migrant communities, those arriving in
relatively substantial numbers from areas with no prior history of major
migration flows to Australia. Clearly, the differences in size between
generations are relatively low in Tasmania, the ACT and the NT (with the
exception of the Indonesia-born). In NSW and Victoria, the first generation is
relatively large, compared to the second generation, for those born in
Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Korea and Taiwan but elsewhere no clear pattern is
discernable.
Table 2.11: Settler Arrivals by State/Territory, 2002-03 to 2005-06
2002-03
Number
%
2003-04
Number
%
2004-05
Number
%
2005-06
Number
%
NSW
30 631
40.1
34 375
37.5
37 900
38.0
38 168
35.8
Vic
19 793
25.9
24 376
26.6
26 389
26.5
27 826
26.1
Qld
9633
12.6
12 344
13.5
12 962
13.0
14 059
13.2
SA
3282
4.3
4 373
4.8
5874
5.9
8571
8.0
WA
11 064
14.5
13 980
15.3
14 181
14.2
15 210
14.3
Tas
675
0.9
762
0.8
823
0.8
776
0.7
NT
428
0.6
494
0.5
516
0.5
655
0.6
ACT
806
1.1
912
1.0
1065
1.1
1226
1.2
5
0.0
3
0.0
2
0.0
4
0.0
76 317
100
91 619
100
99 712
100
106 495
100
Other
Australia
Source: DIMA Immigration Updates 2002-03 to 2005-06
2.3
Dispersal of recently arrived migrants by States and
Territories
New South Wales has been the most preferred state for settlement by persons
arriving in Australia under migration Programmes. In 2005-06, over one third
(35.8%) intended to settle in that state (Table 2.12). Although the proportions
intending to settle there have declined in recent years (down from 40.1% in
2002-03), the actual number has steadily increased due to the overall increases
in number of new migrants arriving. In fact, numbers of new migrants initially
settling in all States and Territories have increased in each of the last three
years with the exception of Tasmania which attracts a comparatively very small
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
19
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
share of new migrants – less than one per cent. Victoria has proved to be the
next most popular destination after New South Wales (26.1% in 2005-06),
followed by Western Australia (14.3%) and Queensland (13.2%).
Proportions for the different types of eligible visa categories for 2005-06 and the
States and Territories in which they initially chose to settle, are shown in Table
2.13. In terms of total number of entrants, independent skilled migrants
comprised the largest single eligible category followed closely by family
sponsored migrants. Almost 60 per cent of migrant settler arrivals were
classified as skilled.
Table 2.12: Visa categories of entrants 2005-06 by States/Territories 5
NSW
Vic
Qld
SA
WA
Tas
NT
ACT
%
Eligibility Category
Australia
No.
Sponsored
31.4
32.2
13.2
4.0
17.1
0.2
0.4
1.5
15 494
ENS
25.8
12.6
19.1
15.7
19.5
2.5
2.5
2.6
3092
Business
21.8
29.1
14.4
14.3
18.4
0.8
0.2
1.1
4288
Independent
32.8
23.3
13.2
11.7
17.5
0.5
0.4
0.6
36 633
Skilled Total
59 507
Family
43.8
26.5
13.0
4.3
9.7
0.7
0.7
1.4
34 771
Special eligibility
33.7
22.1
14.4
9.6
18.3
1.9
-
-
104
Humanitarian
Programme
35.2
28.3
11.8
8.8
11.3
1.7
1.3
1.6
12 113
35.8
26.1
13.2
8.0
14.3
0.7
0.6
1.2
106 495
Total
Source: DIMA 2006g
New South Wales and Victoria together took a majority share of Humanitarian
Programme and Special Eligibility entrants (a combined total of around 56% for
both types of visas). With respect to other states, similar proportions planned to
settle in Queensland (13.2%) and Western Australia (11.3%). Location of
settlement of persons entering under the Humanitarian Programme obviously
has implications for the nature of the demand for social services, a recurring
issue raised in focus groups as a perceived major cost to Australia.
In terms of family-related visas (where relatives might be expected to help in
the adjustment process for new arrivals), New South Wales again had the
largest share followed by Victoria. In fact, for most visa types, these two states
were, not surprisingly, the stand-out destinations. By contrast, migrants
entering under the Employer Nomination Scheme (ENS) were more evenly
spread with Victoria ranked as the fifth receiver state behind New South Wales,
Western Australia, Queensland and South Australia. Demand in Western
5
Excluding persons entering through non-program migration and onshore migrants.
20
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Australia and Queensland for employees associated with resources industries
might be one reason for this more regular dispersal.
2.4
Migrants’ synoptic view of the settlement experience
(LSIA)
The social impact of immigration on the migrants themselves is clearly both
significant and complex. One way of taking account of this complexity is to
examine migrants’ own synoptic assessment of whether the decision to migrate
was right and whether they would encourage others to migrate. Responses to
both these questions can be seen as a ‘global’ assessment of the success or
otherwise of the migration. (A more complex logistic regression analysis of the
data is provided in Appendix 2A).
Migrants, both primary applicants and spouses, present an overwhelmingly
positive view of their migration decision (Table 2.14). LSIA 2 respondents were
marginally more positive than those in LSIA 1. In short, approximately 90 per
cent of all survey respondents said that their decision to migrate was right for
them. This implies no major adverse social consequences of migration and
that, for affected individuals, the process is overwhelmingly positive.
Interestingly, the positive view of migration extended across all visa categories
(Table 2.15). From LSIA 1, the highest satisfaction rating was for entrants
under humanitarian visas. The equivalent visa entrants in LSIA 2 exhibited
similarly high levels of satisfaction but in this case business migrants, skilled
workers and prospective spouses matched them. This across-the-board rating
of migration as ‘right’ is encouraging and reinforces the fact that, from a
migrant’s perspective, the benefits of migration far outweigh the costs – a view
widely expressed in the focus groups as well.
Table 2.13: Migrants viewing the migration decision as right (per cent)
Wave
LSIA 1
LSIA 2
1
2
3
1
2
Primary
Applicant
91
91
92
95
92
Spouse
89
87
84
89
89
Source: LSIA
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
21
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
Table 2.14: Views of different visa categories on the decision to migrate
being right
Per cent responding
‘yes’
Visa Category
LSIA 1 (Wave 3)
Preferential Family
Concessional Family
Business Skills and Employer
Nomination
Independent
Humanitarian
LSIA 2 (Wave 2)
Spouse
Prospective spouse
Parent
Other preferential
Skilled – sponsor
Skilled – employee nominated
Business
Skilled – independent
Refugee
Special humanitarian
91
89
91
91
96
94
96
92
97
94
96
100
96
98
98
Source: LSIA
The overwhelmingly positive assessment of migration being ‘right’ for the
people involved translates into a predisposition to encourage others to migrate
(Table 2.16). However, the proportion of LSIA 1 respondents that felt inclined to
encourage others to migrate declined over time. The decline was most marked
in the case of spouses of primary migrants (73% to 62% from Wave 1 to Wave
3). The decline in the proportion which would encourage others to migrate, and
the fact that these proportions are in any case lower than those who regarded
migration as ‘right’ for themselves, might reflect the reality of migration and
adjustment to a new land.
Table 2.15: Migrants who would encourage others to migrate (per cent)
LSIA 1
Wave 1
Wave 2
Wave 3
Primary
applicant
Spouse
72
67
66
73
69
62
75
80
79
80
LSIA 2
Wave 1
Wave 2
Source: LSIA
22
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
The results also imply recognition of the fact that migration is an individual
decision: although satisfied themselves, respondents might be reluctant to
encourage others, realising that much depends on individual experiences and
coping strategies. The predisposition to encourage others to migrate is more
evident from LSIA 2 than in LSIA 1 results. Moreover, this increased during the
one-year interval between Waves 1 and 2 to the point where four out of five
would encourage others to migrate. This might suggest that the experiences of
the second cohort were more positive than those of the first, notwithstanding
the fact that all waves showed a very positive view.
Differences were evident between different visa categories in the extent to
which migrants would encourage others to migrate (Table 2.17). For LSIA 1,
those most inclined to encourage others to migrate were in the group who had
entered on humanitarian visas. This group displayed levels that were 25 per
cent higher than for other visa categories among which there was minimal
difference. This response from humanitarian entrants is perhaps
understandable because such migrants are fleeing persecution and hardship.
Table 2.16: Views of different visa categories on encouraging others to
migrate
Visa category
LSIA 1 (Wave 3)
Preferential Family
Concessional Family
Business
Independent
Humanitarian
LSIA 2 (Wave 2)
Spouse
Prospective spouse
Parent
Other preferential
Skilled – sponsor
Skilled – employee
nominated
Business
Skilled – independent
Refugee
Special humanitarian
Per cent responding
‘yes’
63
66
62
63
81
74
72
63
81
85
82
89
86
87
86
Source: LSIA
Slightly higher levels of encouragement of others to migrate were evident
among refugee and humanitarian entrants in LSIA 2. However, in this case,
business and skilled migrants matched the level of encouragement. From the
perspective of the host society, this increased level of encouragement is
satisfying and suggests a widening recognition, on the part of migrants, that
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
23
CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
benefits of migration outweighed costs. It also reflected the fact that migrants in
LSIA 2 enjoyed significantly better labour market outcomes compared to LSIA
1. The groups in LSIA 2 least likely to encourage others to migrate were
parents, prospective spouses and spouses but, even here, levels of
encouragement were much higher than for any group in LSIA 1 excluding
humanitarian entrants.
2.5
Conclusions
This chapter has provided a brief introduction to the composition of the
population and distribution patterns of migrant groups within Australia.
Dominant birthplace groups of new settlers each year are now countries in the
Asian regions: they were the source for around 40 per cent of new arrivals in
most recent years (about 50% when non-migration settlers such as New
Zealanders are discounted). These features, together with the range of source
countries, illustrate the multicultural nature of Australia’s population.
Of course, patterns and characteristics of migrant population settlement are
constantly shifting not only as a result of new settlers arriving with varying
levels of qualifications and with different ethnic origins but also through internal
migration between the States and Territories as well as within cities, towns and
regions of Australia.
Settlement patterns of migrants, particularly more recent ones, obviously have
important implications for provision and delivery of infrastructure and services
which are of paramount importance not only for migrants but also for the
communities in which they live. Analysing statistics at the State and Territory
level do not permit appreciation of major distinctions at the local level of suburb
or town. Thus it is not possible to identify those smaller geographic areas which
are reaping the benefits and/or suffering from resultant costs that are flow-on
effects of migration policies. This is an area which requires further analysis and
consideration when databases with results with 2006 Census results are being
constructed.
Satisfaction with aspects of daily living affects quality of life and thus impacts
upon the social wellbeing of individuals and the communities in which they
reside. Development of rapport not only between migrants and the host
community but also inter- and intra-migrant group connectivity is influenced and
facilitated by a number of factors including, for example, compatibility of
language, workplace experiences, and qualifications. These elements of human
capital and their social impact are explored in the next chapter through an
examination of the literature and relevant data.
24
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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CHAPTER 2: SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND EXPERIENCES
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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25
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
PART II
3: Human Capital
Human capital is a summary term for the investment in education, training and
other qualities which increases the worth of individuals to society generally.
Although the importance of different levels of human capital is most evident in
the labour market, where differences are often reflected in income, the
concept has a wider relevance. Investment in the health of an individual has
obvious benefits for society at large, not least with respect to welfare
payments, as do the skills and talents which individuals are able to bring to
bear in the general fields of leisure and recreation.
3.1 Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and
education
Review of the literature and data
Employment and wellbeing
Employment is obviously a key issue in the lives of migrants. Skilled business
stream immigrants, for instance, are selected on the basis of the jobs they will
do and the investment they will make. Humanitarian stream migrants also
need employment in order to establish a life in their adopted land and to
reduce their dependency on welfare payments. In this sense, employment is
of crucial economic significance to both individuals and society at large.
Employment is important in other ways however. For example, employment
helps to give a person identity, social contact (Peters 1995) and a shared
sense of belonging. Working hours provide ‘shape’ to the lives of all
Australians in the paid labour force. Employment is a way in which people
develop the skills of collaboration and a route to self-development and
realisation of personal potential (Maslow 1998). Moreover, contact through
employment can help in the social adjustment of migrants in Australia. In this
sense, the skills and the prior training of migrants are critical concerns
because they influence the work opportunities open to immigrants. Important,
too, is any training and skills acquisition undertaken after arrival. These are
fundamental components of human capital. Also important is the quality of
immigrants’ working lives and the satisfaction they derive from employment.
Such experiences can also influence the work ethic of future generations.
26
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Welfare payments, risks and recipients
As a result of Australia's migration policies, migrants (taken as a whole) have
higher levels of skills and qualifications than the Australia-born population.
This positive impact on the economy and on Australia’s stock of human capital
is well reported (for instance, Garnaut 2002; Garnaut et al. 2003). Despite this
general recognition, myths have developed and endured with respect to levels
of welfare payments paid. For example, there is widespread belief that
migrants are uneducated and take the jobs of other Australians or that they
live on welfare (C. Richardson 2002). The opposing view is supported by one
study (Birrell and Jupp 2000) which found that, overall, overseas-born persons
had lower welfare-recipient rates than other Australian residents.
Welfare payments available to migrants are, of course, dictated to a large
extent by government policy and, for the past decade, additional limitations
have applied. For example, for non-humanitarian migrants, two years must
elapse before most social security payments can be accessed (HREOC
2005). In addition, most new immigrants are not eligible for disability or aged
pensions until ten years after their arrival in Australia. Nevertheless, higher
welfare-recipient rates apply for some migrant groups with low levels of
proficiency in English. This probably reflects relatively limited possession of
post-school qualifications or work experiences which would allow them to
compete for jobs in the Australian labour market (Birrell and Jupp 2000, p. vii).
There is recognition that the two-year waiting period for income support for
most migrants could add to risks of poverty and homelessness (Senate
Community Affairs Reference Committee (SCARC) 2004). Without provision
of appropriate settlement support, work opportunities and educational
opportunities for children, immigrants might not be able to fully participate in
and to become productive members of Australian society. Furthermore, the
SCARC found that failure by skilled migrants to have their qualifications
recognised or to have access to Programmes to quickly and inexpensively
upgrade qualifications diminished abilities to find work and to acquire higher
standards of living.
Historically, high welfare-recipient rates were more likely to be associated with
the early periods of settlement; with increased settlement time, welfare levels
have been shown to fall significantly (Birrell and Jupp 2000). This is
reassuring as one of the long-term concerns about migration expressed in the
focus groups centred on the risk of ongoing welfare dependency. While
immigrants generally access welfare less than Australia-born residents,
welfare use does increase in line with age on arrival in Australia (Birrell and
Jupp 2000). Parents accepted under the Family Reunion scheme naturally
tend to be older immigrants. Whilst older persons might not be so active in
terms of paid employment, the important role that grandparents play in
providing emotional family support and unpaid child-care should not be
disregarded.
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Migrant employment opportunities, qualifications and skills
Employment status and qualifications for major birthplace groups has been
influenced not only by age but also by time of arrival in Australia. Some longestablished birthplace groups – such as those from Italy, Greece and Malta –
have comparatively low levels of tertiary education (Hugo 1999). One reason
was due to post-World War II demand by the then buoyant manufacturing
sector for unskilled workers. By contrast, high proportions of more recent
arrivals, especially from the USA and some Asian countries including Malaysia
and India, have university degrees or diplomas. Nevertheless, not all recent
migrants are highly qualified; more recently arrived groups from Cambodia,
Thailand and Viet Nam have relatively low proportions of migrants with
degrees.
Differences in migrant qualifications over time also reflect in part the growing
availability of university and college education round the globe (and, for
migrants, in Australia after arrival) and the fact that university or college
education is much more attainable now than it was for the early settlers after
World War II. In part, too, they reflect the fact that selection for migrant entry
visas is a competitive process in which those with formal qualifications have
better chances of success.
Examination of qualifications and occupational status of migrants is relevant
to this discussion because human capital which migrants bring with them or
which they subsequently acquire through education and training is commonly
measured with respect to its application in the work place. This aspect has
been examined more fully in Appendix 3A.1 (with reference to Tables 3A.1.1
and 3A.1.2 and related discussion). It is not surprising that low occupational
profiles tend to parallel migrant groups with low levels of university and
college education. Notwithstanding this, there appears to be an anomaly in
the case of migrants sourced from some countries (such as Viet Nam and, to
a lesser extent, North Africa and the Middle East) which had strong
representation among both those with high formal qualifications and jobs of
low occupational status. This suggests either considerable variability within
the category of Viet Nam-born migrants in terms of their labour force
experience and lack of career choices or significant under-use of formal
qualifications. Whether under-use might be related to lack of recognition of
qualifications or language difficulties – or both – can only be speculated upon.
Labour force comparisons
Time of arrival in Australia has also influenced employment status for major
birthplace groups. Those who arrived in the early post-war period have aged
to the point where high proportions have retired and are therefore out of the
labour force. In contrast, some migrant birthplace groups (such as those from
Sub-Saharan Africa, the Philippines, the Americas and Southern and Central
Asia) have strong representation among the ranks of the employed.
28
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Labour force participation rates according to birthplace are summarised in
Table 3.1. ABS (2004c) statistics show that 66 per cent of Australia's
migrants6 were employed; this rate was similar to that of people born in
Australia (64%) (ABS 2006c). Additional statistics and commentary presented
in Appendix 3A.1 point to business migrants on temporary visas (83%) and
permanent visa holders (79%) having the highest rates of employment and
also high participation rates (88% and 82% respectively) (refer to Table
3A.1.3). The labour force participation rate for migrants of 70 per cent was
high compared with 58 per cent for all persons born overseas and 65 per cent
for the Australia-born. Accordingly, the unemployment rate for migrants was,
at 5.6 per cent, higher than for those born in Australia (4.9%). Further data
with respect to labour force status for migrants is presented in Appendix 3A.1
(with reference to Tables 3A.1.4 and 3A.1.5).
Table 3.1: Overview of labour force participation rates by birthplace –
November 2004
Civilian population aged 15
years and over
Australia-born
All overseas born
Migrants (a)
Other overseas born (b)
Persons ‘000
Participation
rate per cent
Per cent
employed
Per cent
unemployed
15 745.2
2151.0
625.3
1525.7
67.3
58.1
70.2
53.1
64.0
55.4
66.3
50.5
4.9
4.7
5.6
4.3
Notes
(a) People who were born overseas, who arrived in Australia after 1984, were aged 15 years
and over on arrival and had obtained permanent Australian resident status prior to or after
their arrival.
(b) People who arrived in Australia before 1985; people who arrived after 1984 and were
aged less than 15 years on arrival; and people who arrived after 1984 and were aged 15
years and over on arrival and were either temporary residents who had planned to stay in
Australia for 12 months or more, or those whose status was not able to be determined.
Source: after ABS (2006c); after DEWR (2005).
Post-settlement occupational status
Many migrants change occupations both on and after arrival in Australia
although there seems to have been minimal investigation of the reasons for
such changes. In fact, labour force statistics showed that around 40 per cent
of employed migrants changed to a different major occupation group by
comparison with their first jobs in Australia (ABS 2004c). Males (47%) were
more likely to take on a different type of occupation than females (37%) (ABS
2004c: 12-13). This might reflect migrants, particularly bread-winning males,
subsequently finding jobs better suited to their qualifications and liking after
initial settling-in periods. Alternatively there might be more negative
6
When interpreting labour force statistics, a migrant is defined as a person who was born overseas,
who arrived in Australia after 1984, was aged 15 years and over on arrival, and had obtained
permanent Australian resident status prior to or after their arrival (ABS 2004f: 34)
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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29
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
connotations such as job dissatisfaction or difficulties with adapting to
conditions of employment in a new country. Temporary business visa holders
(33%) were least likely to change and holders of humanitarian visas (45%)
most likely. For many people, changing jobs is associated with uncertainty and
stress. Employment status, how migrants handle job changes and whether
occupational changes are regarded positively could impact upon not only
economic but also social wellbeing of individuals as well as others within
affected households.
Results from the LSIAs which have permitted the educational qualifications
and work status of more recent migrants to be tracked are explored and
discussed in Appendix 3A.1 (with reference to Tables 3A.1.6 to 3A.1.8). In
short, recent migrants have increasingly contributed to human capital in
Australia by adding significantly to the pool of persons with qualifications.
Predictably, not all qualifications held by migrants can be put to most effective
use immediately upon arrival in Australia. Nevertheless, the longer migrants
were in the workforce, the more, generally speaking, they were able to use
their qualifications. This suggests that, with growing familiarity, employee
skills could be better matched to workplace tasks.
Migrant workforce characteristics
It is important to note that controls on migrant intakes in the 1980s and 1990s
meant that Australia did not develop a multicultural workforce on the same
scale as in the USA and European Union (Jupp 2002). As a result, residential
differentiation in Australia has not led to the same marked variations in quality
of life that are evident in some places overseas.
There is nonetheless a danger of overlooking the divide between those
immigrants who do well and those who experience difficulties (Jupp 2001).
While members of some Asian groups have faired relatively poorly in labour
markets (Hugo 1992; Viviani 1997), this camouflages the fact that many have
been highly successful. Indeed, Asian male immigrants have been found
overall to occupy positions equal to or even better in status than Australiaborn males (Evans 1985). Yet in spite of the obvious success of many
immigrants, some researchers (such as Jayasuriya and Kee 1999) have
pointed to extremely poor rates of Asian-Australian representation existing in
key sectors of the Australian workforce, such as in federal and state public
services, university governance, government advisory bodies (including those
dealing with Asia-Australia relations), corporate leadership and the media.
These differences are apparently not explained simply by degrees of fluency
in English.
On balance, little evidence was found in the literature of a migrant labour
underclass forming in Australia in spite of recognition that humanitarian
migrants have been among the worst affected by economic restructuring, with
the added burden of social exclusion resulting through unemployment, welfare
30
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dependency and poverty (Castles et al. 1998). Nevertheless, there are
indications that overt discrimination has occurred in the labour market (Collins
1991), especially with respect to youth (Burnley 1985) and those from visual
ethnic minorities. Lack of fluency in the English language can present as
another barrier.
Proficiency in English
One of the keys to the successful adaptation of migrants in Australia is their
proficiency in the use of the English language. This influences the degree to
which new settlers are able to interact with the host society and to find
employment in skilled occupations. Of course, levels of proficiency in English
vary significantly according to place of birth. The major birthplace groups with
language difficulties (in the sense of not speaking English well if at all) were
from various parts of Asia including Viet Nam, China (excluding Taiwan and
SARs) and South Korea where around one in three did not speak English well.
Migrants from Turkey, the Former Yugoslav Republic (FYR) of Macedonia,
Lebanon and Croatia had problems speaking English to even greater degrees.
Difficulties with the English language are not however confined to these areas
or to recently arrived migrants. In some long-established groups, between
one-fifth and one-third of ethnic populations speak English not well if at all; this
included migrants from Greece or with Greek ancestry (32%) and Italy or with
Italian ancestry (22%). (Refer to Appendix 3A.1, Tables 3A.1.9 and 3A.1.10,
for further statistics and discussion).
Linguistic diversity
One aspect of human capital that is difficult to measure is the extent to which
migrants bring with them language skills which add not only to Australia’s
cultural diversity but also to the ability of Australia to interact and trade with
other nations. This obviously brings significant social benefit to Australia.
Some of the settling-in difficulties for new migrants are also alleviated if they
are able to communicate using familiar languages. That one in five Australians
has some capacity to speak languages other than English is some indication
of this linguistic resource (refer to Table 3A.1.11).
A striking feature of linguistic diversity is the huge range of languages spoken
in Australia. Whilst on the one hand this represents a significant addition to
Australia’s stocks of human capital, on the other hand, educators and trainers
are being faced with different and more numerous challenges as a result of
greater diversity.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Challenges faced by education systems
English language competence is recognised as a key to socio-economic
adjustment in the wider society (Burnley et al. 1997). Nonetheless, misgivings
about the scale of resources necessary for training for those from non-English
speaking backgrounds persist (Iredale 1997; Matthews 1992). This concern
extends to the schooling of immigrant children where a number of factors
relating to migrant intakes impacts on Australia’s education systems. These
factors include unplanned-for fluctuations in migration levels; high proportions
of refugee and other humanitarian migrants in some areas; greater religious
and linguistic diversity within intakes; and broader geographical dispersal of
ethnic minority students (Cahill 1996).
Resulting competition for scarce resources has meant that the education
outcomes for recent first generation young migrants are sometimes presented
as being mixed and uncertain. There are also assertions that English as a
Second Language (ESL) Programmes originally provided in the main by the
Commonwealth have not been sufficiently supplemented by State government
initiatives. This is despite the fact that explicit curricula or curriculum
framework documents are in place for second language support in some
states including NSW, Victoria and the ACT (ACT Department of Education
and Training 2003; OECD 2006).
In spite of these concerns, a recently released OECD (2006) report that
examined performances of students with immigrant backgrounds and
compared them to those of their ‘native’ counterparts found that Australia was
one of a handful of countries, which included Canada and New Zealand that
performed well. Furthermore, the analysis found that background
characteristics of students in Australia were more similar whereas in most
European countries, immigrant students were from lower socio-economic
backgrounds and had parents who were often less well educated than in the
rest of the population.
Despite some misgivings, second and, to a lesser extent, third generation
immigrant Australians generally do well, as evidenced in the merit lists at the
end of secondary education (Khoo et al. 2002). Nevertheless, a dichotomy is
evident in tertiary education. Although permanent resident students who have
English as a second language overall have higher participation rates than
English-speaking-background Australians – for Chinese, Korean and
Vietnamese speakers, the level of participation is striking – there are some
other language groups (including Italian, Macedonian, Turkish, Greek and
Croatian speakers) which are underrepresented in universities relative to their
population (Dobson et al. 1996).
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Competition for skilled labour
In more recent times, Australia has developed the business of export
education, demonstrated by numbers of temporary entry students. By way of
example, overseas students make up over 18 per cent of enrolments in
Australian universities (ABC Radio Australia 2005) and during 2004-05, in
excess of 225 000 international students were granted visas (DIMA 2006b).
There has been increasing emphasis on the skilled stream and on overseas
students training at their own expense and, in some cases, subsequently
taking out permanent residence (Birrell et al. 2005; Garnaut 2002). On the
downside, there is an oft-expressed view that many overseas students,
particularly ones from Asian countries, are not sufficiently proficient in English
to effectively participate in the workforce once they are qualified (Birrell,
Hawthorne and Richardson 2006, The Age 2006).
Despite these schemes, Australia still experiences shortages of skilled labour.
These shortages underscore what appears to be generally widespread
support by employers for continuation of existing federal government policies
to increase opportunities for people to convert from long-term temporary visas
(under which Australia has no obligation to provide jobs or social security) to
permanent onshore immigrant status (Jupp 2002; McDonald 2002).
Increasingly employers have a global view of labour recruitment, recognising
sponsored temporary skilled workers as essential for successful operations
(Khoo et al. 2004). While there appear to be many advantages for Australia of
temporary visa migrants (C. Richardson 2002), little is known of their
migration experience or whether training of Australian residents might present
a better long-term option.
Immigrants do not take jobs for which people in the Australia-born workforce
are qualified. On the contrary, migration helps to alleviate labour shortages
but it is not a substitute for natural population increase through births. Fertility
and immigration do not have equivalent impacts on long-term population size
and age structure (Kippen and McDonald 2004). Competition for immigrants
on a global scale, together with an expected shift to lower fertility rates almost
everywhere (AIHW 2004), could make recruitment of short and long-term visa
entrants in areas of skilled shortages increasingly difficult.
Summary of benefits and costs
Migrants are credited with raising the bar on Australia’s per capita reserves of
human capital due to overall higher qualifications and greater skills levels at
time of arrival than the Australia-born. However this capital might be underutilised due to potential transferability gaps emerging in the application and
recognition of post-migration qualifications.
In addition, superior economic outcomes from migration are claimed on the
basis that, due largely to government policies and types of visas issued,
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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33
CHAPTER 3: HUMAN CAPITAL
migrants have overall lower welfare recipient rates. This does not apply to
some identifiable migrant groups including humanitarian and preferential
family entrants and some from non-English speaking backgrounds who
experience communications difficulties and thus fair relatively poorly in labour
markets. Naturally this leads to claims that education in English and ESL
courses are under-resourced.
Of course unplanned-for fluctuations in levels, composition and dispersal of
migrants do impact upon the effectiveness of education systems.
Unfortunately, immigrant representation and performance in different sectors
of society have not been monitored which limits the ability to gauge patterns
relating to social impacts as they emerge in the workplace, in education
systems, and with respect to welfare payments.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of migration to Australia with respect to
work, welfare payments, workplace skills and education are summarised in
Table 3.2.
34
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Table 3.2: Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and
education issues – summary of social costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Overall, migrants have attained higher Although well qualified, some migrants
education
qualifications than
the are not sufficiently proficient in English to
Australia-born prior to migration, thus effectively participate in the workforce.
raising national levels (on a per capita
basis) of human capital.
High levels of proficiency in English are Some birthplace groups, including in
demonstrated by many major birthplace some
long-established
groups,
experience difficulties with the English
groups of migrants.
language.
Linguistic diversity adds not only to
Australia’s cultural diversity but also to its
ability to interact and trade with other
nations, with attendant social benefits.
Educators and trainers are faced with
different and more numerous challenges
as a result of greater cultural and
linguistic diversity.
Those parts of Australia that have
attracted large numbers of migrants have
had their pool of human capital
substantially increased.
Those parts of Australia that have
attracted large numbers of humanitarian
migrants have experienced increased
pressures relating to welfare, education
and the workforce.
Overall, migrants have lower welfare- Some identifiable migrant groups have
recipient rates than the Australia-born.
higher welfare-recipient rates than the
Australia-born.
Eligibility periods for welfare payments Waiting periods for independent skilled
apply to most migrant groups thus migrants might not only be slowing down
limiting the size of the welfare umbrella.
settlement times but might also be
adding to risks of poverty and
homelessness.
Unskilled migrants were an important Large numbers of low-skilled migrants
source of labour during post-war periods have been affected by economic
of rapid economic growth.
downturns and reductions in blue collar
manufacturing jobs.
As a result of restricted intakes, Australia
does not have marked variations in
quality of life associated with multicultural
workforces on the same scale as, for
example, the USA and European Union.
High unemployment has occurred in
areas
where
large
numbers
of
disadvantaged
humanitarian
and
preferential family groups of migrants
have settled.
The Family Reunion Scheme has been
an important facet of the successful
integration of some migrant groups into
the workplace and wider community.
Reductions in family reunion categories
of visas have limited traditional family
support and unpaid child-care especially
for ‘new’ migrants and emerging migrant
groups.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Most migrants obtaining employment Long-standing problems associated with
seem to successfully integrate into the integration and employment options
Australian workplace.
could be restricting social mobility for a
minority of recently arrived migrant
groups.
Members of some migrant groups have Members of some migrant groups have
been highly successful in labour markets. experienced difficulties and thus have
faired relatively poorly.
Migrants have expanded the scope and Migrants tend to be underrepresented in
style of expertise and creativity available many key sectors of the Australian
in the Australian workplace and to workforce.
industry.
There is limited evidence of a migrant There are indications that some overt
labour underclass or ethnic enclaves in discrimination occurs in the labour
Australia.
market. Risks of separate labour market
segments forming for migrants from nonEnglish speaking backgrounds exist, but
are not great.
A recent OECD (2006) report pointed to
Australia being among a handful of
countries
with
relatively
small
achievement gaps between immigrant
and ‘native’ students.
Unplanned-for fluctuations in levels,
composition and dispersal of migrants
may impact adversely upon education
systems.
Appreciation of cultural differences in Superficial notions of multiculturalism can
schools lays foundations for wider inter- hamper delivery of accurate information
cultural understanding and tolerance.
about the social impact of migration in
the classroom.
Australia has been successful
attracting highly qualified migrants.
in Australia is in strong competition in the
global market for skilled labour and loses
some through out-migration.
There is seemingly widespread employer
support for continuation of policies to
increase opportunities for temporary
visas and conversion of long-term visas
to permanent onshore status.
Little is known of the migration
experience of persons granted temporary
visas or whether training of Australian
residents might present better long-term
options.
More recent intakes of skilled migrants Qualifications held by migrants cannot
have increasingly better qualifications.
always be most effectively used
immediately upon arrival.
Many migrants change occupations after
arrival in Australia, perhaps reflecting
recognition
of,
retraining
for,
or
improvement in qualifications.
Qualifications are not always used to
best effect; it seems that ‘transferability
gaps’ exist between pre- and postsettlement use of qualifications.
Skill stream migrants have higher rates Unemployment rates are, overall, slightly
higher than for the Australia-born. Some
of employment than the Australia-born.
birthplace groups have relatively high
rates of unemployment.
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3.2 Physical and mental health Review of the literature and
data Importance to Australia of a healthy migrant
A prosperous Australian society requires a stock of people who are capable of
economic and social participation. In the first instance, this means people of
sound physical and mental health who can contribute their skills to supply
market and non-market labour. If migrants suffer from ill health, their
contribution to society can be lessened. Moreover, ill health brings with it the
cost of health care, much of which is ultimately met by governments through
provisions like the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, safety nets, and the
public hospital system. Migrants to Australia have to meet health requirements
in order to be eligible for certain visa classes of entry (DIMIA 2006d). These
requirements are designed to minimise the burden of planned migration on the
health care system, to prevent the spread of contagious diseases, and to
protect Australia’s record of good health.
Pre-migration screening
Australia is able to control the nature of the migrant intake through the issuing
of visas. This provides an opportunity to vet the health status of potential
migrants. It might be expected, therefore, that the health status of migrants on
arrival places few immediate demands on the health care system. As against
this, migration itself is known to be a stressful activity. Stress, in turn, can
contribute to ill health and, especially, to psychological distress.
Pre-migration screening appears to ensure that, overall, migrants have better
physical health, on arrival and for some years following, than the Australiaborn population (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999; Richardson et al. 2002; Singh and
de Looper 2002). This better health, known as the ‘healthy migrant effect’
(AIHW 2004:190), is reflected in longer life expectancy, lower death and
hospitalisation rates, and a lower prevalence of some lifestyle-related risk
factors.
Sub-group variations
While migrants generally have very good health on arrival, there are some
variations between visa categories with humanitarian and preferential family
visa entrants faring worst (S. Richardson 2002; Richardson et al. 2002;
Vanden Heuvel and Wooden 1999). These groups, particularly humanitarian
migrants, can be exempted from meeting certain health requirements. Of
course, sub-group variations in morbidity and mortality due to complex
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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interactions between social, cultural, environmental, biological and genetic
factors are also present within different ethnic groups (Jarasuriya and Kee
1999).
By way of example, mortality rates among migrants from the UK and Ireland
are closest to the rates for Australia-born people. In contrast, migrants from
Asia have much lower standardised mortality ratios (AIHW 2004:191),
specifically for some cancers, respiratory causes and suicide (Singh and de
Looper 2002:3). Additionally, migrants born in the UK and Ireland experience
higher rates of breast and lung cancer and some migrant groups from Europe,
the Pacific Islands and Asia have higher diabetes mortality rates (Singh and
de Looper 2002:3-4). Furthermore heart, stroke and vascular diseases are
more than twice as likely to be reported by migrants from European countries
as by the Australia-born (ABS 2006d). Statistics and discussion relating to
selected long-term health conditions experienced by migrants and persons
born in Australia are presented in Appendix 3A.2 (with reference to Table
3A.2.1).
Pre-migration screening no doubt contributed to persons born overseas
overall having lower rates of core-activity limitations and disabilities than the
Australia-born (Table 3A.2.2). Stand out exceptions were those born in the
United Kingdom other than England and Scotland (highest rates) and for
those born in North-East Asia (lowest rates). Of course, age is a crucial factor
with respect to health and many migrants from all parts of the UK have by
now lived in Australia for several decades whilst those from some other
regions including North-East Asia tend to be comparatively more recent
arrivals.
The ‘healthy migrant effect’ is reflected in lower hospitalisation rates for
migrants (Table 3A.2.3). Once again, considerable variations occur according
to birthplace. For example, persons born in the Oceania region (excluding
Australia, New Zealand and Fiji) had the highest hospitalisation rate of all
overseas-born groups in 2004-05 (570.3 per 1 000 population) (AIHW 2006).
The single global birthplace region for which migrants had a higher
hospitalisation rate in 2004-05 than applied for the Australia-born (352.7) was
the Middle East and North Africa (358.2). Hospitalised patients born in China
had the lowest rate (203.2), contributing to the lowest regional rate (215.1) for
persons from North-East Asia.
Mental health
Although migrants have overall better physical health on arrival than the
Australia-born population (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999; Richardson et al. 2002;
Singh and de Looper 2002), they sometimes exhibit symptoms of significant
psychological distress, at about three times the rate of the general Australian
population (Jupp 1990; S. Richardson 2002; Vanden Heuvel and Wooden
1999). This is generally related to the stress and disruption of moving, and
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leaving friends, family and familiar conditions behind. Thus the act of migration
itself can lead to mental health issues. The cost here is born primarily by new
settlers themselves and not the destination country. Survey data for recent
new settlers found that humanitarian migrants from the Middle East and the
Balkans and those who did not speak English well had especially high levels
of psychological distress (Richardson et al. 2002: 25).
It is not apparent how soon, to what extent, or even if problems of
psychological stress are alleviated with length of time in Australia. However,
one positive finding in interviews conducted with young refugees in Brisbane,
Adelaide and Perth was evidence of resilience amongst participants (Brough
et al. 2003). At the same time, the authors cautioned that the ability of
individuals to negotiate the settlement process could impact on their future
mental wellbeing, suggesting a heightened risk of later mental illness.
In this regard, research has pointed to socio-economic status as an important
factor. Accordingly, migrants from lower socio-economic backgrounds have
higher rates of mental health problems than those from higher socio-economic
groups (Krupinski 1967; Minas 1990). For instance, a study of elderly
Vietnamese migrants found that the extent of their loneliness and isolation
was such that it gave rise to chronic mental health problems (Thomas 1991;
Thomas 1999; Thomas and Balnaves 1993).
In spite of these issues, overseas born people are less likely to be
hospitalised for a number of mental disorders, including schizophrenia,
depressive episodes and sleep disorders (AIHW 2004: 193). Furthermore, at
the time of the 2001 National Health Survey (NHS), the prevalence of mental
and behavioural problems among the overseas-born was marginally lower to
the rate for that of the Australia-born (9.0% and 9.8% respectively) (ABS
2001: 7). However, at this time, it also seems that greater proportions of
migrants who spoke languages other than English at home had high (or very
high) levels of psychological distress (16.5% compared with 11.9% for
migrants who spoke English only and 12.4% for the Australia-born) (ABS
2001). This appears to be at odds with results from the 2002 GSS which
pointed to persons born overseas and who were not proficient in English
being significantly less likely to say that they had experienced stressors in the
preceding 12 months (ABS 2003a).
The most recent NHS survey (ABS 2006d) produced non-comparable albeit
interesting results. It showed that overseas-born persons who arrived prior to
1996 (9.8%) or who spoke English as their main language at home (10.0%)
were more likely to suffer from mental and behavioural problems that either
the Australia-born (8.8%), more recent arrivals (4.6%) or those who mainly
spoke other than English at home (7.9%). Persons born in the UK, many of
whom would be long-term migrants speaking English at home, also had
comparatively high rates (9.5%). Furthermore, there were stand-out results for
North Africa and the Middle East and Southern and Eastern Europe with 11.1
per cent and 10.4 per cent of persons born in these regions respectively
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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having mental and behavioural problems. These results might be associated
with humanitarian migrants exiting refugee camps or fleeing from chaos or
war.
Obviously, understanding and interpreting factors that might influence the
mental health of persons is complex and issues are many and multi-faceted.
Further results and discussion relating to mental health issues of migrants are
presented in Appendix 3A.2 (refer to Tables 3A.2.4 to 3A.2.7).
Impacts of non-English speaking backgrounds
Barriers to accessing health services for those from non-English speaking
backgrounds include language difficulties (particularly with respect to medical
terminology); obstacles related to accessing transportation; time constraints
(especially for young women in the workforce); and knowledge about health
education and prevention of disease. General provisions implemented for the
ageing Australian population such as retirement villages, hostels and nursing
homes are often not considered viable options for migrant groups, either
financially or culturally (Stewart and Bien 2003).
At the time of the 2002 GSS, persons not proficient in English were over two
and a half times more likely to rate their health as fair or poor (ABS 2003a)
(refer to Table 3A.2.8 in Appendix 3A.2). Respondents were also asked in this
survey about core-activity limitations including schooling or employment
limitations. Core activity limitations refer to the ability, or rather lack of it, to
effectively communicate. In these results (ABS 2003a), persons with low
proficiency levels in English presented significant limitations (Table 3A.2.9).
Long-term health conditions – with the exception of diabetes – were generally
more likely to be experienced by persons whose main language spoken at
home was English (including Australians) (Table 3A.2.10). More recent
migrants (those who arrived after 1996) were less likely to have a disability or
a long-term health condition. Further results and discussion relating to health
according to language spoken are presented in Appendix 3A.2. Clearly ability
to effectively communicate in English seemingly has wide-ranging implications
with respect to perceptions about health.
More recent studies made of the waves of data from the LSIAs indicate that,
as time (up to two years) in Australia elapsed for migrants who did not speak
English well, a large decrease occurred in the proportion which said they were
in good health (Vanden Heuvel and Wooden 1999; Richardson et al. 2002).
Yet those migrants with poor English language skills were found to be
relatively less likely to have visited health care providers. Seemingly at
variance with these findings, humanitarian migrants – who are more likely to
have poorer English-speaking skills than other migrant groups – visited
doctors at more than double the rate for Primary Applicants from other groups
(DIMIA 2005c). The fact that humanitarian migrants have immediate access to
40
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welfare assistance while other visa categories, in general terms, do not (the
waiting time is normally two years) might be a contributing factor.
Ageing migrants and health
The ‘equalising’ effect, whereby migrants and the Australia-born become more
similar over time (AIHW 2004: 190; Jarasuriya and Kee 1999), is increasingly
evident as many young migrants from the 1950s and 1960s, as well as
refugees from the 1970s and 1980s, and migrant family members, reach ages
at which they are at greater risk of a range of chronic conditions. Of course,
the process of ageing increases the proportion dependent on pensions and
savings, at a time when they experience their heaviest lifetime demands for
health care services (Jupp 2002). Health deterioration with increasing years of
residence in Australia might in part be related to quite large ethnic groups
historically having been heavily concentrated in potentially injurious industrial
occupations (Jupp 1990). As such, associated health problems are not the
direct result of ethnic differences but of the differing occupational experiences
of migrants from particular ethnic backgrounds.
Exploration of the health needs of Vietnamese migrant women in Brisbane
indicated that the needs of this group (and quite likely other migrant women)
are becoming increasingly urgent due not only to the ageing of original
immigrant refugees but also to the decreased capacity (and decreased
willingness) of children and families to provide support (although the research
does not reveal how this compares with the Australia-born). Common
problems for these women were associated with culture shock, low selfesteem, lack of friends and relatives, and lack of recognition of professional
skills (Stewart and Bien 2003).
Immigrants overall have comparable or somewhat higher levels of doctor
consultations than the Australia-born, perhaps suggesting increased health
awareness and an emphasis on preventative medicine. Their lower levels of
hospitalisation are certainly consistent with their better health status (Mathers
1996). While differences in self-reporting, language limitations and cultural
considerations may account for unexplained variations in results, further
examination of apparently rapid declines in the health status of some migrants
appears warranted. Indeed, people of non-English-speaking background have
been identified as a priority population in terms of monitoring the equity
objectives of social and health Programmes (Mathers 1996). The decline of
migrant health with increasing length of residence might well be an equity
issue in itself.
Summary of benefits and costs
The available evidence synthesised in this report suggests that persons born
overseas have, on balance, better physical health than the Australia-born. The
situation with respect to mental health is less clear. Of course, human health
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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is multi-faceted and, as might be expected, there are demographic
characteristics of some migrant groups which can be identified as suggesting
better (or worse) health with respect to specific conditions than other overseas
born persons or the Australia-born. Notwithstanding this ability to identify
certain population characteristics with respect to various health conditions, no
single country can be promoted as most or least desirable for sourcing
migrants although proficiency in English recurs as a defining factor for
identifying the likelihood of substantially different responses – both positive
and negative – to a variety of health conditions.
Thus it seems that, as a result of ‘better’ health, migrant use of health services
should be less overall on a per capita basis than for the Australian born.
Whether this will be the case as large numbers of migrants from the 1950s
and 1960s, as well as refugees from the 1970s and 1980s and immigrant
family members subsequently issued with visas, reach ages at which they are
at greater risk of a range of chronic conditions needs to be monitored. Of
course, the process of ageing increases dependency on pensions and
savings at a time when individuals experience heaviest lifetime demands for
health care services. Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to
Australia with respect to physical and mental health are summarised in Table
3.3.
Table 3.3: Physical and mental health issues – summary of social costs
and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Overall, migrants have better physical There is some variation between visa
health, on arrival and for some years categories, with
humanitarian and
following,
than
the
Australia-born preferential family visa entrants faring
population.
worst.
Overseas-born persons are less likely to
be hospitalised for a number of mental
disorders,
including
schizophrenia,
depressive episodes
and
sleep
disorders.
Significant psychological distress for
migrants – about three times the rate of
the general Australian population – is
generally related to the stress and
disruption of relocation.
The ‘healthy migrant effect’ is reflected in The ‘equalising effect’ is reflected in
longer life expectancy, lower death and migrants’ health status deteriorating with
hospitalisation rates, and a lower increasing years of residence.
prevalence of some lifestyle-related risk
factors.
Higher levels of doctors’ consultations by
migrants
in
comparison with
the
Australia-born might reflect increased
health awareness and an emphasis on
preventative medicine.
Immigrants
have
comparable
or
somewhat higher levels of doctors’
consultations than the Australia-born,
resulting in higher demand rates for
some services.
Those immigrants who have applied for Migrants who say that they had been
or received citizenship report better satisfied with their lives in their former
general health than other migrants.
countries reported poorer general health
than other migrants.
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3.3
Leisure and recreation
Review of the literature and data
Increased diversity and amenity through immigrants
It is important to consider aspects of life other than those related to the work
environment and beyond commitments to personal care in assessing quality
of life and, in particular, social impacts of immigration. After all, beyond a
certain level (that is, by Australian standards, relatively low), human happiness
bears little relationship to income alone (Hamilton and Denniss 2005). Leisure
is often a convenient description of those other aspects. Although the view of
‘leisure’ as ‘time left over’ after work and other commitments have been met
has its critics (Jenkins and Walmsley 2003), it affords a way of conceptualising
an area of life in which migrants have made major long-term contributions to
Australia in fields covering sport, games, recreation, hobbies, the arts and
entertainment (Booth and Tatz 2000; Lynch and Veal 1996).
Migration, for instance, has increased the diversity of leisure pursuits thereby
providing greater amenity for society as a whole. In the 19th and early 20th
centuries, the emphasis in Australia was on leisure activities that were popular
in Britain (sports like rugby, and cricket) but this soon extended to Europe
generally (for example, soccer) and, in more recent times, North America (with
basketball a prominent example).
A case can be made that, in the last fifty years, migrants have pioneered the
scheduling of spectator sport on Sundays. At the same time, they have
promoted the rise of sports such as soccer (Warren 2002), increased the
popularity of activities like skiing, backgammon, chess and bocce, helped
provide a larger audience for classical music and opera than might otherwise
have been the case, and created multicultural theatre, film, and dance. By way
of example, Edouard Borovansky, a Czech migrant and naturalised Australian
was founder of Australia’s first major enduring ballet company, the
Borovansky Ballet (Potter 2001). One of the first migrant filmmakers to
dramatise the migrant experience in Victoria was Giorgio Mangiamele. His
work, Clay, was the second Australian film invited to screen at the Cannes
Film Festival (Australian Centre for the Moving Image 2004). Other migrants
who are recognised as having made significant contributions include Santo
Cilauro, writer, television presenter and film maker; Vince Colosimo who won
an Australian Film Industry Award for Best Supporting Actor in Lantana; Daizy
Gedeon Mir, journalist and film maker; actors Pia Miranda, Zoe Carrides and
Paul Mercurio (also a dancer); and international fashion designer Carla
Zampatti. Australian music has been greatly enriched by postwar immigration
such as virtuoso guitarist Slava Grigoryan, born in Kazakhstan. A prominent
overseas-born singer of contemporary music is Tina Arena. Authors of migrant
background including Brian Castro, Fotini Epanomitis and Beth Yahp have
added an international dimension to Australian literature.
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The impact of immigration on leisure and recreation at the grassroots level are
clearly demonstrated in many communities throughout Australia through
different types of cultural activities in which people participate. The huge
variety in cultural performances that can be witnessed at Harmony Day
celebrations across Australia is testament to this. These are presented not
only by migrants or persons with migrant heritage but also by Australia-born
residents who have been attracted by the richness and vitality offered. In this
sense, the social impact of immigration has been overwhelmingly positive.
Other aspects of this increasing multiplicity are dealt with more fully in the
following chapter dealing with social capital which explores, among other
issues, culture and diversity as a result of migration.
There seems to be no doubt that a growing migrant presence over many
decades has profoundly influenced what people do in their leisure time – what
music they listen to; what films they see; what cultural activities they
participate in as performers, artists or audience; what food they eat; what
sport they play or watch. In fact, a preparedness of both long-term Australians
and recent migrants to accept different values and new ideas might be
attributed to ongoing influences introduced through leisure and recreational
pastimes that have been both discreetly insinuated or brazenly presented. For
example, the 1965 film of Nino Colutta’s book They’re a Weird Mob about an
Italian migrant experiencing the strangeness of Australian ‘culture’ made
Australians look at themselves – and migrants – in different ways. Similarly,
four decades on, Bollywood film locations in Australia present different images
of Australia to Indians to the extent that numbers of visitors – and quite likely
migrants – from that country have been significantly boosted in recent years
(Vaile 2005).
Of course, constantly improving and affordable telecommunications methods
and international travel are external factors which are also influencing
Australians’ attitudes about global trends and events. The extent to which
different types of exposure influence behaviour and acceptance is not readily
determined. However, without first-hand experiences and contacts as a result
of Australia’s systematic intake of new migrants, acceptance most likely would
not have been so widespread or have achieved the same momentum. The
preparedness of Australians everywhere to embrace soccer during the 2006
World Cup is a case in point.
As activities in the creative arts as well as those relating to leisure pastimes
and sport have become more diverse, Australians have achieved greater
international recognition and success than ever before and, most likely as part
of this process, become less insular. Indeed, the migrant influence on what
people do in their leisure time is intuitively significant. Nevertheless, an
examination of levels of representation of migrants and those with migrant
heritage in cultural, leisure and sporting activities points to some interesting
distinctions.
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Migrant involvement in cultural, leisure and sporting activities
In this regard, children with other than an English-speaking heritage are
apparently significantly less likely to participate in a range of sporting and
leisure activities by comparison with the Australia-born or those born in main
English-speaking countries (ABS 2003e). Instead they tended to favour more
‘cultural’, passive or individual activity types such as playing musical
instruments, reading, watching television or using the internet. (Refer to
Appendix 3A.3, Tables 3A.3.1 to 3A.3.4, for data and further discussion.)
Whether the ABS survey results reflect influences of religious or cultural
preferences, strictures or taboos, language-related barriers, preference for
other less traditionally ‘Australian’ types of activities not readily identified by
the survey, or constraints on leisure time can only be speculated upon.
However, the results do suggest a divide in types of activities pursued by
children with a non-English speaking heritage and other children living in
Australia.
With respect to adults, the most recent ABS survey of attendance levels at
cultural venues and events (ABS 2002a) indicates that those with a nonEnglish speaking heritage generally had consistently lower attendance levels
than other adult Australians (refer to Table 3A.3.5). The exception was with
respect to venues and events where enjoyment or appreciation was not
dependent on proficiency in any particular language. This included botanic
gardens, classical music concerts and dance performances. Furthermore,
those from non-English speaking backgrounds were least likely to have had
outings to at least one venue in the 12 months preceding the survey. These
results are important as they reinforce perceptions about limitations in cultural
experiences available in Australia to persons not proficient in English. No
doubt this impacts in a negative sense upon quality of life.
Similar but more pronounced patterns were evident for attendances by adults
at spectator sports (ABS 2003c) (Table 3A.2.6). Lifetime or at least long-term
affiliations and loyalties attributed to supporters who attend large drawcard
events such as various codes of football possibly influenced results. Many
traditional Australian sporting events might not have appeal to those born
overseas, particularly if sporting cultures and languages are also significantly
different.
Use of public space and places
Some sporting and leisure activities preferred by migrant groups pose
challenges about the use of public space in Australian settings. For example,
draughts, chess, bocce, callisthenics, vovinam and some other martial arts,
badminton and volleyball are popular outdoor pastimes or commonly practiced
health pursuits in many European or Asian cities. These usually take place in
informal public settings such as in parks and on footpaths. Traditional sporting
fields in Australia are often bare of trees due to the nature of sporting activities
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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that usually take place, with limited areas that provide shade and shelter. Thus
they are often not conducive to new types of activities (Watson and
McGillivray 1994). In addition, local government regulations and wider
community attitudes often preclude or discourage these types of activities
from occurring in public spaces.
While these types of outdoor pursuits do not require specific facilities as such,
others do. In this regard, it is important to recognise that community cinemas,
clubs and churches are recognised as important in the settling in process for
different migrant groups (Armstrong 1994; Mosely 1997). Leisure activities or
church organisations, rather than work associations, provide many migrants
with not only their social outlets but also educational and support networks.
Barriers to sporting participation by immigrants
Historically sport has been predominantly a male preserve not only in
Australia but also in most of the cultures of many of Australia’s post-war
immigrants. Females have been shown to be consistently less likely to
participate in or attend sporting activities than males. Interestingly, males
living in Australia with other than an English-speaking heritage have been
shown to be consistently less likely participate in sporting activities than
females born in the main English-speaking countries (including Australia)
(ABS 2003b, 2004e). Furthermore, with respect to children, similar patterns
applied according to gender when birthplace of parents was also considered.
(These issues are discussed in more detail in Appendix 3A.3 with reference to
Tables 3A.3.2, 3A.3.6 and 3A.3.7).
For significant numbers of migrant women and children, strictures against
participation in sport and some leisure activities have been especially strong
(Mosely et al. 1997). Some females with migrant heritage, therefore, confront
problems of access including religious and cultural restrictions that are
additional to those encountered by most Australian women. In addition to
gender differences, other barriers to participation by women from some
migrant backgrounds include not knowing others, inappropriate facilities and
Programmes, language difficulties, family responsibilities, and negative school
sports experiences (Taylor and Toohey 1997).
Summary of costs and benefits
There seems to be no doubt that Australia has benefited from the more
diverse range of leisure, sporting and recreational opportunities and activities
that are available as a result of accepting continual waves of migrants from a
range of source countries and cultures. This has helped to enrich the lives of
all Australians and, concomitantly, the country’s image has been positively
enhanced globally.
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Not only has migration provided a greater range of activities but the critical
mass of migrants has also ensured their continuation through support of many
important cultural institutions without which the activities quite possibly would
not have otherwise endured. Furthermore, migrants have challenged the way
public space and places have traditionally been used and in the process
helped to give a new look and manner of use to many public settings. Thus in
a variety of ways, migrant involvement in and introduction of leisure and
recreational activities has meant Australians have become conducive to
change, a seemingly crucial factor in contemporary global society.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to
leisure and recreation are summarised in Tables 3.4.
Table 3.4: Leisure and recreation issues – summary of social costs and
benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Migration has increased the diversity of
recreational and leisure pursuits and
thereby provided greater amenity for
society as a whole.
Maintenance of ethnic identities has
been linked with fostering cultural
practices which, in the eyes of some,
challenge Australian culture.
As activities have become more diverse,
Australians have achieved greater
international recognition and success
than ever before and, most likely as part
of this process, become less insular.
As activities and the cultural heritage of
participants become more diverse,
greater ranges of facilities require
resourcing
and
culture-specific
management.
Migrants have provided proportionately Some sporting and leisure activities
larger audiences than the Australia-born challenge generally accepted Australian
for classical music and opera, helping to norms about the use of public space.
maintain
the
viability
of
various
performance companies. They have also
created multicultural theatre, film, and
dance.
Migrant support of and demand for
venues such as art galleries, museums
and libraries have increased functioning
capabilities.
3.4
Participation levels in sport, cultural and
leisure activities have been especially
low for significant numbers of migrants
from non-English speaking backgrounds.
Overall assessment
Assessing the social impact of migration for Australia through an exploration
of aspects of human capital has been a multi-faceted and challenging task
given the lack of compatible quantitative data sets. Nevertheless, the available
evidence overwhelmingly supports the view that migrants have made and
continue to make positive contributions to Australia’s stock of human capital.
These outcomes can be attributed in the main to Australia’s policies on
immigration which have in both historical and contemporary times been
successful in attracting highly qualified migrants with essentially good health.
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The migrant presence has introduced different types of sporting, cultural and
leisure pursuits traditionally practiced in the source countries to Australia. This
has increased, for all Australians, the range and viability of available
recreational activities and the manner in which such activities can be
accessed or practised.
Employment status, education, language skills, health and time available for
recreation and leisure are interlinked as fundamental components of human
wellbeing. An increase in Australia’s overall stocks of human capital has also
meant that migrants themselves have benefited from the migration
experience.
While most migrants entering Australia are skilled, some humanitarian or
preferential family groups are from disadvantaged backgrounds and, upon
arrival in Australia, can lack education and English language skills. However,
most have proven over time to be able to acquire qualifications and to do well.
Furthermore, they are generally ambitious for their children to achieve and to
have better opportunities in life.
Governments at all levels and society at large eventually bear any extra
burdens of increased costs for welfare and other intervention services, for
health care, and for loss of productive members of society and forgone
opportunities if migrant workers with qualifications are unable to use their
skills in the Australian working environment. Thus it is in the best interests of
not only migrants but also the host community to maximise opportunities and
facilitate environments in which persons can thrive. While good use is made in
Australia of migrants’ human capital, some factors which apparently extend
adjustment time have received attention in the literature. These include
problems associated with overseas qualifications being recognised or underutilised in the workplace due to potential transferability gaps.
There seems to be no doubt that Australia’s stock of human capital has
gained from migration and that migrants themselves have also reaped
benefits. An increasingly globalised society especially with respect to labour
has Australia competing with other traditional migrant destination countries for
skilled migrants. The ability to attract migrants will probably be influenced by
their perceptions about Australian society in general and the ease with which
settlement and social integration can be accomplished. These aspects are
explored in the next chapter through an examination of social capital.
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4: Social Capital
The idea of social capital is highly relevant to an examination of the social
impacts of immigration. ‘Social capital’ refers to the relations of trust, cooperation and mutual aid that are fostered by ‘norms and networks of civic
engagement’ and which provide the vital underpinnings of effective
government, productive economies, productive diversity, healthy populations
and socially cohesive communities (Putnam 2000). One of the crucial
characteristics of social capital is its transferability. Social capital is deemed to
be transferable to the extent that the networks, norms and trust built on the
basis of one common purpose can be used for another. Another feature of
social capital is that it can generate unintended effects. This is called an
externality. These third party effects can be positive when the social
connectedness generated by one activity can make other social interactions
easier. They can also be negative when social divisiveness and an erosion of
social capital can lead to friction within a community. Above all, the impact of
social capital has a distinct spatial field of operation, with the intensity of the
effect tapering away as distance from the activity in question increases (Pinch
1985).
These two elements of social capital – its transferability and externality effect
– make the prospect of increasing social capital an attractive idea for policymakers (see Productivity Commission 2003). The concept of social capital
suggests that there may be some public benefit to be derived from formal and
informal volunteering in sports, arts, education, youth groups, church
organisations, and emergency services even where these activities do not
substitute directly for government provision. These forms of public association
encourage civic engagement. Any form of civic engagement fosters more civic
engagement. As a result, tiny investments can build up a significant stock of
social capital (Putnam 2000). Perhaps the single greatest benefit of
immigration is that it modifies existing social capital and encourages the
continual evaluation of established norms and relationships, usually to our
considerable benefit. In short immigration accelerates the churning of social
capital in ways described below.
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4.1
Culture and diversity
Review of the literature and data
Positive aspects of cultural diversity
Cultural diversity is highly valued for a variety of reasons. As is the case with
genetic diversity, societies with greater cultural diversity stand a better chance
of successfully adapting to the rapidly changing environment of this
increasingly globalised world. Consequently, celebrating cultural diversity has
become an important theme in contemporary Australian society.
The presence of cultural diversity can, under the right circumstances, reduce
insularity, foster bridging social capital and promote social tolerance. These
qualities are fundamental not only to GDP such as through growth of tourism
and export education but also to Australia’s standing and future in a global
democratic world that values cultural diversity and nations that foster tolerance
and understanding.
Australia’s multicultural policy
Australia’s policy of multiculturalism helps to provide the right sort of
environment in which such diversity can flourish. The main elements of this
policy are directed towards encouraging all Australians to have an overriding
loyalty to Australia and its people, and to respect the basic structures and
principles underwriting its democratic society; that is, its Constitution,
Parliamentary democracy, freedom of speech and religion, English as the
national language, the rule of law, acceptance and equality (DIMIA 2003d).
Thus it involves recognition and acceptance of reciprocal responsibilities and
privileges by all Australians.
Multicultural policy is structured round a framework that aims to maximise the
social, cultural and economic benefits that become available as a result of its
cultural diversity through migration. The four principles that underpin the policy
and provide this framework encompass responsibilities, respect, fairness and
benefits of and for all persons.
Australia’s multicultural policy is generally well regarded in that most
Australians think that immigration has been beneficial and embrace cultural
diversity as a routine part of their civic and social lives (Poynting et al. 2004).
In return for this support, Australia gains not only cosmopolitan attitudes and
experiences but also benefits from diverse inputs – from bilingual skills,
cultural ‘know-how’ and contacts facilitating international trade, entrepreneurial
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activities, and technological and artistic creativity – which help to enrich
Australian life and enhance its positive image globally (Jupp 2001).
The policy of multiculturalism also aims to actively promote good community
relations and social cohesion among Australians. To this end, the Federal
Government has designed and implemented a Living in Harmony Programme.
Through this Programme, Australian values and ways to promote mutual
respect, understanding and acceptance are emphasised. The Programme
appears to have general community support as is evidenced by the level and
variety of involvement on Harmony Day, an annual event when successful
aspects of Australia’s cultural diversity are celebrated in a myriad of ways
throughout Australia. In addition, a range of Programmes has been
constructed at State and local government level which promote social
cohesion and awareness of the positive aspects of cultural diversity.
Aspects of multiculturalism
There can however be problems with the manner in which cultural diversity is
practised and perceived. First, diversity can be viewed simply in terms of
distinctive features like festivals, food, music, dance and alternative health
care with migration having dramatically affected the availability of a wide
range of different skills, business types, cultural activities, and goods and
services. Some people see manifestations of these elements as important
indicators of acceptance and racial tolerance while critics decry the superficial
ways in which they can be used to define the extent of a multicultural society
(Thompson 2005). Nevertheless, ‘even if the [perceived benefits of] new
cultures are simply ‘new cuisine’, their significance should not be
underestimated’ (Goot and Watson 2005:186).
While there are expectations that migrants will represent their culture through
these symbols in a manner that ‘fits in’ with the Australian way of life (Murphy
and Watson 1997), many migrants feel at least partly defined by them rather
than by other aspects of life (Zevallos 2005). These types of labelling can
have the concomitant effect of weakening messages about what it means to
be a migrant Australian. Despite this, celebration and enrichment of daily lives,
for example through harmony days, music and food, provide vehicles for
positive cultural interactions which in turn can open individuals to appreciating
and understanding ethnic differences (Thompson 2005).
Secondly, urban planning systems at the local government level have been
criticised for sometimes not adequately embracing cultural diversity, especially
in relation to the creation of a sense of belonging to neighbourhoods
(Thompson 2003). For example, there is a particular problem with some
groups’ requirements for places of worship. Approvals for social and sporting
clubs and also semi-private spaces for engaging in specific cultural practices
can also create controversy (Watson and McGillivray 1994). These planning
issues are important because multiculturalism must be translated into practice
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in everyday life in specific (often suburban or regional) locations (Armstrong
1994).
A third problem that is sometimes presented is with respect to childcare.
Shortage of culturally appropriate childcare provision can mean that women
with young children cannot attend English language classes (Burnley et al.
1997). While a variety of course structures and options are offered (such as
part-time evening courses or learning English at home), these do not
necessarily present solutions to the issue of childcare. Humanitarian and
family reunion migrants who have limited resources can also face barriers to
attending language classes when they are juggling multiple casual part-time
jobs, perhaps also with childcare commitments.
Racism and prejudices
Some Australians still have assimilationist notions and a preference for
European migrants over those of Asian and Middle-Eastern appearance (Jupp
2002). The media can play a significant role in fostering acceptance or,
alternatively, intolerance of new arrivals.
Strong anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiments have, quite likely, been
generated by geopolitical events, international media coverage, and local
concerns which have heightened levels of ‘Islamaphobia’ (Dunn et al. 2004).
However, a further dilemma is posed by Islamic fundamentalism. The Federal
government’s multicultural policy has been presented as a response to the
challenges, as well as the opportunities, of Australia’s cultural diversity.
Criticism has been directed towards the reluctance of others, including leaders
associated with some ethnic organisations, to publicly acknowledge the
undesirable side of diversity, denying and suppressing rather than addressing
criticisms (Lopez 2005). Consequently, some consider that ground has been
surrendered to critics of multiculturalism who attempt to point to evidence that
it is not working.
Inter-ethnic tensions
The issue of racism is not a trivial one. It exists at all levels of society (Ang et
al. 2002) and has done for some time (HREOC 1991). Competition over urban
resources, such as employment, education and housing, has been implicated
in fuelling racism and inter-ethnic tensions (Dunn and McDonald 2001).
The preparedness of individuals to express racist sentiment has been linked
to levels of education attained and other socio-economic characteristics of
individuals. In particular, Australia-born elderly people without tertiary
education are thought to more commonly have these attitudes (Dunn et al.
2004). Notwithstanding this, migrants who live in more affluent areas or who
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are seen as making valuable contributions to Australian society – through
providing employment opportunities or having financial and human capital –
are more likely to be respected than those who are regarded as the ‘takers’ of
jobs and welfare support (Cunneen et al. 1997).
Attitudes to migration and cultural diversity
Even though a majority of all migrant groups – and particularly people from
non-English-speaking backgrounds – live in large cities, there is little evidence
of urban-rural variations in acceptance of cultural diversity (Ang et al. 2002;
Dunn and McDonald 2001). However, as the community studies undertaken
for this project illustrate, many people, especially those living in essentially
homogenous communities in regional areas, have minimal exposure to
migrants from varying ethnic backgrounds. Residents of such communities are
generally dependent on media reports rather than personal experiences for
formulating views on migrants and immigration.
In response, specific Programmes to facilitate social cohesion have
sometimes been put in place to encourage acceptance of migrants in regional
areas. For example, in 2006, the City of Ballarat, through its Migrant Attraction
and Retention Population Strategy Steering Committee, launched a
Multicultural Ambassador Programme. This was aimed at fostering social
acceptance of migrants by having migrant ambassadors talk to community
organisations such as service clubs, schools, senior citizens and youth groups
(Shields 2006). Interestingly, this Programme very specifically targeted
acceptance and welcoming of skilled migrants and their families, perhaps in
itself an indication of differentiations that have been made in some parts of
Australian society.
There is evidence of widespread acceptance of the policy of multiculturalism
in Australia. Nevertheless consistent expressions of negative attitudes
towards some ethnic groups persist (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999). Further
extensive research needs to be conducted to better understand attitudes of
the Australian population to culturally diverse communities. Affirmative actions
by civic and community leaders as well as private and public organisations
and individuals are thought by some to be critical to promoting, and in some
instances restoring, a more socially cohesive understanding of cultural
diversity in Australia.
An indication of changing attitudes to immigration and multiculturalism over
recent years can be gauged from the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes
(AuSSA) in addition to Australian Election Studies (1996,1998 and 2001) and
the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data for Australia for 1995
(Gibson et al. 2004). Community attitudes towards culture and diversity issues
as they relate to migrants and migration policies are summarised in Table 4.1.
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Table 4.1: Culture and diversity issues – summary of overall social
impacts of migration for Australia
2003
opinions 2003 qualifications
compared
with
1995/1996
Levels of support for increased immigration
Higher levels
Agree have to share Australian customs and
traditions to be fully Australian
Agree ethnic minorities should be given
government assistance to preserve their customs
and traditions
Agree groups should maintain distinct traditions
and customs
Agree groups should adapt and blend into the
larger society
Agree that immigration opens Australia to new
ideas and cultures
Agree that migrants take job away from people
who were born in Australia
Agree that migrants increase crime rates
What it takes to be truly Australian
Speak English
Feel Australian
Have Australian citizenship
Respect Australian political institutions/law
Life mostly in Australia
Born in Australia
Be Christian
About the same
26% say increase
38% say decrease
42% affirmative
Unchanged
16% affirmative
Slightly higher
16% affirmative
About the same
71% affirmative
Lower levels
74% affirmative
Substantially lower
25% affirmative
Substantially lower
34% affirmative
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
About the same
92% affirmative
91% affirmative
89% affirmative
89% affirmative
68% affirmative
58% affirmative
39% affirmative
Source: after Goot and Watson (2005)
Generalisations that can be construed from the summarised results suggest
that attitudes to migration are sensitive to topical issues, global events and
economic conditions (Goot and Watson 2005). There has been, for example,
a turnaround in public opinion about attitudes to immigration since 1995, when
support was low. At that time, only 11 percent thought that immigration should
be increased and almost 60 per cent thought it should be reduced; one-third
said that intakes should be reduced ‘a lot’ (Goot and Watson 2005). (Refer to
Table 4A.1.1 in Appendix 4A.1.) A changing trend which first became
apparent in 2001 was confirmed by the AuSSA 2005 results: while 38 per cent
still wanted immigration cut, a substantial proportion (over one-quarter) now
wanted it increased.
This recognition appears to be tempered by divided views on whether
acculturation means assimilation to the dominant host culture (refer to Table
4A.1.2). Roughly the same proportion of people (42%) agreed (or strongly
agreed) in 2003 as in 1995 (41%) that it was impossible for people who did
not share customs and traditions to become fully Australian. However, most
Australians believed that some form of cultural adaptation was desirable and
support for ethnic distinctiveness was low. The idea that ethnic minorities
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should be given government assistance to preserve their customs and
traditions was widely rejected: only 16 per cent gave their support, unchanged
from 1995. When asked to decide whether it was better for society if different
racial and ethnic groups maintained their distinct customs and traditions or,
alternatively, that these groups adapt and blend into the larger society, just
over 70 percent opted for adapting and blending in both 1995 and 2003.
In spite of these reservations, some kinds of cultural differences were
welcomed with a large majority of Australians agreeing that there were
positive impacts from immigration (Table 4A.1.3). This included a majorityheld view that migrants make Australia open to new ideas and cultures.
However, the proportion that recognised greater diversity in ideas and culture
as a result of migration has gradually declined from 86 per cent in 1995 to 74
per cent in 2003. Over time, people have apparently come to accept many
aspects of diversity as a result of migration as the norm.
Attitudes on the impact of migrants on the economy, on employment
opportunities and on crime rates have shifted in a generally positive direction
since 1995 (Table 4A.1.3). In 1996, 1998 and 2001, about half the
respondents agreed that migrants were generally good for the economy; this
had increased to over two-thirds (69%) by 2003. There has also been
substantial movement in viewpoints about whether migrants took jobs away
from people born in Australia. Negative views have declined since 1996 when
40 per cent thought jobs were taken away, to 25 per cent in 2003. Different
patterns again are presented on whether migrants increase crime. In 1996,
over half (51%) thought that they did increase crime; this had dropped to
about one-third (34%) of respondents by 2003.
There have been only generally small shifts in viewpoints about what
constitutes being ‘truly Australian’ in the years since the 1995 ISSP (Table
4A.1.4). These include speaking English, feeling Australian (difficult to
quantify), having Australian citizenship and respecting Australia’s political
institutions and laws. About two-thirds of respondents also thought it important
to have lived mostly in Australia and over one half thought one had to be born
there. Around one-third thought to be ‘truly Australian’, one had to be
Christian.
According to Goot and Watson (2005:183), attitudes to migration are shaped
according to a person’s level of education and political affiliation and by views
about welfare, the death penalty and the economy. Consequently, support for
or against ‘nativism’ – that is, the belief that to be ‘truly Australian’ one has to
be born here, lived here and have Australian ancestors – may differentiate
attitudes to immigration much better than dissimilarities in feelings about
national pride.
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Results from the LSIAs
In addition to these views of what Australians think about migration, the LSIAs
have provided some important measures of how Australia is perceived by
more recent migrants. In interview sessions subsequent to the initial one,
migrants were asked for their impressions of selected aspects of Australian
life. These results are presented and discussed in Appendix 4A.1. In general,
very positive views were expressed about life in Australia, in comparison with
their former countries of residence. Levels of religious tolerance, contact
between and tolerance towards people with different racial or cultural
backgrounds or nationalities, and greater ability to influence government
decisions were perceived very favourably. These outcomes are worthy of
consideration because at the heart of any consideration of social capital is the
question of how well Australia is currently accommodating different ethnic
groups and categories of visa entrants.
Summary of benefits and costs
Most Australians think that immigration has been beneficial and embrace
cultural diversity as a routine part of their civic and social lives. There is
general realisation that Australia gains not only cosmopolitan attitudes and
experiences but also benefits immensely from diverse inputs which help to
enrich Australian life and enhance its positive image globally. Consequently,
places and people throughout Australia appear vitalised by the juxtaposition of
different languages and cultures.
Over the past decade, opposition to immigration appears to have fallen and
beliefs about the social impact of migrants as a result of cultural diversity have
become more positive. Nevertheless, views about multiculturalism remain
mixed. Furthermore, due to the increasing cultural and religious diversity of
the Australian population, the extent and intensity of identified problems could
be exacerbated. This is one of the scenarios considered in Chapter 8.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of migration with respect to culture and
diversity which have been identified and discussed in the review of literature
and data are summarised in Table 4.2.
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Table 4.2: Culture and diversity issues – summary of perceived social
costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Australia gains not only cosmopolitan
attitudes and experiences but also
benefits from diverse inputs which help to
enrich Australian life and enhance its
positive image globally.
Social costs
Less support for ethnic diversity per se
may occur through fear that this leads to
communities being divided along ethnic
lines
Places and people throughout Australia There can be difficulties with the manner
are vitalised by the juxtaposition of in which multiculturalism is practised and
different languages and cultures.
perceived at grass roots level.
There are examples of strong local
leadership and urban planning embracing
cultural diversity and putting it into
practice.
The urban planning system at local
government level sometimes does not
adequately embrace cultural diversity,
especially in relation to the creation of a
sense of belonging to neighbourhoods.
The majority of migrants speak English Barriers to attending English language
and make it a priority to learn to do so classes can be faced by women (due to
upon arrival.
cultural restraints) and humanitarian and
family reunion migrants (due to limited
resources).
Most Australians understand and value
cultural diversity.
Some Australians still have assimilationist
notions and a preference for European
migrants over those of Asian and MiddleEastern appearance.
There are high levels of inter-faith and A dilemma is posed by Islamic
religious tolerance in Australia.
fundamentalism and the way it is
represented in Australia.
Migrants
providing
employment
opportunities or having financial and
human capital are readily accepted in
Australian society.
Competition over urban resources, such
as employment, education and housing,
can fuel racism and inter-ethnic tensions,
and build resentment toward new and
emerging migrant communities.
Over the past decade, opposition to Views held in Australian society about
immigration has fallen and beliefs about migration and multiculturalism remain
how migrants affect the economy, jobs mixed.
and society have become more positive.
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4.2
Community life and civil society
Review of the literature and data
Bridging and bonding social capital
The notion of community is very important in human affairs. Communities can
be nurturing and supportive of their members, thereby enhancing quality of
life. They can however be inward looking and can serve to work against the
cohesiveness of society as a whole. Hence it is important to distinguish
between ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’ social capital. Bridging capital fosters bonds
between different social groups whereas bonding capital fosters cohesion
among a particular social group. Too much bonding capital can foster
communities that are insular, racially intolerant, resistant to social change and
unwelcoming of outsiders and newcomers, who may, as a result, be subject to
social exclusion. Too little bridging capital across different ethnic groups can
foster low trust communities which become adversely affected by suspicion,
fear and insularity (Putnam 2000).7
Consequently, the middle ground between the formal structure – including
government, political processes, the legal framework, markets for product and
labour, and welfare – and the core environment of immediate and extended
family and friends needs to be considered. This includes the realm of civil
institutions and associations in which much bridging social capital is created
and invested. Such non-government civil organisations are an important
instrument in the effective governance of society. The migrant contribution to
the development community life and civil society in Australia has been
substantial.
Ethnic media and organisations
Ethnic media and ethno-specific organisations in Australia (such as the Italian
Club) play crucial roles in the community life of migrants thereby promoting
both bridging and bonding capital with members of diverse community groups.
For instance, ethno-specific media outlets currently provide radio Programmes
in around 80 languages, television in 48 languages and newspapers in 30
languages (Clyne and Grey 2004). Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) Radio
(launched in 1975) and SBS Television (from 1980) not only serve the special
needs of people speaking languages other than English but are also charged
7
It is also important to note that the nature of community has changed greatly over time, from tightlyknit, geographically-bound rural society, to the agglomeration of large numbers of people in high
density industrialised cities (Walmsley 1988). Change continues today with the rise of
telecommunications (Walmsley 2000), increasing real incomes and improved mobility all suggesting
the possible emergence of ‘community without propinquity’ (McIntosh 2004).
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with being generalist broadcasters. These organisations also help to inform
other Australians about migrant issues. In these ways, Australia's current
multicultural policy which promotes acceptance and respect between
Australians of all cultural and religious backgrounds (DIMA 2003d) receives
widespread support.
Although ethno-specific media agencies are important elements of the social
glue for migrant diasporas, demands placed on new migrants in terms of
social adjustment and work are such that there can be minimal time remaining
for community commitments. Against this, mutual support to be derived from
community organisations can serve to encourage migrant participation.
One obvious key to community participation is the ability to communicate.
Lack of proficiency in English imposes restrictions with respect to involvement
in the wider community and presents as a barrier to the promotion of bridging
social capital. Another important aspect is the gendered nature of community
involvement. Cultural, religious and personal beliefs can sometimes inhibit
women from interacting in many aspects of Australian life, thus limiting various
types of activities to private homes. For many migrant women, especially
those from non-English-speaking backgrounds, the home can be very
important, particularly as a means of maintaining links with the past
(Thompson 1994) and in terms of both fostering pride through home
ownership and the provision of private space in which to be oneself (Watson
and McGillivray 1994). Away from the home, community life can be inhibited
by lack of informal public meeting places for migrants more comfortable with
street life than mall shopping.
Of course, a shared ethnicity or religion does not of its own accord create a
community. Age, gender, religion, generational differences and other social
divisions, such as socio-economic status, divide migrant communities, like any
other. All communities can be nurturing and supportive of their members,
thereby enhancing quality of life. They can however be inward looking and can
serve to work against the cohesiveness of society as a whole, contributing to
negative social capital and perhaps reinforcement of the marginal status of
some ethnic or religious groups (Ponyting et al. 2004).8 Thus while images of
a homogeneous ethnic identity for a community can be used positively, this
can also work against acceptance by the wider community.
8
For instance it is not uncommon for ethnic and religious leaders to disavow adverse or delinquent
behaviour associated with some ethnic gangs or individuals, potentially sustaining in the wider public’s
mind a link between that ethnic group or religion and persons involved in criminal behaviour (Poynting
et al. 2004).
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Migrants and volunteering
The way people respond to a given situation largely depends on the quality of
social capital in a particular community. Individuals and institutions often
provide social capital in the form of cultural and voluntary support to migrants
in areas of ethnic concentration (Burnley 2003a). For instance, some
established and second-generation migrants participate in voluntary capacities
by providing community support for new migrants. Others play key roles in
helping refugees to develop social networks and to feel part of the broader
community. First, second and third generation migrants are also to be found
as volunteers in a range of broad-based community organisations such as
service clubs. Some of the most obvious migrant contributions to civil society
are to be seen through religious organisations though this can create
controversy. For example, anti-mosque politics and conflicts over citizenship
are a continuing feature of Australian urban politics (Dunn 2003).
Volunteering is widely recognized as contributing to stocks of social capital
because undertaking such work is regarded as a measure of people’s
concerns for others (ABS 2006a). Where only one indicator can be used to
gauge current stocks of this capital, voluntary work is often selected.
Volunteering can be either through time or money given to formal organisation
(formal volunteering) or time to help or assist family, friends and neighbours
(informal volunteering).
Taking part as volunteers also present opportunities for people to become
active in new communities. The 2002 GSS (ABS 2003a) found that one in
three persons born in the main English-speaking countries (including
Australia) undertook voluntary work. For those born in other than main English
speaking countries, about one in four who was proficient in spoken English
said they had volunteered. Only about one in ten migrants not proficient in
spoken English had volunteered. Of course, different acculturation with
respect to doing volunteer work – and also interpretation of what might
constitute volunteer work – may influence participation levels and results but
fluency in the English language appears to be a factor determining
participation in such activities.
The ABS collects information on volunteering through two other vehicles – the
Voluntary Work Survey (VWS) and the Time Use Survey (TUS). The most
recently conducted VWS (in 2000) sought to find out about formal volunteering
activities over the preceding year; the TUS (last conducted in 1997) collected
both formal and informal time spent on any given day. An analysis of the VWS
shows that those born in Australia were more likely than migrants to volunteer
time through formal organisations. This was compounded for those groups
who spoke languages other than English at home. Analysis of the TUS shows
that well established migrants – those who had arrived in Australia prior to
1982 – spent more time in informal voluntary activities such as helping
neighbours or friends than people born in Australia. It seems that volunteering
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informal help and assistance is the main way by which migrants contribute
substantial stocks of social capital.
Other community support issues
An additional measure with respect to community support that was surveyed
in the 2002 GSS was the ability of individuals to ask others outside their own
household for small favours and for help in times of crises. Overall, people
were substantially more likely in times of crises to rely on the informal support
networks of family members or friends than on formal support such as that
offered through community, charity or religious organisations, or health, legal
or financial professionals (ABS 2006a: 29). Moreover, a comparatively high
proportion of the adult population born in countries where English was not the
main language felt unable to ask for small favours or to obtain support in a
time of crisis, particularly if they were not proficient in English. For example,
95 per cent of persons born in Australia felt able to ask for small favours
whereas only 81 per cent of overseas-born adults not proficient in English felt
that they could do so.
These generally accepted norms of civil society in times of crises were not
regarded as valid options for a comparatively large proportion of people from
non-English speaking backgrounds. Whether recent migrants have similar
levels of reluctance towards seeking assistance from more formal community
organisations can be gleaned from the LSIAs. Thus these results have been
referenced to further inform aspects of community support sought by migrants.
Results from the LSIAs pointed to only minimal contact between migrants and
ethnic clubs or various welfare agencies prior to their arrival in Australia.
(Refer to Tables 4.2.1 and 4.2.3 in Appendix 4A.2 which discusses data tables
referenced in this section.) After arrival, new migrants apparently drew more
on informal social links with relatives (in about two out of three cases) and
friends (the main source of help for 40% of primary applicants) already
resident in Australia (Tables 4.2.2 and 4.2.4) than on formal organisations.
Humanitarian migrants used formal organisations the most although still only
to a level that involved about one in eight migrants (Table 4A.2.5). The limited
extent to which ethnic and community organisations seemingly provided help
after arrival suggests low measures of social capital in the middle ground
between formal government structures and the core environment of family and
friends. However, these results were not fully supported by the community
studies which indicated formal organisations, many of which would be
providing Commonwealth-funded services, played substantial roles in
settlement and support for many migrants.
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Multicultural policies and migrant settlement
Often civil organisations that help new migrants settle in Australia have
developed with government funding and support. An example is to be seen in
the recently designed and implemented Settlement Grants Programme (DIMA
2006a). This programme, which commenced in July 2006, combined the
funding previously made available to the Community Settlement Services
Scheme and to Migrant Resource Centres and Migrant Service Agencies. The
Settlement Grants Programmeme provides organisations with funding to
provide settlement services to recently arrived humanitarian entrants, family
stream migrants who have low English proficiency and the dependants of
skilled migrants in rural and regional areas who have low English proficiency
for up to five years after arrival.
Such Programmes have been designed to provide migrants with service
coordination, information and referral services, and to facilitate community
capacity building. When effective, they have been beneficial and represent a
valuable resource. However, there has also been criticism about the cost of
such services and the divisiveness of some centres which have been seen as
promoting cultural differences at the expense of focusing on the settling of
new arrivals (DIMA 2003b; Jupp 2002). It is too early to assess the
effectiveness of the new programme which has been formulated around
needs-based settlement planning.
The Commonwealth, which has the portfolio responsibility for migration into
Australia, has supplied the following advice about its settlement services and
policies:
The Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) provides initial,
intensive settlement assistance for humanitarian entrants in the first six
months after arrival. This support can be extended to 12 months where
needed. Entrant’s needs are assessed and addressed through an integrated
case management approach. Services provided through the IHSS include:
Initial information and orientation assistance; assistance in finding
accommodation; a package of goods to help humanitarian entrants establish a
household; information and assistance to access services and become part of
the local community; and short term torture and trauma counselling.
English language tuition is provided under the Adult Migrant English
Programme (AMEP) for migrants and humanitarian entrants who do not have
functional English. Refugee and humanitarian entrants under the age of 25
years with low levels of schooling are eligible for up to 910 hours of English
language tuition and those over the age of 25 years are eligible for up to 610
hours of tuition. Other migrants are eligible for up to 510 hours of tuition.
The Australian Government also provides other targeted English language
Programmes through the Department of Education, Science and Training
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(DEST) and State/Territory Governments. DEST has two employment related
English language Programmes for adults and provides intensive English
language tuition to eligible newly-arrived students through the English as a
Second Language – New Arrivals Programme (DIAC advice, April 2007).
Importantly, given that the settlement phrase is the one associated with most
of the social costs of migration into Australia, the Commonwealth commences
its integration support off-shore through the provision of the Australian Cultural
Orientation (AUSCO) Programme. It is available to all refugee and special
humanitarian entrants over five years of age. This programme was introduced
for refugee and special humanitarian programme entrants in 2003 and has
since expanded globally to four regions – Africa, South Asia, South East Asia
and the Middle East. AUSCO is the beginning of the settlement process. In
2005, DIMA developed and trialled a pilot children's programme in Thailand
and a pre-literate programme in Tehran. A review of the curricula is currently
underway and this will ensure it will meet the needs of each specific location.
These Programmes are being introduced globally to all locations with
significant numbers of child and pre-literate applicants (DIAC advice, April
2007).
Social cohesion issues
The existence of migrants and migrant organisations can of course prompt
opposition and be a focus for criticism. Therefore, reactions within the majority
population should also be considered. Resistance to policies of cultural
diversity is, for some Australians, a reflection of the history of the nation’s
migration profile before its ‘White Australia’ policy was abandoned in the early
1970s (Jupp 2002). Belief in assimilation, as it was then practised, means that
tolerance and understanding of different cultures was sometimes limited (as it
was among some of the Queensland Focus Groups). The issue of some longtime Australians finding difficulty in adapting to the changing social complexion
of their neighbourhood is however not primarily an immigration problem.
Residential gentrification, which has proceeded rapidly over the last 25 years
mainly through well-off baby boomers entering into property markets that were
once working class neighbourhoods (as in Sydney’s inner eastern and
western suburbs and Brisbane’s south west suburbs), is a case in point.
Widely differing opinions about immigration intake and a culturally diverse
society were demonstrated in Australia in the mid 1990s as the views of the
One Nation Party received widespread media attention. In fact, ethnic
differences are sometimes seen as a threat to national unity in many of the
traditional settlement countries for migrants. The rioting and civil unrest
experienced in France in the latter part of 2005 were apparently triggered by
racial inequities but perhaps also in response to that nation’s high
unemployment levels. In Australia, opposition to immigration has been shown
to correlate strongly with increasing unemployment levels (McAllister 1993;
Goot 2000). It has been repeatedly demonstrated that ‘popular support for
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values like tolerance and equality of opportunity is easier to garner when
economic times are good than when they are bad’ (Jones 1996:25).
The widening gap in Australia between rich and poor could again see minority
groups such as migrants scapegoated – as when Pauline Hanson challenged
migrant intake levels, especially of Asians – upon a return to harsher
economic times. In this context, it should be noted that ethnic and racial
prejudices have generally not been used to provoke political disputes or point
scoring. In fact, in the decades following World War II, there has been a
generally recognised bipartisan convention between Australia’s two major
political parties that supports continuing immigration and endorses a policy of
multiculturalism (Jones 1996; Betts 2000; Lopez 2000).
The critical issue with respect to levels of satisfaction seems to be the
question of being heard. The Australia-born who think that they are not being
heard can be vocal in opposing immigration, just as migrants afraid of not
being heard might be predisposed to join migrant organisations (Hage 1998).
The powerful majority in society often stress the social obligations (rather than
the rights) of minority groups. Thus some migrants can find it difficult to gain
acceptance in civil society, generating concerns that their legitimate and
important agendas are not receiving attention (Jupp 2002). This can make
migrants less inclined to participate in more mainstream civil society. Other
factors serve to reinforce this view, not least of which can be more immediate
requirements associated with settling in processes.
Lack of proficiency in English can also discourage those from non-Englishspeaking backgrounds from engaging in civil society. Unfamiliarity with the
Australian political system or uncertainty about how they might be treated –
especially for refugees and asylum seekers who have fled chaos and
persecution – could be daunting. Of course, this does not mean that migrants
are unwilling to express views about topical issues including, for example,
Australia’s policies as they relate to multiculturalism. Indeed, some research
shows that migrants are less prepared than Australia-born citizens to support
a multicultural policy if it means retaining cultures of origin in preference to
integration into Australia (Betts 2005b).
National identity and citizenship
Ethnic differences can also sometimes be seen as a threat to national identity
and thus civil society. Although differences of opinion obviously exist, the
general view has been that very few people are extreme enough to disrupt
Australia’s social cohesion or sense of national pride and identity (Castles et
al. 1998). Of course, some recent global and local examples of terrorism and
civil unrest have caused a rethink of this philosophy. Nevertheless, the
majority of Australians recognise that national identity is not assigned at birth,
or the preserve of the Australia-born. This creates the capacity for Australia to
be a truly culturally diverse society where being Australian is:
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… an emergent and constantly evolving sense… including a commitment to
basic social institutions such as parliamentary democracy, the rule of law and
equality before the law, freedom of the individual, freedom of speech, religious
and other forms of tolerance (for example, a “fair go”), and equality of
opportunity (Jones 1996:25).
Of particular relevance with respect to national identity and community life is
the issue of citizenship. At the time of the 2001 Census, almost three-quarters
of people born overseas who had been resident in Australia for two years or
more were Australian citizens (ABS 2006c) (refer to Appendix 4A.2, Table
4A.2.6). Most recent migrants either intend to or, indeed, have become
Australian citizens. Those within the humanitarian stream seem more willing in
this respect despite outward signs of hardship (S. Richardson 2002). Recently
arrived skill stream and independent migrants are less likely to feel committed,
possibly reflecting the fact that they have more life choices available
(Richardson et al. 2002).
Generally speaking, persons from the main English-speaking countries are
less likely to take up citizenship whereas those from Asian countries,
especially where the main languages spoken are other than English, are more
likely to do so. More specifically, people most likely to become Australian
citizens have been those born in the Philippines, Viet Nam or China. Unstable
or changing political and socio-economic conditions in these countries may
have influenced desires for Australian citizenship (ABS 2006c). In contrast,
take-up rates by those born in the UK and New Zealand have been much
lower although they were the two largest groups granted Australian citizenship
in 2003-04 (Appendix 4A.2, Table 4A.2.7). Other residents who were granted
citizenship in that year were likely to have come from Asian countries.
Statistics for citizenship take-up reflect the immigration levels for countries
such as China, South Africa, India and the Philippines which were in the top
ten birthplace groups of overseas-born people arriving in Australia in the
intercensal period to 2001.
Australia, unlike some host countries, has made it relatively easy for migrants
to become citizens and actively encourages them to do so. Perhaps, for this
reason, there is scepticism about the value of using the take-up of citizenship
as an indicator of commitment to Australia (Cope et al. 1991). Of course,
changing criteria for citizenship (such as the mandatory four-year resident
period proposed for introduction after 1 July 2007) could alter these
perceptions in the future. Nevertheless, integration by migrants into Australian
society is regarded by many as inevitable (Hage 1998), with the speed and
extent to which this happens being largely determined by the effectiveness of
social institutions, community life and civil society.
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Summary of benefits and costs
Ethnic organisations can provide important support for migrants – particularly
in the earlier periods of settlement – and quite likely encourage participation in
community life and civil society within the broader community. The community
studies provide detail about concrete examples of how multiculturalism grows
social capital in this way. Immediate requirements associated with settling,
such as finding employment and suitable accommodation, can take priority
over building links with the wider community, especially for new and emergent
migrant communities preoccupied with finding work, learning English and
settling into a new country. However, lack of proficiency in English sometimes
restricts involvement. Further barriers to participations can be different and
seemingly non-compromising features of the cultural, social and physical
Australian environment by comparison with countries of origin. These also
have the potential to influence the reality of or perceptions about social
cohesion.
Existence of ethnic organisations can prompt opposition and be a focus for
criticism as they were in some of the focus groups. While images of
homogeneous ethnic community identities are often used positively, they can
also work against building bridging capital and acceptance by the wider
community. Ethnic differences are sometimes seen as a threat to national
identity and thus the issue of citizenship is particularly relevant with respect to
civil society and community life in a multicultural Australia.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of migration to Australia with respect to
community life and civil society which have been identified and discussed in
the review of literature and data are summarised in Table 4.3.
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Table 4.3: Community life and civil society issues – summary of social
costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Ethnic
media
and
ethno-specific
organisations help Australians to redefine
themselves as citizens of a multicultural
and multilingual local and global society
by recognising difference, valuing cultural
and linguistic diversity, and providing
outlets for broad cross sections of voices,
views and visions of the world.
Social costs
Existence of migrants and migrant
organisations can prompt opposition and
be a focus for criticism. Some Australians
have expressed concerns about the
viability of social cohesion under the
current policy of multiculturalism.
Mutual support derived from community Demands placed on new migrants in
organisations
encourages
migrant terms
of
social
adjustment
and
participation.
employment is such that there can be
little
time
remaining for
building
community networks.
Informal networks between established Community life can be inhibited by lack of
and new migrant communities provide a informal public meeting places for
wealth of support for each other
migrants more comfortable with street life
than mall shopping.
Communities with a strong multicultural
presence and avenues for cultivating
bridging capital can be nurturing and
supportive of their members, thereby
enhancing quality of life for all who live in
them.
Overly cohesive and insular migrant
communities can be inward looking and
can serve to work against the
cohesiveness of society as a whole,
contributing to negative social capital and
perhaps reinforcement of the marginal
status of some ethnic or religious groups.
The same can be said for overly cohesive
host communities.
Individuals and institutions often provide
social capital in the form of cultural and
voluntary support to migrants in areas of
ethnic concentration.
Cultural, religious and personal beliefs
can sometimes inhibit new migrant
women from interacting in many aspects
of Australian life, thus limiting various
types of activities to private homes.
Volunteering informal
help
and
assistance is the main way by which
migrants contribute substantial stocks of
social capital.
Migrants born in other than the main
English speaking countries and, even
more so, persons not proficient in English
are significantly less likely than others to
do formal volunteer work.
Some of the most obvious migrant
contributions to civil society are to be
seen through religious or faith based
organisations
Politics and conflicts over religious views
are a continuing feature of Australian
politics and an impetus for much
contemporary controversy.
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Civil
organisations developed
with
government support provide migrants
with service coordination, information and
referral services and facilitate community
capacity building.
Some migrant civil centres are seen to
have been costly and also divisive thus
promoting cultural differences at the
expense of focusing on the settling of
new arrivals.
Bipartisanship by major political parties
on most matters relating to immigration
reduces the impact of the ‘race card’ in
Australian culture and promotes a socially
cohesive multicultural society
The widening gap in Australia between
rich and poor could see minority groups
such
as
humanitarian
entrants
scapegoated upon a return to harsher
economic times.
Many migrants are willing to express
views about topical issues including, for
example, Australia’s policies as they
relate to multiculturalism.
Migrants can find it difficult to gain
acceptance in civil society with one result
being that their legitimate and important
agendas are not heard. This can make
migrants less inclined to participate in
civil society.
The majority of Australians recognise that
national identity is not assigned at birth.
This is the cornerstone foundation of a
mature and socially cohesive multicultural
society.
Ethnic differences, mostly associated with
new and emergent migrant communities,
can sometimes be seen as a threat to
national identity and thus civil society.
Very few people are extreme enough to Some recent global and local examples
disrupt Australia’s social cohesion or of terrorism and civil unrest have caused
sense of national pride and identity
a rethink of the level of social cohesion in
Australia.
Maintaining strong links with migrants’ Maintaining strong links with migrants’
homelands has been made easier in homelands can unsettle the development
recent decades.
of a sense of connectedness to
Australian national identity
Australia makes it relatively easy for Australians who think that they are not
migrants to become citizens and actively being heard can be more inclined to be
encourages them to do so. Most migrants vocal in opposing immigration.
eventually come to identify as Australian.
Most recent migrants, especially those
from non English-speaking countries,
either intend to or, indeed, have become
Australian citizens.
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Dual citizens could experience conflicting
loyalties if the interests of foreign states
are not necessarily congruent with
Australia’s interests.
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4.3
Social networks and neighbourhoods
Review of the literature and data
Residential differentiation in Australian cities
Most migrants to Australia settle in cities, the capitals accounting for more
than four out of five new settlers in the last fifty years (ABS 2004d). The
residents of cities are not uniformly distributed. Rather they tend to cluster in
areas on the basis of income and wealth, age and life cycle, occupation,
lifestyle and ethnicity. Patterns of concentration among different ethnic
communities have been evident for a long time in Australia’s capitals (Burnley
et al. 1997; Jarasuriya and Kee 1999). This process of residential
differentiation is entirely normal and reflects the existence of diverse housing
opportunities in a society where people’s needs, aspirations and interests vary
(Forster 2004). They are also consistent with patterns in other immigrant
settler societies such as the UK, USA and Canada. In spite of these
similarities, Australian cities are among the least segregated in the Englishspeaking world and are characterised by their degree of ethno-cultural mix
rather than segregation (Poulsen et al. 2004; Waitt et al. 2000).
From the host community as well as the migrant perspectives, residential
clustering has several advantages: it facilitates adjustment to a new country; it
enables arrivals to overcome initial language problems by relying on the
translation skills of nearby compatriots; it provides efficiencies in forms of
institutional and mutual support during the stressful adjustment phase of
migration; and it provides a way of preserving culture through such things as
food outlets, religious facilities and social clubs (Burnley 2000; Dunn 1993).
Proximity fosters interaction. Thus neighbourhoods with a marked migrant
presence can become important in the socialisation of migrant children, the
provision of friendship, support, employment contacts and services. This all
helps to build social capital and minimise the uncertainty and fear which can
characterise settlement in a new land (Walmsley 1988).
There are other benefits to migrants who are able to identify with
neighbourhoods. Public celebration of cultural differences can provide a sense
of belonging, adding balance to contradictory feelings of exclusion because
they do not visually appear to be Australian (Zevallos 2005). The
neighbourhood may be particularly important for women – especially for those
without paid work – because it can represent public territory around the home
and be the area in which significant and meaningful relationships can be
formed (Thompson 1994).
Attractive features of clustering may even stimulate migrants who have settled
elsewhere to make deliberate choices to relocate to the places of
concentration in order to access the support they provide, particularly in times
of personal or economic adversity (Birrell 1993). In some localities, this has
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led to even greater commercial and cultural vibrancy and tourism (Jupp et al.
1990), commonly referred to as productive diversity. Such areas are likely to
be long-lasting features of the social geography of Australian cities and
regions rather than temporary phenomena (Dunn 1993). In this way, living in
residential concentrations can represent a zone of transition for some and end
stages for others (Jupp et al. 1990). Thus there is continual movement of
people into and out of areas (Carroll 2003; Viviani 1996; Wilson 1990).
Consequently residential clustering facilitates cultural identification and the
fostering of diversity. Herein though lays a potential problem. It can be argued
that humans have an innate need to feel a sense of belonging to place. As a
result, places have meaning to people. If sufficient similar people bond to a
certain place, then those people and that place become identified with each
other in the public mind (Walmsley 1988). In this way, the preconditions for
stereotyping can be met. Stereotyping can be positive or negative. The
positive features of a place (for example the food, smells and bustle of a
Chinatown) or the visibly different features, for example the prominence of
adolescent males in street life (often labelled gangs), can be highlighted (see
Poynting et al. 2004).
When individuals do not have direct experiences of a place or people, they
can become reliant on images created by the media, particularly distorted
ones. Sensationalist treatment of gangs can, for instance, lead to negative
images which bear little resemblance to reality. In the absence of direct
experience, media-based images become powerful. In this situation, there is
inevitably tension between reality and image and the possibility of negative
stereotyping is high. This can damage social cohesion and encourage racist
attitudes in others. More recent migrant groups are often easily targeted
because of distinctive physical appearances. As a result, they can become
scapegoats of cultural intolerance (Dunn et al. 2004; Jarasuriya and Kee
1999). Promoting cross-cultural experiences can help to counteract these
tendencies thereby building bridging capital which in turn reduces the potential
for stereotyping to be effective.
Diversity in inter-ethnic relationships
Inasmuch as residential lifestyles are exemplified by ethnic diversity, so are
interpersonal relationships. Australia is now recognised as having one of the
highest incidences of inter-ethnic marriages and relationships in the world.
Inter-marriage is regarded as the crucial measure of social cohesion (Murphy
and Watson 1997). Although rates of inter-marriage have been comparatively
low for first generation migrants and vary sharply among the second
generation, by the third generation most people have married outside their
own ancestry groups (Khoo 2004). Specifically, in the case of persons of
Southern and Western European ancestry, by the third generation, 80 per
cent or more had spouses of different ancestry. Of particular interest is the
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fact that most second or third generation persons reporting Southern or
Western European, Middle Eastern or Asian ancestry who had intermarried
had spouses who were of Australian or English-speaking ancestries.
With high degrees of intermixing and intermarriage it seems unlikely that
single-ethnic communities will self-perpetuate across generations (Birrell and
Betts 2001). It is of course too early to discern whether this high degree of
social integration with Australian society by the third generation will be a
continuing feature among more recent immigrant groups. However, people
reporting Indian and Chinese ancestry show similar patterns to the Greeks:
strong in-marriage in the second generation followed by strong out-marriage in
the third-plus generations (Khoo 2004: 35).
Diversity of family life
Comparing family life of migrants with that of the Australia-born is difficult due
to limited availability of statistics. Fertility is, however, an exception. Fertility is
considered important for Australia’s population growth and prosperity. In this
sense the fertility rates of migrants is of significance to Australian society.
Nearly one quarter of births in Australia are registered to women born
overseas; this level has remained constant since the early 1990s. In 2004,
overseas-born women, with a Total Fertility Rate (TFR) of 1.767, were slightly
more fertile than the Australia-born (TFR of 1.750) (ABS 2005b). The age at
which births occurred varied substantially by country of birth of the mother and
can be further influenced by age of the mother on arrival in Australia (ABS
2002b). Childbearing ages tend to be younger and more concentrated where
TFRs for countries-of-birth are high. In 2004 for example, the three countries
of birth with highest the TFRs also had the lowest median age ranges of
mothers. Furthermore, countries-of-birth with high TFRs in Australia are
generally ones where the main language spoken is not English. (Refer to
Appendix 4A.3 and Table 4A.3.1 and Table 4A.3.2 for additional statistics and
discussion).
In addition to having slightly higher fertility rates than mothers born in
Australia, recent migrants are also less likely to be divorced. Furthermore,
they marry earlier and live in non-family households more so than the
Australia-born and longer standing migrants (Hugo 2004). These factors point
to living arrangements among recent migrants producing patterns of
increasing diversity.
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Social network and interactions
Social networks and interactions include cross-cultural experiences with other
areas in large cities. The arrival of migrants over several decades has
therefore resulted in complex and overlapping ethnic communities with
subsequent commercial and residential occupancies generating enhanced
cultural diversity (Ang et al. 2002; Burnley 2000; Burnley et al. 1997; Collins et
al. 2000; Johnston et al. 2001; Jupp et al. 1990; Waitt et al. 2000). There is
little evidence of single-ethnic concentrations of migrant communities forming.
However, with continuing migrant intakes and some evidence of a widening
economic divide, some have questioned whether patterns of urban
heterogeneity will continue (Healy and Birrell 2003).
As well as considering the social networking of migrants which is facilitated by
proximity, it is important to reflect on the impact of migrant concentration on
longer-term residents of affected areas. Those who remain in situ can face
challenges resulting from the influx of migrant groups. For instance some
elderly Australia-born residents can have trouble adapting to the changing
face of their neighbourhoods and can experience significant discomfort with
the scale and types of change (Wise 2004). Interestingly it is the most visually
distinctive features of culturally diverse neighbourhoods, such as non-English
signage and symbols, which attract most complaints (Forster 1995).
Relevance of family and friendship networks
Migrants often have fairly intricate family and friendship networks which have
been developed over time within their homelands as well as in countries of
settlement (Burnley 2003a). These have at times stimulated successful chain
migration, including family reunion. However, in spite of family and friendship
networks offering social, practical and psychological support, elderly migrants
from non-English-speaking backgrounds can suffer from social isolation
(Thomas and Balnaves 1993). In addition, changes in family structures,
increased family mobility, and acculturation to the Australian way of life can
gradually erode traditional family networks and weaken senses of familial
responsibility. This in turn can undermine time-honoured patterns of family
care and deepen intergenerational conflicts among new settlers (Vo-ThanhXuan and Liampouttong 2003).
Contact with family and friends was used in the GSS as an indicator of social
integration. In 2002, the proportion of adults born overseas that had contact
with family and friends in the previous week was only marginally lower than for
persons born in Australia (ABS 2003a). Of course, the form of contact may
well be significantly different especially with respect to contact with family
members and friends who did not migrate. In this respect, how and where
contact was made are relevant factors with respect to exploration of social
integration.
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Social integration can be inhibited by lack of mobility and hence access to
transport is very important for belonging and human wellbeing. Furthermore,
passing driver’s licence tests and finding out about alternative transport
options – including being able to interpret public transport timetables and
travel routes – have added complexities for integration into the wider
community for those not proficient in English. Accordingly, such persons have
greater difficulty in getting about. Research has shown that persons without
motor vehicles (or access to one) generally have very small neighbourhood
areas by comparison with others (McIntosh 2004). In addition, they are less
likely to have outings for what many regard as normal activities such as eating
out, participating in recreational activities or attending sporting or cultural
events. Results previously discussed have highlighted comparatively low
participation and attendance rates with respect to sport and physical activities
by persons not born in the main English-speaking countries. Lack of access to
transport is quite likely an influential factor.
In this regard, the GSS found that the most common form of support given to
relatives who did not live in the same household was with respect to transport,
largely through providing lifts and lending cars (ABS 2006a: 31). English
proficiency (or lack of it) has little to do with the likelihood of such assistance
being provided (ABS 2003a). Nevertheless, migrants not proficient in spoken
English were significantly less likely than all persons living in Australia to have
access to motor vehicles (ownerships rates were 54% and 85% respectively)
(Table 4A.3.3). Furthermore, they were greater than three times more likely to
not be able to get, or at least often had difficulty in getting, to places where
they needed to go. These factors further highlight the importance of being able
to effectively communicate in English for what are regarded as normal aspects
of daily living that help promote quality of life.
Summary of benefits and costs
Social interaction between family, friends and neighbours enables new
migrants to develop a sense of place and belonging. These phenomena are
central to engendering identity as Australians, feelings of citizenship, and
comfort rather than alienation and anxiety in neighbourhood living. Residential
concentration of persons of the same ethnicity can be important in the
socialisation of migrant children, the provision of friendship and support,
employment contacts and services. These features of clustering may attract
other migrants to relocate to the places of concentration in order to access the
support they provide.
Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to
social networks and neighbourhoods which have been identified and
discussed in the review of literature and data are summarised in Table 4.4.
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Table 4.4: Social network and neighbourhood issues– summary of social
costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Residential clusterings of migrant groups Even some long-term migrants
provide friendship, support, employment experience feelings of exclusion.
contacts and services to new migrants thus
contributing to their sense of belonging and
ameliorating the uncertainty and fear which
can characterise resettlement.
can
Clustering may encourage migrants who
have settled elsewhere to make deliberate
choices to relocate to the places of
concentration.
Some Australia-born residents can have
trouble adapting to the changing face of
their neighbourhoods and can experience
significant discomfort with the scale and
types of change brought about by migrant
concentrations.
Australian cities are among the least
segregated in the English-speaking world
and are characterised by their degree of
ethno-cultural mix rather than segregation.
There is a view – generally regarded as
unlikely – that patterns of urban
heterogeneity might not continue; instead,
concentrations of single-ethnic groups
could emerge in some socio-economically
deprived sections of cities.
Residential clustering can facilitate cultural
identification, thereby highlighting the
positive features of ethnic groups and their
cultural diversity.
In the absence of first-hand experience, the
possibility of negative stereotyping of ethnic
groups through media reporting is high.
This can damage social cohesion and
cultivate racist attitudes.
With high degrees of intermixing and
intermarriage, it seems unlikely that singleethnic communities will self-perpetuate
across generations.
Whether high levels of social integration
through marriage will be a continuing
feature among some more recent migrant
groups for religious and cultural reasons
cannot be discerned at this stage.
Successful chain migration, including in the Migrants, especially those from nonform of family reunion, has occurred English-speaking backgrounds, can suffer
through maintenance of family and from social isolation.
friendship networks within countries of
birth.
The most common form of support given to
relatives not living in the same household is
with respect to transport, largely through
providing lifts and lending cars. English
proficiency (or lack of it) has little to do with
the likelihood of such assistance being.
A comparatively high proportion of people
not proficient in English have difficulty
getting about due to problems associated
with transport availability and use.
Ethnic groups can be stereotyped in Ethnic groups can be stereotyped in
positive ways, for example through food negative ways, for example through
and cultural diversity.
prominence of young people of certain
physical appearances in ‘gangs’.
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4.4
Crime and justice
Review of the literature and data
Popular misconceptions
One concern that reportedly accompanies a large migrant intake is that it
affords opportunities for people linked to overseas-based organised crime (for
example Mafia and Asian crime syndicates) to enter Australia. Crime, drugs,
anti-social behaviour, unemployment (especially for youth), culture clash,
crowding, and, more recently, radical Islam and sympathy and support for
global terrorism, have been among the dimensions of fear associated publicly
with these suburbs (Collins et al. 2000).
Time and again, research has shown the extent and nature of these subjects
of popular fear to be without foundation (Lee, 2007; Marshall 1997; Easteal
1994; Mukherjee 1999a; Poynting et al. 2004). Statistical studies of crime and
ethnicity go a long way towards demonstrating this but apparently fail to
displace popular conceptions largely because of the power of media images.
Several studies have indicated widespread belief in an unrealistically high
level of crime (of various types), particularly in notorious neighbourhoods as
depicted by the popular media, yet at the same time showing that most people
feel quite safe in their own familiar neighbourhoods (Poynting et al. 2004).
Nevertheless, recent research has provided additional insights which link
levels of proficiency in English with the extent to which people feel safe in their
own homes after dark.
Victims and migrant status
Limited data on country of birth for crime victims are collected by the ABS
national crime victim survey for the offences of robbery and assault. From
what can be sourced, it appears that people born in Australia are slightly over
represented as victims of crime (refer to Appendix 4A.4, Table 4A.4.1). Given
that around 23 per cent of the population is born overseas, both overseas
born males and female are under-represented as victims of crime according to
this survey. Interestingly, females born overseas are about half as likely as
females born in Australia to be victims of robbery, and possibly about 25 per
cent less likely to be victims of assault. However, data on robbery need to be
interpreted with caution given a high relative standard error of such national
surveys.
Other research has produced the contradictory view that, if anything, people
from visible ethnic minorities have been disproportionately the victims of
crime, including hate crimes (Mukherjee 1999a), many of which would be
unreported. Hate crimes are sometimes associated with racism and prejudice
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and can be manifested as vilification, harassment, vandalism and assault
against individuals solely on the basis of ethnic origins (HREOC 1991). These
types of racially motivated crime are felt and experienced both by the
individual and by the ethnic group to which individuals belong (Cunneen et al.
1997). Thus not only can a whole ethnic group become sullied by crimes
committed by an individual but all migrants who have a particular birthplace,
language or religion can also feel maligned by hate crimes carried out against
one of them. This can be damaging to social cohesion and feelings of
wellbeing and belonging.
State and Territory police forces are, under current policies, encouraged to
regard hate crime seriously (Cunneen et al. 1997). Law enforcement officers
in Australia – in Canada and the United Kingdom as well – are supported by
legislation to cover most acts of racial vilification committed by private citizens
with the substantial motivation for such legislation provided by the rise of
extremist vilification campaigns by organised racist groups.
Migrant status and feelings of security
Taken overall, persons born overseas have similar feelings about levels of
safety when home alone after dark as the Australia-born (Table 4A.4.2).
Capital cities – which are where migrants are more likely to live – have higher
proportions of people feeling unsafe than other locations within States and
Territories (ABS 2006e). This factor possibly accounts for the slightly higher
proportion that indicated feeling unsafe if not very unsafe.
The extent to which people felt unsafe alone at home after dark was also
probed in the 2002 GSS (ABS 2003a) (Table 4A.4.3). These results showed
that persons born overseas who were not proficient in spoken English were
more than twice as likely to feel unsafe as people born in the main Englishspeaking countries (including Australia). Furthermore, they were over 60 per
cent more likely to feel that way than persons born in other countries but who
spoke English well. The same survey found that overseas-born people not
proficient in spoken English were least likely to have had negative
experiences as victims of physical or threatened violence or actual or
attempted break-ins in the preceding 12 months. Hence, according to this
survey, for those born overseas, their fear of crime is misaligned with their
incidence of victimisation.
Further to this, the Australian component of the International Crime Victim
Survey (ICVS) found that people of Middle-Eastern and Vietnamese
backgrounds have higher levels of fear for their safety than other persons in
Australia (Johnston 2005:5). Women from these visible ethnic minorities in
particular held serious concerns for their public safety. While these findings
may appear at odds with the actual risk of victimisation, the mismatch
between perception and reality of risk is a common one (Weatherburn, Matka
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and Lind 1996). It may reveal more about a person’s sense of security and
vulnerability than patterns of crime.
Problems with data collection
It is difficult to gain a proper appreciation of the extent to which migrants are
implicated in criminal activities due to limitations and dissimilarities in data
collected by States and Territories in Australia (Mukherjee 1999c). All new
migrants undergo character and police checks before gaining entry; hence
policies are in place to screen out migrants with a criminal background from
entering Australia. The National Prison Census shows that a higher proportion
of the Australia-born population is in prison than those born elsewhere
(Mukherjee and Graycar 1997; Mukherjee 1999a). Of course, available data
for the Australia-born are distorted by the extremely high rates of
imprisonment for Indigenous Australians – around 20 times the national
average. However, while it is true that migrants in general have lower rates of
incarceration than the Australian norm, some groups have recorded high
crime rates (Cope et al. 1991; Mukherjee 1999c). Many offences are related to
drug importation and hence those in jail are not Australian nationals and under
domestic law will be deported upon the completion of their prison sentences.
Many problems with the manner in which crime statistics are collected lead to
major difficulties in officially refuting some of the images portrayed of migrants
and crime. Unreported or undetected crimes are examples. Imprisonment
rates do not capture the length of sentences and therefore do not reflect the
severity of sentences or the attitude of judges on sentencing policy (Jarasuriya
and Kee 1999; Mukherjee 1999a). Not surprisingly, there have been calls for
the collection of accurate data at several stages of the criminal justice process
(Collins et al. 2000; Mukherjee 1999a). It is only when such data are available
that any more accurate picture of the relationships between migration and
crime can be more accurately presented.
Impact of media reports
While some migrants are of course involved in criminal activity, media and
public images have exaggerated the extent of this involvement (Easteal 1994;
Poynting et al. 2004). Distorted media reports of criminal activities originating
from secret societies, organised groups and, more recently, youth gangs,
have fuelled popular myths. Crimes committed by an individual or group of
individuals can come to be seen as the fault of an entire migrant population
(Poynting et al. 2004). While the formation of, for example, a specialised crime
squad in NSW to investigate organised crime represents an essential pooling
of knowledge and language skills, this can also create exaggerated
impressions of high crime rates among certain ethnic groups (Jarasuriya and
Kee 1999).
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Ethnic youth and juvenile justice
The identification of gangs is sometimes conflated with ethnic groups of young
people which the media, in turn, readily over-sensationalise (White et al.
1999). Gang membership does not cause delinquency but it can be a risk
factor. A team of researchers from Victoria estimate that less than a quarter of
youth gangs were involved in trouble making (White et al. 1999).
Over-reactions to gang behaviour can at times escalate delinquent behaviour
by pushing gang members to the margins and policing their behaviour in such
a way as to criminalise their petty delinquencies. White argues that effective
intervention strategies to curtail undesirable gang behaviour associated with
ethnic youth need to be diverse, culturally relevant, community-oriented and
focused on prevention (White 2002: 5). In 2001, the NSW Government, for
instance, announced a package of legislative measures designed to combat
gang-related crime in NSW associated loosely with ethnic youths (Lousic
2002). These social responses have attracted their supporters and critics.
When youths from non-English speaking backgrounds are drawn into the
juvenile justice system, it tends to be for committing street offences. A 1995
inquiry in NSW, for example, found that police attitudes towards Arabicspeaking youth in particular were characterised by police stereotyping them as
members of gangs with no respect for police (Cunneen et al. 1997). Of
course, many types of offences are not explained solely by ethnicity, given
that the youths in question have high levels of unemployment irrespective of
birthplace (Hazlehurst 1987). In fact, it has been acknowledged for some time
that factors other than ethnic origins are strongly correlated with crime (Cope
et al. 1991; Weatherburn 2004; Mukherjee 1999a). Socio-economic and
demographic characteristics are likely to affect crime rates of a particular
neighbourhood (Mukherjee 1999c). However these socio-economic factors
can be displaced by an overly simplistic focus on race or ethnicity as the sole
cause of crime (Collins et al. 2000).
LSIA-sourced perceptions of crime levels also suggested that crime is related
to socio-economic profile of neighbourhoods in which migrants lived rather
than their migrant status per se in that humanitarian migrants were
significantly more likely to think there was more crime than skilled business
entrants. Perceptions about what constitutes a lot of crime would be based
largely on previous experiences prior to settlement in Australia, as well place
of residence upon arrival given the wide variation in crime rates across urban
and rural communities (Hogg and Carrington, 2006). (Refer to Appendix 4A.4
for further discussion about recent migrant perceptions about crime which
have been sourced from LSIA results.)
Language and communication difficulties for migrants from ethnic minorities
are potential biases affecting arrest and sentencing (Jarasuriya and Kee
1999). Language difficulties, the lack of properly trained translators and low
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representations of Australians from some minority ethnic groups in the police
service have been identified as factors that affect the low-level of interaction
between police and some ethnic groups (Cunneen et al. 1997). Furthermore,
the language used in discussing and reporting crime can be strongly racialised
with the media centrally involved in shaping perceptions. In constructing
particular ways of seeing ethnicity and crime, media representations can
blame a culture for what are often complex social phenomena (Collins et al.
2000).
Summary of benefits and costs
Interpretations of costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to
crime and justice are summarised in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5: Crime and justice issues – summary review of social costs
and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Studies of crime and ethnicity contradict
the popular fear that links visible ethnic
minorities with crime and terrorism.
Social costs
Many problems with the manner in which
crime statistics are collected lead to
major difficulties in officially refuting some
of the false images portrayed linking
migrants with crime.
All new migrants undergo character and
police checks before gaining entry
screening out criminals from entering
Australia through the planned migration
scheme.
Large migrant intakes are accompanied
by popular misconceptions amounting to
fear or anxiety that people linked to
overseas-based organised crime or
terrorism or other types of ‘undesirables’
will be able to enter Australia.
Migrants in general have lower rates of While some migrants are involved in
incarceration and victimisation than the criminal activity, media and public images
Australian norm.
have exaggerated the extent of this
involvement.
Evidence suggests the people born
overseas are less involved in crime than
Australian born. (with the exception of
driving offences among new arrivals).
Crimes committed
group of individuals
as the fault of
population eroding
cohesiveness.
by an individual or
can come to be seen
an entire migrant
social harmony and
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4.5
Overall assessment
Over the past decade, social capital has received increasing attention by
government policy makers, by researchers and in the literature. Because
social capital is transferable within and between communities and can
generate positive – and negative – effects, public and private benefits – and
costs – can be derived from its nourishment. As has been demonstrated, there
is wealth of literature discussing various aspects of social capital as it relates
to migrants and the communities within which they are active. Unfortunately,
social capital is difficult to measure and consequently quantitative data sets
have proved to be more elusive. Nevertheless, the framework established for
this project has enabled informed discussion. Furthermore, quantitative results
that are available point to migrants in general and Australian society as a
whole increasingly being generators and benefactors of positive elements of
social capital although the results are to some extent mixed.
In this chapter, social capital as a result of migration has been investigated
through an examination of culture and diversity; community life and civil
society; social networks and neighbourhoods; and crime and justice. There
seems to be no doubt that Government policies of multiculturalism have
encouraged the right sort of environment for cultural diversity to be generally
not only accepted but also enthusiastically embraced by migrants and host
communities alike. This does not mean that tensions do not exist and that
racism and prejudices are not experienced at times but there seems to be
wide-ranging acceptance within Australian society of tolerance for all aspects
of life that might be different to what individuals regard as their norm. Indeed,
attitudes to migration and cultural diversity appear to be more positive than a
decade ago although survey results suggest that such attitudes are sensitive
to topical issues, global events and economic conditions.
The extent of migrant involvement in community life, civil society, social
networks and neighbourhoods is, in many instances, similar to that of the
Australia-born although there appear to be distinct differences in the way this
might be manifested, particularly for persons without an English-speaking
heritage. The manner in which people volunteer help to others is a case in
point, with migrants from different cultural backgrounds or speaking
languages other than English more inclined to be involved in an informal
sense than thought formal associations or organisations. In fact, offering
support to new migrants from compatible ethnic groups in a myriad of ways
appears to be a crucial component of the settlement process and for
integration by individuals into Australian society. Accordingly, small numbers
of migrants from ethnic groups new to Australia can be faced with additional
and unforeseen hurdles – and opportunities – which can have ramifications
for the host communities as well as the individual.
An outstanding characteristic of Australian cities by comparison with those in
other migrant destination countries is the limited extent of residential
differentiation exemplified by ethnic diversity in suburbs that attract migrants.
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Households and families are also highly diversified as a result of inter-ethnic
marriages. These are potential features that encourage most migrants to
embrace Australian society and its political and cultural norms and, through
participation in various aspects of community life, to enhance stocks of social
capital. Of course, there are always exceptions and unfortunately media
attention can result in public misconceptions about migrant status and crime.
Such misconceptions damage individuals, the ethnic communities to which
they belong and the host communities, thus undermining social capital.
Addressing recognised problems with data collection could help to overcome
some costs associated with social capital and also promote the huge range of
benefits as a result of immigration both for individuals and for Australia.
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CHAPTER 5: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL – PRODUCTIVE DIVERSITY
5: Produced and Financial Capital – Productive Diversity
The human capital and the social capital that migrants either bring with them
or develop once in Australia also contributes to the growth of produced and
financial capital. Housing is one very obvious example. Housing provides
much more than immediate shelter for a person. On top of this, the presence
of migrants creates demands for physical and social infrastructure, sometimes
provided by the public sector, sometimes by the migrants themselves.
Similarly, migrants often invest in new business, thereby contributing to the
rich tapestry of the productive diversity of Australian life. It is clear that
migrants from other cultures offer special talents in economic relations with
their country of origin. They have linguistic skills, knowledge of cultural
sensitivities, market intelligence and the networks of associates to take
advantage of business opportunities that might otherwise be lost (Jupp 2001).
Immigrants have contributed significantly to the Australian economy in this
respect.
5.1
Housing
Review of the literature and data
Housing as a key to human wellbeing
Housing is a fundamental human need. Although, financially, the cost of
housing is a major drain on family budgets, housing is much more than an
economic asset that provides shelter. It is also an outlet for personal identity
and an opportunity, relative to the surrounding neighbourhood, for social
belonging. Furthermore, the neighbourhood in which housing is located can
serve as a unit for the provision of facilities which contribute to quality of life
(for example, open space and community centres).
Traditionally, housing tenure has been thought of in terms of ‘the housing
ladder’ whereby households move ‘upwards’ from renting to ownership. Such
ownership conveys certain advantages on individuals: it is a major form of
wealth creation; it is a symbol of attainment; and it affords a means of self
expression (owned homes being more easily altered and decorated than
rented homes). Satisfactory housing is therefore a key contributor to social
wellbeing.
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Levels of home ownership by different migrant groups
One major way in which migrants contribute to Australia’s stock of produced
and financial capital is through investment in housing. Thus the extent of
owner-occupied housing (including housing which is being purchased) by
persons born overseas documents a measure of this form of capital. Longestablished European migrant groups such as those born in Italy and Greece
have very high levels of home-ownership (93% and 90% for Italian and Greek
immigrants respectively) (2001 Census; 1% CURF). So too do migrants from
most other South and South-Eastern European countries and North-Western
Europe including England, with between 76 and 79 per cent with housing
tenure. (Refer to Table 5A.1.1 in Appendix 5A.1 which presents data tables for
results referenced in this section.)
All these levels are above the national average of 71 per cent for Australia
(Hugo 1999). In contrast, some birthplace groups including those from China
(excluding Taiwan), Vietnam and the Philippines have levels that are on a par
or just below the Australian national average; others have below-average
levels. The latter group includes migrants from North-East Asia (excluding
China), from South and Central Asia, and from North Africa and the Middle
East (between 61% and 63% with home-ownership). Only one in two settlers
from Oceania including New Zealand have housing tenure. Very low levels of
home ownership are associated with some Pacific Island groups (such as
Cook Islanders, Western Samoans and Tongan immigrants) and with refugee
groups (for example, those from El Salvador and Iraq) (Hugo 1999).
These differences are significant because of the recognised role that housing
plays in Australian society and in human wellbeing. In this sense, it is
important to note that a majority of migrants in all global regional birthplace
groups are owner-occupiers or owner-purchasers. This means that a majority
of migrants are on the main track to wealth creation. However, differences
between birthplace groups in the level of home owning and buying reflect
differences in levels of produced and financial capital which may become
more pronounced if home ownership as a form of capital gain increasingly
becomes favoured over other forms.
Home ownership in Australian States and Territories
Home-ownership in Australia according to global region of birth exhibits a very
uniform pattern across all States and Territories (Table 5A.1.2). Even in
expensive real estate markets like Sydney, migrants have high levels of
ownership. By overall national standards, the overseas-born have relatively
low levels of home ownership in the NT. However, migrant ownership in this
area is still well above the level found among the Australia-born in the NT, a
region recognised for its itinerant workforce.
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Some ethnic groups in NSW and Victoria have lower levels of owner
occupation than in other states. At a time when public housing is increasingly
becoming welfare housing, many of these groups are trapped long-term in the
private rental market. Decreasing home affordability might mean that these
groups are denied a route to wealth creation followed by earlier migration
streams.
Meeting the housing needs of migrants
It is difficult to assess the degree to which housing needs of migrants are met.
Recent LSIA data provide some insights and suggest that migrants find
housing quality generally quite satisfactory, according to both Australian
standards and migrant expectations (Richardson et al. 2002). Nevertheless,
because types and standard of housing are largely income-dependent, there
are discernable socio-economic differences in levels of satisfaction.
Highly skilled migrants who earn high incomes might readily become owneroccupiers, perhaps in affluent suburbs (Burnley 2005). By contrast,
humanitarian entrants, including those with TPVs, fare less well. Because it is
hard for them to find employment, they are more likely to have low incomes
and housing which is of poor quality, poorly located relative to needs, insecure
(or perceived as being insecure), small and relatively expensive (DIMIA
2003b; Ley et al. 2000; S. Richardson 2002; Vanden Heuvel and Wooden
1999). They are also less able to draw on the support of family members than
family reunion migrants.
An AHURI survey of Adelaide, Perth and Brisbane found that, even after
several years in Australia, refugees were unlikely to have achieved public
rental housing or satisfactory private rental accommodation let alone home
purchase (Beer and Foley 2003). Some independent migrants outside the skill
streams also have difficulty with housing, are more likely to be renting and
have a relatively high level of dissatisfaction with housing quality (Richardson
et al. 2002).
Potential for housing stress for recent migrants
The vast majority of new migrants stay with Australian residents immediately
upon arrival before moving out, when circumstances permit, to privately rent
and, when possible, to become owner-occupiers (DIMIA 2003b) (Table
5A.1.3). Public rental housing represents a small but much sought-after part of
the housing stock but waiting lists are long and most migrants’ aspirations are
therefore unlikely to be met from this housing stock in the short term (Beer
and Foley 2003; Burnley et al. 1997).
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Housing affordability in real terms has fallen over the past 30 years and
owner-occupation has become even more difficult for first-home buyers in
Australia in the past decade (Burnley 2005). Because it is taking longer for
disadvantaged immigrants to enter the owner-buyer markets than a
generation or so earlier, a rising proportion occupy public housing or private
rented accommodation for longer (Hassell and Hugo 1996). Lack of access to
priority public housing might be causing severe housing stress for some
recently arrived humanitarian entrants (Waxman 1999). Low-income refugees
who might have inadequate knowledge of the housing market and tenancy
laws are at risk of becoming homeless (Beer and Foley 2003).
Housing wealth variability within ethnic groups
There is no significant evidence of racially exclusionary policies being
practised in housing markets or of segregation (as opposed to residential
differentiation) of urban areas along ethnic lines (Johnston et al. 2001). In
terms of housing wealth, considerable contrasts occur within migrant groups.
These are often greater than between migrant groups or between immigrants
and long-time Australians (Burnley 2005).
The location of public accommodation and of sponsors has significantly
influenced initial and secondary housing locations (Waxman 1999). For
example, some migrant groups tend to concentrate in the west and southwest
of Sydney because these suburbs were close to the reception centres through
which most refugees passed, notably in Cabramatta (Burnley 1985). When it
was time to move from migrant hostels, proximate relocation was generally
sought due to familiarity with the area and a community presence, as well as
the existence of an already established network, places of worship, family
members, employment opportunities and friends. Later preferential family
migrants often settled close to kin who sponsored them (Waitt et al. 2000).
Migrant preferences for housing types
It is interesting to look at migrant preferences for housing type. Immigrants
have historically demonstrated preferences for detached housing, avoiding
higher density development, although some recent arrivals (especially
refugees) have settled in medium density developments on an interim basis
(Burnley et al. 1997). More recently, many middle- to higher-income
households in Sydney, particularly those from Asia, have shown preferences
for modern apartments and medium-density living (Burnley 2005). For a
variety of reasons, migrants have demonstrated greater tolerance for medium
density housing than the Australia-born and many have made significant use
of dual-occupancy provisions to accommodate relatives near to the family
home.
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A newer phenomenon impacting upon the low to middle-priced apartment
sector of Sydney’s private rental housing markets might be short-term visa
holders (excluding TPVs) (Burnley 2005). These migrants are thought to
favour rental accommodation in the inner eastern suburbs and northern
beaches and thus would not directly compete with humanitarian entrants and
those with TPVs looking to rent in cheaper localities.
Discrimination and the housing market
In spite of exclusionary practices apparently being minimal, discrimination
against some migrant groups can sometimes be an underlying barrier to
finding somewhere to live. For example, a pilot client survey commissioned by
DIMIA in 2002 of recently arrived migrants, service providers and others found
evidence that Serbian refugees, as white Europeans, were favoured over
African families (DIMIA 2003b: 78).
A further problem in regional as well as urban areas can be that the Australian
norm with respect to housing style may not be suited to all migrant groups.
For instance, houses to accommodate large and extended families are either
very expensive in the private rental market or non-existent in public housing
(DIMIA 2003b). With respect to interior form, lifestyle preferences and cultural
traditions can define the acceptability of housing. Needs of migrant families
can include providing suitable places of worship, appropriately sitting and
orientating doors, facilitating traditional methods of food preparation,
arranging rooms to reflect cultural attitudes, and issues associated with
cleanliness and hygiene (Watson and McGillivray 1994). However there is not
much evidence yet of change in the way that planning and housing policies
operate to accommodate these needs.
Potential impact of ethnic concentrations on housing markets
Low- and moderate-income non-English-speaking overseas arrivals continue
to settle disproportionately in core regions, potentially leading to depressed
housing markets as other buyers are discouraged from moving to the same
localities (Carroll 2003). Whether this could lead to the formation of ghettos in
the future, notably in areas settled by refugees in public housing, has been the
subject of speculation (Jupp et al. 1990). Talk about ghettos in Australia, the
reality of which has previously been disproved by well-documented evidence
(Viviani 1996), may only serve to further disadvantage and marginalise
immigrants and slow their economic and social adjustment.
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An alternative scenario is that some migrants may become established within
core regions through choice – either in the home-ownership or private-rental
sectors of the market – in order to sustain their ethnic identity. However many
others wishing to live close to their compatriots and to community institutions
may find that proximity is not feasible because of the relative immobility of
already established members. Moreover, where concentrations of particular
ethnic groups are established in the owner-occupier market, they may
become long-lived because of reluctance to sell and move to areas where
there is less concentration according to ethnicity (Johnston et al. 2001). This
can serve to drive up prices in sought-after areas.
Overall impact of migrant demand on housing prices
Historically high rates of home ownership among migrants have been
interpreted in terms of the cultural value placed on ‘home’ and as a symbol of
economic independence and family security (Ley et al. 2000; Thompson
1994). Overall migrant demand for housing has often been claimed to
increase house prices, especially in metropolitan markets, notably Sydney
(Burnley et al. 1997). According to this view, continued immigration will create
further demand and fuel concurrent house price increases.
An alternative perspective, based on projected Australian household
numbers, is that future growth in the number of households in cities such as
Sydney will be driven primarily by the (unstoppable) ageing of its population.
Thus, migration might have relatively little influence on household numbers
and therefore housing demand (McDonald and Temple 2003). This view is
contested by some (for example, Birrell and Healy 2003; Curnow 2004) who
maintain that immigration will increasingly be an important factor shaping
growth in demand for housing because the numbers of people aged in their
twenties would stabilise in the absence of immigration, thereby improving
housing affordability.
Summary of benefits and costs
Migrants have historically demonstrated preferences for home ownership and
detached housing and have thus benefited from this form of wealth creation,
social belonging and improved quality of life. This pattern might be changing in
Australian cities with increasing numbers of humanitarian entrants tending to
occupy public housing or private rented accommodation for long periods and
short-term skilled visa holders favouring higher density good quality rental
accommodation.
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It is difficult to assess the degree to which housing needs of migrants are met.
Low- and moderate-income non-English-speaking migrants are settling
disproportionately in core regions, potentially leading to depressed housing
markets in those areas. Whether this could lead to the formation of ghettos in
the future is the subject of speculation. Talk about ghettos in Australia may
only serve to further disadvantage and marginalise some immigrant groups
and slow their economic and social adjustment.
Interpretations of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with
respect to housing and with reference to the literature are summarised in
Table 5.1.
Table 5.1: Housing issues – summary of social costs and benefits
Social benefits
Social costs
Historically, investment in housing by
migrants has contributed to Australia’s stock
of produced and financial capital (and thus
social capital also through generating a
sense of belonging).
Some argue that capital tied up in producing
housing – and associated infrastructure –as a
result of high immigration levels is
responsible for supply constraints on capital
for the provisioning or upgrading of some
other types of essential infrastructure and
services.
More recent migrants find housing quality
generally quite satisfactory, according to both
Australian
standards
and
migrant
expectations.
Most refugees are unlikely to achieve public
rental housing or satisfactory private rental
accommodation after several years in
Australia, let alone home purchase.
Highly skilled migrants have the potential to Humanitarian entrants are less able to draw
readily become owner-occupiers, in affluent on the support of family members with
suburbs too.
respect to housing than family reunion
migrants or more established migrant
communities with an inter-generational
presence in Australia.
Over time differences between migrant and High demand for public rental housing means
Australia-born
in
housing
ownership that most disadvantaged migrants (and, quite
converge.
likely, Australia-born disadvantaged persons
as well) are unlikely have access to this form
of housing stock in the short term. This can
lead to resentments between low-socio
economic residents and newly arrived
migrants.
Low- and moderate-income non-Englishspeaking migrants continue to settle
disproportionately in the same localities in
order to sustain their ethnic identity. This is
an efficient and cost effective way of building
bonding capital among migrant communities.
Low- and moderate-income non-Englishspeaking migrants continue to settle
disproportionately in the same localities in
order to sustain their ethnic identity. Too
much bonding capital can reduce the
possibility of bridging capital emerging
between new and emergent migrant
communities and host communities.
Continued immigration might create further
housing demand and fuel concurrent house
price increases. This is beneficial to those
already in the housing market.
Continued immigration might create further
housing demand and fuel concurrent house
price increases. This adversely affects those
entering the housing market.
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5.2
Infrastructure
Review of the literature and data
Population pressures on infrastructure and services
Any population increase places pressure on resources (Burnley et al. 1997).
Immigration needs to be considered in the context of general population
trends. The impact of immigration therefore can be perceived as adding to the
overall pressure on infrastructure and the provision of services. In addition, the
presence of migrants stimulates the need for particular ethno-specific
resources (for example, places of worship for religions not previously wellrepresented in Australia). As against this, any increase in population could
potentially lead to economies of scale in service provision (Garnaut 2002).
Impact of migration on urban resources
Overseas immigration to Australia has focused largely on metropolitan areas.
Over 80 per cent of arrivals since 1945 have settled in capital cities,
disproportionately in Sydney and Melbourne (Forster 2004). More recent
arrivals have settled in cities to an even greater degree. The Atlas of the
Australian People – 1996 Census shows that, for many birthplace groups, the
concentration is well over 90 per cent in capital cities. Business migrants are
clearly likely to locate in business centres. Family reunion migrants are likely
to locate close to relatives, thereby enhancing metropolitan dominance.
Humanitarian migrants, particularly those with no recognised qualifications,
are likely to gravitate to the largest labour markets.
In addition to these permanent increases in predominantly urban populations,
student visa holders in Australia at the end of June 2006 were expected to
total around 208 000 persons (DIMA 2006a: 76). This represents an increase
of 50 per cent in persons on student visas in the five years since 2000-01. The
majority of students are here for higher education and post-graduate research.
Most institutions offering university education are located in metropolitan cities
and hence Australia’s role in this respect also has substantial impacts on
urban and educational infrastructure. Furthermore, Humanitarian migrants
mainly settle in major cities. Programme numbers for this visa category in
2005-06 were around 14 000, representing a modest increase of about 1 000
persons on previous year figures.
There are various temporary (non-permanent) visa categories including the
skilled visa class such as Temporary Business Visas (subclass 457 visas). In
2005-06, 457 visas were granted to some 39 800 primary applicants (DIMA
2006a:13). This represented an increase of around 42 per cent on the
previous year. A 2005 report looking at the employment and migration
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outcomes of 457 visa holders (Khoo, McDonald and Hugo 2005) showed that,
at that time, about two-thirds of these temporary migrants were married or had
partners and most (93%) were accompanied to Australia by their partners.
About one in four had children with them in Australia. If this same pattern is
applied, Australia’s population is increased by more than double the number
of 457 primary applicants when partners and children are also in the
reckoning. In 2005-06, some 13 300 subclass 457 visa holders (around one in
three) applied for permanent residence (DIMA 2006e: 85).
Sydney has been the main centre of settlement in recent years with the NSW
State Government claiming that it caters for about 40 per cent of arrivals. This
has fuelled metropolitan growth to some extent (Garnaut et al. 2003).
Assessing the social impact of immigration with respect to pressure on that
city’s resources is not simple. Recent migrants have tended to settle in ‘middle
distance’ suburbs, thereby transforming these areas, just as early post-war
arrivals did much to alter inner suburbs with (then) declining populations. In
this way, contemporary migration is contributing in positive ways to the
transformation of areas of Australian cities which are in need of renewal
(Randolph 2002).
Potential policies for coping with population pressures
Concentration of migrants in some areas leads to area-specific demands (as
demonstrated in the case of public and privately-rented housing) but such
concentration can also give impetus to the provisioning or strengthening of
additional services because of increasing demands for physical and social
infrastructure (Garnaut 2002). While controlling immigration by itself will not
halt increased demand for the provision of infrastructure and services, lower
levels of inflow into major cities such as Sydney could provide breathing space
while effective ‘catch-up’ policies are implemented to overcome any shortfall in
investment over the years.
Population growth in major cities and resultant infrastructure demands could
perhaps also be indirectly limited through behaviour modification. This could
involve a combination of pricing, policy and education aimed at achieving
sustainable cities, thereby avoiding any need to alter immigration levels
(Burnley et al. 1997). Some people, for instance, might move to cheaper
localities or places where choices are less constrained. This scenario
proposes that such policies might also limit the attractiveness of Australia and
its capital cities for immigrants.
The notion that immigrants should be encouraged to move to smaller cities
and to populate rural and remote regions is of course not new (see Borrie
1975). It is however a suggestion that flies in the face of apparent preferences
because, as in other societies, immigrants to Australia have continued to
favour major cities, especially Sydney and Melbourne (Jupp 2002). Recent
schemes which have been aimed at attracting location-specific nominations
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for migration within the skill stream – RSMS and SDAS – have been met with
limited success (DIMIA 2005a; 2005b).
Provisioning capacities as a result of migration
There is no reason why migration should be construed as creating
unmanageable demands with respect to infrastructure provisioning,
particularly when there is general recognition that immigration creates
economic benefits exceeding costs at the national level (Burnley et al. 1997;
Econtech 2004; Garnaut et al. 2003). Immigration numbers have been highest
when the Australian economy is growing strongly. At these times, it is argued,
there should be capacity to finance the provisioning of the urban infrastructure
even if this means additional allocations from the Commonwealth in areas of
migrant concentrations (Burnley et al. 1997). Consequently, it is not valid to
suggest (as some do, according to Burnley et. al.) that capital tied up in
producing housing – and associated infrastructure – for migrants as a result of
high intake levels is responsible for supply constraints on capital for the
provisioning or upgrading of some other types of essential infrastructure and
services.
Importance of planning migration levels
Timely provision of urban infrastructure requires, of course, high-quality
population forecasts. For this to happen, State Governments need reliable
information from the Commonwealth on proposed future immigration levels as
well as on birthplace and language groups (Burnley et al. 1997). The
historically fluctuating nature of immigration suggests this is difficult to provide.
The configuration of the humanitarian stream of migrants is particularly difficult
to predict, although this stream is considerably smaller than the skilled
migration stream of migrants to Australia.
The hard ‘coal face’ of local government
Local government is where multiculturalism really bites. Demands for culturally
appropriate services in areas of concentrated ethnic populations exert
financial pressures. Not only do migrants create substantial demands for such
services, they also suffer when there are inadequacies in supply. A national
survey of Australian local government regarding multicultural policy found that,
while some celebrated and responded to cultural diversity, as many again
refused to recognise the extent of ethnic heterogeneity, often constructing
minorities as a problematic ‘Other’ (Thompson et al. 1998). Thus there is a
view that local government has often coped ineffectively with migrants’ needs
– despite being the level of government closest to the people – with regular
occurrences of what can be perceived as discriminatory and unjust practices.
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Stretched resources could mean that community relations policies in some
areas are not accorded a high priority and thus are poorly developed. While it
is this level of government that attracts most criticism with respect to migrant
services, changes are deemed necessary at all levels of government to
ensure fair provisioning and to afford people from different cultural
backgrounds the opportunity to participate in the process of governance
(Thompson and Dunn 2002).
Importance of planning and infrastructure provision
It is a myth that migration leads to overcrowding in urban areas. The problem
is inadequate planning or insufficient infrastructure provision or, most likely, a
combination of both (C. Richardson 2002). Of particular concern are planning
practices (including ‘giving in’ to resident pressure groups) that discourage
types of infrastructure – such as places for worship – or uses – particularly
senior citizens’ clubs – that clash with existing urban form or traditional
treatment of public space (Murphy and Watson 1997).
It is misguided however to be too critical of planning. Sometimes the outcome
of ‘light’ planning is fascinating. Some of the most culturally distinctive and
vibrant areas of Sydney have been relatively unplanned (Hawkins and Gibson
1994). For example, waves of new migrant groups in Marrickville and
Cabramatta have tended to reinforce existing land use patterns while using
them in their own distinctive ways, providing active street life with strong links
to the local community.
Resourcing infrastructure and services
It is also important to note that pressures on city infrastructure can change
because of shifts in immigration policy from permanent to temporary migrants
(brought in for particular jobs, many of which are city-based) (McDonald
2004). This can be handled but it is important that the system of fiscal
federalism takes stock of where the demand lies when it is transferring money
from the Commonwealth to the States. It is also important that local
government is adequately resourced to meet its ‘coalface’ obligations
(Armstrong 1994; Thompson and Dunn 2002).
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Summary of benefits and costs
The historically fluctuating nature of immigration has been blamed for
pressures on physical infrastructure and social services in some
predominantly urban areas. Shifts in migration policy that become reflected in
changing numbers, skills levels, and composition of migrant – permanent and
temporary – do create varying demands on infrastructure and shortfalls in
services in migrant settlement areas. However, they can also result in
economies of scale and can be catalysts for urban renewal. Migrants
themselves generally bear the brunt of inadequacies in supply of services and
poor implementation of access and equity policies.
Interpretations of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with
respect to infrastructure and the literature are summarised in Table 5.2.
Table 5.2: Infrastructure issues – summary of social costs and benefits
Social benefits
Increases in population through migration
could potentially lead to economies of scale
in service provision.
Social costs
The impact of immigration can be
perceived as adding to the overall pressure
on infrastructure and the provision of
services.
Migration contributes to the transformation Pressures on city infrastructure and
of areas of Australian cities which are in services can change because of shifts in
migration policy from permanent to
need of renewal.
temporary migrants.
Migrants stimulate the need for particular Not only do migrants create substantial
demands for services at the local
ethno-specific resources.
government level, they also suffer when
there are inadequacies in supply.
Immigrants to Australia continue to favour Inadequate or inappropriate planning or
major cities.
insufficient infrastructure provision (or both)
to cope with migration-induced population
growth has contributed to various types of
pressures in urban areas.
Immigrants might be encouraged to move The historically fluctuating nature of
to smaller cities and to populate rural and immigration illustrates the difficulty of
providing high quality population forecasts
remote regions.
(source countries and numbers) to facilitate
planning.
Because migration levels are highest when
the Australian economy is strong, there
should at those times be capacity to
finance additional urban infrastructure and
services.
Capital tied up in producing housing and
associated infrastructure as a result of high
migration levels might induce supply
constraints on capital for the provision of
other much needed infrastructure and
services.
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5.3
New businesses, goods and services
Review of the literature and data
Contributors to productive diversity
Migrants have made major contributions to the Australian economy, not least
through setting up businesses (Strahan and Williams 1988). Some of the
giants of Australian business arrived as ‘penniless’ migrants. In fact, migrants
are over-represented on the BRW ‘rich list’. In 2003, to be listed among the
ten wealthiest individuals in Australia required assets valued at $1,000 million
or more. As Stilwell (2004:para 15) pointed out, “the incidence of wealthy
people from migrant – mainly European – backgrounds [was notable]. 4 out of
the 10 richest Australians in 1993 were migrants, and 5 out of the 10 in 2003”.
Clearly, being a migrant is not synonymous with having a poor background
and it seems that inheritance and family connections are equally relevant to
‘success’ among migrants as among the Australia-born.
Migrants as small business operators and entrepreneurs
Unfortunately, little is known about the more general and low-key penetration
of migrant groups into the Australian economy. An indicator of the social
impact of migrants in the retail sector could potentially be gained by looking at
their involvement in shop ownership and management, particularly in
suburban and non-metropolitan areas, but research into this phenomenon is
patchy. This is disappointing because corner stores and other convenience
goods outlets, where migrant owners are perceived as being of continued
prominence, are pivotal in local communities. They are foci for social
interaction, not least because of their lengthy trading hours. Involvement in
this form of retailing is therefore a way in which migrants contribute to social
networking as well as to business.
It is perhaps not surprising that many pre-war migrants were highly motivated
and became successful entrepreneurs. Many were also responsible for chain
migration and for providing supportive roles to arriving family members and
contacts (Burnley 1985; Collins et al. 1995). There is no doubting the
penetration and diversity of migrants in the small business sector of Australia
when 30 per cent (or 500 900) of the nation’s small businesses are owned or
operated by people who were born overseas (ABS 2005a). Since people born
overseas make up about a quarter of the Australian population, it seems that
there are more migrant small business operators than one would expect on
the basis of population alone.
Another explanation for the continued propensity of immigrants to establish
businesses is the existing business migration schemes under which persons
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with business skills and capital are allowed to settle (Wooden 1994).
Moreover, new migrant arrivals often possess the skills and qualifications to
break into higher level jobs and the professional strata of immigrant
businesses (Collins et al. 1995).
Many migrant businesses have been shaped by the cultural needs, activities
and support of fellow migrants who remain very important to their economic
survival. In spite of this, migrant-owned businesses do not represent an
alternative to the open economy. They do not operate within enclaves – in the
sense that they solely serve the ethnic group of the business owner – unlike in
some other countries (for example, the Cuban enclave in Miami in the US)
(Collins et al. 1995; Tait et al. 1989).
Other incentives to self-employment include higher levels of social status,
personal gratification and improved financial wellbeing by comparison with
factory work or the receipt of welfare benefits (Tait et al. 1989). In this regard,
it should be noted that, in Australia, immigrants have not received government
funding assistance to establish businesses (Zhou and Logan 1989).
It is important to understand that other factors can transform small business
from a preferred option to a necessary one for many migrants wanting to work.
Opportunities for employment in mainstream labour markets are sometimes
blocked, perhaps due to lack of skills, poor fluency in English, or the effects of
economic restructuring including retrenchment and the elimination of
traditional sites of unskilled employment (Castles 1991; Collins et al. 1995;
Covick 1984). If new migrant groups continue to be disadvantaged in the
labour market for structural reasons, including ‘institutional racism’ (Jarasuriya
and Kee 1999), their dependence upon the ‘informal economy’ for survival
could increase and enclave industries might form (Collins et al. 1995).
Recognised work ethics and aspirations
It is also relevant to note different attitudes to work on the part of some
migrants. Some migrant groups, for example, aspire to values highly
compatible with a strong entrepreneurial spirit, such as loyalty, work ethic,
orderliness, responsibility and respect for authority (Jarasuriya and Kee 1999).
Important differences also need to be recognised with respect to the
integration of work and home. Home industries such as cooking, clothing
manufacture, jewellery making and motor vehicle repair can be looked upon
as empowering and as an avenue for incubating new businesses (Watson and
McGillivray 1994).
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Other important elements for success
In Australia, most enterprises operated by immigrants are family-run
businesses (Adrukari 1999). Family members are often important for their
successful operation in part because they are prepared to work long hours
and have restricted holidays (Castles 1991; Collins 2002; Tait et al. 1989).
Furthermore, housework and care of family – of children and elderly relatives
– can be managed conjointly with work in the family business. So, in addition
to entrepreneurial flair, other important elements for the successful operation
of businesses by immigrants include family support, ethnic group links,
patriarchal family structures and religion. On balance, then, the bulk of
migrants to Australia contribute substantially to the productive diversity of the
nation’s financial capital.
Summary of benefits and costs
Migrants have made substantial contributions to the productive diversity of
Australia especially through the establishment of businesses. Interpretations
of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with respect to new
businesses, goods and services and with reference to the literature are
summarised in Table 5.3.
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Table 5.3: New businesses, goods and services issues – summary
review of social costs and benefits of migration
Social benefits
Migrants have made major contributions
to the Australian economy, not least
through setting up businesses. They have
contributed substantially to Australia’s
productive diversity.
Social costs
Opportunities
for
employment
in
mainstream labour markets can be
blocked, perhaps due to lack of skills,
poor fluency in English, or the effects of
economic
restructuring
including
retrenchment and the elimination of
traditional sites of unskilled employment.
for
employment
in
Many pre-war migrants were highly Opportunities
motivated
and
became
successful mainstream labour
markets
are
entrepreneurs.
sometimes blocked, perhaps leading to
small business operations by default.
Migrants responsible for chain migration Emerging ethnic groups do not have the
also provide supportive roles to arriving same level of support as more
family members and contacts.
established ethnic groups.
New migrants often possess skills, If new migrant groups are disadvantaged
qualifications and contacts that can be in the labour market for structural reasons
applied in new or different ways.
including
discrimination,
their
dependence upon the ‘informal economy’
for survival might increase and enclave
industries might form.
Many migrant businesses cater for the Some members of host communities
cultural needs and activities of fellow have trouble adapting to the changing
migrants.
face of their neighbourhoods and can
experience significant discomfort with the
scale and types of change.
Some migrant groups are recognised for Some
ethnic
groups have
been
loyalty,
work
ethic,
orderliness, stereotyped in negative ways for high
responsibility and respect for authority.
levels of dependency on welfare.
Family support, ethnic group links,
patriarchal family structures and religion
can be important elements for the
successful operation of businesses by
immigrants.
Family support, ethnic group links,
patriarchal family structures and religion
can be important elements for the
successful operation of businesses by
immigrants.
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5.4
Overall assessment
Migrants contribute in positive ways to the productive diversity of Australia
through investment in housing, the transformation of urban areas, the creation
of new businesses, the supply of products, the provision of new and different
skills, and through other types of entrepreneurial activities. They also create
demand for a range of goods and services and also infrastructure such as
roads, schools and water supplies. For this reason, it is sometimes argued
that increased migration levels put pressure on resources and cause
shortcomings in infrastructure and services, particularly in Australia’s cities
which attract the bulk of new migrant settlers. According to this view,
continued population increase through migration will cause further housing
shortages and resultant price rises.
Herein lies the dilemma. Because intake levels tend to be highest when the
Australian economy is growing strongly and also because migrants boost
Australia’s supplies of human and social capital, it can be argued that
increased migration should provide the additional resources needed to
prevent shortfalls in existing infrastructure and services. Of course,
provisioning for many of these factors may take years to plan and implement.
However, intake levels can fluctuate according to a range of parameters and
with comparatively short lead times. Furthermore, the ethnic mix can varied
substantially, creating new and different types of demands, sometimes in
locations without a history of adapting for the types of services that might be
required.
What has been suggested is for the various levels of government to ensure
that allocations and resources are made available where they are most
needed. For this to happen, reliable information on proposed immigration
levels as well as on birthplace and language groups would need to be made
available in a timely fashion. Of course, the historically fluctuating nature of
immigration suggests this can be difficult to provide. How this challenge is
responded to will influence the level of benefit from productive diversity
afforded by immigration for Australia.
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6: Natural Capital
Growing environmental awareness has been one of the hallmarks of
Australian society in the last twenty years. Nevertheless, major debates
continue about the role of population pressure on the atmosphere, on the
hydrological cycle, on soils, vegetation and fauna, and on landforms
(especially beaches) (Bridgman et al. 1995). Clearly, immigration impacts on
the biophysical environment through its contribution to population growth
(Cocks 1992; 1996; 1999; Lowe 1996). However impacts are mediated by
lifestyle. Consequently not all migrants have the same ecological footprint and
nor does footprint impact necessarily remain the same before and after
migration. This point was dramatically illustrated in a Sydney Morning Herald
article (1 August 2005:1) which pointed out: “If everyone lived like they do in
Mosman, we would need seven extra earths to cope with them”. Mosman is,
of course, a wealthy Sydney suburb with high levels of consumption. It is also
characterised by relatively low levels of migrants.
6.1
Population impact
Review of the literature
Migration policy and population growth
Because immigration is a major contributor to population growth, intake levels
have often been central to discussion about relationships between population
size, rates of population growth, environmental quality and sustainable
development. Migration has been suggested as a way to avoid population
decline and substantial falls in the size of the labour force, with a net intake of
around 80 000 suggested by some (Birrell et al. 2005; Econtech 2004;
Garnaut et al. 2003; Glover et al. 2001; McDonald and Kippen 1999). It is
inappropriate for this report to explore these issues or the potential for
immigration intake levels to offset ageing (Dowrick 2002; Garnaut et al. 2003)
other than to note increasing scepticism about the argument that higher
intakes can retard population ageing (McDonald and Kippen 1999; C.
Richardson 2002).
Views on migrant intake levels and the environment
Contradictory messages have been received with respect to how people feel
and think about migration intake levels and the environment. On the one
hand, those involved in the sustainability movements have generally opposed
population increase (Jupp 2002). However, this approach made it impossible
to defend family reunion and humanitarian intake Programmes without
abolishing all other immigration and inadvertently becoming aligned with
racially inspired views on immigration. On the other hand, some people who
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are concerned about the state of the environment favour immigration (Betts
2004; 2005a).
Characteristics of supporters of migration
Overall trends show that, by 2004, Australians were generally less concerned
about immigration levels than at any time since the beginning of the 1990s but
patterns based on education and occupational group did not produce uniform
results (Betts 2005a). Managers, administrators and professionals, in
particular people working in the social professions such as teaching, media,
the arts, social work, and religion, were less likely to believe intake levels
were too large and more likely to believe they were not large enough. The
pro-immigration stance was especially marked for university graduates and
indeed the data showed that support for immigration was highest among
graduates (Betts 2005a:34-35).
Challenges to notions of national identity
People who acknowledge a strong attachment to Australia demonstrate more
cautious approaches to immigration. This might be associated with national
identity whereby many Australians have a sense that they belong to and
identify with a distinctive national community and are proud to do so.
Immigration and multiculturalism are sometimes seen as synonymous and
thus potentially challenge some people’s notion of community: if migrants do
not integrate, some people are concerned that Australia might become
divided along ethnic lines (Birrell and Betts 2001).
State and Territory differentiations
Differentiations are also apparent geographically. Among the five mainland
states, opposition to immigration has been shown to be highest in New South
Wales, especially in the outer Sydney and regional areas, and lowest in
Victoria. It was even lower in the Australian Capital Territory. Inner
metropolitan areas also tended to score low (Betts 2005a: 37). The media, of
course, influence many people’s opinions about immigration, population policy
and the environment. Ambiguous views in society are understandable given
that an analysis of newspaper articles has shown that few Australian
journalists make a population-environment connection (Goldie 2002).
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6.2
Environmental impact
Review of the literature
Population growth and the natural environment
The impact of population growth on the nation’s natural capital is a huge issue
which has attracted sustained informed, uninformed and passionate debate.
Main areas of concern with respect to increased population levels include
pressures that are placed on natural resources and the environment through
land degradation, depletion of resources and threats to ecosystems. Some
argue that effective environmental policies which might not only repair past
environmental damage but also inhibit future degradation are unlikely to be
implemented without a smaller population base (Flannery 1995). Therefore,
from this perspective, an increase in population as a result of immigration
should be discouraged. Limiting immigration, and thus population growth, also
reduces the imperative to act with respect to waste production and excessive
lifestyles and so, some argue, presents a ‘lazy’ way to tackle environmental
problems (Burnley 2003b).
Another perspective is that national population growth, even with a modestly
raised immigration intake, is an extraneous factor with respect to
environmental problems. Existing pressures in and around cities and in rural
primary production areas demand that environmental and resource
management strategies be put firmly in place and consumption and resource
use practices be significantly modified (Burnley 2003b). Burnley argues that,
provided these occur, increases in population to, say, 26 million by 2050, as
projected by the ABS (2000a), would not place unacceptable stresses on the
physical environment.
Furthermore, if Australia were to reduce population growth via immigration as
a result of agendas determined by environmentalism and nationalist
sentiments, the nation could become marginalised in a global sense (Burnley
2003b). This view receives support in a Federal Government report into
Australia’s carrying capacity which suggested that a smaller population would
not reduce land use by agricultural and pastoral industries and thus not impact
upon associated environmental degradation (House of Representatives
Standing Committee for Long Term Strategies 1994). Other major studies
have likewise shown that land degradation is not causally linked to national
population growth (Castles et al. 1998; Wooden et al. 1994).
Effect on levels of natural resources
A further area of concern with population growth is depletion of natural
resources such as water and non-renewable minerals. Given international
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trade and factor substitution possibilities, population growth might be expected
to have little impact on depletion rates of most non-renewable resources
(Cocks 1996). However, ‘common property’ resources, such as fisheries and
forests and, of course, water, might need careful management to avoid
exploitation at unsustainable levels (Castles et al. 1998).
Implications for habitat modification
The potential for increased population levels to endanger ecosystems is an
issue because population growth has a clear impact on habitat modification. In
addition, lower population levels might marginally reduce efforts required for
Australia to meet international commitments on greenhouse emissions. As
against this, humans have biodiversity consequences irrespective of where
they live so that the net impact from a global as opposed to simply an
Australian perspective is far from clear. As a result, migration reduction is
probably an inappropriate vehicle for protecting ecosystems if a global
perspective is adopted (Castles et al. 1998).
Relevance of migrant settlement patterns
Where immigrants live is critical in terms of their impact on natural capital.
Approximately 36 per cent of current migrants settle in Sydney, potentially
adding to the air and water pollution problems that derive from that city’s
location in the Sydney basin. This influx of migrants needs to be set in the
context of Sydney’s pattern of internal migration because many immigrants
have settled in established areas that have been vacated selectively by
Australia-born or other immigrants as they move to satisfy housing aspirations
appropriate to stage of life cycle (Burnley et al. 1997).
Internal mobility within Australia as a whole has also meant that population
growth might have shifted to locations such as Brisbane or Perth (Castles et
al. 1998). Thus settlement patterns of immigrants might counter rather than
aggravate internal population flows (S. Richardson 2002).
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6.3
Sustainability
Review of the literature
Sustainability and urban renewal
Potential problems with issues of sustainability have been flagged for suburbs
in major cities that are undergoing renewal. In recent years, many immigrants
have moved to these suburbs. The areas in question were initially developed
in the decades following World War II. They are now being subjected to major
waves of social and physical restructuring (Randolph 2002). In these areas,
there are concerns about the older poorer housing as well as the new housing
that is replacing it in some places, particularly with respect to the energy
efficiency of buildings. The influx of migrants may provide the investment
capital necessary for change and appropriate design.
Sustaining urban infrastructure and amenity
Immigration has been singled out as causing problems in cities with respect to
infrastructure provision, road congestion, declining urban amenity and
pollution (see Burnley et al. 1997). Associated environmental deterioration
might in part be dealt with by investment in urban infrastructure such as
sewerage treatment works, urban transport and water recycling schemes. To
attribute this requirement for investment to immigration is of course harsh
because the current state of cities reflects conscious political and economic
choices with a result that any decline in amenity should not be ascribed solely
to immigration and population growth (Cunneen et al. 1997). The need to
apportion blame for social unease, financial hardships and pollution can
nevertheless make scapegoating new migrants an attractive option to some.
Immigration impacts in context
Concerns that short-term interests of groups which profit from population
growth might be inhibiting honest consideration of long-term realities have led
to calls for interdisciplinary empirical research by demographers and
sociologists with respect to impacts of population numbers on the natural
environment (Betts 2004; Jones 2001). While concern for depreciation of
natural capital as a resource is appropriate, it seems unlikely that lower
migration intake by itself will address most problems associated with natural
capital.
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Generalisations are of course clumsy but the major issues regarding impacts
on the biophysical environment in Australian cities and regions include the
nature of lifestyle and the economic system; the adequacy of policies and
management; and the formulation and implementation of remedial
Programmes. Immigrants’ effects on population growth and the comparative
size of their ecological footprints, both before and after migration, are only
some of the factors to be considered when addressing these issues.
6.4
Summary of benefits and costs
Interpretations of social costs and benefits of immigration to Australia with
respect to natural capital and the literature are summarised in Table 6.1.
6.5
Overall Assessment
Clearly there are differing views with respect to impacts of immigration on
population growth, pressure on the environment and sustainability with central
issues for discussion varying depending on whether local, national or global
viewpoints are addressed. The comparative size of immigrants’ ecological
footprints after migration is most likely no greater than those of others who
comprise the Australia-born population. Lifestyle, internal population
migration, economic systems, adequacy of policies and management, and the
formulation and implementation of remedial Programmes are among those
factors with the potential to influence short- and long-term impacts. With
fertility rates in Australia and in all developed countries at lower than
replacement levels, intakes through migration are offered as the single option
for population maintenance or growth; an imperative for some and an
anathema for others.
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Table 6.1: Natural capital issues – summary of social costs and benefits
of migration
Social benefits
Social costs
Migration has been suggested as a way to
avoid population decline.
Family reunion and humanitarian intakes
are
subject
to
challenge
by
environmentalists when there is opposition
to population increase.
National
population
growth
through Population growth through migration places
migration is an extraneous factor with pressures on natural resources and the
respect
to
environmental
problems environment.
because land degradation is not causally
linked.
Limiting immigration and thus population
growth may in the short term reduce the
imperative
to
tackle
environmental
problems.
‘Common property’ resources, such as
fisheries and forests and, of course, water,
might need careful management to avoid
exploitation at unsustainable levels should
the
intake
of
migrants
increase
substantially in the long term.
Given international trade and factor Reduced population growth through
substitution possibilities, population growth reduced immigration could marginalise
might be expected to have little impact on Australia in a global sense.
depletion rates of most non-renewable
resources
Migration reduction is probably an
inappropriate
vehicle
for
protecting
ecosystems if a global perspective is
adopted.
The potential for increased population
levels to endanger ecosystems is an issue
because population growth has a clear
impact on habitat modification.
Settlement patterns of immigrants might Where immigrants live is critical in terms of
counter rather than aggravate inter- and their impact on natural capital.
intra-state population movements.
The influx of migrants may provide the Potential
problems
with
issues
of
investment capital necessary for change sustainability have been flagged where
and appropriate design.
there are concentrations of ethnic groups in
suburbs undergoing renewal.
It seems unlikely that lower migration Apportioning blame for environmental
intake by itself will address most problems deterioration can make scapegoating new
migrants an attractive option, and open up
associated with natural capital.
new divisions that undermine social
cohesion.
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PART III: COMMUNITY STUDIES
Part III: Community Studies
Project Method and Scope
Many of the social costs and benefits of migration to Australia are either
unquantifiable, or not measured, as illustrated by the regional and national
statistical analysis contained in Chapters 2 to 6. To fill the data gaps and
explore the qualitative dimensions of the social costs and benefits of
migration, the CARSS research team undertook a series of focus groups in
four communities – two in regional Australia and two in East Coast capital
cities of Australia.
Choice of Study Locations
Toowoomba and South Brisbane in Queensland and Shepparton and Darebin
in Victoria were selected by the Research Advisory Committee. The selection
of these locations reflects a variety of settlement histories and experiences,
both positive and negative in both metropolitan and regional Australia. The
selection was guided by the following considerations:
• settlement history of the area—new, established or undergoing
transition
• source countries of migrants—changes over time
• settlement experiences of migrants—positive, negative, mixed
• impacts on existing population—positive, negative, mixed
• service responses to migrant influxes over time—from government
departments and agencies, community groups, and
• policy imperatives and the role of government.
Methods of Recruitment
A mix of sampling methods were used to recruit respondents for focus group
interviews: the use of public directories, local government community
organisations and telephone books. After exhausting these directories to
recruit respondents the team used targeted sampling and general advertising
to fill gaps in our recruitment strategy. A stratified sample design was used to
proactively target respondents to reflect a cross-section of the area’s
population. In each area civic leaders, representatives of the major employers,
leaders of ethnic groups and charities, the local council, local professionals,
local media, police and church, teachers, human services and community
workers were sought for interview.
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The Focus Group Instrument
Focus group interviews provide a rich source of data that compliments and
adds richness, character and specificity to the broad quantitative picture. The
focus group interviews aim to unearth a rich array of information about the
positive and negative localised social impacts of migration to Australia. To
maintain consistency across the conceptual, quantitative and qualitative
components of the study, the focus group instrument was organised around
the four main measures of social impact: human capital, social capital, natural
capital and produced and financial capital. Questions were composed around
several key themes: the impact of migration on local culture and diversity,
formation of social networks and changes in neighbourhood, patterns of crime
and justice, experiences at work, in education and employment, involvement
in civil society, and broader impact on economy, business and productive
diversity.
The size of the focus group varied from two to eight. The mean size was four.
This variation was due largely to the availability of participants and unforseen
events (such as traffic jams) that led to some participants not being able to
attend the focus group at the last minute. Each interview went for around 90
minutes. Most went over time as participants wanted to continue the
conversation. Two researchers were present at each group – one to observe
and take notes, the other to trigger responses using the instrument as a guide.
All interviews were recorded for the purposes of transcription. Each participant
signed a consent form and were given a guarantee that their identities or any
individually identifying information would remain confidential. The study
underwent ethical clearance before the collection of any data.
The basic methodology of focus group design was to use a number of trigger
questions (with embedded follow up questions) to facilitate responses. A
certain amount of spontaneity and uncertainty characterises this method.
Hence not all questions were asked of all groups. However every participant
was given the opportunity to sum their perceptions of the costs and benefits of
migration to Australia.
Focus Group Composition
The qualitative methodology used a number of sampling strategies aimed to
capture a wide variety of views from a cross section of community, volunteer
welfare and government organisations. The sampling targeted respondents
from a range of backgrounds, professions, community or interest groups who
could also provide insider knowledge around two of the major themes of the
report, namely the impact of migration on human and social capital. Potential
respondents and organisations were grouped under the following Human or
Social Capital clusters of potential informants:
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Group 1:
Human Capital
1.1
1.2
1.3
Group 2:
Health and Medical Professionals
Workplace Training, Educational Professionals and Childcare
Workers
Leisure, Clubs and Sporting Associations
Social Capital
2.1
2.2
2.3
Community Welfare, Social Work and Justice Sector
Professionals
Local Council, Public Housing, Migrant and Civic
Representatives
Cultural, Philanthropic and Religious Organisations
Limitations of the method
While focus group interviews can generate a rich array of qualitative data it
cannot be generalised to broader population. Nevertheless surprisingly similar
responses and common themes emerged across the four communities. There
were also some costs and benefits specific to certain locations. It is common
in social research to use multiple strategies to explore research questions as a
way of triangulating findings (Punch, 1998; Liamputtong, Ezzy, 2004:40-41).
The ensuing analysis of the community case studies has combined focus
group data with local reports, publications and secondary material as a way of
triangulating the findings. To make the data more robust, the analysis also
refers in places to supporting quantitative data from previous chapters where
available.
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7: Shepparton
7.1
Background
Shepparton, a regional city of around 27 000 people, is located about 180 km
inland from Melbourne. Around 12 per cent of the population as at the 2001
Census were born overseas (ABS Local Area Profile Data, 2001). This figure
does not adequately convey the diverse multicultural composition of the
community (Shepparton Council Plan, p. 7). Descendants of migrants from
Italy represent one of the largest identifiable ethnic groupings in the district,
estimated to comprise around 10 000 including second and third generation
family members (Emilio Fiorenza, 2005). Shepparton is also home to many
descendants from Greece, Macedonia, Turkey, and Albania whose parents
and grand parents immigrated to the district in the early twentieth century
(Fiorenza 2005). Since that time there have been successive waves of
migrants from a variety of countries – including Middele Eastern Counties, the
Philippines, India, Germany and New Zealand (Fiorenza 2005). Some of the
descendants of these migrants participated in the focus groups. In 2005 and
2006 a number of African families settled into the area sponsored under the
regional humanitarian refugee programme. Over the last six years a growing
number of humanitarian migrants from Iraq who fled Saddam Hussein’s
regime have been drawn to Shepparton to live and work.
As a result of this population mix, and the district’s relatively long history of
migrant settlement (Fiorenza 2005), Shepparton has earned a reputation
nationally for being a harmonious and successful multicultural centre. It is an
attribute which many citizens are proud of. As one citizen noted:
I’ve lived and worked in the greater Shepparton area for 20 years, and I’ve
seen a lot of different groups come in that time, and I think this is just a
fine example of multiculturalism…it’s really quite outstanding…like the
mosque; no one could have even known there was a mosque until recent
world events. They were quietly going about their business, and quietly
exercise their religion…It’s a fine example probably to the rest of Australia
to take look and see how all the services have worked together and
everybody’s educated to the role of everybody else. (1/3)
7.2
Benefits specific to Shepparton
Resilient community brimming with social capital
The enormous contribution that successive waves of migrants have made to
building Shepparton’s robust levels of social capital and informal support for
each other can hardly be over-estimated. Each wave of migrants have acted
as bridges for the next – welcoming them into their community and assisting
their cultural integration in a multitude of ways. The contribution of migrants to
the local community covered just about all facets of activity.
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You can live here, and never travel, and have the whole connection with
the world, and learn about different cultures. So I think that this is great.
Social capital refers to the relations of trust, cooperation and mutual aid that
are fostered by “norms and networks of civic engagement” (Putnam 2000). A
distinctive feature of Shepparton is that it is one of the few regional areas in
Australia where ethnic social capital has been able to accumulate over three
generations or so. The first arrivals – Albanians, Italians, Macedonians,
Greeks – established the rudiments of infrastructure facilities for those who
came later. Over a period of time this network evolved into an impressive
range of voluntary supports that include such things as accommodation,
employment, child care, financial support, and general advice to members.
The critical importance of such informal structures to members was underlined
by one interviewee:
In our community, because we are here as a community, if they [Filipino
migrants] have a problem, they always come to our community, and we
give them support, and you know, give advice and everything. That’s what
we are here for – we are community; we are all in one. (4/2)
During the post-war period the growth of group specific social capital gradually
expanded to embrace much of the surrounding Australian born community.
The need to pool resources played a significant role in this development. One
recollection from a first generation migrant illustrates how this often occurred:
You know when you said it was the migrants – we built this place – it
wasn’t just the migrants; it was the migrants plus the ones that was
already here – of doing things together, and sharing the knowledge and
skills of each other. I’m just thinking, like, of a very simple one. The Tatura
man – one of the biggest tomato growers in Australia – how he worked
together with a neighbour who was Anglo-Saxon. And sharing with each
other, because he had wonderful skills in the tomato industry….But he
didn’t know about the water tables – the salinity – where his neighbours
did….the two of them doing it together made that industry grow. (6/2)
Linkages between specific ethnic groups and the Australian community
gradually merged into a broader umbrella structure which embraced the
Shepparton community as a whole. Local disasters certainly acted as a
catalyst in promoting this outcome:
In my experience, when we have had a crisis in the Shepparton region –
floods, fires – it doesn’t matter what we look like or what language we
spoke. We were all there filling those bags of sand to build up the river. It
was the flood in 1983 – it was all of us there helping each other. Out came
the cup of tea, out came the pie, out came the Greek thing, you know….I
have seen, in times of need, of stress, of fear, people have united and
become very strong. (6/2)
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An important element in building cohesion across disparate migrant groups
has been the conscious effort given to cultivating reciprocity on the part of new
arrivals by already settled residents. One well established overseas born
woman provided an invaluable insight into how this process actually worked.
She recounted the story of helping the wife of a possessive husband to
become involved in a local women’s group:
[The wife said,]’How can I ever repay you – anything [XX] – just name it!’
I said, ‘I do have a condition, and I do want you to do something for me’.
‘Ok, what is it? I hope I can do it’.
‘Promise me that you will help another migrant in any way’.
And she says, ‘But I’m not like you, what can I do?’
I said, ‘What about a smile when you see a migrant person down the
street, even someone you see in a shop’.
Multiplied a score of times, it is not difficult to see how such a simple request
paid substantial dividends over the longer-term. These forms of civic
mindedness foster social attachment and inclusiveness and thus build
valuable bridging social capital from one migrant group to the other and with
the host community. Shepparton was brimming with it.
Certainly there is a strong sense of coherence and connection across ethnic
communities at the grass roots level. The holding of the annual Mardi Gras
where all groups enthusiastically participate is clear evidence of this.
Involvement with the settlement of new migrants – particularly humanitarian
cases – is high. One volunteer estimated that he put in 30 hours of unpaid
work each week. There are around 120 volunteer home tutors in the district
who work without pay. Moreover, there is an active effort by volunteers to
keep the community informed and educated about the nature of new groups
settling in the town. The local media helps considerably in this respect by
providing comprehensive and supportive coverage of ethnic affairs. People
give generously. One interview noted that in 2005 (after extensive publicity),
within hours of arrival of the first two African families we had four class
room sized rooms full of donations.
Yet the evolution of ethnic social capital in Shepparton has had difficulty in
creating more formal community-wide institutional structures:
The Ethnic Council was formed in 1977. At first the Council consisted of only a
few groups but expanded over the following decade to become representative
of all ethnic bodies in Shepparton. The role of the Council has been to
negotiate on behalf of all groups with local, state and federal governments,
and to attract and disseminate available funding. In 1990, however, a
significant portion of the Italian community in Shepparton split from the
Council and established the Italian Services Advisory Council to cater for their
specific requirements (Fiorenza 2005: 9 – 12). The Ethnic Council continues
to be the pre-eminent organization speaking for ethnic interests. It also
receives distributes the bulk of government funding allotted to ethnic
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residents. But the split between the two organizations has undoubtedly eroded
the ability of the ethnic community to speak with a unified voice.
Though ethnic citizens are members of bodies such as the Shepparton
Chamber of Commerce, there are no ethnic councillors. Only one ethnic
candidate has stood in the course of the last three elections (2000; 2003;
2005). Moreover, despite acknowledging that Shepparton has a strong
migrant presence, Council publications indicate that there are few services
and activities which are specifically oriented to the needs of ethnic groups.
Indeed, Council publications, whilst acknowledging the migrant presence, has
very little to say about their role in, and contribution to, the community
(Coomes 2005; GSCC 2005a; 2005b; 2005c; 2005d). The Goulburn Murray
Regional Migration Programme is a notable exception. This programme was
established as a joint initiative of the Greater Shepparton, Moira and
Campaspe councils under the State Government Regional Migration Incentive
Fund.
Overall, the strength of Shepparton’s social capital rests on the depth and
extent of its informal grass roots networks, which flourishes because of the
strong multicultural presence in the community, rather than through more
institutionalised forms of authority and influence.
Regional cultural diversity and creativity
I think it’s a great benefit to Australia to have migrants come to the country
– all of our lives because we’ve been given such an insight into the
different religions, different foods, different culture –like lots and lots of
different things. (2/2)
The general extent of the migrant contribution the cultural diversity and
creativity of the district was quite well brought out by this observation:
As a musician I play at many, many functions. A couple of weeks ago I did
a Filipino night. I do functions in all different places in Victoria, and I sit
down sometimes and listen to the bands in these towns, and then
councillors, and all that speak. They speak about culture of the Italians, or
Spaniards, Filipinos, or Greeks or Macedonians. And I listen to these
people talking. It’s always a very, very positive thing – what these people
contribute to their towns, their work, and the genuine aspect of these
people is really apparent. You can see the mayors and the councillors
voice it – positive. (5/3)
Productive diversity and economic prosperity for regional Victoria
It is widely acknowledged that the migrant population has contributed
substantively to diversifying and expanding the retail and industry sectors of
the town. One interviewee estimated that 20 percent of businesses in
Shepparton were owned by migrants. This figure rose to 40 percent if
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professional occupations were included. Additionally, the influx of migrants
has attracted new services in health and education that benefits the
community as a whole. As one woman noted:
Shep’s well known for one of the region’s increased baby booms, and
we’re getting new shops here because of it, like Cotton Kids and Pumpkin
Patch. All these new shops are coming to our area, specifically because
we’ve had growth in birth rate. And also, by having migrants come, it
increases the number of services.
We now have more female doctors because we have people covered up
in burkas. If we didn’t have them, we wouldn’t have as many female
doctors. … If I [can] take my young granddaughter, or my daughter, to a
female doctor, I’d much prefer that… So to me that’s a real big thing….I
don’t feel so vulnerable (5/5)
For many decades migrants were attracted by the opportunities available in
the agricultural sector surrounding Shepparton which has traditionally grown
fruits and vegetables, as well as supporting a strong dairy industry. The
Goulburn Valley is widely known the ‘food bowl of Australia’. Along with
Campbell’s Soups, the SPC and Admona Fruit processing plants, these
industries provide seasonal work for migrant and resident workers in the
region. During the post-war period migrant employees were critical in assisting
the expansion of Shepparton’s manufacturing and retail trades sectors. Most
recently health, community services and education have emerged as major
activities in the district. The critical contribution that migrants have made to the
composition of this regional economy was succinctly summed up by one
resident:
…migration is what makes Shep the vibrant place it is today. It is the
abundance of work in agriculture that drew people to this place to begin
with. But now we have moved on. We have an amazing commercial
centre. Those migrants – probably one of the greatest things they have
provided is employment. It is because of that influx that we now have a
university (5/5)
Local Australian business people also understand the multiplier effect that
ethnic activity can bring; ‘By having such a multicultural community, and
population that’s increasing, our business links with the rest of the world is
just going to improve. (5/4)
Tolerance for local expressions of ethnic and religious cultural diversity
There appears to be very little prejudice towards migrants in Shepparton,
although some of new migrants to the community from middle eastern
countries were adamant they were persistently discriminated against in the
local labour market. Only one interviewee complained about racial prejudice.
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The Shepparton branch of the Australia First Party mounted some
unfavourable publicity about migrants in the wake of the September 11
attacks. However, residents seem to have paid them no heed. Through a fine
example of bridging capital, the local multicultural centre introduced a number
of middle eastern male migrants to members of the local RSL and Lions
Clubs. ‘See he’s no terrorist’. The town and surrounding district, by all
accounts, have been overwhelmingly tolerant and accepting of cultural
differences and have shown very little if any of the predisposition to racism as
seen in other parts of the country.
7.3
Costs and issues specific to Shepparton
All groups agreed that the social benefits far outweighed the costs of migration
to Shepparton. Nevertheless, the focus groups identified two short-term social
costs as having a particular impact on the Shepparton community.
Stretched regional infrastructure
Generally, new arrivals in Shepparton have been ‘extremely lucky’ in terms of
the infrastructure support they receive in terms of accommodation, child care,
family and resettlement services supplied by the Commonwealth but delivered
through the local Migrant Adult Education Centre. This has been a critical
factor in assisting families in their transition to an unfamiliar location. More
recently, however, there are indications that available resources are not
keeping up with demand. The most significant area in this respect is lack of
childcare support. Without such support mothers are unable to look for work,
to begin with, and to accept it if offered. It was also considered that availability
of interpreter services could be greatly improved. Ultimately if this
infrastructure is not sufficient to meet local demand its specialist provision
imposes a substantial economic cost on the community as a whole. Such
costs are immediately evident in the shortage of interpreters where qualified
people must frequently be brought from Melbourne (at about $600 per visit) to
translate languages such as Swahili.
Understaffing in the Shepparton area, moreover, appears to be taking its toll
on multicultural networks. One salaried officer went so far as to state that:
This community is very caring and very kind [but] it is exhausted in many
areas. There is compassion fatigue going on here.
Inevitably, individuals have been affected at a personal level:
It’s costing people out in those offices, it’s costing them their well-being.
Like, we’ve got a person off sick at the moment because of the stress
she’s been put under by the number of people who have arrived here that
she’s settling.
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Absence of established local networks among newly emergent migrant groups
Attempting to settle new migrants without the back-up of an existing
community that can provide essential support in the absence of an established
ethnic community can result in substantial additional economic costs. This
point was made in contrast to recently arrived skilled workers from Albania
who have a strong local Albanian community network in Shepparton.
In bringing out those sort of people, we can accommodate them. There is no
costs. We provide the accommodation; we provide the transport; we take care
of them. But if you’re going to bring people from everywhere else, you’ve got
all the headaches – you’re going to have to find accommodation, find
someone to manage them, and someone to take them to and from to the
job….you’ve got to look at the actual benefits as to why and how they will fit
into a particular industry, which is very, very, important.
7.4
Overview
Participants in the Shepparton focus groups expressed very few concerns
about the social costs associated with migration. The social costs were mostly
regarded as short term integration issues that related mostly to the newest
arrival of humanitarian migrants. There were two widely perceived social
costs. There was a risk of racial tension forming between patriarchal cultures
of some new migrants and local residents, particularly through the schooling
of children and the clash of culture between middle-eastern Muslims and local
residents over the role of women in society. There was also a perceived risk of
long term welfare dependency occurring among newly arrived humanitarian
migrants, should they fail to acquire jobs. The acquisition of English fluency
among newly arrived migrants was regarded as critical to preventing this from
happening. Skilled migrants bought into the region expressed disappointment
at the lack of recognition of their overseas qualifications, and the long haul
ahead of them to upgrade their skills and enhance their English fluency. The
Shepparton community however is a testimony to the long term benefits of a
society built on successive waves of migration. In terms of building a resilient
community brimming with social capital and productive diversity, the social
benefits of migration certainly far outweigh the social costs.
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8: Toowoomba
I think that regional migration is great – but I have concerns over the
secondary support. So the primary support – finding someone a house,
you know the basic needs – but then the education, health, policing stuff.
8.1
Background
Over the last six years Toowoomba has become the host community for a
growing number of migrants settled through the regional resettlement
programme. In response to this the Toowoomba City Council commissioned a
study into its Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) population (Upham
and Martin 2005:1). The report, based on focus groups with key stakeholders,
and a survey of 228 CALD residents, found that while there was a network of
community service providers assisting the CALD community in the city, they
were ‘struggling to cope with the demands of newly arrived CALD people,
particularly the Sudanese population’ (Upham and Martin 2005:1).
Employment, transport, infrastructure and housing were the major issues
identified by the study as adversely impacting upon Toowoomba’s CALD
community. Lack of employment opportunities, inadequate public transport
and racial discrimination scored highest among the three worst things about
living in Toowoomba (Upham and Martin 2005:31). The highest ranking three
best things about living in the city were educational opportunities, friendly
people and family environment, and that the city was a quiet and safe place
(Upham and Martin 2005:30). Given the level of support for refugee entrants
from the Churches, surprisingly only 1% nominated the Churches among their
three best things about the city (Upham and Martin 2005:30). Like the LSIA
data, this data, while providing many valuable insights, tells the story about
the positive and negative impact of migration mainly from the migrant’s
perspective.
Our study therefore sought to compliment the findings of this study
commissioned by the Toowoomba City Council. It draws together secondary
material with interviews held among five groups and two individuals to distil a
general overview of the social costs and benefits of migration to the
community. Two well known civic leaders from the city were interviewed
separately to maintain privacy. There was a strong representation of
community representatives, key stakeholders in the social and welfare
sectors, religious leaders and parishioners in the groups – given their role in
sponsoring and settling humanitarian migrants into the community.
8.2
Benefits specific to Toowoomba
Bringing much needed cultural diversity to a relatively mono-cultural
community
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Compared to the Australian population Toowoomba’s residents are relatively
culturally homogeneous with the exception of a small Indigenous population
comprising around 3 per cent. As at the last census, the percentage of
population born overseas residing in Toowoomba was around 14 per cent
compared to an Australian average of 24 per cent (ABS Migration Australia
2004–05:4)9. Of those born overseas, the majority came from English
speaking countries. In terms of ancestry, most residents from Toowoomba
identify their ancestry with Europe and Oceania. Very few have ancestry
traced to North African, Middle Eastern or Asian countries. A higher proportion
of the Toowoomba population speaks English only (92.5%) compared to a Qld
average of 86.8 (Toowoomba City Council n.d.: 41).
Toowoomba is gradually becoming more culturally diverse with the number of
overseas born residents increasing by about 2 per cent each census period
(Toowoomba City Council n.d.: 46). Toowoomba also has an aging population
with a proportion of those aged 65 and over higher than the state, and a
higher reliance on Centrelink payments than the state average (Toowoomba
City Council n.d.:41).
Against this backdrop, from 2001 onwards there was a steep rise of migrants
(mostly humanitarian entrants from Sudan) settling in Toowoomba. This
population is estimated to be around 750 (Centacare, Lifeline and Social
Justice Commission 2005: 1). The majority speak Dinka and almost half speak
and read English (Centacare, Lifeline and Social Justice Commission 2005:
4). Sudanese migrants have been resettled in other regional areas such as
Coffs Harbour, Armidale, Shepparton and Tamworth. They have met a mixed
reception in Toowoomba which provides an ideal social laboratory for
assessing the costs and benefits of humanitarian migration to Australia. On
the whole the overwhelming majority of participants were positive about the
impact of regional migration on the community.
It was unanimously agreed that migration was a valuable source of much
needed cultural diversity and creativity for Toowoomba. Migration enriches the
community in ways captured in the following remarks.
It’s made the population of the city more diverse – that in itself I think has
benefits.
From this city’s point of view, I think it’s (migration) a good thing all round.
the benefits I think are huge …it enriches our community, in terms of food,
culture, language, tourism – all sorts of possibilities there – they're all
good.
9
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Migration meets regional skilled labour shortages
Home to almost 90 000 residents Toowoomba is Queensland’s largest
regional inland centre. The city is a major retail and manufacturing centre that
provides an array of educational, medical, trade and social services to its own
residents and neighbouring communities. The city has a range of educational
institutions servicing 20 000 school age children, around 5300 university
students and 1740 TAFE students (Toowoomba City Council n.d.: 26). Most of
its workers are employed in the retail, professional, trade, community services
and educational sectors (Toowoomba City Council, n.d:37). In the context of
the resources boom and a growing economy, Toowoomba is also undergoing
a regional growth in local industries, has strong employment growth and
consequently a shortage of skilled labour.
Skilled migration was regarded by most participants as making a necessary
and substantial contribution to meeting skilled labour shortages in rural and
regional Australia.
Benefits: From a skills point of view…, a lot of businesses wouldn't be
able to continue and remain competitive on the world market.
I obviously think in terms of some of the skill shortages it is a positive. I
think that, especially on the business side of it has been a positive one.
Most participants felt that educating and skilling locals to meet demand for
skilled labour was a preferable long term strategy for meeting regional skilled
labour shortages, than using migrant labour.
Regional social and economic growth and prosperity
Migration has made a huge contribution to the social and economic prosperity
of the region as described by this comment from one of Toowoomba’s civic
leaders.
There is no way on God's green earth, they (migrants) were the ones that
drove this country, and turned it into the country that it is. I don't think we'd
have ever survived; we'd have bred ourselves out of existence…I reckon
its (migration) one of the greatest things that's happened to this continent,
and I don't think that we have far enough immigration – that's my view –
from any country. I don't have a problem with anyone from any where.
At a local level the positive impact of migration into the city was expressed in
these terms.
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The world view in Toowoomba 50 years ago, or even 25 years ago, was
very insular… It’s a very different society now to what it was even 20
years ago [because of migration].
The backbone of the city is built on migration, isn't it, really.
8.3
Costs and issues specific to Toowoomba
The focus groups identified several social costs or challenges as having a
particular impact or burden on the wider host community.
Too few champions of migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds
…it’s a very conservative place this – they say we’re rednecks – it’s not
really that bad’.
One of the key defining aspects of Toowoomba’s cultural and social capital is
that much of it is associated with religion. Around 80 per cent of the city’s
population define themselves as Christian (Toowoomba City Council n.d.: 50),
which is about 10 per cent above the state average. In the absence of an
established multicultural civic sector the local churches and religious schools
appear to be the major social and civic institutions actively involved in the
welfare and settlement of new migrants (especially humanitarian migrants).
Lifeline (auspiced by the Anglican Church and funded by the Community
Settlement Support Scheme), the Social Justice Unit of the Catholic Diocese,
Centacare (also funded by the DIAC Community Settlement Support
Scheme), the Toowoomba City Council multicultural officer, a CALD
Consultative Committee, and the Sudanese Community Organisation are
actively engaged in building bridging capital between the existing community
and new emerging migrant communities – with it seems limited success given
the relatively mono-cultural history of the city.
It seems to me that churches are quite active in this area, and schools are
also… and universities….But in terms of a broader community, like say
your council, or your Rotary; I think that will come – it's not here yet.
Given the limits of bridging capital and the absence of a wider established
network of multicultural organizations it is not surprising that multiculturalism
has not taken root in the civic institutions of the city. The Toowoomba City
Council, with Commonwealth funding, has made demonstrable local efforts –
it employs a multicultural officer, commissioned a report into its CALD
residents and participates in a CALD consultative committee. But these are all
relatively recent initiatives that can hardly be expected to change the social
fabric of what was a relatively mono-cultural community overnight.
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The concept of multiculturalism itself was queried by quite a number of
participants in the Toowoomba focus groups who preferred the term ‘multiracial’.
… I do have a problem with the 'multicultural' word – I think maybe
'cosmopolitan' is a better word. Because where we came from, South
Africa, was truly multicultural. There were plenty of mosques,
synagogues, Hindi churches – you heard so many different languages
being spoken.
Another representative from a Christian Church, deeply involved in supporting
new and emerging migrants in the city, made the following observation about
the difference between Toowoomba and Shepparton.
About three weeks ago I was in Shepparton, and we were just looking at
regional refugee resettlement there – how that's gone over the years. But I
think there's more champions … in the Chamber of Commerce, in the
Council. Whereas I think here it's still all older thinking.
We asked a representative of Toowoomba’s Chamber of Commerce, present
at the time, what he thought about the claim that there were fewer champions
of multiculturalism in Toowoomba. He agreed pointing out there has been
some movement away from the ‘white Australia policy’ among the community
and business leaders of the regional city, but … ‘I still think there's a way to
go.’ He then pointed to the cyclical intergenerational nature of the costs and
benefits of migration:
... if you look at Toowoomba in terms of second or third generation …
Lebanese business men seem quite successful here... And I think
potentially we'll have African or Southern Sudanese business people or
people on council or whatever. That's stuff is going to happen in two to
three years.
His astute observation is one backed up by a body of research already
reviewed, that most of the issues faced by migrants, and experienced by host
communities, are short term and focus on the newest arrivals. The majority
occur during the settlement/integration phase.
This was definitely the case in Toowoomba. There was an almost universal
consensus across all focus groups and individual interviews that most the
costs and anxieties about migration to Australia centred around the newly
emerging Sudanese community. Much of the concern stemmed from their
distinctive appearance. In a predominantly white community the tall striking
dark skinned Sudanese stand out as a readily identifiable visual ethnic
minority. As one participant noted, ‘They [the Dinka people] were eight feet tall
and extremely black; they stuck out like a sore thumb’.
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Their visible presence on the streets – just walking – represents a challenge to
the modes of social bonding historically formed up around a largely monocultural community heavily reliant on cars and private modes of transport.
They walk partly because of their cultural background, partly out of necessity
and partly because of the irregularity of public transport.
A parishioner involved in sponsoring humanitarian entrants into Toowoomba
since 1990, commented that when the diocese first began sponsoring
refugees ‘they were not particularly welcomed’ by the ‘congregation’. However
she noted that 16 years later many had been ‘converted’ and are now more
welcoming of refugees from other cultures.
By contrast, business and skilled migrants are relatively invisible in the
community. Toowoomba is home to a number of long term business and
skilled migrants who apparently experience a relatively seamless integration
into the regional city, as one business migrant from South Africa remarked.
… culture is very much the same – I feel very safe here… (have) friends,
and opportunities – I'd much rather be here than back where I came from.
… I mean for South Africans, it was (like) crossing the road really…. and
I'm sure British migrants … as well wouldn't have any problems.
Limited support for newly emerging migrant communities
As the national overview pointed out, it might be expected that friends,
relatives and ethnic organisations play an important role in helping individuals
and families adjust to a new land. They provide crucial support for newly
emerging migrant communities. These supports and networks are one aspect
of social capital through which settlement needs can be met ((Kunz, 200?:54).
The successful integration of migrants has benefits for both the host
community and the migrant experience. They are also critical to smoothing the
integration process and providing much needed informal as well as formal
support to new and emerging immigrant communities. Toowoomba does have
a relatively newly formed CALD consultative committee as a representative on
that committee explained:
There is a cultural diversity network that has a lot of organisations coming
together; and they sit and discuss issues relevant to the community, and
the areas of refugees coming in and migrants and such, and what
services are available and being provided for free, or at a little cost –
improve skills for let's say, working in a shop or something like that. So
the community does come together, and they talk about these things. As
far as what comes out of it, I'm not exactly sure …
The key problem in Toowoomba identified consistently by the service
providers and community and religious representatives who participated in the
focus groups, is that the new and emerging migrant communities from North
Africa do not have access to a depth or breadth of ethnic organizations or
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multicultural services. There is a loose knit Sudanese Community
Organisation, but given the demands on new humanitarian migrants many are
not in a position to provide voluntary support to each other, as this participant
explained:
I think in the initial phase people are just working to survive. You know to
get money to get the kids to school.
A Multicultural Staff Network at Southern Queensland University provides
informal support to new migrants, although many of the people they support
are obviously students or academics from overseas. While representatives of
this ogranisation did offer support to the Sudanese community, particularly
their youth through the provision of sporting events, such an organization
could hardly be expected to provide critical support for newly emergent
migrant communities. Unlike Shepparton, Toowoomba does not have the
history of multiculturalism upon which new migrant communities can rely for
support during the critical transition and integration phases of settlement.
There are very few organic informal forms of voluntary support in the
community outside the churches.
Residential dispersion of new migrants
Aware that residential clustering of new migrants can give rise to social
divisions and ‘ethnic enclaves’, Toowoomba’s local planners proactively
dispersed the Sudanese humanitarian migrants it accepted across the
regional city. A survey of 500 Sudanese residents confirms that they are
indeed spread widely across the city (Finding a Home on the Range, 2006: 7).
The dispersal of new migrants creates other problems, such as cultural
isolation, and a reduction in the efficient delivery of public transport and social
services upon which new migrants heavily rely.
Even though Toowoomba’s planners had consciously avoided the residential
clustering of humanitarian migrants, fear was still expressed by a minority of
focus group participants that this could still happen, as it had in the capital
cities. A sixth generation Australian born participant commented:
I think it's better integration if we can get them into mainstream society,
rather than leave them in a cluster group…
.
I think the danger is that they become clustered, if there's such a thing,
there's the danger of seeing the repetition of what happened in Sydney –
where you see the gangs sort of develop. And in some respects it
happens in Brisbane where you've got a very big Vietnamese community
who live in one particular section of Brisbane, and it becomes very gangorientated. That's a concern to me…Personally I can see a lot of danger.
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In response a participant from a non-English speaking background, who had
migrated to Australia about 25 years ago replied:
... in a sense to turn the cluster question on its head – the other onus is on
say Anglo-Saxon Celtic people, 'How often do you not cluster?'… How
often in your own family, social, church, Rotary, scouts, whatever setting –
are you mixing with people who are not the same. There's clusters there
but they're invisible because we're all the same – so we can only see if
they're African, Chinese or whatever – we see they're clustering. If we
don't want clusters, we have to be willing to change ourselves too.
At the core of this exchange between these two focus group participants (one
Australian born, one overseas born) is the balance between bonding and
bridging social capital. Any socially cohesive society needs enough social
bonding capital and commitment to universal values of political freedom,
democracy and equality, to make it cohesive, peaceful and prosperous. On
the other hand, as many participants pointed out, there needs to a balance ‘of
mixing the old and the new’, of bridging across cultural and ethnic differences,
and that Australia had done this successfully for the last century or more. For
without bridging social capital communities would become insular, inward and
backward looking and at worst intolerant of newcomers and outsiders
(Putnam, 2000). One of the major contrasts between Toowoomba, as a
regional city, and capital cities where most migrants live, is that the social
networks of the multi-cultural communities and organizations are
understandably nowhere near as well developed. This could explain why
some assisted migrants drift to cities after being initially placed in regional
townships.
Stretched regional infrastructure and support services
… the infrastructure isn’t here. They are not going to starve, but to
integrate them. It’s really very difficult with 500 people arriving in a year.
Inadequate infrastructure in transport, housing, language tuition, interpreter
services and family support has a significant impact on the transition phase of
new and emergent migrant communities in Toowoomba. Lack of infrastructure
adversely affects both the migrant and the host community. While the
Commonwealth provides the community with a range of Programmes and
services in language tuition, interpreting services, accommodation and health
checks (Millbank, Phillips, 2006: 1), the provision of such infrastructure
imposes a substantial economic cost on the community as a whole. (For a list
of settlement support services see endnote 1).
There was almost universal agreement among the focus participants, many of
whom had worked in a volunteer or employed capacity with organizations and
groups supporting migrants to Toowoomba, that the city lacked the
infrastructure needed to support the number of North African migrants
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entering the community. A selection of comments which reflect this concern
appear below.
… we’re busting at the seams…
For humanitarian migration there is always a stress on the community
infrastructure, always…
At one stage we had two ESL teachers in the City, it was woeful...
I just think that there's an assumption – say in Melbourne or Sydney – there's
an assumption there that there are services there that can meet those needs.
Slowly Toowoomba is meeting those needs a little bit better, but there's still
huge gaps, especially in education.
By contrast the same participants pointed out that business or skilled entrants
were ‘by their very nature’ a far less burden on the community.
There is always room for business migration because business migrants,
by their very nature, economically stand alone; so they can be integrated
anywhere, and…skilled migration, yes we certainly need, or we could use
in Toowoomba in the middle to high-skilled areas at the moment. There
are certainly places for skilled migration.
Regional racism and discrimination
In a survey of CALD residents commissioned by the Toowoomba City Council,
racial discrimination was identified as one of three worst things about living in
the city (Upham and Martin 2005:31). Concrete examples of racism and
discrimination arose spontaneously in the focus group discussions. Migrants
of dark skin colour complained of being treated rudely on public transport, of
being humiliated at Church gatherings, of being discriminated in the job
market, and of their children being teased and bullied at school. When we
asked a city council civic leader about instances of racism in the city, she was
equally philosophical, commenting that racism affected those who arrived in
the 1950s in the same way as it affects the newly arrived today.
It's always going to be the same challenges; and it's always about people
with their own view based on whatever against someone else that doesn't
look exactly the same as them – be they disabled; or be they from another
country; or be they another colour. It's always going to be the same – it's
inbred in people – an absolute dislike of anyone that's different to what
you are.
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Participants tended to blame a small but vocal minority of ‘white supremacists’
for most of the outward displays of racism in Toowoomba. A group calling
itself Australians First distributed what most would regard as racist
propaganda
around
the
town
and
on
the
internet
(ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/toowoomba.html). The document begins:
… Toowoomba is to be the subject of a colonization by African ‘refugees’
drawn chiefly from Sudan…. We urge the refugees to return to Africa now.
(Pell, Saleam and Hale, ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/toowoomba.html
accessed 12/4/2006)10
White supporters of migration are referred to in the document as ‘the new
arbiters of a colour-blind faith in racial diversity’. One participant in the focus
groups was adamant that we lived in a multi racial and not a multicultural
society and espoused some views consistent with the propaganda circulated
by Australia First. Participants claimed that this extremist group had been
issuing death threats and blowing up the letter boxes of Sudanese residents.
One participant elaborated:
You hear lots of death threats; all sorts of threats – there's been targeting
of streets where mainly Sudanese people live. I mean they're not sort of a
great threat, but they'll put threats in their letter box – white supremacy
sort of stuff…
At that precise moment a male focus group participant who had migrated to
Toowoomba about five years ago announced:
I've been attacked a number of times here in Toowoomba….Down
town…. I didn't know why …. I was standing there, and all of a sudden a
guy tried to hit me. The second time, a fellow followed me around pointing
at me, telling me that I was in his country, 'You're in my country, you're in
my country, you're in my country,' …. So I just stood there, then when I
looked over, he was throwing a punch at me, just like that. The next time
was, it another fellow telling me to go back to my own country, 'Go back to
your own country,'… I kind of consider that just about everybody here is
from some place else.
A well known and highly regarded civic leader in the community who
participated in this focus group, responded.
It’s probably some of this white trash…
The view that people from lower socio-economic backgrounds tend to be less
favourably inclined towards immigrants is one that has been found by other
researchers. An opinion poll carried out in 2006 by Associated Press of 1,009
people across Australia ‘shows that a majority thinks immigrants are a good
10
We tried to locate these individuals for comment on the project but were unsuccessful and suspect
these are not real names.
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influence on our communities and our country and that recent immigrants
have integrated well. However, minority groups in major cities and lower
income Australians are less favourably disposed to immigration.
8.4
Overview
While participants in the Toowoomba focus groups expressed a range of
concerns about the social costs associated with migration, and certainly more
than those raised by Shepparton informants, the majority can still be regarded
as short term integration issues that relate mostly to the newest arrival of
humanitarian migrants. The only long term cost related to an anxiety that
current high levels of welfare dependency among humanitarian arrivals would
continue should their integration and settlement into the city go awry. Given
the strong local government leadership on this issue, Commonwealth funding
for regional settlement and support for the regional settlement programme by
the Mayor and Churches in particular this scenario seems unlikely. In terms of
Visa categories, clearly most of the costs relate to humanitarian entrants.
Many of the social costs are born entirely by the first generation of migrants,
while others are born by the wider host community. There were mixed feelings
about using overseas skilled migration to meet regional skill shortages, but
most participants would have preferred training local labour. Overall the long
term social benefits were considered to far outweigh the short term social
costs associated with migration.
Endnotes
Settlement Services for Migrants and Humanitarian Entrants
The Department of Immigration and Citizenship administers a range of Programmes and
services to provide settlement support to new migrants and humanitarian entrants.
Settlement assistance begins with providing pre-embarkation information to new migrants
through the departmental website and the Australian Cultural Orientation Programme
(AUSCO). AUSCO aims to enhance humanitarian entrants’ settlement prospects and create
realistic expectations for their life in Australia.
The Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) provides initial, intensive settlement
assistance for humanitarian entrants for up to twelve months after arrival. Entrant’s needs are
assessed and addressed through an integrated case management approach that provides
orientation, accommodation, and household assistance as well as short term torture and
trauma counselling.
The Adult Migrant English Programme (AMEP) provides English language tuition to entrants
who do not have functional English and the Translating and Interpreting Service (TIS)
provides a national translating and interpreting service 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.
The Settlement Grants Programme (SGP) provides further settlement support to new
humanitarian entrants for up to five years after arrival. The SGP funds projects that will deliver
practical assistance to promote self reliance, inclusion and participation in Australian society.
Many of the on-arrival and longer-term needs of migrants, such as employment, education
and health care, are shared with the wider Australian community. Government requires that
agencies responsible for providing these services to the Australian community generally, are
also responsible for providing their services in a culturally appropriate way to their migrant
and refugee clients.
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Over the last year, 16 Australian Government Agencies have been working together to
develop strategies to improve the settlement outcomes of humanitarian entrants through an
Interdepartmental Committee (IDC) on Humanitarian Settlement. Those agencies are now
developing concrete proposals for consideration by government.
(Source: DIAC Background Document, April 2007)
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9: South Brisbane
9.1
Background
The South Brisbane case study draws upon focus group discussions with
seven groups and one individual to distil a general overview of the social costs
and benefits of migration to the city. Brisbane City Council has jurisdiction
over all the wards in the city, unlike our study in Darebin where the local
council had jurisdiction over a distinct geographical area of Melbourne.
Another distinguishing feature of Brisbane is that its culturally and linguistically
diverse population is spread across the city (Brisbane City Council, 2005:4).
As the greatest cultural diversity is concentrated in the inner South and the
South West of the city the research team targeted its recruitment at civic
leaders, volunteers, community representatives, residents and social welfare
professionals from those areas.
While less culturally diverse than other Eastern States of Australia, Brisbane
City has a growing culturally and linguistically diverse community. As at the
last census 23 per cent of the population were born overseas, 13 per cent of
people speak a language other than English at home; the main language
groups being Chinese (23%), Vietnamese (10%), Italian (8.2%), Greek (6.3%)
and Spanish (4%) (Brisbane City Council 2005: 4). As in other parts of the
country in recent times, humanitarian entrants settling in Brisbane have come
predominantly from the war torn areas of North Africa and the Middle East
(Brisbane City Council 2005:4). The warmer climate is a draw card for some
of these new and emerging migrant communities from the Pacific Islands and
New Zealand.
The district surrounding Southern Brisbane includes the suburbs of South
Brisbane, West End, Fortitude Valley, New Farm and Woolloongabba. Within
the district, there is a mixture of established migrant communities (mostly
Chinese, Greek, Italian and Vietnamese) and new and emerging migrant
groups (mostly Tongan, Islander, African and Iraqi).
As at the 2001 census, 29 per cent of South Brisbane residents were born
overseas, compared to a city average of around 23 per cent. South Brisbane
is less of a reception point for new migrants into the Queensland capital than
it once was because of the increasing gentrification of the area. Increasingly
new migrant communities are settling in the south western suburbs like
Marooka where rents are cheaper.
Brisbane is experiencing strong economic and population growth partly fuelled
by the resources boom.). Between 2000 and 2003 the city’s population grew
by more than 6 per cent, unemployment declined and the value of new
building increased substantially (by about $1 billion) (ABS regional profile
data). Strong economic growth is fuelling demand for labour unable to be met
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by local supply in some sectors. In this context Brisbane may well overtake
Sydney and Melbourne as the preferred destination for skilled migrants.
9.2
Benefits specific to Brisbane
Even though the participants in the Brisbane focus groups were more strident
about the negative impact of new and emerging migrant communities, there
was almost complete unanimity still that migration nevertheless accrued a
multitude of social benefits to the city and to Australia as a whole which
outweighed the costs – as this typical response to the question illustrate.
Costs, there are significant costs, but they are far outweighed by the
benefits.
The majority of participants in this case study as in the others also
identified most of those social costs as being short term and related
mostly (not entirely) to migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds,
especially refugees, as captured in this quote:
Costs… It’s the community development resources; it’s the initial
settlement resources that are provided to refugees – it’s an initial cost; it’s
not long-term.
Creating cultural diversity and bridging social capital in a relatively culturally
homogeneous city
Robert Putnam, in his book, he was talking about ‘bridging capital’, and
‘bonding capital’. We do bonding capital pretty well; the challenge is
bridging capital – because there’s far more benefits in bridging capital
than bonding capital. And we need to really think about how we’re going
to do that (Migrant Community Leader, Brisbane Focus Group).
As indicated by this perceptive Brisbane participant, this city has some way to
go match the kind and extent of bridging social capital between migrant and
Australian born communities as the research team saw in Darebin and
Shepparton, Victoria. There are some important historical and geographical
reasons for this.
The development of ethnic social capital in the city of Brisbane historically
appears to have limited largely to a ring of inner-city ring of suburbs, and
South Brisbane in particular. However with the growing gentrification of the
suburb this area is less of a reception point for new migrants into the
Queensland capital than it once was.
Brisbane is also quite different from other Eastern Seaboard capital cities in
that its migrant born population is spread across the city (Brisbane City
Council, 2005:4). The greatest cultural diversity is concentrated in the inner
South (South Brisbane) and the South West (particularly around Stones
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Corner and Marooka). This pattern of dispersion is true more broadly for
Queensland as a whole, as Max Brandle explains:
The migrant communities of the post-war era are less numerous in
Queensland, they are less geographically compact and vociferous so migrants
are less visible than in other states (Brandle, 1991: 1).
Migrant settlement in Brisbane throughout the 20th century follows the pattern
of other east coast Australian cities, with the first waves of mostly Southern
and Eastern European migrants arriving in the post-war era – from 1947
through to the 1950s. Compared to other eastern states, however,
Queensland took fewer of the post-war migrants arriving through the displaced
persons programme (Brandle 1999: 4). The next wave of migrants in the
1970s and 1980s were mostly Chinese and Vietnamese refugees who formed
tight knit communities in and around South Brisbane and Fortitude Valley.
Through chain migration and family reunion, post-war migrants gradually built
up sizable communities. While these communities offered indispensable
friendship and support to each other, that support did not necessarily
translate, as it did so effectively in Shepparton, into bridging social capital to
new and emerging migrant communities. An community leader from an
established migrant community organisation articulated the problem this way:
I’m sure there is a lot tension between these old settled communities who
are very well established, and those new ones.
Given the changes in the Migration Programme – in particular the shift away
from family reunion and chain migration – toward skilled migration – new and
emergent migrant communities have found it more difficult to build social
capital in way early migrants from Europe, China and Vietnam were able to
through family reunion and chain migration.
Taken together, the smaller numbers of migrants from non-English speaking
backgrounds, their geographic dispersion across the expanse of the city,
alongside the fact that Queensland was the last jurisdiction to establish a
multicultural and ethnic affairs portfolio (in the 1990s), have reduced the city’s
capacity to build bridging social capital. It is not surprising therefore that some
Brisbane city residents are still deeply wedded to policies of assimilation, as
summed up by one of the participants this way:
If you want to assimilate, then come in; if you don’t you can stay where
you are.
Participants in the focus groups generally spoke highly of the City Council’s
efforts in recent years to turn the city around from being perceived as monocultural to multicultural. This is most evident in the City’s Multicultural
Communities Strategy, the purpose of which is to make Brisbane ‘an even
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more friendly, diverse and exciting place to live, work and do business.’
(Campbell Newman, Lord Mayor, in Brisbane City Council, 2005). The
strategy aims to build a more inclusive and harmonious city and to assist
culturally and linguistically diverse residents to live ‘without experiences of
social exclusion, racism, discrimination and other forms of discrimination.’
(Campbell Newman, Lord Mayor, in Brisbane City Council, 2005).
Multiculturalism as a policy has only recently taken root in the City Council and
policies governing its civil sphere (Brisbane City Council 2005), but according
to many of the participants it has not yet taken a strong hold on everyday life,
as this social worker from the multi-cultural sector put it:
I see a problem in that there is a policy, but it’s not actually channelled
down to the people; it’s not conveyed in everyday people’s lives. So it’s
something as if we are taught something – we are multicultural country –
we respect other people, but we don’t practice it on an everyday level.
Overall, the strength of Brisbane’s social capital rests on the relatively recent
development and implementation of multicultural strategies through
institutionalized forms of authority and influence, such as the Brisbane City
Council, and the range of groups that work through and with it to support new
and established migrant communities. The shortcoming is felt at the grass
roots level of everyday life – where multiculturalism in its organic form appears
limited by comparison to Melbourne and Sydney. In a forward to a book about
migrant’s experiences of settling in Queensland, the former Premier Wayne
Goss summed up the benefits this way:
The value of the contribution by our early migrants to the development of
Queensland is inestimable. Their influence on our industries, culture and
ultimately our entire lifestyles has continues down through the decades…
(Wayne Goss in Brandle 1991:vii).
The general extent of the migrant contribution the cultural diversity and
creativity was widely recognized among the participants as illustrated by the
following observations:
Major benefits is multiculturalism, obviously, it’s the spice of life, I suppose
– difference, variety, better understanding of different cultures and
whatever people.
I think the positives are – you’ve got to look at why these people are
coming to this country. They have a lot to offer, whether they’re fleeing
dictatorship; whether they are coming from IR for a better life; whether
they are coming on a whim; whatever it is – these people have something
to offer. And I think that can only be positive, whatever it is – whether it’s
their knowledge; whether it’s their ability to do a certain job; whether it’s
what they know about history – whatever it is, I think as a positive, if we’re
open-minded to what they have to offer, then we can only go forward
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Meeting Queensland’s need for skilled and unskilled labour
Participants were acutely aware of the contribution that migrants were making
to filling shortages in skilled and unskilled labour, particularly in the current
climate of prosperity being experienced by Queensland.
A positive I see, is that the employment gaps, probably factory workers,
the areas where we probably need now,…that's helping our economy.
…with the aging population – it’s a fact that we’re not going to have
enough workers in Australia. So obviously skilled labour plays a big
part….
The major benefits are the skills, knowledge and wealth that these people
are bringing with them. And as I said, it’s like, you have educated doctors,
engineers – we didn’t pay a cent for their education, upbringing… I think
this is great.
Australia’s future capacity to attract skilled labour in an increasingly globalised
world to the places where it’s most needed was raised as an issue as
captured in this remark.
How do we encourage skilled migrants into Australia – that's another topic
altogether – we always seem to focus on the refugees more so in this
conversation. Even the ones that aren’t skilled – I don’t know how you lure
them into particular areas of employment.
We’re losing a lot of our skilled people overseas because they pay (better)
money overseas. So even getting skilled migrants in, I think is an issue,
because I think they’re choosing the US for example, over Australia, if
they’ve got the pick.
9.3
Costs and issues specific to South Brisbane
Dispersion of Migrants – Stretching Infrastructure and Support Services
Lack of infrastructure adversely affects both the migrant and the host
community. As already noted a range of settlement Programmes and services
in language tuition, interpreting services, accommodation and health checks
are provided by the Commonwealth, State and Local governments.
Participants spoke highly of the range of Programmes and services available,
particularly those delivered through the Brisbane City Council, under the
Multicultural Communities Strategy. Under this strategy the Council coordinates ad Community Relations Group, a Cultural Diversity Group and an
anti-racism project (Brisbane City Council, 2005:11). It provides a range of
services including: the translation of local government documents into a range
of new and emerging languages; the provision of neighbourhood guides and
resources; tangible support for refugee settlement; an on-line welcome kit for
refugees and migrants and a number of facts sheets. Brisbane City Council
also funds a community development grants scheme that assists a range of
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new and established migrant groups to build community capacity (social
capital); and has funded 83 grants worth more than $1 million over 4 years to
celebrate cultural diversity (Brisbane City Council, 2005:11). The City Council
employs bilingual consultants and facilitates a community jobs programme
aimed at finding employment for refugees (Brisbane City Council, 2005:11).
However, the rapid growth in Brisbane’s new and emerging migrant
populations, couple with their dispersal across the city places an extra strain
on the demand and provision of such services. In addition to this the
gentrification of South Brisbane has significantly eroded the informal social
supports offered to new migrants during their crucial integration phrase into
Australian life. Contracted services have largely taken over and filled the gap
in informal supports. Some participants felt this promoted community division.
In terms of settlement support in the early years, it creates good citizens –
like in the 50s with the Good Neighbourhood Policy. ‘We’re neighbours,’
welcome families, have some training, but welcome families. Now it’s
been privatised, and that human element has been lost, so again, that
kind of divides people.
Changes in local neighbourhood
Given the gentrification of South Brisbane new and emerging migrant
communities are settling further out in the South Western suburbs of Marooka
and Stones Corner. As noted in the literature review one aspect of migration
that host communities sometimes have trouble coming to terms with is the
changes to local neighbourhood. While many of these are superficial some
residents find new smells and food outlets and the visual appearance of
people from ethnic minorities unsettling. The reaction of several long-term
residents to this sudden change was expressed in the following edited
exchange:
But on the down side… I see it as a clumping effect too – they’re being
clumped particularly in Marooka. I’m just a bit concerned that it may
become a bit of a ghetto…
But I agree with X, that I am concerned with the problem of ghetto-type
thing, or keeping their own culture here and not coming and meeting or
respecting our culture...
The ‘clumping’ of new migrants in suburbs with a long history of being monocultural raised a raft of concerns among long term residents. The risk of new
social divisions and racial tensions opening up in response to these
neighbourhood changes could present a challenge if forms of bridging capital
fail to emerge between the new and established communities.
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9.4
Overview
Like the participants in Toowoomba, Brisbane focus groups expressed a
range of deeply felt concerns about the social costs associated with migration.
Nevertheless the majority of these were short term integration issues that
related mostly to the new and emergent migrant communities – from the
Middle East, Africa, Tonga and the Pacific Islands. In terms of Visa
categories, again most of the perceived costs related to migrants from nonEnglish speaking backgrounds, many of whom probably would have entered
through the humanitarian intake. Some of costs are born entirely by the first
generation of migrants, while others are shared with the wider host
community. Overall however the social and economic benefits of migration to
Australia were considered to outweigh the more short term social costs.
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10: Darebin
10.1
Background
This case study is based on the outcomes of discussions with six focus
groups and three individual interviews of civic leaders drawn from the
Melbourne suburb of Darebin. The size of groups ranged from two to six
individuals. Data from the focus groups has been combined with local
publications to present a general picture of the social costs and benefits of
migration to the community.
There are 128 000 residents in Darebin. This figure is expected to increase to
137 000 in 2021. Darebin City Council (DCC) notes proudly that, ‘Darebin is
among the largest, most diverse communities in the State’ (DCC 2006b: 3)
with 35 per cent of its residents born overseas. The major contributing
countries are the United Kingdom, China and Vietnam. But there has been a
significant influx recently from Sri Lanka, India, Egypt, the Philippines and
Middle East countries.
More than 40 per cent of residents can speak a language other than other
than English, with the proportion of residents speaking Italian, Greek, Arabic,
Vietnamese and Chinese being roughly three times the size of the respective
rates across Melbourne. Emerging languages include Tamil, Sinhalese (Sri
Lanka and Southern India) and Tagalog (Philippines) (DCC 2006b:2).
The region has a disproportionate number of people who live in poverty (DCC
2006b:3). Five times as many Darebin households than the Melbourne
average earn less than $15,000 per annum. Only about 6 per cent of
residents earn more than $100,000 each year (half of the Melbourne
average). The unemployment rate in Darebin during 2006 has been 7.6 per
cent; 50 per cent higher than Melbourne’s average of 5 per cent. The
residential concentration of migrants in the low socio-economic areas of cities
is a long established pattern common to the socio-spatial organisation of
many cities around the world.
10.2
Benefits specific to Darebin
The positive impact of migration on building Darebin’s stock of social capital
The development of social capital in the Darebin municipality has been
characterised by the emergence of ethno-specific services, groups, and
institutionalised, faith-based networks that have, until quite recently,
functioned as largely independent groupings within the broader communal
landscape.
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Migrant settlement in Darebin dates from the late 1940s and 1950s with the
arrival of considerable numbers of Southern and Eastern Europeans. There
was also a large influx of Vietnamese in the 1970s. These communities
gradually built up critical mass with each succeeding wave of members. Each
community offered indispensable friendship and support, as one interviewee
recalled:
Where my parents worked – both of them – there were lots of Italians, so
what they missed out on [in terms of] family connections … [they had
instead] … all the people around them and they became their life long
friends, and some of them have progressed into their old age with mum
and dad. So the social support and the learnings didn’t come then from
the family, it actually came from the Italian community.
Religion appears to have been the critical adhesive in many of these groups
with the church/mosque/temple forming the institutional core. The churches
offered a regular calendar of festivals and events (balls, dances, dinners,
picnics etc) which became significant occasions in the life of the community.
The existence of a strong foundation in faith greatly accelerated the growth of
social capital because it meant that many shared values were already in
place. Communities could concentrate on developing identity and building
cooperation through bridging capital.
The most salient of the faith-based communities were the Anglican, Baptist,
Catholic, Orthodox, and Uniting Churches, the Salvation Army, the Church of
Christ, the Islamic mosques and the Buddhist temples. By the end of the 20th
century these organizations had all developed extensive networks which
made available services to members in the Darebin area. They provide
support with; youth groups, nursing homes, language classes, playgroups,
social events, senior citizens’ groups, aged care, computer skills, counselling,
family support, women’s support groups, translations services and
resettlement assistance (DCC 2005c:12 -14)
However, while individual groups succeeded in building resilient community
structures, they also appear to have often been quite self-contained with
strong boundaries. Inter-ethnic communication developed only slowly and
hesitantly according to some participants in the focus groups from these
communities. For example, when asked about mixing with other
denominations, the daughter of parents who migrated from Macedonia,
recalled that:
… connection with other ethnic groups came in degrees. Outside your
own ethnic groups it was first other Orthodox groups, then it expanded
into other Christian groups, but very rarely did it cross the boarder into
Islam. Most eastern groups have a very poor relationship with the Muslim
population, even in their own country.
Some indication of the degree of separation between groups is provided in the
Interfaith Survey undertaken in Darebin during 2004. The survey found that 21
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per cent of citizens, and 24 per cent of religious leaders did not interact with
persons of other faiths (DCC 2004: 8). Some 20 per cent of citizens and
religious leaders did not know anyone from other faiths, and almost 60 per
cent were not interested in meeting people from other religions (DCC 2004:9).
Moreover, there was a perceived need from respondents to ‘break down
barriers’ before different religious groups could develop a relationship (DCC
2004:25). Even Christian leaders met with each other only ‘sporadically’ and
then for ‘special occasions’ (2004: 24).
During the 1990s the arrival of a number of new migrant groups dramatically
changed the ethnic composition and dynamics of Darebin. For many of these
migrants there were no established communities to which they could turn for
assistance. Though agencies have been set up to provide support they are
unable to offer the range of services that a large, established network could
provide. As a consequence, a number of families from more recently arrived
migrants claim they have found themselves managing in quite isolated
circumstances. The extent to which some new migrants feel isolated is well
illustrated by this poignant anecdote from one African interviewee:
We have made every effort to get to know the people in our street … we
had very limited success. Last Christmas we actually wrote letters inviting
people [120 invitations in all] to come and enjoy African food and African
music … of course nobody came... We wanted to reach out to them … but
we got a cold shoulder.
Darebin City Council (and its predecessors before amalgamation in 1994) has
had a long and successful experience in accommodating the needs of diverse
of ethnic groups. This is clearly reflected in the composition of the council –
seven of Darebin’s nine councillors are from ethnic backgrounds. The
municipality also has an impressive history of consulting effectively with its
residents – in 2006 the Council embraced 29 community advisory committees
covering all areas of activity. In particular, Darebin City Council has developed
an impressive range of services targeted specifically at its linguistically diverse
array of residents. These include:
•
The homepage of Darebin City Council’s website is available in 12
different languages.
•
The Council offers a multilingual communications service where
residents may call a number, ask for a speaker in their chosen
language, and be connected to a Council language Aide or an
Interpreter.
•
Multicultural Resource Directory published bi-annually containing
over 600 ethnic listings of groups, associations and organizations.
The website alone provides references in 29 languages.
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•
The UN Room – based in the Reservoir Civic Centre – is a shared
facility that offers meeting and office space to all ethnic groups and
agencies, and support for their Programmes and activities.
•
Ethnic Communities Council – represents over 70 ethnic groups and
associations and acts as a consultative body to the Council in terms
of conveying programme and service requirements.
•
Employment of a multicultural officer and co-ordinator of a local
directory of ethno-specific groups and support agencies
•
Interfaith Calendar – incorporates a list of dates through the year
relating to important religious and cultural activities for different
ethnic communities. (DCC 2003, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c, 2005d,
2006a, 2006b).
Migration has greatly assisted the development of social capital in Darebin
and led to the emergence of institutionalised networks of activity that have
acted as bridges across ethno-specific groups. In many cases these networks
have centred around religious practices and ethno specific organisations.
These organisations have, nevertheless, possessed the attributes and
qualities to enable wider forms of civic engagement to evolve. The necessary
catalyst here has been the Darebin City Council which has succeeded in
providing a secular, independent core around which broader linkages can
develop. The Council, in effect, is managing the transition from a community
with a multiple of small, institutionalised networks to a much larger network
that fosters interaction, co-operation and support among a spectrum of ethnospecific groups and agencies.
Benefits of Darebin’s distinctive cultural diversity
There was wide agreement that Darebin had been built on waves of
successful migration. The benefits of cultural diversity and multiculturalism
appear to be esteemed by most community members, according to Council
surveys, as this participant explains:
It’s not just my opinion – people say (in the community survey) they value
diversity in Darebin and they have a very good understanding of
multiculturalism…
Another participant tried to explain the benefits of migration to the Darebin
community by contemplating the losses or opportunity cost of not having such
a culturally diverse community:
To me the benefits are immense... if you don’t have diversity, you have to
go and create it… not to have diverse communities, to me it’s saying we’ll
avoid all these tensions, but they will be very limited people they will have
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limited creativity, there would be so many losses that would come out of
having a non-diverse community.
The way that migration multiplies productive diversity stood out as one of the
key benefits to the host community, as illustrated by this example of a local
catering firm established by a group of humanitarian female migrants:
X [catering company] have all these women from all these backgrounds
… so we have one caterer who is able to provide so many different types
of authentic food and that’s been really beneficial to us.
There was widespread agreement across all focus groups that Darebin had
benefited enormously over the years from the migrant presence, both
economically and socially, in ways expressed by participants in other
community studies. One comment in particular – from a migrant – seemed to
capture the general perspective;
We have potential to be unique in the world. What we do is fantastic; for
the most part we can do even better. We have so many ways of thinking
in this country and we can contribute and it is not just food and
restaurants and fashion, it’s actually about thinking about economic
things, social structures, economic structures, different ways of doing
business, innovation.
There was wide acknowledgement across the focus groups that migrants
bought in skills and knowledge that Australia has not had to pay for; that the
post war migrants had made very substantial contributions to the social and
economic prosperity of Darebin; and that such diversity bought with it a great
many long term benefits to the host community which far out weighed any
costs.
10.3
Costs and issues specific to Darebin
Managing religious and cultural diversity in a post-9/11 climate
There was wide agreement across the Darebin focus groups that since the
September 11 terrorist attacks there have been isolated incidents of hostility in
the Darebin municipality and a growing number of complaints of discrimination
by veiled Muslim women in particular. One interviewee reported that a
Sudanese family living in the northern suburbs had their car fire-bombed four
times and they were forced to move. Another stated that a local Imam refused
to conduct religions services outside the CBD area for fear of violence. A third
respondent, with a bureaucratic background, commented in relation to
employees who worked in a large Darebin organization;
Now they are all professionals, or social workers of counsellors or job
employment consultants or whatever. A lot of them who are of Muslim
background, who are living in non-migrant areas, where they don’t usually
blend in, they have actually shifted home or have chosen to sell their
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homes so they can go to areas where there are much higher
concentrations of their people.
By and large, however, participants in the focus groups were very positive
about the tolerance of diversity that exists in the Darebin municipality. Most of
their remarks about racism related to the wider community, the media and
certain politicians. For instance the Anti-Muslim sentiments talked about by
participants were not so much felt at an every day level but more through
social reaction to national and international events as portrayed by the media.
By the same token, as has been indicated previously, there are clearly
pockets of isolation within the region, and a feeling of indifference on the part
of many.
By the early 2000s the lack of interaction between ethnic groups had become
an issue of concern within the broader community. This became accentuated
in the aftermath of the attacks on September 11, 2001.
Darebin City Council responded to the situation in 2002 by applying for a
Living in Harmony grant from the federal government. The grant was to set up
the Cramer Street Project (Cramer St is where the local Mosque is located). A
particular incident had prompted this initiative:
People were coming to the Mosque on Friday and just parking in front of
people’s houses on the front lawn … and the hostility! Parking officers and
Council [staff] would go down there giving out tickets to people who
parked in the wrong spot … rather than go down that track …Council got
a grant to put the[Cramer St] project together. (6/3).
The project involved mounting a number of events in the community which
provided the opportunity for people from different ethnic groups and religions
to interact. The initiative proved very successful. One Council employee
observed that:
It was incredible how everybody got together and at the end, at the final
festival, there were people of every religion. It was a major festival of
about 3000 people. I’d say in the four to five years I’ve been working in
the multicultural affairs unit of the Council, I’ve never, never, experienced
any… conflict or major differences between communities. Actually, what
some communities are doing now whenever they organize an activity,
they are inviting the others to join them. This municipality does a lot in the
way of festivals and events that are inclusive of people from different
backgrounds.
A community leader also involved in the project had this to say about it
positive effects:
In confronting the issue in Cramer St where we built the Mosque it has
been a fantastic lesson – for people in that community have learnt a lot –
how you deal with those issues in your neighbourhood – how do you
tackle those nuisances … and how relationships overcome any major
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issue like that. So the lessons are tremendous and you don’t get the
opportunity to learn those if you are living in a comfort zone.
The obvious success of the Cramer Street project led to Darebin City Council
commissioning the regional Interfaith Survey in 2004. The Council also
undertook widespread consultation with the various religious groups in the
region. This evaluation of resident perspectives not only confirmed suspicions
that religious separation was a problem in the municipality, but also provided
the Council with the starting points with which to work towards a long-term
solution. The Council drew two important conclusions form the information
provided by the consultation process:
1) That to foster improved communication across disparate community groups
it made sense to utilise the social capital generated by existing religious
organisations. Members of these networks already possessed the attributes
necessary to build linkages with other networks. As the Council’s Interfaith
Consultation Report stated:
Faith communities provide networking opportunities for their members, which
strengthens community cohesion within religious groups, but can also lead to
wider social integration. Accordingly, identification with a faith community
within a religiously plural society can be interpreted as a sign of involvement
with rather than disengagement from Australian society.
2) That the Council itself would have to create the framework which would
facilitate inter-ethnic dialogue. The report noted:
The overwhelming response of the religious leaders was that it was very
important for Council to be a neutral party in interfaith activities. The Council
must be an unbiased party, so that religious leaders can come together on
neutral ground under the ‘umbrella’ of the City of Darebin.
By the mid 2000s, Darebin City Council had begun to emerge as the hub of a
much larger network of inter-ethnic participation. Certainly, the perceived role
of the Council as the leader in this arena arose frequently in the course of
focus group discussions. While there are other multi-ethnic organizations
working in the region, their impact appears to be much less significant at the
grass roots level.
Unemployment and under-employment among newly arrived skilled migrants
A number of recently arrived skilled migrants expressed great disappointment
at not being able to find suitable employment.. For these well-educated
arrivals, lack of recognition of overseas qualifications is a major problem (the
Russian doctors working as cleaners syndrome). Steps have been taken to
provide avenues for such people to seek accreditation, retrain and upgrade
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their skills. Yet according to those who participated in the focus groups, this
did not meet their expectations. To successfully take on a professional role
migrants need to be able to possess more than the necessary qualifications.
They also need to understand and embrace the culture of a foreign workplace.
As one employment agent explained:
This has been our experience dealing with employers and recruitment
agents… that there is a certain kind of a cultural ‘fit’ that you have to have
before you can be accepted into this sort of middle-class world of
employment as a professional migrant. So you might have enough social
English, but if you present yourself at an interview for instance, or the way
your resume looks, you know, you’re very quickly discarded because you
don’t fit what an HR person or… a recruitment agent is looking for. We get
professional migrants who say, ‘I’ve been sending resumes to recruitment
agents – I don’t even get a response’.
Such high level communicative skills can be very difficult to acquire. One
interview commented that it was only after she took a degree in Australia that
she could fully comprehend the nuances and subtleties of what was expected.
The ability of skilled migrants to adapt more readily may simply reflect a less
complex work environment. Skilled migrants however faces other major
problems. The most salient of these is that many do not have their families
with them. In the absence of such a vital support system they may not perform
nearly as well as they could with family backup and support.
Lack of culturally appropriate aged- and child-care services
The lack of adequate culturally sensitive child care was frequently cited as a
major obstacle for migrant women in the way of realizing life goals and
participating in English literacy classes.
I think one of the big issues happening now with lots of the new arrivals is
childcare. And learning English is very difficult if you've got a big family, or
you've got children who are not at school yet – to find time to go to an
English class when you've got your family. So one of the really big issues
that has to be addressed in the English language facilities, is that you can
provide a classroom with childcare that's nearby….many grandparents
are now the babysitters …. so the grandparents are now missing out on
learning English, they're staying home. I see childcare as one of the major
barriers that's in the way of learning English at the moment.
Darebin has one of the largest populations of older persons in Victoria, a great
of many of whom came to Australia as post war migrants. This demographic
underscored concerns raised by a number of civic and community leaders
about the lack of culturally appropriate aged care services in Darebin.
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Duplication and lack of coordination in infrastructure provision
Unlike the other communities studied, Darebin was widely regarded as rich
with infrastructure required to support the seamless integration of new
migrants. Certainly no-one stated otherwise. However some key participants
(members of organisations responsible for dealing with a variety of issues
affecting new migrants) expressed concern that resources for migrant
infrastructure were not being spent in the most effective manner. They argued
that there were too many un-coordinated layers of assistance – federal, state,
local and NGOs – and that roles and relationships were not clear. One wellpositioned official (and himself a migrant to Australia a couple of decades
earlier) argued that governments should deal directly with ethno-specific
representative bodies rather than going through additional levels of
bureaucracy.
We don’t need the government interference; let [the representative
bodies] sort it out themselves. But what we should do is go out to these
organizations, talk to them to see what they need, rather than say I’m
here, I’m just forming this body, and you just come to me and I’ll give you
the service. …So I think we really need to engage and involve the ethnospecific groups themselves, rather than having these bodies who have
been established in the so-called mainstream thinking… They don’t know
what the community want.
However other key institutional players interviewed felt that services would be
more efficiently provided and co-ordinated through main-streaming. There
were also concerns (and some cynicism) that financial assistance could be too
easily acquired by including currently fashionable phrases in submissions.
Such activity, it was felt, distorted the funding process and led to the
duplication of infrastructure support for new migrants.
Certain areas can be quite attractive to funding agencies – you can mix in key
words like ‘humanitarian’ and ‘young women’ and ‘refugees’ – you can get
money for similar Programmes.
10.4
Overview
While the focus groups raised a number of costs associated with migration, in
perspective there was wide agreement that cultural diversity bought with it a
great many benefits to the host community which out-weighed the costs.
Again the majority of the participants saw the social costs to the host
community as being short-term as summed up in this quote:
Look with every wave of migration we have heaps of problems. We are
having problems at the moment with people from West African
communities and people from Sudan … but it depends how we view them
… some will say ‘oh no what have done bringing in these people with
problems’, but we are also bringing in a whole lot of benefits as well. We
have become sophisticated and skilled in dealing with these issues which
is why the whole world wants to learn from us Australia, how we are doing
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multiculturalism – why are we so successful. So I don’t view it as a
negative at all because with every challenge that diversity causes there
are heaps of lessons for us to learn from.
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11: Common Benefits, Issues and
Concerns
11.1
Benefits common to all communities
Substantial benefits to migrants and subsequent generations born in Australia
There was substantial agreement across all focus groups as to the benefits
that migration brings to both the migrant and the host community and
especially intergenerational benefits. Economic advancement and the
opportunity to pursue material gain were invariably cited as critical factors. So
too were the freedom, safety and expectations that went with being a citizen in
an advanced democracy. The following comment is typical of the views of
participants:
I think we’re the most democratic country on the earth. We can be
whatever we want to be… So I think that is why I like Australia – it’s one
place that it doesn’t matter where you come from, it doesn’t limit what you
can do yourself, and what you can do for your country.
Some migrants share such sentiments but take a longer-term view of the
benefits. In particular, they see their investment in intergenerational terms. For
instance, after discussing her own difficulties in settling into Australia, of
feeling isolated and lonely, an elderly woman who migrated from Denmark
about 40 years ago said, ‘But I am still very happy I got here because my
children have had much better jobs… My eldest son is a mine’s engineer and
my daughter a lab assistant’. A similar sentiment was expressed by a more
recent arrival to Australia experiencing cultural isolation:
My children…. I know they will grow up; they will go to university, and
even myself, I am developing…I’ve got a job, I’ve got a qualification, I’ve
got a house… a sense of security. Yes and even when we are in big
trouble … People will mostly help you.
Migrants who participated in the focus groups were keen to talk about the
benefits that their migration to Australia had bought them in terms of
enhancing their safety and security as well as their long-term educational and
economic prospects – as one refugee from South America put it:
I’m so glad to have this passport and this nationality in the country that I
call Australia – I get a bit emotional about it.
Other major benefits included: the relative lack of racism, a tolerant and
supportive society, absence to terrorism (‘I feel that Australia is so blessed not
to be touched by terrorism’), the freedoms that Australian women take for
granted, and the enjoyment of living in a multicultural society.
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The national quantitative overview noted that the overwhelming majority of
migrants were satisfied with their decision to migrate and few return. This was
well supported by the focus group participants who had migrated to Australia.
Many felt their migration had advanced their social, educational and economic
prospects. Those fleeing war torn and less peaceful countries highly valued
the peace, tranquillity and security that Australia provides.
I can always appreciate where I've come from, but I can also appreciate
where I am right now. So I hold onto the past, but I accept where I am
presently as being a beautiful place to be. My family miss out because as
I tell them, 'Look I love my family very much, so you must know that
Australia must be a beautiful place for me to stay that far away from my
family’.
Enhancement of local knowledge and innovation
… new business skills; new ways of looking at things, new perspectives
this is one of the wonderful benefits migrants and refugees bring.
A common view expressed across the focus groups was that migration had
generated many new ideas for addressing problems, creating business, and
cultural engagement.
Innovation is a big force for me. They bring ideas that worked for them in
their own country – different ways of solving things. I’ve seen it time and
time again, even on farms… this gentleman was trying to teach grafting
and he [migrant] was watching... He said, ‘do you want to try it my way?’
This was the gentleman from overseas. Using one-fifth of the time it had
taken the farmer to do it – every single graft took. So he said, ‘could you
just train everybody else?’
There was almost universal praise among the participants for the new
knowledge that migrants bring to Australia and their host communities.
… academics who came from other countries… in science they came with
significant scientific achievement; with international publications;
knowledge of different educational system from different countries around
the world. The knowledge of certain systems… significant knowledge of
other educational systems or… government, and so on. This has been of
major benefit to Australia.
Productive diversity and global business opportunities
Participants generally felt that migration also opened up valuable business
opportunities for Australia with the rest of the world as captured in this quote.
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The migrants of today are more sophisticated people – they create
industries. The Chinese are the only nationals who ever came to this
country, who within six months of arriving here developed a thriving export
industry. In addition to that, we have also a lot of innovation – so
multiculturalism (helps) Australia – with new ideas that link up with the
world. We have new languages. In other words, we can export now in
Arabic – we have good migrants who can sell meat in the Middle East;
know how to kill the sheep accordingly; and they have got the right
contacts. Australia needs multiculturalism to survive economically, in the
short and the long-term… Australia could not have developed into a
modern nation today, without migrants.
There was a wide appreciation of the valuable contribution that business
migrants (including migrants who go into business regardless of their visa
category on arrival), make to the local economy.
There’s always room for business migration because business migrants,
by their very nature, economically stand alone, so they can be integrated
anywhere, and in the northern area, skilled migration, yes we certainly
need, or we could use in Toowoomba in the middle to high skilled areas.
Bridge across the hemispheres
Given Australia is the only island continent in the world, without migration
participants felt that as a society it would stagnate and remain isolated from
global cultures and economies. This sentiment was aptly captured in the
following observation:
One of the benefits of it [migration] is the fact that it has bought Australia
into the world… it’s created a bridge, they’ve [migrants] created a bridge
across the Northern and Southern hemispheres.
Australia’s peculiar geographic characteristic as an island continent in the
southern hemisphere is something that creates anxiety. Migration was widely
believed among participants to reduce Australia’s isolation from the rest the
world, through the global transfer of people and with it knowledge, partnership
and understanding. The following observations were typical across the focus
groups:
I think another benefit is: a lot of Australians don’t get to travel overseas
because they can’t afford to, and because we are quite isolated from the
rest of the world. So it gives them the opportunity to learn about different
cultures and countries that we didn’t learn about at school.
Fifty years ago we were insular, small-minded. Now thanks to the
migrants we’re broad-minded and part of the world.
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11.2
Common issues and concerns to migrants
Family separation and cultural isolation
The separation of many migrants (both humanitarian and skilled) from their
extended families is a source of great distress. It is also perceived as a major
cause of under-productivity on the part of individuals. As one many
commented:
Those families are never able to settle properly because their mind is
there [their country of origin]. They are not able to work because they are
dealing with issues, very stress related issues. And at the end they are not
able to contribute in this society. So what they do is sit back and received
a pension form government. [But if parents could be joined by their
children] those people [the children] can look after us, and the government
won’t have to pay us any pension or anything.
A humanitarian entrant from the refugee camps of North Africa spoke freely
about her post-migration experiences. She expressed much appreciation to
the parishioners for sponsoring her and her children and Australia for giving
her a new life. When asked what was the cost of migration she replied ‘mostly
your with yourself you see, indoors with yourself and everything’, when
prompted ‘So it’s a sense of isolation?’ she replied, ‘yeah’. Living in a relatively
culturally homogenous community was clearly impacting on her sense of
cultural isolation. One of the Australian customs that shocked her most was
that women formally arranged to by phone to ‘have a cup of tea’. Where she
came from they just met spontaneously. This woman clearly longed for a
sense of cultural engagement – for the outdoor culture of Africa, where
neighbours and friends did not arrange to meet, they just did.
What seemed to distinguish Brisbane and Toowoomba from the two Victorian
communities studied, where multiculturalism has much longer history of
acceptance at grass roots level of those communities, was a stronger sense of
cultural exclusion and isolation. The feeling of being culturally excluded – of
not being accepted as quite equal – was summed up by one participant from
an established migrant community this way:
Yes, I can feel a tension – there is a bit of racism, you can feel it. Not at
work well not with me, but deep inside you can feel there is a difference.
They differentiate you, and you have to work 10 times better than them to
be at least equal, regarded as equal. And I think it’s unfair.
Overt racism was not identified as a widespread problem in any of the
communities. It was more the feeling of not belonging or being excluded, and
as a migrant who came from Italy to Australia 20 years ago explained, this is
not a new phenomenon.
I don’t think it’s new – I coped a lot of that when I was growing up at
school. I went to a Public School and there was probably 900 students.
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We were termed… wogs, and we used to cop it every single day – ‘Go
back to your own country. What are you doing here’.
Those individuals in the focus groups who expressed most dissatisfaction with
their life in Australia were recently arrived Muslims from African and Middle
Eastern countries. Veiled Muslim women claimed they had difficulty getting
jobs and felt discriminated against. All but two of the Muslim women we
interviewed had removed their veils to avoid evoking Anti-Muslim reactions.
Most were philosophical about the issue seeing it as a short term over
reaction to global events summed up by this Muslim woman from an Arabic
background:
I think that people will get used to seeing veiled women – whether Muslim
women continue to choose the veil in the future is a cyclical thing. There
could be two scenarios. Muslim women in Australia may feel they don’t
want to wear it. I think it also has been a reaction – an identity thing which
is why they chose to take it on – but there will still be an element that will
feel it is a religious expression and by then I think a lot of Australians will
see it as a non-issue in the long term, because they will get to know
people who wear the veil and become accustomed to it and non
threatened by it and will talk to these women and find that they are not so
strange after all and it will not be an issue. What is happening in Australia
is no different to what is happening in other parts of the world, I think the
reaction to it is over exaggerated – making a big deal out of the veil.
Setting in place a cohesive programme of family reunion, moreover, was
perceived by many participants and service providers especially, as an
integral component underpinning successful integration and future economic
development:
If we want unskilled or semi-skilled labour that we want to train up in the
future, you have to have it with a package of family support … the family
provides the collectivist unit.
Overseas qualifications not recognised
Educated humanitarian and skilled migrants across all focus groups in all
communities expressed some dismay that their qualifications are not
immediately acceptable in Australia. From a host country’s point of view it is
an important quality control to ensure that overseas qualifications in trades
and skilled professions such as medicine, engineering meet acceptable
Australian standards. Some skilled migrants have difficulties coming to terms
with this. During the process of upgrading overseas qualifications some skilled
migrants become underemployed. For instance skilled migrants from India,
Africa, Iraq who participated in the interviews complained they could only find
manual work in orchards, abattoirs, farms and factories. For this cohort of
highly qualified middle class migrant they found the experience personally
demeaning, but something they were prepared to do for the sake of their
children’s future. As one migrant from Iraq argued:
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Many of those people are very highly qualified because the …refugees
from Iraq who were affected by oppression of the former regime were the
highly qualified people. And neither Iraq benefited from those qualified
people (leaving), nor the host countries are utilising the skills from those
groups. So it is a waste of resources from the original countries, as well as
the new countries.
While acknowledging this to be the case generally, established Australian
residents took a more localised – and strongly felt – perspective. It was
argued that the majority of the Goulburn Valley’s estimated 2–3000 Iraqi
migrants came from privileged backgrounds in their old country. This created
very real problems for employment in the area:
Most of these people are very well qualified/educated in their own right.
They will not relate to manual/physical work….these guys didn’t want to
get their hands dirty….or get out in the cold.
One interviewee gave an example of the attitudes that service providers were
confronted with. She was allotted a client who had been in detention in Iraq for
some time, then in a refugee camp for a couple of years before coming to
Australia:
He said to me (through an interpreter), ‘Right, I’m ready now, I just want to
make a new life’. I said, ‘What do you do?’. He said, ‘I am a tax official’.
Well mate, that’s just not going to work. And that was his thing. He was a
tax official in his own country. He’d lost five years of his life getting from
there to here. But in that time an education thing hasn’t happened that
showed him, ‘Mate, you’re going in a different direction now. You can’t do
that anymore’.
That this migrant (and many others) had managed to get as far as Australia
without apparently being provided with any information or training about his
new environment was a matter of some concern to service providers and
volunteers.
Unemployment, under-employment and welfare dependency
The analysis of human capital in Chapter 3 noted there is wide discrepancy
between those migrants employed in managerial and high status jobs, and
those employed in low status jobs, with migrants from USA, Canada, Japan
and India particularly prominent among those with the highest representation
of high status jobs (Table 3A.1.1). Conversely, in terms of low status jobs,
migrants from the Balkans, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and some Pacific
Islands tend to be prominent (Table 3A.1.2).Conversely, in terms of low status
jobs, migrants from the Balkans, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and some Pacific
Islands tend to be prominent In general terms the newest arrivals with few job
skills and English speaking ability or literacy (and who are by definition more
likely to be humanitarian entrants) are those groups most at risk of being
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confined to residential clustering and dead end low skill jobs, welfaredependency or long-term unemployment. Despite the strong demand for
labour (mostly skilled) new arrivals tend to experience very high levels of
unemployment. The rate of unemployment among the Sudanese population in
Toowoomba, for instance, is around 19 per cent (Upham and Martin 2005:
24).
It was widely acknowledged amongst the focus groups that lack of
employment opportunities for migrants not only affected the individuals
themselves, but also impacted adversely on the wider community. As one
interviewee pointed out, employment was central to successful migrant
integration and long-term social development:
If you are going to keep the fabric of settlement you’ve gotta look at the
employment question head on. It’s not about medicalising those people,
or putting them in counselling Programmes, calling them tortured or
traumatised or whatever. It’s not about giving them little handouts, it’s
about really fulfilling some of their expectations through employment.
The experience of newly arrived humanitarian migrants contrasts with those
relayed to us by migrants who arrived in Australia in the 1940s and 1950s.
Post war migrants living in Brisbane, Shepparton, Darebin and Toowoomba all
claimed they had no trouble whatsoever finding jobs.
They bought the Labour Department on board the ship to interview quite a
few people… and I was one of them, and I got two jobs… before I got off
the ship.
Given the limited employment opportunities for new migrants largely in low
skill agricultural work, and problems many had upon initial arrival in Australia,
the skilled migrants arriving in Australia in the past few years complained they
were or had been under employed. One skilled migrant summed up his
situation thus:
A brain drain for the country I came from and a brain down the drain for
Australia.
A number of migrants have difficulty finding employment. This is partly due to
poor English skills, and partly due to difficulty with their overseas qualifications
being recognised as already discussed. The loss of well-qualified people to
the workforce, and the wasted capability this entailed, was felt keenly by a
large number of participants:
We’ve got people who come here as accountants. But when we talk to
employers they say, ‘we don’t want to have a bar of them’. They need to
go and do a course in GST or Australian taxation law before we can
actually employ them. So here they are coming under this scheme but
having to work in call centres. So they are actually not being utilized for
the skills that they have.
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Given the high rate of unemployment among humanitarian entrants, in the
absence of employment opportunities volunteer workers and service providers
across the groups noted there was a risk of this cohort of migrants becoming
welfare dependent because they had been accustomed to United Nations
hand-outs. A parish volunteer who herself had sponsored a number of families
from third world refugee camps to Australia over the last two decades relayed
the problems she had encountered with humanitarian migrants becoming over
dependent on Church support.
They come here you take them around the supermarket – they see all
these wonderful things that they want to buy – the appliances you get at
Kmart… most of the churches run what we call Parish Pantries – we have
one. They very quickly learnt that they could get the food free if they went
around from this place to that place – Salvation Army, CentreLink, Lifeline
and our Parish and other Parishes. They could just feed the family without
spending any money on food – therefore you could spend the money on
all these other things.
11.3
Common issues and concerns to host communities
Integration issues, Australian values and cultural conflicts
The overwhelming majority of focus group participants across all communities
responded positively to the question: ‘Do you think it is reasonable that both
migrants to Australia and Australian born citizens share similar values, such
as value for equality of opportunity, equality between the sexes, political
freedom, justice, work and family life?’ Many participants felt strongly about
this, responding with emphatic remarks like:
… they must abide by our law, otherwise I don’t believe they should be
here. Otherwise how can you run an equal system of freedom without
abiding by our law?
An elderly woman who migrated to Australia from London in 1958 with her
family to build a new life captured the general sentiment expressed across the
groups.
You go to a different country – you accept that it’s different, don’t you. If
you wanted to stay at home, you’d stay at home, don’t you! …Yeah, I
think if they come here they should accept it regardless.
Significantly, a number of participants stressed the importance of sharing
fundamental political values. For example, a long-settled professional migrant
stated:
One thing I think we all agree on – anyone who identifies themselves as
Australian would argue that – we all have a common belief in democracy.
If you don’t believe in democracy you shouldn’t be here, really.
Democratic values, freedom of speech, choice, a fair go, these are the
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Australian values that we believe in. We pride ourselves in being the
champion of humanitarian movements, and peace, and environmental
protection. These are things that we as Australians are passionate about.
Yet most participants in the focus group interviews also felt that it was
unreasonable to expect new migrants to Australia, especially those from nonEnglish speaking countries or refugee camps, to be able to appreciate or even
comprehend those quintessential Australian values immediately upon arrival.
For instance:
… I'm worried about this, especially young teenage men – there needs to
be a way which they can understand that these are core Australian
values. ..and there …(are) ways of treating each other…There needs to
be a space where they can hear that very clearly, so that they do belong,
rather than later on bringing up the stick and saying, 'You crossed the
line.' It would be better at the beginning to ensure that there is a (shared
understanding) from male to female relationships to driving on the road, to
a whole range of issues…
It is understandable therefore that a number of social issues about the impact
of migration on Australia consistently identified by the focus groups arose from
the gap between the need for social unity and cohesion (tangibly expressed in
a firm commitment to universal values such as equality of opportunity, equality
between the sexes, political freedom, justice, work and family life), and a array
of generally short term cultural integration issues (such as ignorance of road
rules, domestic violence laws, child protection policies, equal opportunity
legislation, compulsory schooling and voting and so on). Across all focus
groups that gap was seen as greatest for humanitarian entrants coming from
cultural backgrounds very different from Australia’s, as the following quotes
illustrate.
The driving is the fraught subject. They tend to drive without a licence –
they rarely realize how dangerous it is to do that.
The costs are them assimilating with us, especially when they’re from warstricken, war-torn countries; and from countries with vastly different value
systems to what we have here – that's the conflict.
Common integration issues or cultural conflicts identified by participants as
adversely impacting on their host community included:
•
•
•
•
•
•
ignorance of local laws and driving rules;
higher rates of family violence;
lack of understanding or appreciation of Australian values of equality;
unequal treatment of women by migrant men from patriarchal cultural
backgrounds;
mistrust of government and authority;
welfare dependency and over-reliance on volunteer support;
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•
•
•
drain on infrastructure support,
misunderstandings arising from cultural differences and a lack of
English literacy; and
inadequate work and employment related skills necessary for
successful cultural exchange and integration.
Gender conflicts were commonly raised by participants as one of the major
issues associated with new and emergent migrant communities coming to
settle in Australia from cultures where the female sex are not accorded equal
respect or value, as one interviewee put it: ‘Back home in Africa, the man is
God. The men really do trample on the women if they get the chance.’ While
some participants identified migrants from a Muslim cultures as the major
source of gender conflicts, others felt is was more the patriarchal attitudes of
certain middle-eastern and African tribal cultures towards women that posed
most of the challenges to their cultural acceptance among the wider
community. Other participants pointed out that similar gender conflicts were
experienced by women from Southern European cultural backgrounds during
the post-war waves of migration.
There were also widespread concerns that religious fundamentalism has a
negative impact on Australian culture and values. As one group put it:
I don't know if anyone else agrees, but it only seems to be Muslim people
that are asking for these accommodations – I don’t see Chinese people or
Japanese people say, ‘Close down the pool,’ or bring in Buddhism into
McDonalds.
[Others agree.] Yeah, Islam seems to have so many more strict rules
around their religion.
It was widely felt among the participants that cultural diversity bought about by
new and emerging migrant communities needed careful balancing with
existing Australian cultures. A young educated woman from a professional
background expressed the concern this way:
I would have thought it was just a threat to what Australians know and
love – like the threat of that being taken away from us. In order to
accommodate everybody else’s culture, we might lose ours – and I just
think maybe we should work a little bit more at having everything equally
represented, and try to have migrants understand our values. It’s not just
about us learning theirs, which would be accepting, they’ve got to learn
ours to be accepting.
Another participant in the same group similarly remarked that multiculturalism
is two-way street:
It’s okay, so long as it’s not harming anyone, or competing on other
people's freedoms – that's the beauty of Australia – we are free, and you
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are free to wear a veil if you want – that's cool. But it’s not cool when you
start expecting exceptions, or wanting to wear a veil on your driver’s
licence – I don't know, that's taking it a bit far, I think.
The anxiety that multiculturalism may undermine Australian culture was
however balanced with a faith that Australia could ‘become a beacon of light
for the world’, as this young professional man put it:
On the big picture level… I’ve been in parts of the world in the last few
years where I’ve seen what happens when you don’t have diversity. I’ve
seen with my own eyes incredibly awful things happen in a culture that
does not manage diversity. I have a vision for Australia to become a
beacon of light for the world, to show how you can actually manage
cultural diversity because it does need managing. It’s not just going to
happen. Because this is a very small planet now. So let us be a beacon of
light; let us show the way for people to live together.
English literacy, training and communication difficulties
There was clear unanimity across all focus groups that fluency in English was
a skill that all migrants had to attain if they wanted the opportunity to pursue a
successful career and life in Australia. Interviewees reflected on the
experiences of their parents – many of whom had poor language skills – and
felt that this had been a seriously limiting factor in their lives. One interviewee
noted simply that, ‘If you don’t speak the language you are at a loss’.
Moreover, the growing sophistication and complexity of Australian society in
the twenty-first century left little option but acquire a good grasp of the
language. When asked, ‘How important it is for immigrants to speak English?’
the majority of participants across all groups and communities answered one
way or another in the affirmative. Here are two typical responses:
If you can learn the language, it gives access to so much more; but what it
really gives you access to is the culture. By learning English and being
converse well, as everybody in this room can, you can have deeper
conversations with people about what it is to be Australia, and what it is to
live in Melbourne...
It is difficult to see how people can participate in society unless there is
some degree of common language. I feel that there is so much these
people are going to miss out on if they are not able to share the language.
Lack of adequate English on the part of migrants obviously affects the host
community as well as the migrant. The community loses, both in terms of
providing the initial cost of language tuition, and the subsequent inability to
obtain a job and thus contribute to the economy. From the host country point
of view English literacy is also critical to effective cultural and communicative
exchange as articulated by the following participant’s story about trying to
make friends with new refugees in her neighbourhood.
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I’m liaising a lot with these families because most of my daughter’s friends
are little Sudanese girls. So I’m trying to…talk to them, but I can’t because
they can’t speak English that well… they’re all socialising amongst
themselves, and they’re not really branching out. Like I’d love to be able to
say, ‘Come round for a cup of coffee,’ you know, and aid that integration
thing which is what needs to happen. But because of the language
barrier, I can’t do it.
Occupational health and safety issues were raised by business people across
the focus groups as some of the costs associated with employing migrant
workers.
… from a business point of view, if people haven't got a good grasp of
English, there's some health and safety issues, some very important
issues. If people can't speak or can't read the English language, it's
probably impossible for a workplace where they might have multicultural
employees, to have that signage in a number of languages.
Participants tended to regard English as a global language, not just an
Australian official language, as captured in this comment.
English is a world language now… as a business medium it is extremely
important that you learn English…if you want real aspirations for people…
in terms of mobility... then you must learn English. Otherwise you are
limiting people.
English literacy and proficiency was widely regarded as ‘absolutely critical’ for
largely practical reasons of acquiring an education, getting a job,
communicating, running a business, integrating into the community and being
valued by residents from the host society.
So it's not essential for a sense of identity, but in terms of value, I think it's
recognized as absolutely critical by migrants.
A minority of focus group participants thought that it was possible for a migrant
to manage quite well without English as along as s/he was a member of a
large, well-organised ethnic group that offered access to all the necessary
resources. In such contexts, speaking English was not necessarily considered
an absolute prerequisite to being and feeling Australian as this participant, a
second generation migrant, tried to explain to the group:
Fundamentally, what is it to be Australian? As we were saying, my
grandmother has been here for 50 years, and can barely string a
sentence together – she has raised 6 children who have raised their
children, and she has had successful businesses. And she has served the
country; she has paid her taxes; she has done what she had to do. She
lives in a great house; has enjoyed her life; and has loved being an
Australian… And she can speak English very, very brokenly. Does that
make her less of an Australian than anybody else?
The issue of English proficiency arose repeatedly in discussions about agedcare services. The aging of post-war migrants who, like this participant’s
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grandmother, did not manage to acquire English language skills and the
apparent tendency for residents of aged care services to revert to their native
language, makes their care all the more challenging for mainstream aged care
services.
The issue of English literacy and its impact on schools, teachers and the
education system in areas where new and emergent migrant communities
were settling was also raised as a common concern across the four
communities. Another major challenge identified by participants was teaching
English language skills to people who were illiterate in their own language, as
were about half of those coming from refugee camps. Participants with
experience in adult migrant education and language tuition commonly
questioned whether the allocated hours of Commonwealth supported funding
for adult language classes was sufficient. After completing their allotted hours,
these informants claimed that many still lacked the necessary language skills
to find a job.
11.4
Overview
There was universal agreement across all focus groups that migration brings
substantial benefits to both the migrant and the host community that far
outweigh the costs. From a migrant perspective many of these benefits are
intergenerational and accrue mainly to their descendants. From the
perspective of the host country, migration contributes substantially to
Australia’s capacity for innovation, productive diversity and economic
prosperity opening up valuable cultural and business opportunities with the
rest of the world. As an island continent in the southern hemisphere the
benefits to Australia, while incalculable, clearly have been enormous. The
focus groups identified several substantive social costs or issues affecting
migrants settling in Australia. For migrants the issues commonly raised
included cultural isolation, separation from family and friends, problems with
English literacy, lack of recognition of overseas qualifications, underemployment, unemployment and welfare dependency. The impact is felt by
both the host community and the migrant. A number of other issues were
consistently identified as matters of concern, although it is difficult on the basis
of the interview data to gauge the social costs to the host community involved.
In any case they are mostly short term integration issues or cultural conflicts
that understandably arise from the gap between migrating from a refugee
camp or war-torn part of world, and the time it takes to learn a new ways of
living, speaking, and relating with members of the host culture.
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CHAPTER 12: MIGRATION FUTURES
12: Migration Futures
12.1
Aims
This chapter’s principal aim is to explore short to medium term scenarios for
the numbers, skills, origins, and destinations of immigrants within Australia.
Short term futures consider events up to five years from now, and medium
term futures focus on the period between five and ten years ahead.
Forecasting is a hazardous activity because errors tend to compound the
further into the future we look, and this danger is greater for complex systems
incorporating numerous interrelated variables. Immigration is one such system
because it is affected by numerous economic, social, political and
environmental issues, both domestic and international, for which data are
frequently lacking and where interrelations between contributing variables are
poorly specified. Thus, we adopt a 5 year forecast period augmented by
occasional longer term and more risky projections.
The quality of forecasts is also dependent on the techniques applied, and we
have chosen the Scenario construction approach because it can better handle
complex socio-economic systems by permitting analysts to incorporate hunch
or intuition, lateral and creative thinking, and imagination. It is usual to
construct at least three scenarios based on differing assumptions, operating
variables included, weights assigned, and relationships specified. Alternative
perspectives demonstrate the risk encountered in forecasting complex and
open systems.
We are unaware of comparable prior exercises. Duncan et al. (2004) focus
primarily on how to raise Australia’s population substantially, perhaps to 40
million by 2050. They see this as a feasible exercise in nation-building, but the
their aims and discussion are largely speculative and revolve around
Australia’s population carrying capacity. The Productivity Commission (2006)
developed a Net Arrival Tracker (NAT) model to estimate long term economic
impacts of a 50 per cent rise in skilled immigration. This exercise, however,
focused largely on such matters as the working age population, participation
rates, unemployment and hours per worker, with assessed impacts being
generally favourable.
12.2
Purpose
The forecasting exercise serves five related ends. First, scenario construction
is a vehicle to illustrate the large and inter-connected range of factors shaping
immigration outcomes, and to assess their relative importance. Secondly, the
construction of, say, three differing scenarios demonstrates how quite small
changes in settings within them may lead to important differences in shortand medium- term outcomes. These first two ends lead to a third, namely
explicit linking of economic, social, geo-political and environmental dimensions
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CHAPTER 12: MIGRATION FUTURES
of migration, which feeds into a fourth – a discussion about the alternative
immigration settings from which Australia can choose. In the process, we may
elevate debate away from the single issue analysis so prominent in the media.
Thus, workforce needs and social relations, for example, intersect at many
points and should probably not be treated in isolation. Scenarios, fifthly,
impart a time dimension to the discussion and demonstrate the potential
transience of today’s concerns and imperatives, while flagging new problems
and opportunities.
Immigration forecasting is timely given recent increasing numbers of overseas
immigrants, their changing skills and ambitions, and Australia’s own
demographic transition. In turn, such domestic considerations reflect wider
international settings, especially the political, cultural and economic ferment
occurring within Australia’s adjacent Asian and southwest Pacific regions.
China and India are becoming major economic powers; closer in, we
encounter an arc of political instability connected to poor economic
performance (Duncan and Chand (2002); and many aspirant nations, such as
Vietnam, are beginning to ascend the escalator to prosperity. Australia is a
major player in each of these events, which are likely to affect future patterns
of immigration.
12.3
Approach
This section considers briefly the methods and outlooks underpinning our
scenarios, for they are crucial for judging their merits. Three elements are
particularly important:
1. listing the major components (or factors) likely to affect the composition
of future migration, and exploring their inter-linkages and the extent to
which they are influenced or controlled domestically;
2. justifying the adoption of scenario approaches, outlining their
component steps, and explaining our style of scenario construction; and
3. contemplating information sources.
Forecasting components
Table 12.1 lists 65 items that might affect future levels of immigration,
categorised by type and comprising economic (both macro and micro),
political (international and domestic), social and environmental issues.
Although our brief is to focus on social issues, and indeed these are stressed
in the scenarios developed, future immigration trends will be heavily
influenced by the state of the domestic economy in general and that cannot be
separated from the health of the private sector. The size, composition, and
geographical destination of Australia’s migrant intake have a long history of
fluctuating in tune with local economic conditions. Increasingly, too, economic
settings cannot be divorced from global events and domestic institutional
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effectiveness, which explains the crucial role of political items 36 to 47 in the
table.
Neither can economic or political issues be separated from a raft of important
social issues. Taken together, these social dimensions define a nation’s
ambition, flexibility, adaptability, cohesion, and tolerance of diversity.
Simultaneously they lubricate the wheels of economic advance, shape the
nation’s attractiveness both to investors and would-be migrants, and
potentially ease the political task of allaying fears and suspicions. Items 48 to
57 incorporate the usual notion of social capital, but also go well beyond it.
Finally, but not least, we cannot separate Australia’s future immigration from
environmental considerations both here and in source nations. There have
long been debates over Australia’s population carrying capacity and its optimal
spatial allocation (Australian Parliament, 1994). Recent analyses of climatic
change suggest that development opportunities are emerging in North
Australia, while environmental stress is growing in the populous south-east
corner. Similar events globally could make Australia a desirable destination for
environmental refugees.
The 65 component variables are clearly inter-linked; indeed, everything affects
everything else (Table 12.2) to create the ultimate in complex and open
systems. This, in turn, is exacerbated by accelerating change imposed by fast
technological invention (and uptake), globalisation (spurred through reduction
in the tyranny of distance), socio-economic diversification (enabled by wealth
creation), and deepening civil society (which holds government to increasing
account). Moreover, Table 12.2 reports on six selected attributes of those
variables:
1. Spatial variability, impact and/or presence. Component impacts on
space, operating via immigration, could vary substantially from place to
place.
2. International connection. International events shape domestic economy
and society and potentially the level, structure and geography of
migration.
3. Autonomy from government. While Australia has a planned intake
quota for the major streams of migration (such as Humanitarian,
Skilled, and Family), many variables affecting the composition of
Australia’s migration future are essentially autonomous in the sense
that domestic governments influence few of the processes at work.
4. Inherent instability. Many scenario components are inherently unstable,
being susceptible to large cyclical or monotonic shifts over time.
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CHAPTER 12: MIGRATION FUTURES
5. Institutional input. Most components are affected by institutions,
including governments and their client agencies, nominally independent
organisations (such as the Reserve Bank), industry associations,
private firms, and the gamut of social organisations making up civil
society. Institutional capacity plays a major role in shaping economy
and society.
6. Cultural input or impact. Cultural outlooks substantially shape people’s
attitudes to economy, society and environment in general and to
immigration in particular – either directly or indirectly though institutions,
political processes, or economic behaviour.
Collectively, the 65 variables provide a kind of stage on which immigration
events are acted out. As a way of gathering qualitative data for the scenario
exercise we interviewed several key national stakeholders from the Reserve
Bank, the Productivity Commission, Minerals Council of Australia, and the
Australian Farmer’s Federation. A number of other peak industry bodies were
invited to participate but declined (i.e. Business Council of Australia). Some of
data for the scenario analysis also arose out of focus group interviews. There
is scope for a great deal more research on this topic.
Among the large range of forecasting techniques, scenarios are the most
complex, eloquent and subtle. They combine the rigour of theory and statistics
with the essential flair and imagination necessary the future of multi-faceted
issues embracing economy, society, the environment, and international
relations. They do this in a structured way to tell multiple credible stories about
the subject of investigation. Decision-makers frequently blend scenarios
according to their informed judgement to generate hybrid policies guiding
preferred outcomes. Used in this way, the power of evidence based scenarios
lies only partially in their accuracy; more significant is their capacity to
stimulate ideas11.
One excellent guide to scenario construction is Schwartz (1991), who headed
Royal Dutch Shell’s brilliant forecasting team for a period during the 1980s. In
his view, scenarios entail four Key Questions, at least eight Elements of Plots,
and a four-dimensional Knowledge Base (see Table 12.3). Our analysis
employs this approach. Note that several of the elements of plot (items B4 to
B8) deliberately search for important departures from established norms, a
valuable attribute of scenarios in a fast-changing world and likely to be missed
by other forecast methods. In turn, the impact of dramatic change is affected
by society’s adaptive capacity (B9). This element is shown in italics to indicate
its omission from Schwartz’s original analysis. Other useful discussions of the
uses and abuses of forecasting are Rescher (1998) and Tydeman (1987).
11
162
Important forecasting techniques include statistical extrapolation, multiple regression analysis,
computable general equilibrium (CGE) models, such investment appraisal techniques as (i)
benefit-cost and (ii) discounted cash flow analysis, cohort-survival models (in demography),
analogy, futurology (and other literary approaches), and the Delphi technique (which blends the
opinions of panels of experts. See Tydeman (1987) for a review of their respective strengths and
weaknesses. Unlike scenario construction, many of theses approaches find it hard to interweave
essential, but ‘soft’, socio – political issues into their fabric.
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Table 12. 1: Forecasting components
Item
Number
1
2
3
Major
Category
Economic
Minor
Category
Macro
31
32
33
34
35
Item
D/S
Demand for goods and services
Supply of goods and services
Tax Rates
Fiscal
Matters
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
SubCategory
Tax Distortions
Budget Outcome
Subsidies / Distortions
Savings and Investment Level
Investment Savings Rate
Interest Rates
Debt Servicing as Share of Income
Returns to Capital
Relative GDP Shares: Wages-Capital
Costs and Labour Market Flexibility
Efficiency
Labour Force Participation Rates
Efficiency of Capital Markets
Economic Openness - Public Sector Control
Infrastructure Supply, Cost and Quality
Business Compliance Costs
R and D Share GDP
Summary
Regional / National Comparative Advantage
Indices
Regional / National Competitive Advantage
Micro
Competitive Entrepreneurship
Markets
Ease of Market Entry
Level of Competition
Extent of Market Power / Domination
Effort - Dedication
Innovation Industry R and D Effort
Innovation Capacity
Adaptive Capacity
Business
Access to, and Cost of, Capital
Inputs
Access to, and Cost of, Business Inputs
Labour Market Cost / Knowledge / Skills
Cost and Quality of Infrastructure
Cost and Quality of Business Premises
Company Profitability
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Table 12. 1: Forecasting components (continued)
36
Political
International Trade
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
Domestic
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
Social
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
Environment Physical
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International Trade Settings (freedom of
trade)
International Trade Settings (bi- or multilateral)
Free Trade - Protectionism Balance
International Cartels
Relations
State of International Relations
Incidence of Failed States
Defence Effort
Institutional Effectiveness of International Regulatory
Agencies
EffectivenessEfficiency in Inter-State Resource Allocation
Efficiency in Service Delivery
Efficiency in Resource Allocation
[across all tiers of government]
Inter- AND
IntraRegional
Management
Issues
Attitude to Risk
Future Orientation
Adaptive Capacity
Adherence to Tradition
Institutional Depth
Institutional Effectiveness
Interest Group Power
Interest Group Membership
Social Diversity
Social Harmony
Climatic Conditions
Incidence of Severe Events
Effectiveness in Resource Discovery
Effectiveness in Resource Conservation
Efficiency in Resource Allocation
Efficiency in Resource Extraction
Level of Resource Depletion
Level of Resource Enhancement
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Table 12. 2: Attributes of scenario components
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
164
Macro Economic
Item
Major
Item
Number Category
Demand
Supply
Tax Rates
Tax Distortions Budget
Outcome Subsidies /
Distortions Investment
Level Savings Rate
Interest Rates
Debt Servicing as Share of Income
Returns to Capital
Relative GDP Shares: Wages-Capital
Labour Market Flexibility
Labour Force Participation Rates
Efficiency of Capital Markets
Economic Openness - Public Sector Control
Infrastructure Supply, Cost and Quality
Business Compliance Costs
R and D Share GDP
Regional / National Comparative Advantage
Regional / National Competitive Advantage
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Linked to Item #
Attributes (Y/N)
Spatial Internati Autono Stable
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
Complexly and
y
delicately interrelated, y
with domestic and
y
international
dimensions
recursively connected. y
y
?
y
?
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
Instituti Cultural
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
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Table 12. 2: Attributes of scenario components (continued)
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
Major
category
Micro Economic
Item
Item
Attributes (Y/N)
Linked to Item #
Entrepreneurship
Ease of Market Entry
Level of Competition
Extent of Market Power / Domination
Effort - Dedication
Industry R and D Effort
Innovation Capacity
Adaptive Capacity
Access to and Cost of, Capital
Access to, and Cost of, Business Inputs
Labour Market Cost / Knowledge / Skills
Cost and Quality of Infrastructure
Cost and Quality of Business Premises
Company Profitability
Spatial Intern
Impact / ational
Presence
y
Complexly and delicately
interrelated, with
domestic and
international dimensions
recursively connected.
Regional / national /
international cultural
dimension important in
comparative and
competitive advantage.
Operates within macro
context, but feedback
loop influences macro
settings.
y
y
y
Autono
mous
y
y
y
y
?
y
y
y
y
?
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
International Trade Settings (freedom of trade)
y
y
y
37
International Trade Settings (bi- or multi-lateral)
y
y
y
38
Free Trade - Protectionism Balance
y
y
y
39
International Cartels
40
41
Political
36
State of International Relations
Incidence of Failed States
International relations
and trade dimensions
are mutually interrelated
and feed directly into
macro- and microevents. So does the
efficient and effective
delivery of public
services.
y
y
y
y
y
y
42
Defence Effort
43
Effectiveness of International Regulatory Agencies
44
Efficiency in Inter-State Resource Allocation
y
y
45
Efficiency in Service Delivery
y
y
46
Efficiency in Resource Allocation
y
y
47
[across all tiers of government]
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Cultural
?
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
?
y
y
Stable Institut
ional
y
y
y
y
y
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Table 12. 2: Attributes of scenario components (continued)
Attitude to Risk
y
49
Future Orientation
y
50
Adaptive Capacity
y
51
Adherence to Tradition
52
53
Social
48
Institutional Depth
Institutional Effectiveness
These dimensions are
strongly interlinked and
feed directly into both
long-range
economic
prosperity and political
capacity
to
operate
effectively.
y
y
y
Interest Group Power
55
Interest Group Membership
56
Social Diversity
y
57
Social Harmony
y
58
Climatic Conditions
y
59
Incidence of Severe Events
y
60
61
62
63
Environment
54
Effectiveness in Resource Discovery
Effectiveness in Resource Conservation
Efficiency in Resource Allocation
Efficiency in Resource Extraction
64
Level of Resource Depletion
65
Level of Resource Enhancement
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SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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These dimensions are
also strongly interlinked
and directly affect the
four previous heads of
consideration.
y
y
y
y
International influences swirl diffusely
and thinly around many of these issues.
Linked to Item #
Attributes (Y/N)
Spatial Internati
onal
Impact /
Presence
International influences swirl
diffusely and thinly around many of
these issues.
Item Major
Item
Num Category
ber
Autono Stable Institu Cultural
mous
tional
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
CHAPTER 12: MIGRATION FUTURES
Table 12. 3: Scenario components
A
Four Key Questions
1
What are the driving forces?
2
What do you feel is uncertain?
3
What is inevitable?
4
How about this or that scenario? Which is most likely?
B
Elements of Plots
1
Who wins and loses? Or are win-win situations possible?
2
What are the challenges and responses? [challenges = tests]
3
How are things evolving? At what speed? [note that technologies tend to be
evolutionary]
4
What revolutions may occur? [e.g. war and conquest, famine and pestilence,
political collapse, political revolution (including, for example, the Anglo
world's embrace of market principles from 1980 to 2006), or economic
depression (revolutions equate with Drucker’s discontinuities)]
5
What events occur in cycles? [examples include the business cycle and
patterns of spatial decay and rejuvenation]
6
Are there conditions of infinite possibility? [infinite possibility = boundless
optimism (for example, the rise of the internet, the mining sector or biotechnology)]
7
Are there any lone rangers? [for example, Margaret Thatcher, David and
Goliath, Apple computer]
8
Is generational conflict important? [different age cohorts tend to espouse
different values and cultures]
9
How adaptable are people and their institutions? [in a world of growing
complexity and speed of change, adaptive capacity is a crucial determinant
of system stability]
C
Knowledge Base
1
Knowledge of current economy, society, polity, demography, or environment
(including recent trends)
2
Sets of assumptions about key driving forces and the way they may behave
3
Lateral thinking about extreme or unusual events and their impact on
established patterns or norms
4
Probability analysis or assessment of likely events.
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Why scenarios?
Australia’s rapid economic growth in the last 15 years was accompanied by
unprecedented change in jobs, lifestyles, social relationships, demographics,
and global engagement. Yet, this was accomplished with low internal stress
because of an increasingly confident, outward looking and flexible economy
and society. Our first extrapolation scenario examines immigration issues
assuming continued growth in output and employment in Australia’s current
investment friendly and adaptive environment. The second stress scenario
looks at immigration issues when a set of on-balance negative factors creates
rising community stress and dysfunctional response. Finally, we imagine a
structural change scenario focusing on emerging trends in global migration
and their possible effects on Australia. Despite Australia’s lengthy period of
rising prosperity and increasing adaptability to rapidly changing conditions, we
cannot assume that they will continue indefinitely and we try to assess the
scenarios’ probabilities of occurrence.
Of course, the relative importance of the questions in Table 12.3, and the
components and attributes in Table 12.2 varies according to the length of the
forecast period. The longer the period, the greater is the likelihood of volatility
in known variables and the introduction of major unforeseen factors. This is
especially hazardous for immigration forecasting, which is subject to large,
complex rapidly changing global dynamics. For this reason, our forecasts
focus just 5 years ahead, with occasional longer term estimates.
Note that scenarios with strong socio-political, institutional or environmental
content are not readily amenable to econometric analysis. This is despite
recent developments in behavioural and environmental economics. Thus,
changes to policy settings; the morphing of perceptual, attitudinal or
behavioural concerns; and the evolution of institutions are all likely to impact
unpredictably on economic outcomes.
Figure 12. 1: Scenario construction template
65 Economic, Political,
Social, and Enivironmental
4 Key Questions, 9 Elements of Plots, and 4
Components of Knowledge Base
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Data requirements
Scenarios can be constructed at different levels of detail. Highly detailed
immigration forecasts would require (a) prodigious quantities of statistical data
and qualitative information for a large number of variables and (b) an ability to
model their interactions. This is beyond the scope of the current project on
account of scarce information; many unspecified relationships between
variables; the difficulty of reducing economic, social, political and
environmental issues to a common metric; and the integration of both
domestic and international processes. In contrast, our exercise is based on
information culled from a wide range of sources, and incorporates extensive
observation of events, ideas, information and trends, both Australian and
international. Our scenarios are consequently more impressionistic than
detailed, and designed to trigger informed discussion about immigration
futures, and especially their socio-spatial correlates.
The forecast process has three stages, the first of which sets the over-arching
socio-economic-environmental context constraining future patterns of
immigration. The template in Figure 12.1 serves to conceptualise, structure
and describe the complicated context in which Australia’s immigration issues
are decided. Its vertical and horizontal axes list respectively the 65 component
variables from Table 12.1 and the scenario construction dimensions from
Table 12.3. We have filled in the relevant detail in Table 12.5.
The second component is to craft three hypothetical short-term contextual
scenarios from Table 12.5, while the third component envisages specifically
how those contexts can shape immigration events and their impacts.
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Table 12. 4: Key ingredients for scenario construction
See Appendix 12A.1.1 for fuller exposition of these points
A Four Key Questions
Major Category and
What are the driving forces?
What do you feel is uncertain?
Item Numbers (refer
to Table 8.1)
Macro-Economic
Market reforms of the last two decades. The prospect Ability to sustain a reform agenda in the face of rising
Settings (Items 1 to of further reforms leading to greater efficiency and
international competition. Production constraints.
21)
Environmental hazards.
productivity. Conservative national economic
management.
What is inevitable?
Growing international competition, exacerbated by
peripheral location. The march of technology and
rising pressures to innovate. Slow globalisation of
labour markets.
Micro-Economic
Issues (Items 22 to
35)
Competition, competition, competition. Australia's
Surprisingly little. The driving forces of change and strong Ever greater pressures on business performance
innovatory and entrepreneurial talents are substantial management appear entrenched. Most uncertainties lie
and swifter penalties for those under-performing.
overseas.
across the board. By global standards, Australia is a
highly open economy and market pressures are
important for innovation and entrepreneurship, and for
avoiding monopoly and oligopoly.
Political Settings
(Items 36 to 47)
Australia and major partner nations realise that trade is
beneficial and that domestic subsidies (arising from
special pleading) are expensive and damaging to
national competitiveness and aggregate wealth.
Moves to global free trade are hampered by protectionist Slow improvements to international trade and
sentiment and multi-lateral gains appear increasingly rare, domestic public management in many countries.
fuelling increasing numbers of bi-lateral relationships. The The rising incidence of failed states.
uncertain commitment of all Australian governments to
vigorous pursuit of efficiency.
Social Settings
(Items 48 to 57)
Rising social and economic adaptive capacity. It is
easier to adapt, assume risk and adopt a future
orientation when informed, knowledgeable and
financially secure. These conditions also underpin
social diversity and tolerance.
This delicate edifice relies on Australia's continued
economic prosperity and confidence that this will occur.
Ironically immigrant societies are much less amenable to
conservative capture and more optimistic about future
events.
Social and institutional deepening have progressed
steadily for the last 800 years. The need for
immigrant skills will rise with economic growth, the
transition to a creative society, and peaking
workforce participation rates.
Environmental
Issues (Items 58 to
65)
Resource sustainability for future generations may be
problematic in the light of apparently rapid climate
change, ecological damage, resource depletion or
exhaustion, insufficient capital investment in
infrastructure. Many trade-offs could affect immigration
policies and their application.
Just about everything: the level of resources; their
sustainable consumption; infrastructure needs; and ideal
trade-offs between competing ends (economic, social or
environmental).
Issues include the depletion of many finite
resources; sustainable limits on the use of others;
rising technologies to create sustainable and
renewable resources; the substitution of resources
; international conflict over access to strategic
resources
170
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Table 12.5: Key ingredients (continued)
A Four Key Questions
Major Category and
Item Numbers (refer
to Table 8.1)
B Elements of Plots
How about this or that scenario? Which is most
likely?
Who wins and loses? Or are win-win situations
possible?
What are the challenges and responses?
[challenges = tests]
Macro-Economic
Australia lifts her economic game. Hostage to the
Individuals, communities or regions with skills, knowledge, Reforming zeal, appetite for risk, leadership capacity.
Settings (Items 1 to shaky fortunes of powerful friends. Differential regional capacity to innovate, resources and leadership will do
21)
performance within Australia according to
well. Those without may struggle.
specialisation.
Micro-Economic
Issues (Items 22 to
35)
Three Australian scenarios suggest themselves: a
continuation of the mounting strength of the last 15
years; a predominance of adverse uncertainties; and
the potential for continued reform. Current trends
appear the most likely event.
Improved business performance and market operation
should be a win-win situation for all parties, especially in
tight labour markets.
Political Settings
(Items 36 to 47)
The likely short-term scenarios for Australia include
Global production and trade, competitive markets,
slow improvements in the efficiency of domestic
emphases on education and invention, and now emerging
management and the slow diffusion of freer trade. New global labour markets have benefited hundreds of
millions, if not billions, of people.
forms of migration are likely to occur.
The challenge for society's political apparatus is to
run stable economic settings favouring profitable
investment, while ensuring competition, obviating
market failure where possible, and providing
essential social security.
Social Settings
(Items 48 to 57)
The overwhelmingly most likely scenario in the short to
medium term is the continuation of social and
institutional deepening aided by immigration. On the
negative side Australia could encounter a surplus of
migrants relative to demand through a major global
economic down-turn.
At times of strong economic and employment growth,
permanent immigration is largely a win-win situation for all
segments of society, provided that it observes due
process. Short to medium length immigration appears
unproblematic.
The main social challenge in Australia is to maintain
an economically and socially adaptable, risk taking,
and future oriented community the accepts and
encourages diversity and creativity, whilst accepting
a set of core values or norms.
Environmental
Issues (Items 58 to
65)
Many scenarios are possible, but not so much within
our forecast period. However, fears over environment
and resources will colour debates over many issues.
Two scenarios stand out: alarmist - precautionary and
optimistic, with shades in between.
The incidence of winners and losers from environmental
and resource management is frequently complex, with
winners and losers living within one region or interregionally. Win-win situations are sometimes possible.
The environmental challenge is primarily two-fold.
One task is to manage environmental and resources
efficiently, effectively and as far as in a sustainable
way. The second is to evade extreme events that
can severely damage economy and society.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Protecting simultaneously public interests and
corporate freedom to innovate and invest.
Encouraging profitable research and development.
Encouraging business to innovate.
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Table 12.5: Key ingredients (continued)
B Elements of Plots
Major Category and
Item Numbers (refer
to Table 8.1)
How are things evolving? At what speed? [note
that technologies tend to be evolutionary]
Macro-Economic
Australia has had an excellent track record in these
Settings (Items 1 to regards during the last 20 years. It looks set to
21)
continue.
What revolutions may occur? (revolutions equate with What events occur in cycles? [examples include
Drucker’s discontinuities)
the business cycle and patterns of spatial decay
and rejuvenation]
Faltering of global growth engines. War and conflict in the Business cycles, which are attenuating. Commodity
Pacific, West Asia and Africa. Energy disruption.
prices. Production levels affected by drought.
Micro-Economic
Issues (Items 22 to
35)
Improvements in all these directions are occurring, but The emergence of highly competitive and large
capable of beneficial acceleration.
companies in China, India and other leading developing
nations. New ideas in capital provision.
Political Settings
(Items 36 to 47)
Such a strategy, while always capable of improvement, Short of more thorough economic and political integration Perception of the role of immigrants is often
has been pursued effectively for several decades.
with Asia, it is difficult to see a discontinuity of the kind
contingent on the health of the economy, business
Drucker envisages.
profitability, the pace of domestic change, and the
extent to which Australia is a closed society.
Social Settings
(Items 48 to 57)
This challenge is being met. Some other changes
under way relevant to immigration include longer
working lives, and the adoption of transition to
retirement arrangements.
The nature of immigration is changing quickly. Although
Immigration levels are irregularly cyclical in direct
net permanent migration is risen to a high level, medium proportion to the strength of the domestic economy
to short temporary arrivals are rising fast as a concomitant
to globalisation and temporary domestic labour shortages.
Environmental
Issues (Items 58 to
65)
This is a matter of opinion, depending on one's
assessment of the depth of environmental problems
and the best ways of tackling them. Agreement on this
question between pessimists and optimists appears
unlikely.
Lots. Dramatic climate events from accelerated warming Many cycles are involved, but none that affect the
through to cooling. Sound scientific understanding of the purpose of the exercise.
relative impacts of solar factors through to human agency
and the ability of planetary self stabilisation through to the
merits of technologies to remove greenhouse gasses.
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Product life cycles are increasingly rapid, aided by
fast development of new technologies.
CHAPTER 12: MIGRATION FUTURES
Table 12.5: Key ingredients (continued)
B Elements of Plots
Major Category and
Item Numbers (refer
to Table 8.1)
Are there conditions of infinite
possibility? [infinite possibility =
boundless optimism]
Are there any lone rangers? [for
example, Margaret Thatcher, David
and Goliath, Apple computer]
Is generational conflict important?
[different age cohorts tend to espouse
different values and cultures]
How adaptable are people and their
institutions? [in a world of growing
complexity and speed of change,
adaptive capacity is a crucial
determinant of system stability]
Macro-Economic
Settings (Items 1 to
21)
Resources. Environmental quality. Strong see Micro-Economy analysis below.
leadership capacity.
Australia's lone rangers appear more in
the private sector.
Some latent conflict (e.g. housing
Australians overall appear highly
affordability, intergenerational equity, low innovative and adaptable to changing
fertility rates).
circumstances. Political leadership crucial
to maintaining this.
Micro-Economic
Issues (Items 22 to
35)
A seemingly endless array of major new
technologies.
These are extremely numerous,
especially with the flood of new
technologies. Australia is not, apparently,
short of entrepreneurs willing to run with
them.
Generational conflict in the business
world seems endemic and potentially
valuable provided that past lessons are
heeded.
Business is highly adaptable. Maladaptive
firms cease trading or are taken over by
predators with better management skills.
Political Settings
(Items 36 to 47)
Global engagement comes close.
Not currently in Australia
Not noticeably so.
Australian democracy is robust and
generates fast learners.
Social Settings
(Items 48 to 57)
The current phase of Australia's
Australia's current crop of opinion leaders
economic development appears so solidly does not appear to have the strength to
move public outlooks compared with the
grounded, and so exposed to a large
array of international and technological
captains of industry - or the
environmental lobby for that matter.
opportunity, that shortages of skilled
labour will have to be met somehow.
Generational conflict is potentially strong.
Younger people tend to be better
educated, more knowledgeable, less risk
adverse and more accepting of change
than older people and may pay heavily to
support the latter!
Adaptability does not appear to be a
problem for many parts of Australian
society. However, it is spatially more
pronounced in some regions, especially
rural areas with their narrowly based
economies and older populations.
Environmental
Issues (Items 58 to
65)
Strong optimism resides with those
foreseeing major technological advances
to handle environmental problems. If so,
Australia's optimal population could be as
much as 50-60 million rather than the
lowest estimate of just 6 million.
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The environmental running is taken by
Environmental and resource concerns
the likes of Tim Flannery, David Suzuki, have a strong generational base.
and Jared Diamond, backed by strident
and noisy organisations of varying
credibility. Dissenting positions tend to be
much more widespread and disorganised.
Individual and institutional environmental
concerns and strategies appear capable
of rapid transformation in the light of good
evidence.
CHAPTER 12: MIGRATION FUTURES
Table 12.5: Key ingredients (continued)
C Knowledge Base
Major Category and
Knowledge of current economy,
Item Numbers
society, polity, demography, or
(refer to Table 8.1)
environment (including recent trends)
Sets of assumptions about key driving
forces and the way they may behave
Lateral thinking about extreme or
unusual events and their impact on
established patterns or norms
Macro-Economic
There is a wealth of knowledge on most
Projection of future states and the
Just about anything mentioned already
Settings (Items 1 to areas involved and many generally agreed understanding of driving forces is relatively could go wrong.
21)
well-known in the economic arena.
positions.
Difficulties in merging economic, political,
social and environmental issues in a single
calculus, and in quantify trade-offs.
Micro-Economic
Enormous amount of information is
Issues (Items 22 to available on trends in the business world.
35)
That generally market economies are
effective and that competition is beneficial,
with regulation necessary to enable
markets to operate effectively. That
invention and innovation are central to
business prosperity and survival.
Probability analysis or assessment of
likely events.
The probability of improved economic
management appears high. The largest
single economic cloud is industrial
countries' oil dependency.
The arrival of private equity buyouts andImprovements to business management
the creation of specialist asset portfolioslikely in almost all respects.
are likely to improve business
performance. Opening domestic
markets to further international
competition.
Political Settings
(Items 36 to 47)
Australia's politicians and bureaucrats are Australian political life is heavily influenced Nothing springs to mind.
for the most part well informed
by a raft of assumptions, including the
need for full employment, a fair go, a fair
day's pay for a day's work, disregard for
pretension, the need for a social safety
net, and so on.
Australian political life is very stable and
appears unlikely to shift from current
trajectories, except at the margins,
irrespective of what party is in power.
Social Settings
(Items 48 to 57)
Knowledge of social processes appears
The sets of assumptions on which policy
more sketchy than for the economy which and action may be based are
is closely diagnosed.
correspondingly less well developed
Australians support orderly migration,
especially when the economy is growing
strongly as now. On balance, this looks set
to continue, along with corollary of
relatively easy social adaptation.
Environmental
Issues (Items 58 to
65)
it seems that social thinking is prone to
slow adjustment. It seems unlikely that
Australia will substantially shift its social
outlooks in the forecast period.
Environmental and resource forecasting are hazardous fields as is the development of effective management strategies. Both problems are fed by considerable scientific
uncertainties and tension between precautionary philosophies and technocratic analyses. The attachment of probabilities to specific events is difficult, which it suggests
policy precaution, but current economic strength and technological prowess instil optimism and confidence.
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APPENDICES
12.4
The Scenarios
The following briefly outlines three possible migration futures. The task is
discretionary, picking and choosing from among the lengthy observations in
Table 12.5 to develop brief, but coherent and plausible, images of the short to
medium term futures that are highly likely to impact on the number, category,
source countries, destinations, and receptions of immigrants.
Migration future extrapolated from status quo
This is a projection of the current state of affairs. However, it does not imply
retention of the status quo because Australia’s economy and society are
evolving rapidly in clearly identifiable ways. So, too, is the wider world around
us. Thus, we are looking at a continuation of current economic and social
trends augmented by a few substantial, but imagined, shifts on a few
variables. The basis of the scenario is economic, given that present
immigration patterns are already strongly oriented to meeting Australia’s rising
deficit in workforce skills brought about by the resources boom and almost full
employment. The scenario is described through a set of dot points.
Australia’s demand for skilled labour will continue its upward trend, fuelled
specifically by the needs of the mining sector, but also by the general rise of
creative work of the kind described by Florida (2003).
Because of a strong economy, with GDP growth averaging over 3 per cent per
annum since the early 1990s, the number of skilled workers required by
employers is running ahead of domestic supply, exacerbated by pronounced
structural difficulties. There are large deficits among some skill types, notably
for example in the mining sector, among health workers, in building and
construction, and even urban planning. The spatial distribution of these
shortages is also often uneven and worse in rural and remote areas.
In the longer run, market processes might reduce the skills deficit through
training Programmes, rising relative wages in occupations or regions
experiencing shortages, productivity gains through the application of capital,
and the transfer of workers into industry sectors where their talents most add
value to production. This endogenous reorientation of the workforce takes
time. For example, the lead time for the training of a mining engineer may be a
minimum of five years, but less if retraining is involved. Although mining
companies have some capacity to buy their way out of labour shortage by
paying higher wages and salaries, some public sector organisations delivering
social services may have little room to manoeuvre.
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Most labour (and especially skills) shortages will continue to be covered from
overseas, either on a temporary or permanent basis. This option will be
subject to rising competition globally because:
• Many advanced nations are facing rising dependency ratios as
populations age and fertility rates fall;
• Many countries’ education systems fail to deliver sufficient skilled
workers (for example, geologists, medical practitioners, engineers);
• Global economic development is proceeding faster now than before;
and the pace of technological change appears to be accelerating,
requiring a constant flow of new (and underprovided) skills. These
difficulties will worsen steadily in the forecast period.
• The concomitant of a global battle for labour in general and skilled
labour in particular will be to tilt immigration criteria in favour of wouldbe migrants and to diversify the migrant experience. The development
and fine-tuning of 457 visas in Australia is an example of this;
• Rapidly rising short-term intra-firm transfers within global companies or
organisations are occurring as part of training and to give high fliers
wider exposure to global operations; and
• There is growing medium term own account migration for lifestyle and
personal development reasons. This category includes back-packers
who seek work to fund their voyages of self-discovery and
professionals whose qualifications are gaining wider international
currency;
These trends will magnify, but also raise the prospects of short- to mediumterm visitors wishing to change their status to permanent resident. Thus, to
some extent, the post 1945 globalisation of production is increasingly being
attended by the globalisation of labour. This process is reciprocal, for
increasing numbers of Australian citizens are heading overseas to benefit from
international experience, and the skills gained will work to the nation’s great
benefit should they return.
In addition, Australia’s increasing tradition of granting work visas to overseas
graduates from Australian universities looks set to continue.
Australia is not a single labour market, but several, with states’ and regions’
economies growing at different rates. Queensland and Western Australia look
set to ride the mining boom for the forecast period, experiencing different
labour problems to NSW and Victoria. Just as significant, important labour
shortages are emerging in the small towns and industries of agricultural
Australia, whether in construction, harvesting or downstream agricultural
processing (e.g. abattoirs). We should not forget that agricultural Australia is
generating high productivity growth and this has a long way to run
(Productivity Commission, 2005). Moreover, its narrow economic base and
endemic out-migration enhances labour supply difficulties, probably requiring
innovative immigration strategies over the next decade, and rising acceptance
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of peoples from different ethnic backgrounds, languages and traditions. These
issues suggest a readjustment of current patterns of immigrant destinations.
The globalisation of labour is tending to mask the endemic and long-running
problem of refugees from oppression and civil strife wherever it is located,
including Somalia, Darfur, parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, or West Asia.
Australia’s long history of giving refugees asylum appears easier in an era of
full and rising employment like that projected in this scenario.
Australia’s political sphere of influence in the Western Pacific and the Near
North contains several failing, or at-risk, states suffering some mixture of
declining average incomes, high unemployment, poor educational and health
services, and/or weak law and order reflecting inter-tribal/clan conflict
(Australian Strategic Policy Institute, 2003; Kabutaulaka, 2005). Their
collective medium-term prognosis is poor, leaving Australia and New Zealand
with the geo-political problem of how to promote sustained economic
development. One issue that will continue to arise is the potential role of an
Australian guest worker scheme in raising the income of island economies.
Such a scheme would be more readily marketable under this scenario than
the following Stress scenario.
There may be increasing numbers of retirees from other countries wishing to
live semi-permanently in Australia financed by drawing down on overseas
pensions or superannuation. Such people would not be seeking full-time work,
but may want to keep their hand in part-time jobs much as envisaged in the
Treasurer’s superannuation reforms for Australian residents. Such retirees
may also want to access cultural services provided by nationals from their
home countries, creating immigrant jobs in the process. This process would
mirror EU movements of retirees from colder and bleaker locations to the
warmer environments of Italy, France, Spain and Portugal. Were such
movements to occur on any significant scale, it could create social stress in
recipient regions, mostly along the Eastern Seaboard of Australia where
domestic migration is already running strongly (Salt, 2004).
The consequences of such immigration trends for family reunion are difficult to
fathom, except to say that the number of people involved may simultaneously
rise in absolute terms, but decline as a proportion of the total.
Migration future extrapolated from stress
Instead of being a great village that says to the world, ‘Look at us, how we can
live with one another peacefully,’ and give the world an idea about social
interaction and multiculturalism, and all this. Instead of that, I think everyone
will be like, at war with everybody else. Like it’s going to be a disaster – if they
don’t deal with these issues, it’s going to be, I think, in a few years time, it’s
going to be bad (Focus Group Informant South Brisbane).
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This scenario examines what might happen were Australia’s economy to
encounter a moderate recession, in which unemployment rises to about 8
percent from the current 4.5 to 5 per cent nationally. This possibility is not
fanciful and could be triggered by many different events in a globalised world.
For example, rising energy or property prices could stimulate inflationary
tendencies which reserve banks attempt to control by raising interest rates.
Higher rates would reduce consumption of goods and housing and related
employment. Domestically, sharply rising labour costs, because of the
mismatch of supply and demand in the skilled workforce, could have a similar
effect. Alternatively, strong demand for agricultural and mineral commodities
could collapse on account of slower Chinese growth, itself induced by a
recession in China’s most important market, the United States, due to
structural weaknesses in the latter’s economy.
A domestic economic downturn, whether endogenously based or reflecting
international events, is not the only source of potential stress. Prolonged
drought is currently shaving 0.75 per cent of annual GDP growth and a
worsening of the situation, if that is possible, could flow through adversely to
urban spending capacity and rural business receipts alike (Australian
Government, 2006). Apart from drought, other potential environmental
problems could reduce the pace of growth and raise unemployment,
sometimes in isolated pockets faced with destructive events like Cyclones
Larry and Monica in 2006. Perhaps new superannuation taxation rules
operating from July 2007 will trigger spending by retirees which may need to
be reined in.
Alternatively, the rising dominance of mineral production in both volume and
price will elevate the value of the Australian dollar to the point where a lot of
manufacturing industry, farm output and even such services as university
education or tourism become globally less competitive (the Gregory effect,
Austrade (2005)). This already appears to be happening to the Melbourne and
Adelaide economies. As with the Extrapolation Scenario, regional differences
in economic performance and consequent immigration trends are likely to vary
spatially. In the 1990-91 recession, the mining sector’s strength muted the
impact of the usual automatic stabiliser of a declining Australian dollar.
Despite attempts by the rural sector to talk the currency down and lower
mineral prices, the mining sector was able to raise output sufficiently to
maintain its substantial earnings. Since the industry is now working close to
capacity, this effect might not occur later this decade, with the effect that the
pain of recession might be capped, but also spread geographically more
widely.
It seems unlikely, and against all WTO agreements, that global recession
would trigger more protectionist stances by some government, reducing the
market for Australian goods, services or commodities. However, such
conditions often make it difficult to pursue or implement trade agreements like
those with Singapore, Thailand and the United States
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It is entirely conceivable that Australia could be the destination of considerable
numbers of refugees from civil strife in adjacent Melanesian countries. Ethnic,
tribal and clan tensions are entrenched regionally and exacerbated by poverty
and the breakdown of tenuous civil society. This is much more likely in the
short to medium term than a flood of refugees caused by some combination of
global warming, seal level change, or war in such other parts of the world as
Africa or West Asia.
In short, Australia’s current good economic and social fortune may be fragile in
the near future if one or more of the above conditions is triggered. Let us
suppose that the worst happens and unemployment rises to the 8 per cent
level noted earlier. On past experience the rise will be sharp before
unemployment drifts down again towards current levels. Such an event would
be sufficient to put government and community alike on the defensive, even in
those many locations that might be spared the impact. Industrial regions, outer
urban fringes, small country towns and some lifestyle regions could shoulder
most of the unemployment rise compared with the central areas of the capital
cities, large country towns, and the playgrounds of the wealthy whose creative
jobs are more insulated from global competition and surplus production.
A previous such event in the mid-1990s partly facilitated the rise of the
populist One Nation party, which attracted the votes of poorer people and
those who found it difficult to adjust to the increasing pressure for economic
and social change (Grant, 1997). Judging by the then One Nation platform, the
threats to their status and well-being perceived by the party’s supporters led to
protectionist strategies working to the disadvantage of outsiders – including
immigrants. The cyclical rise and fall of skilled immigration, of people with high
capacity for economic and social integration, partly reflects the state of the job
market, while refugee and family union migration remains more constant and
therefore a larger component of migrant intake during economic down-turns.
Thus, refugees are more prominent in public perception at precisely the
moment they are less likely to find work. As the case studies in the previous
chapter illustrate, anxiety about migration undermines social cohesion,
exacerbate fears about ‘new migrants’ and reduces the support for
multiculturalism among the Australian resident community.
Migration future extrapolated from structural change
We’re going into unchartered waters, like the changes in the next 20 years are
going to be mind-blowing – we need to draw on the capital of what we’ve
learnt from collective experience and knowledge, to actually position Australia
for the future’ (Focus Group Participant).
This scenario contemplates the opposite direction and considers the
immigration implications of more rapid Australian economic growth, integration
into the global economy, and arrival of globalised labour markets. We may
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summarise the triggers for these events (also noted in various parts of Table
12.5) as follows:
• The continued rapid growth of China and India, coupled with the
accession of other major nations to the growth escalator;
• Rapid technological innovation globally and its application in goods and
services;
• Rising disposable income in Australia’s trading partners;
• Satisfactory completion of the WTO’s Doha Round, further opening up
international markets to Australia’s agricultural output;
• Holding in check commodity prices, themselves or their impacts,
through their more efficient resource use;
• Developing alternative resources where possible, through exploration
and substitution;
• Raising competition in the supply of goods, services, and even public
administration;
• Ensuring that the benefits of development are widely spread;
• Accelerating Australia’s endogenous research and development;
• Reform of capital markets (domestic and international) to accelerate the
velocity of, and efficiency in, the circulation of capital;
• Improving community adaptability to change; with the benefits of faster
growth and tolerance of the new or unusual. Education, skills
development, information dissemination, the creation of an
entrepreneurial culture, institutional deepening, and leadership are
component factors in social adaptability;
• Taking an active role in the development of adjacent regions and
nations; and
• Defusing environmental concerns through the effective implementation
of sound environmental policies, and recognising that environmental
conservation is also beneficial to development.
Collectively, these events could lead to:
• An even more wealthy, tolerant, productive, imaginative and fairer
Australia,
• Australia exercising considerable beneficial regional leadership,
• Australia thereby becoming more respected regionally and
• Australia serving as a magnet for immigrant workers seeking to extend
their skills and knowledge before returning home to apply it or living
permanently in Australia.
The argument advanced here is that an improved economic and social
performance by Australia can be beneficial in a circular and cumulative way
and ease the path to larger and more diverse patterns of immigration. Under
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this scenario, it seems that wealth drivers could favour regional and remote
Australia, where the scale and efficiency of production is expanding most.
Economists and scientists are observing important new development
opportunities opening in North Australia in the light of major shifts in climatic
systems, but it is difficult to see how such regions could be opened up
depending on existing patterns of Australian population and scarcity of labour.
Immigration into Australia might do for the north what South Americans have
done for the southern US.
Under this scenario, net immigration levels could rise significantly beyond
140 000 per annum towards 200 000. We believe that this scenario,
especially, heralds a major spatial shift in the geographical destination of
immigrants compared with recent history. Apart from the resurgence of North
Australia (north, say, of the Tropic of Capricorn), the beneficiary locations
could be several, though not all, inland regional centres. Those regions with:
• Rising agricultural output (perhaps reflecting the intensification of
production spurred by higher priced irrigation water)
• Good access to mineral resources
• High interregional connectivity (for example major transport and energy
corridors)
• High amenity value (sea-change and tree-change)
• Good services, and secure water supplies and/or good climatic
seasons coinciding with the end of drought.
Are likely to prosper and prove attractive to many classes of migrant. Of
course, Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Perth will remain favoured
destinations, but their high price of real estate will act as a push factor
favouring regional cities.
Which of the three scenarios is most probable after allowing that each may get
only part of the story correct? Right now (as of April 2007), one might focus on
the third, structural change, option. This reflects Australia’s growing global
engagement and regional (western Pacific) integration, coupled with stable
economic settings and buoyant job market. Australia’s increasing social
capacity to absorb changes in technology, occupations and lifestyles is also
impressive. These conditions enhance or accelerate what Sorensen and Epps
(2005) call stable adaptation, which is the seamless adoption by a community
or society of new ideas without significant social disruption.
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12.5
Overview
Chapter 12 has illustrated the complexity of the forces shaping immigration
and sketched three possible short term scenarios of how immigration might
develop. These in turn illustrate how significant differences in outcome can
result from plausible changes to a variety of settings. This is important for
several reasons. Immigration is a dynamic policy field, where old outlooks can
be rapidly superseded as international settings unfold. For instance, the
effects of economic globalisation on immigration can be profound, and not just
because of rising trade and the internal structural adjustment of nations.
Bilateral trade agreements and the development of global markets for
professional, creative and skilled labour can both accelerate the temporary
two-way movement of people between countries – a migration cohort that
barely existed two decades ago. Migration is no longer confined to poor
people seeking a better life, but a large and growing cohort of people seeking
personal and experiential development in all its dimensions. Migration across
borders increasingly includes a wide range of temporary moves for an
expanding range of reasons: education and training, professional
development, personal reasons and meeting skill shortages.
Many of the factors shaping migration patterns are inherently unstable, none
more so than Australia’s economic health. The very strong growth of recent
years has been a catalyst for all kinds of immigration, but more especially the
movement of skilled people. The latter have helped counter the nation’s
increasing skills shortages. As employers have a global view of labour
recruitment, recognising sponsored temporary skilled workers as essential for
successful operations, this is trend likely to continue (Khoo et al. 2004).
Finally, the destinations of migrants within Australia appear ever more
dynamic, depending on the current locomotives of economic and regional
expansion.
Governments, in Australia and around the world, only have a limited capacity
to control the factors influencing immigration patterns through planning intake
quotas of various visa streams. The Commonwealth has considerable
flexibility in respect of macro-economic settings, but has little influence on
patterns of international trade. They respond to global markets, corporate
investment strategies, and the operations of increasingly complex financial
markets seeking profitable investment targets for a world awash with capital.
Natural disasters are difficult both to predict and to manage, and the
Commonwealth has little influence over the incidence of war and pestilence.
Increasingly, too, a range of non- or quasi-government domestic and
international institutions affects migrant origins and skills. Some offer formal
advice (like the Productivity Commission); some have executive authority (like
the Reserve Bank); some represent industry sectors (mining, agriculture,
manufacturing or even education); there are private companies; and a large
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number of social institutions who sponsor humanitarian entrants. Finally, the
destinations of migrants appear ever more dynamic, depending on the current
locomotives of economic expansion and regional development.
All these factors can change substantially and affect policy settings at short
notice, conditions that suggest several coping strategies. The first strategy,
obviously, is information gathering: This entails the need to:
• Closely monitor labour market trends and emerging patterns of
international trade;
• Identify global social, political, economic and environmental pressure
points that may influence the incidence of refugees and economic
migrants; and
• Survey regularly the coping strategies developed by other immigrant
countries.
Secondly, governments could then develop short to medium term scenarios
based on that information to estimate potential future patterns of immigration.
The general principle is that being forewarned means being forearmed in a
policy sense. Better still, those scenarios can be placed in the public arena to
gauge community reaction and co-opt thoughtful contributions from
commercial and social leaders. Constant dialogue is an important means of
conditioning public opinion in a fast changing world and facilitating adaptive
social views.
Thirdly, in terms of coping strategies, scenarios could be input into policy
discussion (or to use a military analogy policy games) so that rapid and
considered responses are more likely forthcoming in response to rapidly
changing settings.
A fourth coping strategy is for DIAC to work closely and systematically with
other government departments to identify information sources, ideas for
scenarios, and likely policy issues. It is already doing this through the
Interdepartmental Committee on Humanitarian Settlement, but such a
committee could be usefully extended in scope. Immigration is a complex
arena, with potential inputs from Treasury, Foreign Affairs and Trade,
Transport and Regional Services, and those ministries dealing with
environmental, welfare, health and education issues. The same applies to a
range of advisory agencies, including the Productivity Commission, Bureau
of Transport and Regional Economics (BTRE), Australian Bureau of
Agricultural and Resource Economics (ABARE), the Australian Bureau of
Statistics (ABS) and relevant university or private research centres.
All these coping strategies have the potential to contribute to better
immigration intelligence which in turn builds the Commonwealth’s capacity for
rapid policy response to changing conditions over which it has little influence
or control.
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13: Conclusions and further research directions
13.1
Conclusions
Australia is one of the most multicultural countries in the world. Currently,
around one quarter of the Australian population were born elsewhere and
almost a half have both parents born overseas. This is the broad context that
frames the importance of comprehending the scale and nature of the social
costs and benefits of migration into Australia. This study has attempted to do
this by synthesizing an array of quantitative and qualitative material into an
analysis of the social impact of migration. That analysis was guided by the four
capitals framework for measuring Australia’s progress: human, social,
produced and natural capital. The study has drawn upon 49 different data sets
and a large volume of existing although disparate research. It combined this
data with original empirical material gathered through four community studies.
On the basis of the available evidence, the main conclusion to be drawn from
this study is that the social benefits of migration far outweigh the costs,
especially in the longer term. Most social costs associated with migration are
short term and generally arise from the integration phrase of the settlement
process. A number of other conclusions and directions for further research can
also be drawn from the large body of material collated for this project.
There are significant data quality issues, gaps and limitations that impact
adversely on the value of a large number of national and regional data sets.
There is no standard data definition of migrant status used across an array of
administrative data sets and this has made undertaking the project all the
more challenging.
The patterns and characteristics of Australia’s migrant population are
constantly shifting, and these shifts give rise to concerns about migration
among the host community. While the sustained nature of European
immigration to Australia in the 19th and 20th centuries has meant that
Europeans, along with Australians, dominate the ancestry profile, this is
changing. Migrants from Asian regions now feature prominently, accounting
for around 40 per cent of the current intake. This contrasts significantly with
the source countries in the post-war era.
There is no doubt that Australia’s stock of human capital has gained
immensely from migration and that migrants themselves have also reaped
benefits (as illustrated in the literature and data review in Chapter 3 and supported
by the community studies). These outcomes can be attributed in the main to
Australia’s policies on immigration which have, in both historical and
contemporary times, been successful in attracting highly qualified migrants
with essentially good health – what is commonly called the ‘healthy migrant
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effect’. In addition to the healthy workforce components of human capital
enhanced by migration, different types of sporting, cultural and leisure pursuits
traditionally practiced in the source countries of many migrant groups have
enriched Australia’s cultural diversity. This in turn has increased the range and
viability of available recreational and cultural activities for all Australians. An
increase in Australia’s overall stocks of human capital has also meant that
migrants themselves have benefited from migration.
The impact of migration on Australia’s stock of social capital has been critical
to the nation’s stock of social capital. Over the past decade, social capital has
received increasing attention by government policy makers and a growing
academic community of researchers. Because social capital is transferable
within and between communities and can generate positive effects, many
public and private benefits can be derived from its nourishment. As has been
demonstrated, there is wealth of literature discussing various aspects of social
capital as it relates to migrants and the communities within which they are
active. While social capital is difficult to measure, the results contained in this
report (in Chapter 4 and the community studies) point to migrants in general
and Australian society as a whole increasingly being generators and
benefactors of positive elements of social capital.
Social capital includes not just linkages between migrants and the host
community; it also includes intra-migrant community links. The extent of
migrant involvement in community life, civil society, social networks and
neighbourhoods is, in many instances, similar to that of the Australia-born
although there appear to be distinct differences in the way this might be
manifested, particularly for persons from a non-English-speaking background.
The manner in which people volunteer help to others is a case in point, with
migrants from different cultural backgrounds or speaking languages other than
English more inclined to be involved in an informal sense than through formal
associations or organisations. In fact, offering support to new migrants in a
myriad of ways appears to be a crucial component of the settlement process
and for integration by individuals into Australian society, as illustrated by the
Shepparton case study. Shepparton is a resilient community brimming with
social capital and productive diversity precisely because it has been built on
successive waves of migration.
An outstanding characteristic of Australian cities is the extent of residential
differentiation exemplified by cultural diversity in suburbs that attract migrants.
Households and families are also highly diversified as a result of marriages
between migrant and host community members. Australia is characterised by
relatively high levels of inter-marriage between migrants and the Australiaborn, and this fact alone is evidence of the success of immigration outcomes.
These are potential features that encourage most migrants to embrace
Australian society, its political and cultural norms and, through participation in
various aspects of community life, to enhance stocks of social capital. Of
course, there are always exceptions and adverse media attention can result in
public misconceptions about migrant status and crime (Poynting et al. 2004).
Such misconceptions damage individuals, the ethnic communities to which
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REFERENCES
they belong, and the host communities, thus undermining social capital.
Addressing recognised problems with data collection could help overcome
misconceptions associated with the impact of migration on social capital for
Australia.
Migrants contribute in positive ways to the productive diversity of Australia
through investment in housing, the transformation of urban areas, in the
creation of new businesses, the supply of products, the provision of new and
different skills, and through other types of entrepreneurial activities (as
demonstrated by data reviewed in Chapter 5, which was supported by an
abundance of anecdote collected by the community studies). New settlers also
create demand for a range of goods and services as well as infrastructure
such as roads, schools and water supplies. For this reason, it is sometimes
argued that increased migration levels put pressure on resources and cause
shortcomings in infrastructure and services, particularly in those Australian
cities which attract the bulk of new migrant settlers. According to this view,
continued population increase through migration will cause further housing
shortages and resultant price rises. Herein lies the dilemma. Because intake
levels tend to be highest when the Australian economy is growing strongly and
because migrants boost Australia’s supplies of human and social capital, it is
argued that increased migration should provide the additional resources
needed to prevent shortfalls in existing infrastructure and services. Of course,
provisioning for many of these factors may take years to plan and implement
whereas, intake levels can fluctuate according to a range of parameters and
with comparatively short lead times. Furthermore, the source countries of new
migrants can vary substantially, creating new and different types of demands,
sometimes in locations without a history of adapting to the types of services
that might be required, as the study of regional migration in Toowoomba
illustrated quite poignantly.
Chapters 7 to 11 provide an abundance of anecdotal interview data which,
when taken together with the results of the quantitative and literature research
in Chapters 3 to 6, strongly triangulate the view that migration brings
substantial benefits to both the migrant and the host community, and that
these far outweigh the attendant social costs or challenges. From a migrant
perspective many of the benefits are intergenerational and accrue mainly to
the descendants of the original settlers. From the perspective of the host
country, migration contributes substantially to Australia’s stocks of human and
social capital, capacity for innovation, productive diversity and economic
prosperity, opening up valuable cultural and business opportunities with the
rest of the world. As an island continent in the southern hemisphere, the
benefits to Australia, while incalculable, clearly have been enormous.
Most of the issues or social costs arising from migration identified in the data,
literature (Chapter 3-6) and the community studies (Chapters 7-11) were
associated with migrant cohorts entering Australia via the humanitarian
stream, or those entering with minimal grasp on Australian culture and
language. Understandably these issues mostly arose from the gap between
the need for social unity and cohesion (tangibly expressed in a firm
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commitment to universal values such as equality of opportunity, equality
between the sexes, political freedom, justice, work and family life) and an
array of generally short-term cultural integration issues (such as ignorance of
road rules, domestic violence laws, child protection policies, equal opportunity
legislation, compulsory schooling and voting). While these issues were
consistently identified in the focus groups as matters of concern to the host
community, it is difficult on the basis of the interview data to gauge the social
costs involved. The matters raised are mostly short-term integration issues or
cultural conflicts that understandably arise from the experience of migrating
from a refugee camp or war-torn part of world and the need to learn new ways
of living, speaking, and relating with members of the host culture. However
these are issues that fade over the longer term. For instance, while underemployment was a common concern raised in the focus groups, LSIA data
analysed in Chapter 3 show that the longer migrants were in the workforce,
the more, generally speaking, they were able to use their qualifications.
While most migrants entering Australia are skilled, some humanitarian or
preferential family groups from refugee camps, upon arrival in Australia, may
lack education and a sufficient grasp of English language skills. Development
of social capital in the form of linkages between migrant groups and the host
community is inevitably influenced by the extent to which people share a
common language. The evidence amassed in this report suggests that the
ability to communicate with the host community is absolutely vital, not only for
practical reasons of attaining employment and attending education, but also
for building cross-cultural understanding, social cohesion, and social capital
networks. A lack of proficiency in English presents barriers to participation not
only in employment but also in education and training and in leisure, cultural
and sporting activities. However, most migrants, including those arriving
through the humanitarian intake, have proven over time to learn English,
acquire qualifications and do well. Furthermore, they are generally ambitious
for their children to achieve and to have better opportunities in life. Hence
many of the benefits of migration accrue to the second generation, while most
of the personal costs of migrating are born by the first generation. These costs
may include cultural isolation, separation from family and friends, problems
with acquiring English literacy, lack of recognition of overseas qualifications,
under-employment, unemployment and welfare dependency.
There seems to be no doubt that policies of multiculturalism have encouraged
the right sort of environment for cultural diversity to be generally not only
accepted but also enthusiastically embraced by migrants and host
communities alike. Bipartisanship on most migration policies has no doubt
contributed to this outcome. This does not mean that tensions do not exist and
that racism and prejudices are not experienced at times but there seems to be
wide-ranging preparedness within Australian society for tolerance of cultural
and religious diversity that migration brings. Indeed, attitudes to migration and
cultural diversity appear to be more positive than a decade ago although
survey results suggest that such attitudes are sensitive to topical issues,
global events and economic conditions.
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REFERENCES
While good use is made in Australia of migrants’ human capital, some factors
which apparently extend settlement time have received attention in the
literature and were backed up by the community studies. These include
problems associated with the recognition or upgrading of overseas
qualifications or their under-utilisation in the workplace due to potential
transferability gaps. Governments at all levels and society at large eventually
bear any extra burdens of increased costs arising from welfare and other
intervention services, health care, and the loss of productive members of
society and forgone opportunities if migrant workers with qualifications are
unable to use their skills in the Australian working environment. Thus it is in
the best interests of not only migrants but also the host community to
maximise opportunities and facilitate the social context in which people can
thrive.
Governments, in Australia and around the world, only have a limited capacity
to control the factors influencing immigration patterns through planning intake
quotas of various visa streams. Using a scenario construction methodology,
Chapter 12 attempted to illustrate the complexity of the forces shaping the
future of migration through the sketching of three possible short-term
scenarios. Immigration is a dynamic policy field, where old outlooks can be
rapidly superseded as international settings unfold. For instance, the effects of
economic globalisation on immigration can be profound. Bilateral trade
agreements and the development of global markets for professional, creative
and skilled labour can accelerate the temporary two-way movement of people
between countries – a migration cohort that barely existed two decades ago.
Economic migration is no longer confined to poor people seeking a better life
but rather encompasses a large and growing cohort of people living as global
citizens (a concept commonly raised in focus groups) seeking careers and
personal development across the world. Simultaneously, the notion of
immigration as a form of permanent relocation may itself become superseded
in a world of global citizens. Migration across borders increasingly includes a
wide range of temporary moves for an expanding range of reasons: education
and training, professional development, personal reasons and meeting skill
shortages. Increasingly employers have a global view of labour recruitment,
recognising sponsored temporary skilled workers as essential for successful
operations (Khoo et al. 2004). Many of the factors shaping migration patterns
are also inherently unstable, none more so than Australia’s economic health.
The very strong growth of recent years has been a catalyst for all kinds of
immigration, but more especially the movement of skilled people. The latter
have helped counter the nation’s increasing skills shortages. Finally, the
destinations of migrants within Australia appear ever more dynamic,
depending on the current locomotives of economic and regional expansion.
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13.2
Directions for further research
Obviously, a great deal more research could be undertaken into modelling
migration futures, a complex task that was outside the scope of the current
study. This study identified a number of other avenues for further research.
Those with most relevance to policy-makers are summarized below.
Chapter 2 overviewed the geographically uneven patterns of settlement of
migrants within Australia. Until recently, the major capital cities on the east
coast had been the preferred destinations for migrants. The Regional
Sponsored Migration Scheme (RSMS) has however been generally successful
in attracting migrants to country areas – albeit on a small scale – and in
contributing skills to the regional economy (DIMA 2005a). These settlement
patterns have important implications for the delivery of migrant-related
services (for example, language services for people from non-Englishspeaking backgrounds). Such are the variations between and within states
and territories in this regard that it is not possible to specify which services are
needed most and where. This is particularly important in ameliorating the
social costs associated with migration, especially the short term integration
issues that arise mostly during the settlement process. This issue could be
subjected to detailed local analysis at a regional level, taking into account
results of the 2006 Census when available.
Chapter 3 found that skilled workers, predictably, had the highest levels of use
of qualifications of all visa categories. It could be concluded that good use is
made of human capital in the form of migrant education qualifications and that
the extent of use of this capital increases over time. However, comparisons
between pre- and post-migration qualifications use have not been made. Thus
the degree to which a ‘transferability gap’ prevents migrants from being fully
rewarded for skills and work experience gained prior to settlement in Australia
is not known but warrants further exploration (Ho and Alcorso 2004:242).
Additionally, many migrants change occupations both on and after arrival in
Australia. In fact, around 40 per cent of employed migrants changed to a
different major occupation group by comparison with their first jobs in Australia
(ABS 2004e). There appears to have been minimal investigation into the
reasons for such changes, yet underemployment and unemployment were
commonly raised as matters of concern among most focus groups.
Employment status impacts not only upon the economic but also human
wellbeing of individuals and households. Monitoring representations of
migrants in different sectors of the Australian workforce (including in education
and in all tiers of government) might allow patterns of adaptation to be
gauged, myths to be dispelled, and suggestions of overt discrimination and
claims of trends towards emergence of a migrant underclass to be properly
investigated.
Despite the introduction of Programmes such as the Regional Sponsored
Migration Scheme (RSMS) and the Skilled Designated Area Scheme (SDAS),
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REFERENCES
Australia still experiences shortages of skilled labour. These shortages
underscore widespread support for continuation of existing federal
government policy to increase opportunities for people to convert from longterm temporary visas (under which Australia has no obligation to provide jobs
or social security) to permanent onshore immigrant status (Jupp 2002;
McDonald 2002). While there appear to be many advantages for Australia of
temporary visa migrants (C. Richardson 2002), little is known about their
migration experience or whether the training of Australian residents might
present a better long-term option. Further research could shed light on this
growing issue of immense policy relevance in the current global economic
climate.
While differences in self-reporting, language limitations and cultural
considerations may account for unexplained variations in the health status of
migrants, further research into the reasons for the decline in the health status
of some migrant groups after settlement in Australia appears warranted.
There is abundant evidence of the widespread acceptance of Australia’s policy
of multiculturalism and support for its programme of planned migration intakes.
Nevertheless consistent expressions of negative attitudes towards certain
migrant groups persist, as demonstrated by earlier research (Jarasuriya and
Kee 1999) and our own community studies. The community studies suggested
there were huge variations between locations in the extent to which
immigrants formally participated in civil society. Strong positive leadership by
civic and community leaders as well as private and public organisations and
individuals, of the kind we found in Toowoomba and Shepparton, are virtues
thought to be critical to promoting, and in some instances restoring, a more
socially cohesive understanding of multiculturalism. However the crucial role
that local civic leadership plays in either promoting or undermining
multiculturalism warrants further research, especially in light of the varying
response to humanitarian settlement in regional Australia. This is an issue set
to become even more important in an increasingly globalised society where
Australia has to compete with other destination countries for skilled migrants.
The ability to attract migrants will probably be influenced by their perceptions
about Australian society in general and the ease with which their resettlement
and acceptance can be accomplished. To date, on the whole, Australia has
been a beacon to the rest of the world, but more research is warranted into the
role of local factors to the success or otherwise of the settlement process.
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The Social Costs and Benefits of Migration into Australia
Appendices
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDICES
Appendices
1A: Caveats about assessing the social costs and benefits of migration ..... 191
1B: Data Sources and Quality Issues .......................................................... 192
1B.1
General comments................................................................................ 192
1B.2
Issues relating to human capital ......................................................... 196
1B.3
Issues relating to social capital ........................................................... 203
1B.4
Issues relating to produced and financial capital ............................. 209
1B.5
Issues relating to natural capital ......................................................... 211
1B.6
Data sources referenced...................................................................... 212
1B.7
Summary descriptions of data sourced ............................................. 218
2A: Migrants’ Perception of the Settlement Experience (LSIA) .................... 231
3A: Human Capital Data Tables................................................................... 234
3A.1.
Employment, workplace skills, education and welfare .................... 234
3A.2
Physical and mental health.................................................................. 247
3A.3
Leisure and recreation.......................................................................... 254
4A: Social Capital Data Tables .................................................................... 260
4A.1
Community life and civil society .......................................................... 260
4A.2
Social networks...................................................................................... 264
4A.3
Culture and diversity ............................................................................. 267
4A.4
Crime and justice................................................................................... 273
5A: Produced and financial capital data tables ............................................ 275
5A.1
Housing ................................................................................................... 275
12A: Migration Futures Tables ..................................................................... 278
References .................................................................................................. 290
2
APPENDICES
List of Tables
Table 1B.2. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced for employment and workplace skills....... 197
Table 1B.2. 2: Summary matrix of data sourced for welfare payments ............................... 199
Table 1B.2. 3: Summary matrix of data sourced for education and training ........................ 200
Table 1B.2. 4: Summary matrix of data sourced for physical and mental health................. 201
Table 1B.2. 5: Summary matrix of data sourced for leisure and recreation......................... 203
Table 1B.3. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced for community life and civil society .......... 204
Table 1B.3. 2: Summary matrix of data sourced for social networks and neighbourhood ... 206
Table 1B.3. 3: Summary matrix of data sourced for culture and diversity ........................... 207
Table 1B.3. 4: Summary matrix of data sourced for crime and justice ................................ 208
Table 1B.4. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced for housing .............................................. 209
Table 1B.4. 2: Summary matrix of data sourced with respect to infrastructure ................... 210
Table 1B.5. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced on natural capital ..................................... 211
Table 1B.7. 1: Data classification legend ............................................................................ 218
Table 1B.7. 2: Summary description of material sourced from national databases............. 218
Table 2A.1: Satisfaction with life in Australia....................................................................... 233
Table 3A.1. 1: Proportion of migrants in high status positions ............................................ 235
Table 3A.1. 2: Proportion of migrants in low status positions .............................................. 236
Table 3A.1. 3: Labour force status by type of visa for most recent arrivals ......................... 237
Table 3A.1. 4: Employment status of primary applicant migrants by visa categories .......... 238
Table 3A.1. 5: Human capital characteristics of birthplace groups...................................... 239
Table 3A.1. 6: Qualifications of recent migrants.................................................................. 241
Table 3A.1. 7: Employment status of recent migrants......................................................... 242
Table 3A.1. 8: Recent primary applicant migrants using qualifications ‘very often’ or
‘often’ by visa category................................................................................ 242
Table 3A.1.9: Persons speaking English not well or not at all ........................................... 243
Table 3A.1.10. Proficiency in English among people speaking other than English at
home ........................................................................................................... 244
Table 3A.1.11: Languages spoken at home........................................................................ 245
Table 3A.1.12: NSW enrolments of students from language backgrounds other than
English ....................................................................................................... 245
Table 3A.1.13: NSW recruitment data for schools and TAFE ............................................. 246
Table 3A.2. 1: Selected long-term health conditions by place of birth................................. 247
Table 3A.2. 2: Disability rates by place of birth ................................................................... 248
Table 3A.2. 3: Use of public and private hospitals in Australia by country of birth .............. 249
Table 3A.2. 4: Mental and behavioural problems according to place of birth ...................... 250
Table 3A.2. 5: Psychological distress according to place of birth........................................ 251
Table 3A.2. 6: Psychological distress according to main language spoken at home, ......... 251
Table 3A.2. 7: Personal stressors by place of birth and proficiency in spoken English ...... 252
Table 3A.2. 8: Self assessed health status by place of birth and proficiency in spoken
English ......................................................................................................... 252
Table 3A.2. 9: Disability or long-term health condition by place of birth and proficiency in
spoken English............................................................................................. 253
Table 3A.2.10: Selected long-term health conditions by recency of arrival and language
spoken at home.......................................................................................... 253
Table 3A.3. 1: Participation rates for children in selected organised cultural activities ....... 255
Table 3A.3. 2: Participation by children in organised sport ................................................. 255
Table 3A.3. 3: Participation rates by children in selected leisure activities.......................... 256
Table 3A.3. 4: Participation by children in computer and internet activities......................... 257
Table 3A.3. 5: Adult attendance rates at cultural venues and events.................................. 258
Table 3A.3. 6: Attendance by adults at sport and physical activities ................................... 259
Table 3A.3. 7: Participation by adults in sport and physical activities.................................. 259
Table 4A.1. 1: Contact by primary applicants on arrival in Australia ................................... 260
Table 4A.1. 2: Sources of help for primary applicants after arrival ...................................... 260
Table 4A.1. 3: Extent of contact, by states and territories ................................................... 261
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDICES
Table 4A.1. 4: Sources of help, by states and territories ..................................................... 262
Table 4A.1. 5: Sources of help for migrants in different visa categories.............................. 262
Table 4A.1. 6: Citizenship rates, overseas-born people resident in Australia for two years
or more, by selected birthplace, 2001 ......................................................... 263
Table 4A.1. 7: Former nationality, people granted Australian citizenship ........................... 263
Table 4A.2. 1: Fertility rates of Australian women by global region of birth ......................... 264
Table 4A.2. 2: Fertility rates for Australian women for selected countries of birth ............... 265
Table 4A.2. 3: Access to transport ..................................................................................... 266
Table 4A.3. 1: Attitudes to immigration levels ..................................................................... 267
Table 4A.3. 2: Attitudes to maintaining ethnic distinctiveness ............................................. 267
Table 4A.3. 3: Impact of immigrants.................................................................................... 267
Table 4A.3. 4: What it takes to be truly Australian............................................................... 268
Table 4A.3. 5: Impressions of aspects of Australian life...................................................... 268
Table 4A.3. 6: Impressions of Australia held by migrants in different visa categories, ....... 270
Table 4A.3. 7: Impressions of Australia held by migrants from different
birthplace regions, ...................................................................................... 271
Table 4A.3. 8: Extent of agreement with statements about Australia’s
multicultural policies ..................................................................................... 272
Table 4A.4. 1: Victims of crime by country of birth .............................................................. 273
Table 4A.4. 2: Feelings of safety......................................................................................... 273
Table 4A.4. 3: Crime and safety.......................................................................................... 273
Table 5A.1. 1: Housing status by country of birth................................................................ 275
Table 5A.1. 2: Proportion of birthplace groups in owner-occupied dwellings ...................... 276
Table 5A.1. 3: Sources of accommodation assistance, refugees and TPV holders ............ 277
Table 12A.1.1: Key Ingredients for scenario construction ................................................... 278
4
APPENDIX 1A: CAVEATS ABOUT ASSESSING THE SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF MIGRATION
1A: Caveats about assessing the social costs and benefits of
migration
1. Although it is convenient to differentiate components of social impact in
terms of ‘capital’, it should be recognised that the existing research
addresses more than one component. The impacts of immigration, in
terms of different ‘capitals’, need to be combined for an overall
assessment of social impact. Importantly, social impact is not easily
differentiated from economic and environmental impacts.
2. Some impacts are positive and some negative. Moreover, some are
long-term in their nature whereas others are relatively transitory and
therefore short-term. Our project has sought to differentiate these
where possible.
3. Any consideration of social impact needs to consider the impact on
both the migrants themselves and the host society as a whole. Our
focus group methodology and sources of data have reflected this
where possible.
4. Migration to Australia is, by definition, an international phenomenon.
Australia is not alone in playing host to substantial net inflows of
migrants. As a result, there is an international body of literature on the
social impact of immigration. The usefulness of this literature is
however significantly limited by differences in the volume, character,
and timing of the intake, plus differences in government policy in
relation to migrants, both before and after arrival. In particular, Australia
has not had a stream of immigrants from former colonies, as is evident
in parts of Western Europe. Nor does it have shared land boundaries
as in the case of the USA that make borders porous. This limits the
ability to draw international comparisons.
5. The nature of the social impact of immigration varies considerably
according to the type of visa entry. While our study has attempted to
take stock of this where possible, it has been limited by the few studies
and little data available that explicitly compares the social impact of
different migration streams.
6. There is no simple way of assessing social impact – and certainly no
single quantifiable measure. It is therefore difficult to arrive at a
succinct overall summary of social impact. Indeed, given the
multidimensional nature of social impact, a single measure would be
misleading. This report consequently uses a number of different
measures of social impact according to the capitals framework which
has wide acceptance in the policy and academic community.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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5
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
1B: Data Sources and Quality Issues
1B.1 General comments
Significant data quality issues with respect to social impacts of immigration are
generally recognised. For instance, there is no standard definition of migrant
status used in national data sets. Hence there is a great deal of variation
which makes robust comparative analysis difficult. Some data sets choose
country of birth; others select language spoken at home and so forth. There
are also significant issues arising from the small numbers in some data sets
with standard errors of between 25 and 50 per cent or more. Hence reliable
interpretations are limited to a few national data sets although many others
have been explored and exploited. Databases and data sets that have been
referenced by this study are listed at the end of this appendix in Table 1B.6.1
and Tables 1B7.1 and 1B7.2.
Meaningful assessment of social costs and benefits of migration to Australia
would be facilitated if consistent data were recognised. For example, future
data collection and reporting by visa category, country of birth, recency of
arrival and level of proficiency in English with respect to migrants would
substantially improve analytical options and thus understanding of the social
impact of migration. Of course it is also essential to have comparable data for
the Australia-born and, in this regard, reference to ancestry would further
inform.
Some relevant material may already be available that could go some way
towards filling perceived gaps in that the ABS can sometimes produce, upon
request, customised tables for some social statistics classifications. For
instance, ABS (2000: 35) theoretically could produce customised tables
presenting information about voluntary work for population characteristics
including country of birth, main language spoken at home and year of arrival
(ABS 2000). However, in many instances, the extent of suitability or reliability
of the data cannot be gauged without detailed prior knowledge of what
elements of data have been collected.
A major limitation in quantitative analyses performed for this report is
associated with the fact that ABS data are generally not available according to
visa category. There are some exceptions including recent Labour Force and
Labour Market Statistics (ABS 2004b, 2006b) and Hugo’s (2004) analysis of
Australia’s most recent immigrants. Moreover, a general observation with
respect to reports recently produced by DIMA and AHURI is that they usually
include classifications according to visa category. Classifications by visa type
can provide important insights into many areas relating to social impacts
because economic capacities on arrival can, to some extent, be inferred from
visa category more so than any other achievable measurement. The likely
effects of socio-economic status on a great range of lifestyle factors by which
social costs or benefits might be gauged (for example, employment status,
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welfare payments, health, community participation, social networking and
home ownership) can be masked if there is an overly simplistic focus on
ethnicity, proficiency in English or recency of arrival.
Another recognised problem with respect to data integrity is the manner in
which temporary residents are reported within the ABS Census of Population
and Housing (Hugo 2004). They are categorised as either: (a) visitors because
they indicate that they will be in Australia for less than a year: this results in
their being excluded from most census data; or (b) residents because they
indicate they will be in Australia for more than one year. This means they are
included with permanent settlers who have arrived in recent years. In June
2006, around 118 000 temporary visa holders and another 208 000 student
visa holders were included in migration intakes to Australia for the preceding
year. In other words, based on 2005-06 total migration intake numbers of 483
300 persons, two out of three were either student or temporary visa holders
and might, or might not, have been included as permanent settlers in the 2006
ABS Census.
It is generally recognised that some people are coming to Australia for
significant periods of time with no intention of settling in the long term or on a
permanent basis (Hugo 2004). They are employed, attend educational
institutions, enter into long-term housing arrangements, and influence different
types of demand for housing. They are a significant part of the population in
particular areas where they also create substantial demand for goods and
services. While there is an obvious need for differentiation between these
quite separate groups of people, it is not currently possible to do so. Their
numbers are not insubstantial. For example, temporary business (subclass
457) visas were granted to some 39 800 primary applicants in 2005-06, an
increase of around 42 per cent over the previous year (DIMA 2006c:13). When
accompanying partners and children are included, this intake would have
exceeded an estimated 80 000 persons.
By far the superior source of data on the social costs and benefits of migration
is the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (LSIA). This data set
provides not only insights into migrant early settlement experiences that have
not previously been available in any other national data set but also is
comparatively robust. Migrants arriving between September 1993 and August
1995 (LSIA 1) were interviewed three times: the first interview (Wave 1) was
approximately five to six months after arrival, the second interview (Wave 2)
one year later, and the third interview (Wave 3) a further two years later. In
order to evaluate the effects of policy changes since 1996 (mainly the
extension to two years of the period that migrants have to wait before being
eligible for social security benefits), a second set of migrants was interviewed
(LSIA 2). These migrants arrived between September 1999 and August 2000.
This sample was interviewed twice: the first interview was again five to six
months after arrival (Wave 1) and the second interview (Wave 2) one year
later. Stratified by major visas groups and individual countries of birth, LSIA 1
comprised 5 192 primary applicants and LSIA 2 comprised 3 124 primary
applicants. The sample provided good representation of the total immigrant
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population during these periods in terms of estimates of percentages for visa
eligibility categories.1
In reviews of quantitative material, LSIA data were often the sole identified
source for an area of social concern. When this was the case, the fact is
highlighted within relevant tables in this report. However, the LSIAs do have
some recognised limitations. For example, there are differences between
types of data collected for the first cohort (LSIA 1) and the second one (LSIA
2). In addition, some groups such as immigrants under the age of 15 at the
time of arrival, New Zealand citizens, immigrants who had special eligibility
visas (for example, former Australian citizens), and citizens who did not have
an identifiable country of birth were excluded. Also excluded were onshore
migrants including students. For instance, in 2004-05, about 35 per cent of the
41 180 Skilled Independent visas granted were to overseas students2. The
number of Skilled Independent visas planned for 2005-06 and 2006-07 is
about 49 200 for each year (DIMA 2006c). If similar proportions of overseas
students are able to ‘convert’ to permanent residency status in future years,
the number of on-shore migrants is likely to grow.3
There will almost certainly be no future waves for LSIA 1 and LSIA 2 as the
logistics of accessing these people after at least a five-year gap would be very
substantial. However, the first wave of the third LSIA was conducted in late
2005 and data from this survey has already been used in Birrell, Hawthorne
and Richardson’s (2006) Evaluation of General Skilled Migration Categories
(DIMAc 2006:49). With two future survey waves of settlement experiences
planned, the LSIA 3 should add extremely relevant material to understanding
the social costs and benefits of migration to the existing database.
As previously stated, there is variety in indicators of migrant status and
ethnicity. These include country of birth, birthplace of parents, language
spoken at home, ancestry, and year of arrival. No single measure captures all
relevant qualities of the migration experience. In practice, selecting the best
possible indicator depends on the issues at hand. For example, for the study
of the process of settlement, ‘year of arrival’ is often the most crucial variable.
On issues relating to cultural diversity and community integration, ‘ancestry’
and ‘language spoken at home’ may be more important.
Bearing in mind this caveat, reviews of quantitative data presented in this
report often rely on analyses by country of birth as this is the most consistently
collected indicator across a wide range of data sources. Birthplace is not of
course a perfect indicator of ethnicity. It is entirely possible, for instance, for a
1
2
3
LSIA 1 provides 95 per cent confidence intervals with bounds no more than +/- 5 per cent and LSIA
2 provides 95 per cent confidence with bounds no more than +/- 7 per cent. In addition to primary
applicants, the LSIAs also provided information on the impact of migration on the spouses of
primary applicants. Some questions were asked in all of the five waves of interviews; others were
specific to particular waves. Full details of the sample are available in DIMIA (2002).
Migrants on an Australian student visa are able to apply onshore and be fast tracked through the
system, particularly if they have qualifications that match the government’s Migrant Occupation in
Demand List.
More stringent requirements including greater levels of proficiency in English are proposed for
introduction after 1 July 2007.
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person to be born overseas to two Australian parents. Likewise, particularly in
a time of globalisation, it is possible for children to be born in countries where
their parents happen to be working on a relatively short-term basis.
In addition to the LSIAs, results from the 2002 ABS General Social Survey
(GSS) (ABS 2003) provide further insights with respect to some social costs
and benefits of migration, particularly with regard to data elements measuring
aspects of social capital. By way of explanation, an ABS (2004b) Information
Paper provided a framework and indicators for measuring social capital within
an Australian context. (The complete list of elements of the framework that
have been addressed to date is given in Appendix 1 of the ABS (2006a)
publication Aspects of Social Capital). Two current ABS publications (ABS
2003, 2006a) present information for some indicators identified within that
framework. Data collected through the GSS for some indicators have been
referenced in this report within applicable areas of social impact.
While some GSS data suppression by ABS may be necessary due to quality
and confidentiality, data that have been and will in future be collected within
the devised framework could, it appears, be reported according to whether
respondents were born in Australia; born in the main English-speaking
countries; born in other countries; proficient in spoken English; and not
proficient in spoken English. As previously noted, quality of information with
respect to social impacts of immigration would be improved if visa category
and length of residence could also be reported from the GSS data set.
There are many examples of inconsistency within national databases in the
ways that data have been classified and manipulated. For instance, length of
residence might be reported as either before or after nominated years or, less
favourably, within a certain time frame (such as within the last five years)
when actual reference years vary depending, of course, on when a report was
written. Increasing tendencies to report country of birth as suggested for GSS
data (that is, born in Australia; born in the main English-speaking countries; or
born in other countries) have been recognised although simply indicating
whether Australia- or overseas-born sometimes further diminishes the
relevance of this categorisation. In some situations, countries with prominent
data for the discussion topic are identified; at other times all overseas-born
are classified according to named countries or global regions of birth.
‘Cultural and linguist diversity’ in this report’s summary tables of data
availability usually refers to use by migrants of languages other than English
or proficiency in the use of English. Linguistic diversity has been reported in
national databases in various ways including English as a second language;
level of proficiency in English; language other than English; language spoken
at home; mainly English speaking; and non-English speaking. This illustrates
the problem of making meaningful comparisons between different data sets.
Generally religion could not be referenced even though diversity in religion is
recognised as one of the most dramatic changes in Australian post-war
society (Hugo 2004). Furthermore, immigrants arriving in Australia during the
1996-2001 period and most likely beyond have been more diverse with
respect to religious adherence than either the Australia-born population or
migrants of longer standing.
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Whilst variations in ways data are classified and reported are undoubtedly
essential to appropriately address specific topics, the described
inconsistencies make comparison or integration of data from a range of
sources difficult if not impossible. Standard recording (such as that suggested
for GSS data) within all data sets – if necessary in addition to specific needs
to inform the topic of discussion – would lend credibility to any genuine intent
to better understand the social cost and benefits of immigration.
An additional problem presents when examining inter-state and territory
variations in, for example, the human capital that migrants contribute to
Australia. Data on birthplace cross-classified by social indicators such as age,
qualifications, labour force status, income and home ownership are not
provided in the 2001 Census other than in the CURF sample. This one per
cent data source is unsuitable for the examination of individual birthplace
groups by state because the numbers of individuals in some categories are
too small to provide statistically reliable information. The only available source
of reliable and comprehensive information is to be found in the volumes of the
Atlas of the Australian People published in 1999. Although somewhat dated,
this information is the best available given that a similar analysis was not
conducted on the 2001 Census.
Observations about information gaps should be interpreted with caution
having in mind qualifications and inconsistencies in reporting methods already
outlined4. Of course, data that are available might have been overlooked or,
alternatively, might not be accessible in public databases.
Notwithstanding qualifications with respect to data integrity and availability
pertaining to migrants by comparison with the Australia-born and despite lack
of focussed attention around social impacts of immigration in the literature,
substantial amounts of relevant material both in the literature and in national
data sets are available. The challenge has been to track down and synthesise
this material in a coherent framework.
1B.2 Issues relating to human capital
Employment, welfare payments, workplace skills and education
LSIA data and the workplace
Analyses of data from the LSIAs have been criticised for the narrow
framework within which migrant labour force experiences are assessed. While
this report presents significant original and detailed analysis of this data set of
relevance to the social costs and benefits of migration to Australia, substantial
gaps remain. In particular, there has been minimal exploration here (due to the
limitations of the project) or elsewhere of some themes of earlier research
such as occupational mobility (both upwards and downwards) after arrival,
underemployment, and equal opportunity (Ho & Alcorso 2004). Furthermore,
few comparisons can readily be made between those born overseas and the
4
Simplified summaries of available data are presented throughout the report; more comprehensive
cross-referenced data tables can be requested from the authors.
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Australia-born although it would seem that extant ABS data could be used to
complement the LSIA data.
Comment on recent ABS & DIMA publications
While paucity of reporting of labour market experiences of migrants and
associated social impacts by comparison with Australia-born workers is
generally recognised, some recent reports such as those produced by Hugo
(2004) and Birrell, Hawthorne and Richardson (2006) are helping to redress
this situation. This is in part due to the availability of data from LSIAs 1 and 2
and also the first wave of LSIA 3 but also due to what appears to be a more
holistic – as opposed to limited – approaches to topic reporting.
Birrell, Hawthorne and Richardson’s (2006) Evaluation of General Skilled
Migration Categories condoned many of the methods used to select skilled
migrants but also identified ways to improve migrant outcomes in the labour
market. As a result, policy changes to increase the importance of being
proficient in English have been mooted. Furthermore, greater emphasis on
skilled work experience has been foreshadowed as a factor in the points test
for assessment of visa applications (DIMA 2006c).
General Social Survey and the workplace
Data that were sourced for this report with respect to work and workplace
skills are summarised in Table 1B.2.1. It seems that the ABS has data
available (but not reported) from the General Social Survey with respect to
labour force participation rates. The GSS might also have information
identifying the extent to which friends and relatives were useful as sources of
finance and business information. Whether respondents had membership or
participation in unions, professional or technical associations was also
collected in the GSS. These types of additional data could prove relevant for
exploration of aspects of social impact of migrants in the workplace.
Table 1B.2. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced for employment and workplace
skills
Visa
type
Employment status/rates
Occupation
Industry
Job satisfaction
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
z
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
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Relevance of ancestry
Ancestry (of those who are ‘successful’ in the workplace as well as those who
are not) warrants recognition and reporting. Traditionally, people from nonEnglish speaking backgrounds have been less likely to have positive
experiences in the labour market than those born in Australia or from English
speaking backgrounds (Jupp 2002). This appears to be particularly relevant
with respect to some second generation Australians and their (lack of)
performance in the workplace. Problems associated with the economic
downturns of earlier decades have to some extent been passed down to the
second generation (especially where first generation migrants were
humanitarian or family preference entrants).
Monitoring migrant involvement in the workplace
Monitoring representations of migrants in different sectors of the Australian
workforce (including in education and in all tiers of government) might allow
patterns of adaptation to be gauged, myths to be dispelled, and suggestions of
overt discrimination and claims of trends towards emergence of a migrant
underclass to be properly investigated.
Income and settlement support
Reports of sources and value of income and settlement support tend to be
either visa category specific (Beer & Foley 2003; DIMIA 2005a; DIMIA 2005b;
Khoo, McDonald & Hugo 2005) or based on LSIA data (Khoo et al. 2002;
DIMIA 2003b; Richardson et al. 2004a; Richardson et al. 2004b). While the
specificity of such reporting is informative, interpretation in an overall
Australian context is often difficult. For example, types of settlement support
might be reported by visa category but extent of support (such as value and
duration) is not and comparisons with other visa categories are not made.
Similarly, although reports derived from the LSIA do compare data from
different waves within the two cohorts, there are only occasional glimpses of
how respondents fare by comparison with the Australia-born population.
Welfare payments
The limited material sourced with respect to welfare payments to migrants is
summarised in Table 1B.2.2. Most notably there is a lack of reported
information on welfare payments and settlement support according to visa
category, country of birth, proficiency in English and recency of arrival
compared with the Australian-born population. If such information were
available it could identify legitimate targets for appropriately developed policies
and programs.
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Table 1B.2. 2: Summary matrix of data sourced for welfare payments
Visa
type
Assets transferred upon migration
Income (including source)
Settlement support (including
financial, housing)
Household income
Principal source of income
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
z
z
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
zzz
z
zz
zz
z
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
Education and training
Overall, reporting on education and training is dispersed and relatively sparse
(see Table 1B.2.3) with the notable exception of a now somewhat dated
analysis of second generation Australians primarily based on 1996 census
data (Khoo et al. 2002). The increasing proportions of school children from
different cultural and linguistic backgrounds add complexity at all levels of the
education system with concomitant concerns that inadequate proficiency in
English might affect participation, according to ability, in education and the
labour market. Do education resources meet needs in this respect and if not,
where are they stretched? Are some language groups underrepresented in
further education? Are some visa categories more disadvantaged in education
than others? How do more recent migrants from minority language groups
cope? Will ability to satisfactorily educate children of temporary migrants
become a defining issue for attracting sought-after skilled professionals? Data
reported by, for example, visa category, place of birth, ancestry, proficiency in
English, languages spoken other than English, recency of arrival and SLA
would inform these types of analyses. Reporting only mainstream source
countries or languages spoken could further disadvantage minority migrant
groups.
DEST monthly reporting of international student enrolments in Australia would
be more meaningful and useful if compared with statistics for migrants and for
Australia-born students.
Education, training and language program schools are, of course, primarily
State government responsibilities. Appropriate reporting (by SLA) with respect
to enrolment of students – and recruitment of staff – with language
backgrounds other than English could provide contemporary relevant
information for deployment of resources and monitoring of policies. After all,
whilst migration flows are controlled by Federal policies, it is State and local
governments that have to ensure that appropriate resources are available ‘on
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the ground’. Perhaps consolidated data from annual Basic Skills Tests
performed in all States and in all schools could be used to inform.
Table 1B.2. 3: Summary matrix of data sourced for education and training
Visa
type
Non-school education training
Post-migration study
Schooling/post-school qualification
Qualifications assessment/use
English language course
Overseas students
Post-grad students completion
rates
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
z
z
z
z
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
z
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
Reporting levels of proficiency in English
Reporting of improvements in levels of proficiency in English post-migration is
limited to that sourced from LSIA data and from surveys of specific visa
categories for offshore migrants. Lack of proficiency in English is a recognised
problem associated with Skilled Independent migrants selected through
onshore applications, many of whom have been fee-paying graduates from
Australian universities (Birrell, Hawthorne & Richardson 2006). In fact, in
2004-05, there were, for the first time, more onshore visas (12 978) granted to
Skilled Independent Principal Applicants than offshore ones (11 826).
Changes in migrants’ English language abilities over time might warrant
monitoring. The main reason for migrants’ early withdrawal from post-graduate
courses is thought to be due to English language difficulties although those
who persist have greater chances of completion than Australia-born students
(Shah, Long & Burke 2005).
Physical and mental health
Summary of available data
A summary of data relating to aspects of the health of immigrants that were
sourced for this analysis is presented in Table 1B.2.4. While offshore migrants
usually have good health on arrival (one assumes this might also be the case
for the increasing proportion of onshore migrants although these types of visa
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holders were outside the scope of this project), the LSIAs have shown that
there were differences between visa categories and that differences were
maintained over time. While it seems that humanitarian and preferential family
visa entrants have comparatively poorer physical health overall, the situation
with respect to mental health is not known.
Table 1B.2. 4: Summary matrix of data sourced for physical and mental health
Visa
type
Long-term health condition
Health risk behaviour
Hospital use/consultation
Self-assessed health status
Disability rates
Asthma
Cardiovascular disease
Diabetes
Death
Self-reporting disability/restriction
Oral health; access to dental care
Oral health of public dental patients
Significant psychological distress*1
Private health insurance
Selected causes of death
z
zz
z
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
z
zz
z
z
zz
zz
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
z
z
zz
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
Monitoring migrant health status
Although the ‘healthy migrant effect’ at time of settlement is recognised, the
health of immigrants becomes similar to that of the Australia-born with
increasing length of residence in the country; that is, health deteriorates.
Recording length of residence along with other migrant health statistics would
permit this ‘equalising effect’ to be more effectively monitored. In addition,
country of birth and ancestry appear to be important for identifying sub-group
variations for morbidity and mortality post-migration, thus permitting
appropriate management programs to be formulated. Furthermore, because
poor spoken English is a recognised barrier to not only self-assessing health
status but also for accessing health services, comprehending medical
terminology and recommended treatments, learning about availability of
services and also about health education and disease prevention, recording
patient levels of proficiency in English could provide additional information with
respect to appropriate levels of migrant health care. Questions such as
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whether changing health status is primarily related to lifestyle, occupation,
demographic characteristics or other factors altogether could be better
addressed.
Monitoring the health of service providers and extant residents
Ethnically diverse communities and workplaces plus the need to provide a
wide range of (sometimes unplanned) services and facilities for migrants can
place unexpected pressures not only on individual members of minority user
groups but also on providers and members of host communities. Inevitably,
people’s health can be affected as a direct result of these different types of
stressors. Research into health impacts on individuals in extant communities
and service providers with the arrival of new migrant groups does not appear
to have received much attention.
Leisure and recreation
Cultural differences not recognised
ABS surveys have not recorded the extent to which particular ethnic groups
pursue different types of activities under the broad rubric of ‘sport’ (for
example bocce, soccer or Australian Rules football); ‘games’ (such as
backgammon versus Monopoly); or languages of reading material and audio
or visual entertainment. Consequently data are not sensitive to cultural
differences, thus failing to give a sense of innovations and diversity introduced
by migrant groups.
Apart from the TUS, the only clues about the characteristics of migrants and
their pursuit of leisure, cultural and recreational activities is place of birth
broadly reported as the main English-speaking country or other. For children
aged less than 15 years, birthplace of parents is similarly recorded.
Migrants, particularly those who are from non-English speaking backgrounds
or who are women with religious or cultural restrictions, confront additional
barriers – apart from being ‘new’ to the country – to participation in leisure and
recreational activities. Existing reporting of these barriers leaves gaps in
appreciation of the extent and types of activities favoured and used (or not, as
the case might be) by migrants.
A summary of data relating to aspects of the leisure and recreation that were
sourced for this analysis is presented in Table 1B.2.5.
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Table 1B.2. 5: Summary matrix of data sourced for leisure and recreation
Visa
type
Leisure and recreation:
Adult’s participation
Children’s participation
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthCALD
Length of
place
residence
zz
zz
zz
zz
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
1B.3 Issues relating to social capital
Community life and civil society
Recognised problems with data collection
Although active involvement with group or community activities is frequently
used to measure social capital (ABS 2000b), few surveys of the general
population have asked about social or community participation (such as
visiting restaurants or clubs; church activities; voluntary activities; performing
arts group activities; art and craft group activities). The Living Standards
Project, conducted by the ABS during 1997-98 and jointly funded with the
Department of Family and Community Services, tested a question about types
of involvement in the last 12 months with community or group activities (for
example, school-related activities; service club; ethnic group; volunteer group;
and fundraising). It also asked for people’s perceptions of their levels of
community and group involvement. However, conceptual and practical
problems associated with such questions are recognised; in particular it is
difficult to ensure that only active involvement is reported (ABS 2000b). This is
because responses are influenced by social desirability factors which can lead
to over-reporting. Furthermore, there may be overlap with other questions
such as voluntary work. However, it is thought that these problems could be
addressed in further development work.
GSS and immigrant involvement in formal organisations
Some data collected by the GSS, if reported by country of birth, length of
residence or visa category could provide information about active involvement
by immigrants in clubs, organisations or associations; involvement in
committees; help provided by immigrants outside the household; participation
in voluntary work; frequency of voluntary work performed by immigrants; and
annual hours spent on voluntary work. This could help to inform about levels
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of involvement by immigrants in community life and point to areas where
further education, inducement or encouragement could be directed.
Voluntary work
The ABS can sometimes produce customised tables upon request for some
social statistics. For example, ABS (2000b:35) could produce customised
tables presenting information about voluntary work for population
characteristics which include country of birth; main language spoken at home;
and year of arrival. A summary of data relating to aspects of the health of
community life and civil society that were sourced is presented in Table
1B.3.1.
Table 1B.3. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced for community life and civil
society
Data categorised by:
CALD
Birthplace
Visa type
Citizenship
Voluntary work
Perceptions of tolerance
Perceptions of influence over
govt.
z
zz
z
zz
zz
Recenc
y of
arrival
z
zz
z
z
z
z
z
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
Social networks and neighbourhood
Some valuable data about family and friendship networks and wellbeing of
immigrants is available from the GSS although material collected has been
narrowly reported. Furthermore, reporting of birthplace is restricted to
‘Australia’ or ‘overseas’ although the latter classification is further categorised
according to proficiency in spoken English. Data were also sourced from
DIMIA surveys of settlement experiences including – and most importantly –
the LSIA but also the RSMS and SDAS subclass visa categories (DIMIA
2005a, 2005b; Khoo et al. 2005). The latter two surveys are limited in terms of
absolute migrant numbers.
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GSS data with respect to social networks and neighbourhood activities appear
to have been collected (but not reported) for migrants according to:
•
participation in social activities
•
barriers to social participation
•
religious attendance
•
frequency of face-to-face contact with relatives and friends
•
frequency of other forms of communication with relatives and friends
•
provision of support
•
length of residence in current locality
•
geographic mobility
Social networking opportunities for migrants might be increasingly relevant
factors warranting scrutiny and understanding. Such opportunities could be
influenced by, for example, gender and religion; level of proficiency in English,
especially elderly persons from migrant groups arriving in Australia before
1986; changing family structure; and increased mobility within migrant
families.
GSS data appear to have been collected (but not reported) according to
birthplace or proficiency in spoken English for other areas of social networking
and neighbourhood which can impact upon social wellbeing. These include:
•
feelings of safety alone at home after dark
•
perception of reciprocity in the community
•
donating time or money (personal and business donations)
•
support in a crisis
•
feelings of social isolation
•
use of internet to contact government
Surveys of a third LSIA cohort by DIMA are anticipated. Recording data and
reporting results according to visa category, birthplace, ancestry, proficiency
in spoken English, and recency of arrival would further inform this important
area with respect to social costs and benefits of immigration. Data relating to
social networks and neighbourhoods that were sourced for this analysis is
summarised in Table 1B.3.2.
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Table 1B.3. 2: Summary matrix of data sourced for social networks and
neighbourhood
Visa
type
Social networks & neighbourhood:
Participation in community
Social interaction/attachment
Settlement assistance
Social wellbeing:
Ability to ask for small favours
Ability to ask for support in crisis
time
Translating/interpretation services
Reasons for migration
Reasons
for
place/town
of
residence
Relocation since arrival
Satisfaction levels
Financial stress/difficulty
Access to motor vehicle
Use computer/internet
z
zz
z
zz
zz
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
zz
zz
z
z
z
z
z
z
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
z
z
z
z
z
z
z
zz
z
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
Culture and diversity
In addition to AuSSA and LSIA results, the most informative material with
respect to culture and diversity of recent migrants has been compiled by Hugo
(2004). This material, consolidated at the national level, primarily relates to
ethnic, religious and language diversity, marital status; and family and
household types. Analyses of survey data for two specific visa categories
(DIMIA 2005a, 2005b), limited with respect to number of participants, also
provide some insights.
A study of second generation Australians (Khoo et al. 2002) provides
considerable insights into social, economic and demographic outcomes and
explores issues of intergenerational mobility. However, the results are
primarily based on 1996 census data and hence are somewhat dated.
Unpublished ABS data might be available on request for some social statistics
data classifications including those relating to family and community life. For
206
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
example, ABS (2005b:53) indicates that it might have unpublished data
available for characteristics of children in childcare by ‘Country of Birth’ and
‘Main language spoken at home by child’. Apart from the LSIA, data by visa
category or length of residence in Australia are most likely not available at this
time.
Australia’s population is more diverse in terms of national origins and religious
backgrounds than any previous cohorts of migrants to Australia (Hugo 2004).
It is important to be able to understand not only the statistical composition but
also specific needs in order to foster social wellbeing. Although GSS data
have been collected with respect to acceptance of group diversity,
inclusiveness and religious affiliation of respondents, they have not been
reported. A review of available data from the GSS with respect to these areas
of social concern may be warranted.
Views and actions of the Australia-born and migrants that might tolerate or
encourage racist sentiments need to be better understood. Data with respect
to a range of issues including participation rates in various aspects of society
(including criminal and incarceration statistics for migrants) might help to
inform. A summary of data sourced and analysed with respect to culture and
diversity is presented in Table 1B.3.3.
Table 1B.3. 3: Summary matrix of data sourced for culture and diversity
Visa
type
Family and community:
Household structure
Family structure
Ancestry
Marital status
Intermarriage & cohabitation
Fertility rates
Older overseas born
Sole person households
Child care
Culture and diversity:
Religion
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
z
z
zz
zz
z
z
z
z
z
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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207
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
Crime and justice
There are considerable data gaps with respect to migrants and the criminal
justice system. Recorded Crime Statistics in most Australian jurisdictions do
not record ethnicity, migrant status or country or birth. The annual National
Prison Census records country of birth of prisoners but does not publish this
information. Furthermore, imprisonment rates do not capture the length of
sentences and therefore do not reflect severity of offences (Mukherjee 1999a;
Jarasuriya & Kee 1999). Another problem with this census is that the migrant
status of prisoners is not adequately differentiated: it does not distinguish
between those who are visitors to Australia or illegal entrants.
Dissimilarities in data collection
It is difficult to assess the extent to which migrants are involved in criminal
activities due to limitations and dissimilarities in data collected by States and
Territories in Australia (Mukherjee 1999a). Currently only two jurisdictions,
Victoria and Western Australia, publish limited information about the migrant
status of offenders. Consequently there have been repeated calls for the
collection of accurate data at several stages of the criminal justice process
that will allow a better representation of any relationships between migrant
status, ethnicity and crime (Collins et al. 2000; Mukherjee 1999a).
National collections of recorded crime statistics are based on victim reports of
criminal offences to police. In about 90 per cent of cases, because the
offender is unknown, so is the offender’s migrant status. However, the
Personal Safety Survey (and its predecessor the Women’s Safety Survey) did
publish some crime victim data according to birthplace which has been used
in this report.
A summary of data relating to aspects of the crime and justice that were
sourced for this analysis is presented in Table 1B.3.4.
Table 1B.3. 4: Summary matrix of data sourced for crime and justice
Visa
type
Victim of physical/threatened
violence
Personal safety at home/in
community
Perceptions of crime levels
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
z
z
z
z
z
zz
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
208
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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z
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
1B.4 Issues relating to produced and financial capital:
Productive diversity
Housing
Because impacts of more recent immigration on Australian housing markets
have been substantial (Hugo 2004), it seems important that types and
standards of housing sought are monitored to alleviate potential market
pressures for different types of accommodation. In particular, diversity in
preferences for housing types, increasing household numbers and resulting
impact on housing demand, and the impact of the progressively more
significant cohort of temporary migrants on the housing market require
scrutiny. Assessment of the extent to which the housing needs of migrants,
especially for humanitarian entrants, are met has been limited although ABS
and AHURI databases provide some insights. Sourced data relating to
aspects of housing are summarised in Table 1B.4.1. Of course, meeting the
housing needs of migrants can also impact upon type and availability of
housing for the Australia-born.
Table 1B.4. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced for housing
Visa
type
Rented dwelling
Housing tenure
Housing costs
Dwelling type
Housing satisfaction
Housing services
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
zz
z
zz
z
zz
z
z
zz
zz
z
z
z
z
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
Infrastructure
It seems that population prediction and projections might not have inbuilt
assumptions that enable governments at all levels to be alerted to sudden
changes in population inflows as a result of implementation of changing
migration policies. More reliable and timely information about changes in
population levels might alleviate some planning dilemmas and resultant
pressures on infrastructure. The limited types of data that were sourced with
respect to infrastructure are indicated in Table 1B.4.2.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
209
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
Table 1B.4. 2: Summary matrix of data sourced with respect to infrastructure
Visa
type
Infrastructure:
Migrant planning levels/NOM
Population projections
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
z
z
Single source of data
available
zz
More than one source of data available
z
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
z
New businesses, goods and services
Data on migrant involvement in the economy, particularly with respect to shop
ownership and management in the small business sector in suburban and
non-metropolitan areas, could provide valuable insights into ways in which
migrants contribute to aspects of human and social capital as well as to
business and the economy of Australia. Only glimpses of dispersal and
diversity of migrant activities in the Australian economy could be sourced from
national databases.
210
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
1B.5 Issues relating to natural capital
Population characteristics and pressures that are a consequence of migration
policies cannot be understood and effectively managed when there are
noteworthy shortfalls in data describing changing situations. Specific and
general comments made in the introduction to this report with respect to
recognised difficulties with data quality and deficiencies particularly apply for
areas of social concern that describe characteristics of migrant population in
Australia.
Although most international migrants settle in metropolitan areas, migration
programs designed to attract skilled migrants to regional areas assumed
increasing importance during the 1996-2001 intercensal period and even
greater prominence since the 2001 census (Hugo 2004). Visa-specific
reporting by DIMA (2005a, 2005b) contributes to information and
understanding with respect to these program outcomes. Nevertheless,
numbers of migrants within these regional schemes are still small by
comparison with total migrant intakes.
A summary of data relating to natural capital that were sourced for this
analysis is presented in Table 1B.5.1.
Table 1B.5. 1: Summary matrix of data sourced on natural capital
Visa
type
Population:
Overseas movements
International migrant stock
Recent permanent
additions/arrivals
Humanitarian entrants
Temporary migration
Born in other than MES countries
RSMS/SDAS versus Skill Stream
RSMS/SDAS
State sponsored schemes Age
group/gender distribution
State/territory of residence
Urban/regional/rural distributions
z
zz
z
Data categorised by:
BirthLength of
residence
place
CALD
zz
zz
z
z
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
zz
z
zz
z
zz
zz
zz
z
Single source of data available
More than one source of data available
zz
Data have been sourced solely from reports referencing the
LSIAs
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
211
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
1B.6 Data sources referenced
(Note: this is not the bibliography)
No.
Reference
ABS Database:
1
ABS 2006a, Aspects of Social Capital, Australia, ABS cat. no. 4911.0.
Retrieved on 17 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/DAD0CFD697AE9B
25CA2571AD0082E1C6/$File/49110_2006.pdf
1a
ABS 2006b, ‘Labour outcome of migrants’, Australian Labour Market Statistics,
ABS cat. no. 6105.0, January, pp. 10-19. Retrieved on 27 July 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/featurearticlesbytitle/D59069792539
CA0BCA2570EE0017B812?OpenDocument
1b
ABS 2006c, Crime and Safety Australia April 2005, ABS cat. no. 4509.0, ABS
Canberra. Retrieved on 28 August 2006 from
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4CA25715A001C9192/$File/45090_apr%202005.pdf
2
ABS 2006d, Migration Australia: 2004-05. ABS cat. no. 3412.0. Retrieved on
23 June 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/3412.0200405?OpenDocument
3
ABS 2006e, National Health Survey: Summary of Results, Australia, ABS cat.
no. 4364.0. Retrieved on 10 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/3B1917236618A042
CA25711F00185526/$File/43640_2004-05.pdf
3a
ABS 2006f, Personal Safety Survey 2005 (Reissue), ABS cat. no. 4906.0, ABS,
Canberra. Retrieved on 28 August 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/6609ADCA83BBB30
ACA2571C50074B5B7/$File/49060_2005_Reissue.pdf
4
ABS 2006f, Year Book Australia 2006, Number 88, ABS cat. no. 1301.0, ABS,
Canberra. Retrieved on 6 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/67E47661AA446A24
CA2570FC00119006/$File/13010_2006.pdf
5
ABS 2005a, Australian Social Trends 2005, ABS cat. No. 4102.0, ABS
Canberra. Retrieved on 23 June 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/4102.02005?OpenD
ocument
6
ABS 2005b, Births Australia 2004, cat. no. 3301.0,ABS, Canberra. Retrieved
on 6 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/16EFA266EF5590B
4CA2570BA00752F4F/$File/33010_2004.pdf
6a
ABS 2005c, Child Care, ABS cat. No. 4402.0. Retrieved on 4 July 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/4402.0Jun%202005
%20(Reissue)?OpenDocument
212
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APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
6b
ABS 2005d Prisoners in Australia, ABS cat no. 4517.0 ABS, Canberra.
Retrieved on 28 August 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/0D2231601F85888B
CA2570D8001B8DDB/$File/45170_2005.pdf
7
ABS 2004a, Australian Social Trends 2004, ABS cat. No. 4102.0, ABS
Canberra. Retrieved on 26 June 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/4102.02004?OpenD
ocument
7a
ABS 2004b, Information Paper: Measuring Social Capital – An Australian
Framework and Indicators 2004, ABS cat. no. 1378.0. Retrieved on 4 August
2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/Lookup/1378.0Main+Features12
004?OpenDocument
7b
ABS 2003, General Social Survey Summary Results, Australia 2002, ABS cat.
no. 4159.0. Retrieved on 4 August 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/1241C62DA9C5CD8
BCA256DFF007BD6A8/$File/41590_2002.pdf
8
ABS 2002a, Australian Social Trends 2002, ABS cat. no. 4102.0, ABS
Canberra. Retrieved on 6 July 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/4102.02002?OpenD
ocument
9
ABS 2004b, Asthma in Australia: A Snapshot, ABS cat. no.
20014819.0.55.001. Retrieved on 18 July 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/ProductsbyCatalogue/0B8F9284
52BC9647CA256E7A0080829B?OpenDocument
10
ABS 2004c, Cardiovascular Disease in Australia: A Snapshot, ABS cat. no.
20014821.0.55.001. Retrieved on 18 July 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/ProductsbyCatalogue/73BBAF65
CF9E6AF3CA256EB4007DE890?OpenDocument
11
ABS 2005d, 2004 Deaths, ABS cat. no. 3302.2. Retrieved on 19 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/FE3EED4BB4BCE49
7CA2570CF007458EB/$File/33020_2004.pdf
12
ABS 2004e, Labour Force Statistics and Other Characteristics of Migrants Nov
2004, ABS cat. no. 6250.0. Retrieved on 25 June 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/[email protected]/Lookup/F4A2F9DD7183EE99CA25
6D9500046E75
13
Hugo, G. 2004, Australia’s Most Recent Immigrants, ABC cat. no. 2053.0,
ABS, Australian Census Analytic Program, Canberra. Retrieved on 28 June
2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/2053.02001?OpenD
ocument
14
ABS 2003a, Children’s Participation in Cultural and Leisure Activities, ABS cat.
no. 4901.0. Retrieved on 18 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/99AEABDFDCF70A
0DCA256E2A00767431/$File/49010_apr%202003.pdf
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
213
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
15
ABS 2003b, Disability, Ageing and Carers: Summary of Findings, ABS cat. no.
4430.0. Retrieved on 10 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/978A7C78CC11B70
2CA256F0F007B1311/$File/44300_2003.pdf
16
ABS 2002b, Births Australia 2001, cat. no. 3301.0,ABS, Canberra. Retrieved on
6 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/AB96F5EDAFF25D1
3CA256C6A0000B966/$File/33010_2001.pdf
17
ABS 2002c, Attendance at Selected Cultural Venues and Events, ABS cat. no.
4114.0. Retrieved on 18 July 2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/4114.02002?OpenD
ocument
18
ABS 2002d, Participation in Sport and Physical Activities, ABS cat. no. 4177.0.
Retrieved on 18 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/6F5B6923AC4E41D
0CA256DF600016E68/$File/41770_2002.pdf
19
ABS 2002e, Sports Attendance, ABS cat. no. 4174.0. Retrieved on 18 July
2006 from
http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/DetailsPage/4177.02002?OpenD
ocument
20
ABS 2001, National Health Survey: Mental Health, ABS cat. no. 4811.0.
Retrieved on 17 July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/E7621A9758D3A4B
5CA256DF1007C0637/$File/48110_2001.pdf
20a
ABS 2000, Voluntary Work Australia, ABS cat. no. 4441.0. Retrieved on 18
July 2006 from
http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/5C22B0F4DCB4CB5
CCA256A7100047040/$File/44410_2000.pdf
AHURI database:
21
Beer, A. & Foley, P. 2003, Housing Need and Provision for Recently Arrived
Refugees in Australia, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute.
Retrieved on 23 June 2006 from
http://www.ahuri.edu.au/publications/search.asp?Search=Properties&Keyword
s=andrew+beer+paul+foley&SearchAuthor=True&PublicationType=fr&Year=2003&Centre=&Sort=Title&CurrentPa
ge=2
22
Beer, A & Morphett, S. 2002, ‘The role of housing and other services in
successful settlement of new arrivals to Australia’, in AHURI Research & Policy
Bulletin, Issue 14. AHURI, Melbourne. Retrieved on 17 July 2006 from
http://www.ahuri.edu.au/publications/search.asp?Search=Properties&Keyword
s=migrant&SearchSummary=True&PublicationType=&Year=&Centre=&Sort=Title
214
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AIHW Database:
23
AIHW 2006, Australia’s Health 2006, AIHW cat. No. AUS73, AIHW, Canberra.
Retrieved on 23 June 2006 from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/aus/ah06/ah06-c09.pdf
24
AIHW Australian Centre for Asthma Monitoring 2005, Asthma in Australia
2005, AIHW Asthma Series 2, AIHW cat. no. ACM6, AIHW, Canberra.
Retrieved on 18 July 2006 from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/10158
25
AIHW Australian Research Centre for Population Oral Health 2005, Oral
Health and Access to Dental Care – Migrants in Australia, AIHW cat. No. DEN
143. Retrieved on 10 July 2006 from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/10160
26
AIHW Australian Research Centre for Population Oral Health 2004, Oral
Health of Migrant Public Dental Patients, AIHW cat. No. DEN 130. Retrieved
on 10 July 2006 from http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/10024
27
AIHW Thow, A. M. & Waters A-M. 2005, Diabetes in Culturally and
Linguistically Diverse Australians: Identification of Communities at High Risk,
AIHW cat. no. CVD 30, AIHW Canberra. Retrieved on 30 June 2006 from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/10188
28
AIHW 2002, Income Status of Homeless People in SAAP 1999-2001,
Australia, AIHW cat. no. HOU 70, AIHW (SAAP NDCA report), Canberra.
Retrieved on 30 June 2006 from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/7967
29
Singh, M. & de Looper, M. 2002, Australian Health Inequalities: 1 Birthplace,
Bulletin no. 2, AIHW cat. no. AUS 27, Australian Institute of Health and
Welfare, Canberra. Retrieved on 30 June 2006 from
http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/7722
DEST Database:
30
Shah, C., Long, M. & Burke, G. 2005, Student Flows: Post-Initial Higher
Education Coursework Programmes, Department of Education, Science and
Training, Evaluations and Investigations Programme, Strategic Analysis and
Evaluation Group. Retrieved on 30 June 2006 from
http://www.dest.gov.au/NR/rdonlyres/F33E2F36-A128-4E67-ACE24E71962F50A8/2518/student_flows.pdf
31
Australian Education International 2006, Year 2006 Market Indicator Data,
DEST, Canberra. Retrieved on 6 July 2006 from
http://aei.dest.gov.au/AEI/MIP/Statistics/StudentEnrolmentAndVisaStatistics/20
06/2006May_0712_pdf.pdf
32
Australian Education International c.2005, 2005 International Student
Enrolments, DEST, Canberra. Retrieved on 6 July 2006 from
http://aei.dest.gov.au/AEI/MIP/Statistics/StudentEnrolmentAndVisaStatistics/20
05/2005Annual_Stats.htm#1994
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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215
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
DEWR Database:
33
Department of Employment and Workplace Relations 2005, ‘The labour market
experience of migrants’, Australian Labour Market Update, July, pp. 5-6.
Retrieved on 3 July 2006 from
http://www.workplace.gov.au/NR/rdonlyres/91AF3720-537B-4CD4-A132B1BE0BC9AC19/0/ALMUJul05.pdf
DIAC Database:
35
Birrell, B., Hawthorne, L. & Richardson, S. 2006, Evaluation of the General
Skilled Migration Categories. Retrieved on 3 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/gsm-report/index.htm
33a
DIMA 2006a, Fact Sheet 20: Migration Programme Planning Levels, DIMA,
Canberra. Retrieved on 4 August 2006 http://www.immi.gov.au/media/factsheets/20planning_a.htm
34
DIMIA 2006b, Population Flows – Immigration Aspects: 2004-05 Edition.
Retrieved on 28 June 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/statistics/publications/popflows2004_5/index.htm
36
DIMIA 2005a, Analysis of the Regional Sponsored Migration Scheme
Subclass, Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra. Retrieved from 4 July 2006
from http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/rsms-paper-final.pdf
37
DIMIA 2005b, Analysis of the Skilled Designated Area Sponsored Subclass,
Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra. Retrieved from 4 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/sdas-paper-final.pdf
38
DIMIA 2005c, Immigration Update 2004-2005, Research and Statistics
Section, DIMIA, Canberra. Retrieved on 3 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/immigrationupdate/update_dec05.pdf
39
DIMIA 2005e, Settler Arrivals 1994-95 to 2004-05: Australia, States and
Territories, DIMIA, Canberra. Retrieved on 6 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/update-nov-05.pdf
40
Khoo, Siew-Ean, McDonald, P. & Hugo, G. 2005, Temporary Skilled Migrants
in Australia: Employment Circumstances and Migration Outcomes, DIMA,
Canberra. Retrieved on 4 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/457s_survey_report.pdf
41
Richardson, S., Stack, S. Lester, L, Healy, J., Ilsley, D. & Horrocks, J. 2004a,
The Changing Labour Force Experience of New Migrants: Inter-Wave
Comparisons for Cohort 1 and 2 of the LSIA, DIMIA, Canberra. Retrieved on 3
July 2006 from http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/labourforcev2.pdf
42
Richardson, S., Stack, S., Moskos, M. Lester, L., Healy, J., Miller-Lewis, L.,
Ilsley, D. & Horrocks, J. 2004b, The Changing Settlement Experience of New
Migrants: Inter-Wave Comparisons for Cohort 1 and 2 of the LSIA, DIMIA,
Canberra. Retrieved on 3 July 2006 from http://
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/settlementv2.pdf
216
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43
Young, S., Schwartzkoff, J. & Finlay, J.: Keys Young 2003, A ‘Client Survey’ on
the Effectiveness of DIMIA-Funded community Settlement Services: Final
Report, DIMIA, Canberra. Retrieved on 5 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/pdf/client_survey.pdf
44
DIMIA 2003a, The People of Australia: Statistics from the 2001 Census,
DIMIA. Canberra. Retrieved on 2 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/index.htm
45
DIMIA 2003b, Report of the Review of Settlement Services for Migrants and
Humanitarian Entrants, DIMIA, Canberra. Retrieved on 17 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/living-in-australia/delivering-assistance/governmentprograms/settlement-policy/review-settlement-services.htm
47
DIMIA 2000, Temporary Entrants 1999-00, Statistics Section, DIMIA,
Canberra. Retrieved on 3 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/gsm-report/index.htm
46
Khoo, S-E., McDonald, P., Giorgas, D. & Birrell, B 2002, Second Generation
Australians: Report for DIMIA, Australian Centre for Population Research;
Research School of Social Sciences; The Australian National University; and
Centre for Population and Urban Research. Retrieved on 2 July 2006 from
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/multicultural/2gen/index.htm
FaCSIA Database:
48
Department of Family and Community Services 2005, Annual Report 2004-05.
Retrieved on 30 June 2006 from
http://www.facs.gov.au/annualreport/2005/index.html
Productivity Commission Database:
49
Productivity Commission 2006, Economic Impacts of Migration and Population
Growth, Final Report, April. Retrieved on 25 May 2006 from
http://www.pc.gov.au/study/migrationandpopulation/finalreport/index.html
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
217
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
1B.7 Summary descriptions of data sourced
Table 1B.7. 1: Data classification legend
Cultural & linguistic diversity (CALD):
Visa category:
v: category identified
p: permanent
t: temporary
esl: English second language
lope: level of proficiency in English
Lote: language other than English
lash: language spoken at home
mes: mainly English speaking
Nes: non-English speaking
rel: religion
Birthplace:
ab: Australian born
osb: overseas born
c: country
r: region
mesc: main English speaking countries
oc: other than main English speaking countries
Length of residence/
Time of arrival:
b: before [year]
a: after [year]
ror: recency of arrival
General:
m: major/most
important
Table 1B.7. 2: Summary description of material sourced from national
databases
Item
Author/s
Date
Main data
source
Data
classifications
ABS 2002
General Social
Survey; other
ABS 2001
Census; other
ABS statistics
and surveys
r
ABS Labour
Force Statistics
and Other
Characteristics
of Migrants
survey
v
ABS household
survey AprilJuly 2005
ab; osb
Brief description of publication
ABS Database:
1
ABS
2006a
(124 pp.)
1a
ABS
2006b
(10 pp.)
1b
ABS
(52pp.)
218
2006c
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
ror
lope
a98
This report draws together the
currently available information
on social interaction from the
2002 General Social Survey.
Topics relating to selected
elements of the ABS Social
Capital Framework are
presented. This includes only
minimal information with
respect to migrants.
Report focuses on labourrelated information about
migrants
Report focuses on categories of
more serious crimes occurring
in 12 months prior to the survey
and measures the extent of
crime
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
2
ABS
2006d
ABS
Annual report summarising
international arrivals and
departures and internal
migration
(72 pp.)
Chapter 2: Migration in context
on a national and
international basis
a84; b06
Chapter 3: Net Overseas
Migration shows arrivals
(and departures) for
permanent residents, longterm residents and long-term
visitors
ab; osb; c; r
Chapter 5: Australia’s Diverse
Population – median age,
gender , ERP
96; a99; b06
3
ABS
2006e
(92 pp.)
ABS 2004-05
National Health
Survey
ab; osb; r (m)
a95; b96
lsah
Survey was designed to obtain
national benchmarks on a wide
range of health issues and to
enable changes in health to be
monitored over time. Report
presents a cross-section of
national results for the main
topics covered.
Summary of results are also
available for states and the
ACT
3a
ABS
(64pp)
2006f
ABS Personal
Safety Survey
(PSS) AugustDecember
2005
ab; osb; mesc;
oc
Reports provide information on
people’s safety at home and in
the community and on the
nature and extent of violence
against people.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
219
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
4
ABS
2006g
(800 pp.)
ABS various;
various other
Year Book Australia is the
principal reference work
produced by the ABS. It
provides a comprehensive and
detailed statistical overview of
various aspects of the economy
and social conditions in
Australia. With respect to
migrants, it summarises the
following:
v
c (m)
International migration – settler
arrivals
c (m)
Citizenship rates
c (m)
Language spoken by gender
lope; lote
ab; osb
Labour force status of migrants
lope
5
ABS
2005a
ABS various
6
ABS
2005b
ABS various
2004
ABS 2002
General Social
Survey; ABS
2001 National
Health Survey;
ABS 1991 &
2001 Census
Australian Social Trends: This
issue included a special topic
on how being a recently arrived
migrant affected people’s social
and economic circumstances
2004
ABS
Framework elements and
indicators for measuring social
capital in Australia. (Not
relevant for migrant-specific
material)
(88 pp.)
7
ABS
(total
report:
238 pp.;
issue
report:
6pp.)
7a
220
ABS
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Australian Social Trends:
Annual report presenting
information on contemporary
social issues and areas of
public policy concerns and
including general comments on
Australia’s overseas born
population within seven major
areas of social concern.
c; r
Annual report summarising age
and fertility of mothers of
selected countries of birth.
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
7b
ABS
2003
(92 pp.)
ABS General
Social Survey
ab; osb; mesc;
oc
lope
8
ABS
2002a
(total
report:
238 pp.;
issue
report:
5pp.)
ABS Migration,
Australia 19992000; ABS
1998 Survey of
Disability,
Ageing and
Carers; ABS
1996 Census;
ABS 1996 ERP
c (m)
lope
ABS 19802000 Overseas
Arrivals &
Departures;
AEI Overseas
Students
Statistics 1994
& 2000
9
ABS
2004c
ABS;AIHW
This report presents minimal
data (with respect to sports and
physical recreational activities)
for migrants from what must be
a massive database.
Australian Social Trends: This
issue included an analysis of
and comment on older
overseas-born Australians
This issue also included an
analysis and comment on
overseas students participation
in education in 2000
ab; osb
Asthma in Australia: a snapshot
c (m)
10
ABS
2004d
ABS; AIHW
r (m)
Cardiovascular disease in
Australia: a snapshot
11
ABS
2004
ABS; State and
territory
registrars of
death
c
Deaths, including leading
causes, by selected countries
of birth and gender
ABS Labour
Force Statistics
and Other
Characteristics
of Migrants
survey; ABS
estimates
v
(92 pp.)
12
ABS
(40 pp.)
2004e
(NB Next
survey due Nov
2007)
ror
r; mesc; oc
lope;
a84; b05
This publication presents
information about the labour
force status and other
characteristics of migrants
(people born overseas, arrived
in Australia after 1984; aged 15
years and over on arrival; and
have permanent Australian
resident status). Information is
also provided for temporary
residents who planned to stay
for 12 months or more.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
221
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
13
Hugo
(194 pp.)
2004
ABS 2001
Census; LSIA
Analysis of Australia’s recent
immigrants; how they have
adjusted; where they live.
Includes:
v
Settlers and temporary
migrants
v
Origin of overseas born
c: r
b91; a91; b96;
a96
ab; osb; c; r
mes; nes
ab; osb
lope; mes; nes
Selected demographic
characteristics
Population distribution and
migration
v (p/t)
Skill category arrivals
ab; osb
Labour force indicators
ror
ab; osb; mesc;
nesc
Selected occupation data
ror
ab; osb; mesc;
nesc
Selected industry data
ab; osb
Selected education data
ror
ab; osb; r
Selected computer use data
mes; nes
ab; osb; r
Selected income data
mes; nes
v
ab; osb; r; c
ror
222
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Selected unemployment data
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
ab; osb; r; c
Selected cultural traits
mes; nes; rel
ror
ab; osb; r; c
Selected language traits
lsah; lote
ror
ab; osb; r
Selected household & family
characteristics
ror
ab; osb
Selected housing
characteristics
ror
14
ABS
2003
ABS 2003
survey
ab; osb; mesc;
oc
Presentation of survey results
of children aged 5-14 years in
cultural and leisure activities
and on the use of computers
and the internet
2003b
ABS 2003
Survey of
Disability,
Ageing and
Carers (SDAC)
r; c(m)
Disability rates by gender
2002b
ABS various
c; r
Annual report summarising age
and fertility of mothers of
selected countries of birth.
(152 pp.)
15
ABS
(79 pp.)
16
ABS
(96 pp.)
This issue includes a special
article on fertility by country of
birth, including total fertility
rates by selected country of
birth.
17
ABS
2002c
ABS 2002
General Social
Survey
ab; osb; mesc;
oc
Results on attendance at
selected cultural venues and
events by people aged 18 years
and over
2002d
ABS 2002
General Social
Survey
ab; mesc; oc
Results on participation in sport
and physical activities by
people aged 18 years and over
2002e
ABS 2002
General Social
Survey
ab; mesc; oc
Results on attendance at
selected sporting events by
people aged 18 years and over
2001
ABS National
Health Survey
2001
ab; osb
Presentation of mental health
information collected in a
survey designed to obtain
national benchmarks
(136 pp)
18
ABS
(40 pp.)
19
ABS
(44 pp.)
20
ABS
(60 pp.)
lote
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
223
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
AHURI database:
21
22
Beer &
Foley (55
pp.)
2003
Survey of 434
refugees 200204
v
Beer &
Morphett
2002
DIMIA LSIA
v
Report examines if new arrivals
who receive housing assistance
settle more successfully than
those who do not receive such
assistance.
2006
AIHW National
Mortality
Database
c (m)
Reports rates of death by
comparison with Australian
born; comments about other
selected and significant
comparisons
2005
AIHW; ABS
mesc; oc
Report on the status of asthma
in Australia
2005
AIHW Dental
Statistics &
Research Unit;
Australian
Research
Centre for
Population
Health
(ARPOH);
ab; osb; mes;
nes
Provides information on the oral
health and use of dental
services among migrants in
Australia. Data on tooth loss,
dental visiting patterns,
treatment received, affordability
of dental care and the impacts
of oral health on lifestyle are
presented. Variations among
cardholders, who are eligible for
government funded public
dental care, and noncardholders are provided by
ethnicity.
2004
AIHW Dental
Statistics &
Research Unit;
ARPOH
ab; osb
Report provides information on
the oral health of adult public
dental patients during 2001-02.
Data are used to assess the
oral health status of migrant
public patients compared to
other public dental patients.
c (m)
(4 pp.)
Findings of AHURI research
project into housing needs and
provision for refugees in
Australia
AIHW Database:
23
AIHW
(relevant
section 4
pp.)
24
AIHW et
al.
(215 pp.)
25
AIHW
(4 pp.)
26
AIHW
(4 pp.)
224
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
lote
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
27
AIHW:
Thow &
Waters
2005
ABS 1995 &
c; r
National Health
Survey 2001;
ABS 2001
Census data;
AusDiab Study;
National
Diabetes
Register; AIHW
National
Databases
lsah
2002
AIHW; Support
Accomm.
Assistance
Program
(SAAP) NDCA
r
2002
AIHW National
Mortality
Database;
AIHW National
Hospital
Mortality
Database;
1995 ABS
National Health
Survey; 1998
ABS Survey of
Disability,
Aging and
Carers
r
Mortality and hospitalisation
ratios for overseas born and
Australian born persons
2005
Based on
unpublished
data from
DEST’s higher
education
statistics
ab; osb
Reports trends in completion of
publicly funded post-initial
coursework-based higher
education programmes in
Australia, for students
commencing study in either
1997 or 1998
(60 pp.)
28
AIHW
(relevant
chapter:
6 pp.)
29
Singh &
de
Looper
(12 pp.)
Identifies those groups of
people from culturally and
linguistically diverse
backgrounds that have a high
prevalence or risk of diabetes
compared with the Australiaborn population; describes the
demographics of these groups
in relation to the size of the
community, their proficiency in
English, and location within
Australia; also identifies gaps in
the available literature and
data.
Analysis of accommodation
support by region of birth when
financial difficulty was given as
main reason for seeking
assistance.
DEST Database:
30
Shah,
Long &
Burke
.
(102 pp.)
31
AEI
(8 pp.)
2006
Australian
Education
International
Overseas
Student
Statistics
lsah
a86; b87
c (m)
Year to date enrolments by top
10 nationalities
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
225
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
32
AEI
2005
Australian
Education
International,
Overseas
Student
Statistics 2005
c (m)
International Student
Enrolments in Australia 1994 –
2005
Qtrly
ABS
Varies wrt
article
Quarterly publication which
explains the labour market for
those seeking jobs in Australia,
particularly migrants. Various
issues.
v
Migration program planning
levels.
DEWR Database:
33
DEWR
(6 pp.
per
journal)
DIMA Database:
33a
DIMA
2006
DIMA
34
DIMIA
2006
DIMIA various
(including
LSIA)
(149 pp.)
Annual report providing
information on the
characteristics of Australia's
population, the composition of
Australia's immigration
programs and the movement of
people into and out of Australia.
v
c; r
Chapter 1: Population Growth
and International Movement
lope; lote
v
c; r
Chapter 2: Migration and
Humanitarian Programs
v
Chapter 3: State Specific and
Regional Migration
v
Chapter 5: Temporary Entry
c (m)
v
mesc; nesc
Chapter 6: Skill Level of
Migrants
lope
ror
v
c (m)
ror
226
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Chapter 7: Citizenship,
Multicultural Affairs and
Settlement Services
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
v
c (m)
35
Birrell, et
al. (282
pp.)
2006
DIMA
Settlement
database;
DIMA Skilled
Processing
Centre
In-depth examination of
Australia’s selection process for
skilled migrants, in particular
the General Skilled Migration
(GSM) visa categories and the
points test used in conjunction
with the GSM.
v
c; r
v
lope
c
lope
36
DIMIA
2005a
DIMIA survey
33 pp.)
Chapter 8: Migration flows to
the States. Includes settler
arrivals to each state
Chapter 1: Detailed description
and analysis of GSM with
attention given to
occupations of applicants
Chapter 2: Detailed analysis of
labour market outcomes by
visa type for skilled (points
tested) principal applicants
Chapter 3: Operational issues
related to processing of
applicants for skilled
migration, including
international students and
selected occupations
v
Chapter 4: Summary of
international approaches to
skilled migration (Australia
cf. Canada, NZ & UK)
v
Chapter 5: Options and
recommended changes to
targeted (preferred)
occupations, thresholds and
points
v (RSMS)
Survey and analysis of the
Regional Sponsored Migration
Scheme subclass
esc; r
esl
37
DIMIA
(33 pp.)
2005b
DIMIA survey
v (SDA)
esc; r
Analysis of the Skilled
Designated Area sponsored
subclass
esl
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
227
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
38
DIMIA
2005c
DIMIA
(52 pp.)
39
DIMIA
c; r
2005d
DIMIA
(76 pp.)
40
Khoo,
McDonal
d & Hugo
Richardson et al.
(78 pp.)
v
c; r
2005
(80 pp.)
41
v
2004a
DIMIA survey
of 457 visa
holders; DIMIA
unpublished
statistics; ABS
DIMIA LSIA
v
c
lote
v
esc; r
lope
42
Richardson et al.
(186 pp.)
2004b
DIMIA LSIA
v
r (m)
lope
228
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Bi-annual report summarising
current permanent additions to
the resident population (settler
arrivals and onshore permanent
grants) and departures; also
immigration statistics for
visitors, students and business
arrivals. Data is also classified
according to selected
characteristics (other than visa
category and country and
region of birth) including age,
gender, occupation and
employment status.
Annual report summarising
settler arrivals statistics by
birthplace and state of intended
residence for the period 199394 to 2003-04. Note on-shore
immigrants are not included.
Detailed examination of the
reasons for migration,
employment circumstances and
migration outcomes of
temporary skilled migrants who
were holders of the 457
temporary business entry visas.
Also investigates their social
(and economic) circumstances;
future residential and migration
intentions; and likelihood of
shifts to permanent settlement
Report focuses specifically on
the labour market experiences
of the two migrant cohorts in
the LSIA surveys. Data also
classified according to age and
gender.
Report examines in detail the
settlement experiences of two
groups of new migrants in their
first hear and a half in Australia.
It focuses on the second waves
Cohorts 1 & 2; describes and
compares the experiences of
the two groups. Data also
classified according to age and
gender.
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
43
Young,
Schwartzkoff &
Finley
(62 pp.)
2003
Client Survey
of DIMA-funded
Community
Settlement
Services – Pilot
Study
This qualitative research project
(essentially a pilot study) looked
at the effectiveness of DIMIAfunded community settlement
services that were directed
towards helping migrants,
refugees and humanitarian
entrants participate equitably in
Australian society.
The research focused on
services provided by Migrant
Resource Centres (MRCs),
Migrant Service Agencies
(MSAs) and community
organisations funded under the
Community Settlement
Services Scheme (CSSS).
The project was an exploratory
study of perceptions, opinions
and experiences of the people
who use and deliver these
services, as well as those who
work closely with them in the
community.
44
DIMIA
2003a
(84 pp.)
45
DIMIA
2003b
ABS Census:
2001, 1996 &
1991
c
DIMIA LSIA
v
(c. 400
pp.)
lope; lote;
shah; rel
c
lope
Compilation of statistics on
birthplace, language, religion
and ancestry. It includes agegender profiles of the top 30
birthplace, language and
ancestry groups; ancestry data
by birthplace of parents; and
English language competency
by age.
Review of specialist settlement
services provided by DIMIA that
aim to help those most in need
of settlement assistance.
ror
46
Khoo et
al.
2002
ABS 1996
Census
c
DIMIA
v
lope
(157 pp.)
47
DIMIA
(16 pp.)
2000
c; r
Report examines the social,
economic and demographic
outcomes of second generation
Australians, to compare them
by their parents’ national or
ethnic origins and with their
peers who are either first or at
least third or more generations.
Report provides arrival statistics
for 1999-2000 of persons who
entered Australia holding
temporary entry visas. Not
produced since 2000.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
229
APPENDIX 1B: DATA SOURCES AND QUALITY ISSUES
FaCSIA Database:
48
FACS
2005
ab; osb
Annual Report indicates
percentage of Age Pension
recipients in past decade who
were born overseas
v
This report focuses specifically
on the economic impact of
migrants. However, it does
report distribution of migrants
by regional areas and
jurisdiction and statistical
division
Productivity Commission Database:
49
ProdCo
mm
2006
(438 pp.)
ab; osb; c
mes; nes
ror
230
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
APPENDIX 2A: MIGRANTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF THE SETTLEMENT EXPERIENCE
2A: Migrants’ perception of the settlement experience (LSIA)
This section looks closely at how satisfied migrants feel with life in Australia
using data from Waves 1 to 3 of the LSIA 1 data set. Examining recently
arrived migrant satisfaction levels provides some indication about how they
are settling in socially. Satisfaction with life in Australia was measured on a
five point Likert scale ranging from ‘1 – Very Satisfied’ to ‘5 – Very
dissatisfied’. This measure was transformed into a binary variable with 1
indicating that the immigrants were either ‘very satisfied’ or ‘satisfied’ and 0
indicating all other options including those with no opinion. Several
independent variables were selected to see how they were associated with life
satisfaction. These included demographic variables (age, gender, marital
status, education, country of birth), visa category, relationship to primary
applicant, main activity, satisfaction with life in a former country, total assets
that the migrants brought to Australia, whether migrants had applied for
Australian citizenship and the time since arrival.5
Logistic regression techniques were then used to separate the effects of
potentially confounding factors, so that the influence of each variable, all other
things being equal, could be modelled. For example this sort of analysis
allows the researcher to answer the question: Is it year of arrival, country of
birth, visa category or the cash they arrived with that makes a migrant more
satisfied with life in Australia? The results are presented in Table 2A.1.
There was significant variation in the level of satisfaction according to the visa
category and country of birth. Those coming to Australia on a humanitarian
visa appear to be more satisfied with life in Australia compared to those
belonging to all other visa categories. It appears that those coming to
Australia on the Concessional Family Visa were the least satisfied. Migrants
born in the UK were amongst the most satisfied with life in Australia. Likewise
those born in Oceania, Western and Central Europe, North, Central and South
America and Africa were also more likely to be satisfied compared to those
coming from the rest of the world. Those coming from China were on average
the least satisfied; these migrants were four times more likely to be
dissatisfied than those coming from the UK.
The demographic variables of gender and marital status were not associated
with satisfaction with life in Australia. Importantly, however, primary applicants
were slightly more likely to feel satisfied than their partners. Older applicants
were also more likely to feel satisfied.
The human capital variables of education qualifications and employment were
both associated with satisfaction with life in Australia. Those with a higher
5
Logistic regression measures were used to model satisfaction with life in Australia. Data was
modelled using SAS 8.2.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
231
APPENDIX 2A: MIGRANTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF THE SETTLEMENT EXPERIENCE
degree or with trade or technical qualification were less likely to be satisfied
compared to migrants whose highest qualification was twelve years of
schooling. Those who were wage or salary earners or who owned their own
businesses were more likely to report being satisfied compared to migrants
who were engaged in other activities including the unemployed, students, and
those performing home duties.
Migrants who came to Australia with more assets were also more likely to feel
satisfied with life in Australia. No doubt being financially better off gives
migrants a preferred start. Migrants who had applied for Australian citizenship
were also more likely to feel satisfied with life in Australia. However this result
was only marginally significant (p-value=0.05), and, of course, feeling satisfied
with life in Australia may be a reason to apply for Australian citizenship.
Overall, after taking all other variables into consideration, migrants tended to
feel slightly less satisfied with life in Australia over time. This suggests that
some initial hopes have been abandoned or remain unfulfilled after a
sustained period of adjustment. Satisfaction affects quality of life which in turn
impacts upon the social wellbeing of individuals and the communities in which
they live. For this reason, this issue of migrant satisfaction with life in Australia
is explored more fully in the following section.
232
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 2A: MIGRANTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF THE SETTLEMENT EXPERIENCE
Table 2A. 1: Satisfaction with life in Australia (LSIA 1 Waves 1 to 3)
Odds Ratio
Visa Category
95% CI
t
P-value
Intercept
Preferential Family
1.30
0.83
0.95
0.71
1.77
0.97
1.67
-2.39
0.096
0.017
Concessional Family
Business Skills & Employer
Nomination
0.67
0.57
0.79
-4.74
<0.001
0.81
0.66
0.99
-2.03
0.042
Independent
0.69
0.58
0.82
-4.19
<0.001
Oceania
0.78
0.57
1.08
-1.48
0.138
Southern Europe
0.50
0.41
0.62
-6.31
<0.001
Western Europe
0.82
0.61
1.09
-1.38
0.168
Northern Europe
1.15
0.75
1.76
0.63
0.528
Eastern Europe
0.57
0.45
0.73
-4.47
<0.001
Russia and other Baltic states
0.38
0.29
0.50
-6.85
<0.001
Middle east and north Africa
0.71
0.58
0.87
-3.27
0.001
Southeast Asia
0.61
0.50
0.73
-5.24
<0.001
Northeast Asia
0.25
0.20
0.30
-12.94
<0.001
Southern Asia
0.46
0.37
0.56
-7.35
<0.001
North America
1.06
0.77
1.45
0.36
0.716
Central and South America
0.82
0.64
1.04
-1.64
0.102
Africa (excludes North Africa)
0.86
0.70
1.07
-1.35
0.178
Humanitarian (referencing category)
Country of birth
UK (referencing category)
Age
Age (years)
1.01
1.00
1.01
3.63
0.000
Gender
Female
1.01
0.91
1.13
0.20
0.843
Never married
1.04
0.91
1.19
0.60
0.546
Other(separated/divorced/widowed)
0.98
0.79
1.21
-0.17
0.863
1.17
1.32
1.03
2.36
0.018
Own business
0.96
0.74
1.25
-0.27
0.786
Unemployed
0.68
0.59
0.78
-5.53
<0.001
Student
0.73
0.63
0.85
-4.00
<0.001
Home duties
0.76
0.66
0.89
-3.45
0.001
Other
0.73
0.59
0.90
-2.99
0.003
1.18
1.07
1.30
3.43
0.001
Male (referencing category)
Marital status
Married (referencing category)
Relationship to
Primary applicant
primary applicant
Main activity
(wave 1)
Spouse/Defacto (referencing category)
Wage & salary (referencing category)
Satisfaction with
life in former
country
Satisfied
Highest
Higher degree
0.64
0.56
0.74
-6.02
<0.001
qualification
Trade/technical
0.84
0.73
0.97
-2.37
0.018
Other
12+ years of School (referencing
category)
1.14
0.98
1.31
1.69
0.090
Time since arrival
Time since arrival (years)
0.93
0.90
0.97
-3.71
0.000
Total assets
Total assets ($'000)
1.00
1.00
1.00
3.06
0.002
Australian
Yes or applied
1.12
1.00
1.25
1.92
0.054
citizen (wave 1-3)
No (referencing category)
Not satisfied (referencing category)
Source: LSIA
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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233
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
3A: Human Capital Data Tables
3A.1. Employment, workplace skills, education and welfare
Qualifications and occupational status
Occupational status is referenced by the ABS Census according to one of five
categories. With respect to the highest ranking occupational category
(managerial,
administrative
and
professional
workers),
greatest
representations (in terms of the percentage of workers in that category within
Australia) are among migrants from the UK and other North Western
European countries; Asian countries excluding China, Viet Nam and the
Philippines; and the Americas. Census data do not of course indicate to what
extent ‘managers’ encompass owner-managers of small businesses. This
proportion could be substantial given that small business has traditionally
been an important entry point to the Australian economy for migrants.
Birthplace regions with lowest representations in the top occupational category
were South and South Eastern Europe and the Philippines.
When high status managerial jobs were examined on a State/Territory basis,
many migrant groups were seen to have levels of representation well in
excess of that for the Australia-born (Table 3A.1.1). Migrants from the USA,
Canada, Japan and India were particularly prominent. Interestingly, patterns
of birthplace representation in high status jobs varied between Australian
States and Territories but, in a sense, this may not matter greatly because
high figures were recorded by at least some groups in all states and
territories, thereby suggesting that some demand for highly qualified labour is
met.
234
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1. 1: Proportion of migrants in high status managerial, administrative
and professional positions by states and territories, 1996
(per cent)
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
South Africa (56)
India (56)
Canada (59)
USA (61.8)
Japan (64.2)
Zimbabwe (46.9)
Afghanistan (48.7)
Canada (48.7)
Malaysia (50)
USA (55.1)
Malaysia (35.1)
Ireland (38.7)
India (47.1)
Sri Lanka (54.5)
USA (55.4)
Latvia (42.2)
Kenya (42.9)
Russia (44)
Iran (46.1)
USA (47.4)
Australia-born 37.9
Overseas-born 41.0
27.8
28.2
23.6
27.9
24.1
25.5
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Singapore (45.6)
Northern Ireland
(51.8)
Canada (52.5)
South Africa (56.9)
India (59.2)
USA (60.3)
Canada (47.5)
Latvia (39.6)
Japan (47.8)
Lithuania (48.2)
Malaysia (53.4)
USA (53.4)
Taiwan (43.5)
Canada (45.4)
USA (46)
Kenya (47.4)
Malaysia (50)
USA (50.2)
Japan (57.9)
Russia (60.4)
Australia-born 26.5
24.9
28.7
25.3
Overseas-born 26.9 39.6
26.6
25.9
Source: Atlas of the Australian People (1999). The figures are percentages.
At the other end of the scale of occupation status (low skilled and clerical
workers and labourers), the most prominent birthplace groups within Australia
were the Philippines, Viet Nam, South and South Eastern Europe, and North
Africa and the Middle East. The fact that this occupational profile tends to
parallel migrant groups with low levels of university and college education
appears noteworthy. Notwithstanding this, there appears to be an anomaly in
case of Viet Nam (and, to a lesser extent, North Africa and the Middle East)
which had strong representation among both those with high formal
qualifications and jobs of low occupational status. This suggests either
considerable variability within the category of Viet Nam-born migrants in terms
of their labour force experience and lack of career choices or significant
under-use of formal qualifications. Whether under-use might be related to lack
of recognition of qualifications or language difficulties – or both – can only be
speculated upon.
In terms of low status jobs at the State/Territory level, migrants from the
Balkans, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia and some Pacific Islands tended to be
prominent (Table 3A.1.2). Given the relatively low possession of formal
qualifications by some members of these groups together with a recognised
level of residential clustering, some groups might be in danger of becoming
marginalised. The composition and condition of groups with low status jobs
warrant monitoring over time.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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235
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1. 2: Proportion of migrants in low status low skilled positions by
States/Territories, 1996 (per cent)
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
Laos (32.8)
Western Samoa
(32.2)
Cook Islands (32.3)
Tonga (33.8)
Vietnam (24.9)
Laos (39.6)
China (28.8)
Indonesia (35)
Cambodia (41)
El Savador (41.4)
Macedonia (37.2)
Philippines (36.6)
El Salvador (37.3)
Thailand (38.9)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(43.3)
Philippines (44.7)
Lebanon (34.7)
Serbia-Montenegro
(36.3)
Macedonia (41.4)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(44.2)
Australia-born 13.2
Overseas-born 13.3
17.1
18.0
19.9
16.6
19.9
18.8
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(33.9)
Serbia-Montenegro
(34.7)
Cambodia (40.2)
Yugoslavia (17)
Afghanistan (33.6)
Cambodia (38.7)
Poland (18.4)
Macedonia (35.4)
Philippines (38.9)
Italy (18.9)
Iraq (38.3)
Philippines (42)
El Salvador (49.7)
Greece (23.7)
Philippines (31.9)
El Salvador (41)
Tonga (42)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(41)
Macedonia (49.3)
El Salvador (56.3)
Australia-born 18.7
19.7
17.3
Overseas-born17.8
12.4
18.3
Source: Atlas of the Australian People (1999). The figures are percentages.
18.1
16.6
Labour force comparisons
Business migrants on temporary visas (83%) and permanent visa holders
(79%) had the highest rates of employment and also high participation rates
(88% and 82% respectively) (Table 3A.1.3). Skilled migrants on permanent
visas had the lowest rates of unemployment (4.2%) and persons who had
been granted humanitarian visas the highest (11.6%) (Table 3A.1.3).
236
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1. 3: Labour force status by type of visa for most recent arrivals 6,
2004
Type of visa on most
recent arrival to live in
Australia
Per cent
changed
major
occupation
grp
Employe
d per
cent
Unemployment
rate per cent
Participation
rate per cent
Total
‘000
69.3
4.7
72.7
337.3
45.8
82.7
80.8
62.9
6.2
2.3
5.3
88.2
82.9
66.4
42.3
72.5
222.6
32.9
49.0
48.1
Permanent visa
62.6
6.6
67.0
681.8
39.6
Skilled stream
Business skills
General skills
Sponsored
Other
Family stream
Humanitarian
Other
Status not determined
78.9
74.6
80.5
80.3
80.6
49.8
51.4
57.3
65.0
4.2
5.8
3.7
4.9
2.5
8.6
11.6
12.0
6.6
82.4
79.1
83.5
84.4
82.8
54.5
58.3
65.1
69.7
290.3
77.5
212.8
99.3
113.5
315.5
51.9
24.1
117.0
41.4
42.3
41.0
46.3
36.7
41.0
45.4
48.5
66.3
5.6
70.2
1362.6
42.2
Temporary visa
Business
Student
Other
Total
(a)
Note (a) Includes persons born in New Zealand or citizens of New Zealand before migration
Source: after ABS 2004e, Labour Force Statistics and Other Characteristics of Migrants Nov
2004:9
By comparison with other visa types and with reference to data from the
LSIAs, humanitarian and refugee entrants were least likely to have jobs at the
end of the two series of interviews. At the same time, proportions of
humanitarian entrants and refugees who were attending courses (including
ESL ones) or studying were higher than for other entrants. For example, 35
per cent of refugees and 29 per cent of special humanitarian entrants
interviewed for the second wave of LSIA 2 were attending courses compared
with around four per cent of skilled migrants (Table 3A.1.4).
6
Data is available by gender. Employment status can be dissected according to whether full time or
part time.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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237
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1. 4: Employment status of primary applicant migrants by visa
categories, LSIA (per cent)
Presently in a
job/ business
LSIA 1 (Wave 3)
Preferential Family
Concessional Family
Business Skills &
Employer Nomination
Independent
Humanitarian
LSIA 2 (Wave 2)
Spouse
Prospective spouse
Parent
Other pref. relative
Skilled – sponsor
Skilled – employed
Business
Skilled – independent
Refugee
Special humanitarian
Source: LSIA
Looking for
work
Studying
44
78
90
10
10
2
7
6
1
80
38
4
23
5
11
54
58
8
50
82
99
79
84
22
11
9
6
3
9
5
0
0
6
17
11
6
10
1
30
4
0
4
4
35
29
Although the unemployment rate at the time of the 2001 Census was slightly
higher than previously identified for 2004 – the national average in 2001 was
six per cent – unemployment in 2001 was still relatively low across all
birthplace groups. Only two major birthplace groups had unemployment levels
above the then national average; Viet Nam (10%) and North Africa and the
Middle East (7%) (Table 3A.1.5). Unemployment data when further analysed
by country (as opposed to global region) of birth and gender revealed that, in
addition to the Viet Nam-born (where there is relatively high unemployment for
both males and females), there were relatively high unemployment rates for
both males and female born in Indonesia, and for males born in Lebanon and
Turkey.
238
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1. 5: Human capital characteristics of birthplace groups, 2001 (per cent)
Americas
China
(excl
Taiwan)
Germany
Greece
Italy
NE Asia
(excl China)
New
Zealand
N Africa &
Middle East
Degree/diploma
33
29
21
4
6
31
17
18
Skilled/basic vocational
12
6
25
8
12
5
17
9
61
46
47
35
37
45
68
43
6
6
3
2
2
6
6
7
33
48
50
63
61
49
26
50
82
58
97
65
73
76
96
80
Manager/Admin./Prof.
36
28
34
13
20
37
25
25
Associate Professional
12
14
14
16
12
15
12
15
High skill/trade/clerical
12
17
18
17
22
10
16
15
Intermediate skill
23
22
21
26
22
23
29
23
18
19
13
28
24
15
18
22
Educational training
Employment
Employed
Unemployed
Not in labour force
English proficiency
Speaks very well/well
Occupation
Low skill/clerical/labourer
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
239
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1.5 (continued): Human capital characteristics of birthplace groups, 2001 (per cent)
NW
Europe
Oceania
Philippines
SE Asia
South &
Central
Asia
S & SE
Europe
SubSaharan
Africa
UK
Viet Nam
Educational training
Degree/diploma
33
19
35
33
41
15
33
21
16
Skilled/basic vocational
35
11
10
6
9
16
13
19
5
Employed
50
64
62
54
60
44
63
55
52
Unemployed
4
6
4
5
6
4
6
3
10
Not in labour force
46
30
34
41
34
52
31
42
38
96
93
96
84
91
79
94
94
57
Manager/Admin./Prof.
33
25
19
35
36
20
40
32
23
Associate Professional
14
9
8
11
12
8
14
14
9
High skill/trade/clerical
20
13
10
10
9
20
12
17
15
Intermediate skill
22
32
32
23
26
27
21
23
28
11
21
31
21
17
25
13
14
25
Employment
English proficiency
Speaks very well/well
Occupation
Low skill/clerical/labourer
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
240
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
LSIA trends in migrant qualifications and employment status
LSIAs 1 and 2 permit the educational qualifications of more recent migrants to
be tracked (Table 3A.1.6). Levels of primary applicants with degrees at time of
arrival were higher for the second cohort by comparison with the first one.
Overall, the proportion of primary applicants with any sort of qualification
increased with the second cohort (from 61% to 71%). A similar increase in
qualifications characterised spouses of primary applicants; the proportion with
qualifications rose from just over half (52%) to two-thirds (67%). In short,
recent migrants have increasingly contributed to human capital in Australia by
adding significantly to the pool of persons with qualifications.
Table 3A.1. 6: Qualifications of recent migrants, LSIA (per cent)
Higher degree
Postgraduate diploma
Bachelors degree
Technical/professional
diploma/certificate
Trade
12 or more years schooling
10-11 years schooling
7-9 years schooling
6 or fewer years schooling
Other
Source: LSIA
LSIA 1
Primary
applicant
Spouse
7.0
6.9
4.9
4.9
20.8
17.6
21.4
7.2
16.1
9.3
7.6
4.9
0.7
18.5
3.8
20.3
11.2
7.8
5.8
3.2
LSIA 2
Primary
Applicant
Spouse
14.1
11.2
5.4
4.4
23.7
23.8
20.6
6.7
15.2
5.9
3.7
3.7
0.4
22.9
4.5
18.0
4.1
2.3
2.3
3.8
Predictably, not all qualifications held by migrants can be put to most effective
use immediately upon arrival in Australia. A seemingly low 37 per cent of LSIA
1 and 53 per cent of LSIA 2 primary applicants had jobs at the time of their
first interviews (five to six months after arrival) (Table 3A.1.7). However, it
should be noted that migrants in some categories (for example, humanitarian
entrants) did not have any qualifications at the time of entry while others (such
as those issued with family reunion visas) might have been retired or
otherwise out of the labour force. Importantly, the proportion in work increased
with each wave of interviews, reaching 59 and 64 per cent for the final
interviews for LSIAs 1 and 2 respectively. Proportions studying fell over the
course of interviews for each cohort (from 15% to 5%) – as did proportions
looking for work (22% to 10%) – reflecting the fact that some migrants were
undertaking short-term English-language courses at the time of initial
interviews. The same overall trends obtained for both primary applicants and
their spouses, indicating that some success in finding jobs was widespread.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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241
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.1. 7: Employment status of recent migrants, LSIA (per cent)
Primary Applicant
Presently
in a job/
Looking
business
for work
Studying
LSIA 1
Wave 1
Wave 2
Wave 3
LSIA 2
Wave 1
Wave 2
Source: LSIA
Spouse
Presently
in a job/
business
Looking
for work
Studying
36.7
52.5
59.0
22.4
13.1
9.9
14.9
11.8
5.2
19.4
33.4
41.3
17.2
9.6
7.4
16.1
13.5
5.6
52.7
63.7
10.9
7.2
14.0
7.0
38.2
47.3
9.7
3.0
15.6
10.1
Finding a job does not mean that qualifications are used to best effect. When
initially interviewed for LSIA 1, primary applicant business migrants were most
likely to use their qualifications at least often if not very often (84% said that
they did) and humanitarian refugees least likely (only 15% did so) (Table
3A.1.8). Nevertheless, the longer migrants were in the workforce the more,
generally speaking, they were able to use their qualifications. This suggests
that, with growing familiarity, employee skills could be better matched to
workplace tasks.
Table 3A.1. 8: Percentage of recent primary applicant migrants using
qualifications ‘very often’ or ‘often’ by visa category, LSIA
LSIA 1
Preferential Family
Concessional Family
Business Skills & Employer
Nomination
Independent
Humanitarian
LSIA 2
Spouse
Prospective marriage partner
Parent
Other preferential relative
Skilled – sponsor
Skilled – employee
nomination
Business
Skills – independent
Source: LSIA
242
Wave 1
Wave 2
Wave 3
31
45
84
35
47
74
43
51
70
63
15
Wave 1
43
44
31
38
57
92
67
18
Wave 2
56
36
39
50
66
94
66
26
68
75
79
77
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Proficiency in English
Levels of proficiency in English vary significantly according to place of birth
(Table 3A.1.9). The proportion of migrants who spoke English well (if not very
well) was predictably high for those born in England and in other parts of the
UK. It was also high for migrants from some countries where English was not
mainly spoken, specifically those from North Western Europe. This highlights
the fact that many of these migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds
have been in Australia for many years and, as a result, have become
proficient in the use of English. High levels of proficiency in English were also
evident for some more recently arrived migrant groups including those from
the Philippines, Sub-Saharan Africa, Oceania, and South and Central Asia.
Over 90 per cent of migrants from these regions spoke English well. Clearly,
for these migrant groups, language is not a barrier to the development of
human and social capital and successful integration into Australian society.
The major birthplace groups with language difficulties (in the sense of not
speaking English well if at all) were from various parts of Asia including Viet
Nam, China (excluding Taiwan and SARs) and South Korea where around
one in three did not speak English well. Migrants from Turkey, the Former
Yugoslav Republic (FYR) of Macedonia, Lebanon and Croatia had problems
speaking English to even greater degrees. Difficulties with the English
language are not however confined to these areas or to recently arrived
migrants. In some long-established groups, between one-fifth and one-third of
ethnic populations speak English not well if at all; this included migrants from
Greece or with Greek ancestry (32%) and Italy or with Italian ancestry (22%).
Table 3A.1. 9: Persons speaking English not well or not at all, 2001
Country
Percent
Australia
Country
Percent
(a)
0.7
Macedonia (FYR
0.3
Malaysia
5.2
38.5
Malta
6.4
19.6
Netherlands
1.1
Egypt
8.3
New Zealand
0.5
Fiji
3.0
Philippines
2.5
France
4.3
Poland
Germany
1.6
Singapore
2.3
Canada
China (excl. SARs
(b)
& Taiwan)
Croatia
of)
27.0
12.3
Greece
31.6
South Africa
0.2
Hong Kong (SAR)
14.4
Sri Lanka
3.3
India
3.0
Turkey
31.2
Indonesia
9.1
UK
0.1
Ireland
0.1
USA
0.4
Italy
22.0
Viet Nam
42.0
Korea, Republic of (South)
33.7
Yugoslavia, Fed. Republic of
17.4
Lebanon
22.2
Born elsewhere
Notes (a) FYR = Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
(b) SARs = Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
14.7
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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243
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
English proficiency among people who speak languages other than English at
home also varies with age (Table 3A.1.10). Although a large majority of
persons of working age (25-64 years) spoke English at least well if not very
well at the time of the 2001 Census, a significant proportion (17%) was not
proficient in English (ABS 2006c). Of the total Australian population aged 65
years or more, the proportion not speaking English well, if at all, increased to
40 per cent. For persons born in Australia, the proportion of older people not
proficient in English was, at 19 per cent, still relatively high.
Table 3A.1. 10: Proficiency in English among people speaking other than
English at home, 2001
Units
Total population speaking other than
English at home
Speaks English well/very well
Does not speak English well
Does not speak English at all
Total
Persons
(a)
Australia-born population speaking
other than English at home
Speaks English well/very well
Does not speak English well
Does not speak English at all
Total
Persons
(b)
Age groups (years)
65 &
0-24
25-64
over
Total
%
%
%
%
88.1
8.4
3.5
100.0
83.0
15.1
1.9
100.0
59.9
29.5
10.7
100.0
81.6
14.9
3.5
100.0
‘000
860.4
1,602.0
354.0
2,816.5
%
%
%
%
86.7
8.6
4.6
100.0
96.7
2.9
0.4
100.0
81.3
14.2
4.5
100.0
90.5
6.5
3.0
100.0
‘000
493.4
305.7
9.87
809.0
Notes (a) Includes 45,000 people who did not state how well they spoke English.
(b) Includes 20,000 people who did not state how well they spoke English
Source: ABS 2006c, Year Book Australia 2006:147
Linguistic diversity
One in five Australians has some capacity to speak languages other than
English. This is some indication of the linguistic resource provided by migrants
(refer to Table 3A.1.11). Chinese languages (Cantonese and Mandarin) are
most widely spoken (2% of the population), followed by Italian (1.9%), Greek
(1.4%), Arabic (including Lebanese) (1.1%), and Vietnamese (0.9%).
Greater linguistic diversity is causing educators and trainers to face different
and more numerous challenges. Looking at enrolment numbers for students
from a range of language backgrounds other than English might be one way
of appreciating the increasing complexity of these challenges. Only limited
data relating to language background of learners, clients and staff could be
sourced and this was for schools and TAFE in NSW (NSW DET 2003, 2004)
(Table 3A.1.12). Whilst data for other states might well be compiled, NSW is
arguably the benchmark state with respect to ethnic diversity, particularly over
more recent decades.
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Table 3A.1. 11: Languages spoken at home, 2001
Language spoken at home
Speaks English only
Percent
80.0
Speaks other language:
Arabic (including Lebanese)
Australian Indigenous Languages
Chinese Languages
1.1
0.3
Language spoken at home
Percent
Korean
0.2
Macedonian
0.4
Maltese
0.2
Netherlandic
0.2
Persian
0.1
Cantonese
1.2
Polish
0.3
Mandarin
0.8
Portuguese
0.1
Other
0.2
Russian
0.2
Croatian
0.4
Samoan
0.1
French
0.2
Serbian
0.3
German
0.4
Sinhalese
0.1
Greek
1.4
South Slavic nfd
0.1
Hindi
0.3
Spanish
0.5
Hungarian
0.1
Tagalog (Filipino)
0.4
Indonesian
0.2
Tamil
0.1
Italian
1.9
Turkish
0.3
Japanese
0.2
Vietnamese
0.9
0.1
Other
1.9
Khmer
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
Table 3A.1. 12: NSW enrolments of students from language backgrounds other
than English, 2001-04 (‘000)
Education Provider
2001
NSW public schools
182.9
7
60.3
TAFE NSW (a)
Adult and Community Education
27.1
Adult Migrant English Service
15.1
Community Languages Board of NSW
34.1
Source: NSW Dept of Education & Training 2003, 2004
7
8
2002
2003
2004
190.8
92.7
32.8
16.1
32.4
190.1
91.1
31.2
15.7
32.0
199.5
86.3
na
8
25.3
32.0
Apparent discrepancy between data in the TAFE NSW enrolments has been attributed to changes in
questions asked to elicit number of students from language backgrounds other than English
Increased enrolments in AMES in 2004 reflect the addition of Southern Sydney and Illawarra region
to AMES’s service provision
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Student enrolments in NSW schools for people with language backgrounds
other than English continued to rise during the earlier part of this decade (by
greater than 9% overall from 2001 to almost 200,000 pupils in 2004) with
potential for concomitant flow-on effects in tertiary education enrolments in the
future. Enrolments with most other education providers – TAFE, ACE, AMES
and Community Language board of NSW – generally rose until 2002 (to
174,000) but seem to have plateaued since then.
Affirmative action is argued as necessary to promote, and in some instances
restore, more socially cohesive understandings of cultural diversity in
Australia. This might be especially important with respect to education and
training because effective and inclusive education is beneficial not only for
persons from minority groups but also for promoting widespread tolerance and
cultural diversity (Australian Council of Deans Incorporated 2002). One way
that this has been tackled in NSW has been to set recruitment targets in
schools and TAFE for staff from racial, ethnic and ethno-religious minority
groups and those whose first language spoken as a child was not English.
Based on their estimated representation in the NSW working age population,
the yardstick was set in 2004 at 19 per cent (NSW DET 2004). Available
recruitment data for three years to 2003 suggest that progress has been made
in a number of areas (Table 3A.1.13). Nevertheless, there is still some way to
go before targets are achieved in TAFE NSW for people from racial, ethnic
and ethno-religious minority group: only 10 per cent were represented in staff
recruitments in 2001-03.
Table 3A.1. 13: NSW recruitment data for schools and TAFE, 2001-03
Schools
Total number of staff recruited
People from racial, ethnic and ethnoreligious minority groups
People whose first language spoken s a
child was not English
TAFE NSW
Total number of staff recruited
People from racial, ethnic and ethnoreligious minority groups
People whose first language spoken as a
child was not English
Source: after NSW DET 2004
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2001
2002
2003
Total
10,044
12%
6,520
11%
6,044
15%
22,338
16.2%
13%
9%
12%
17.5%
1,078
12%
1,331
7%
1,346
11%
3,755
10.3%
20%
18%
18%
17.2%
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
3A.2 Physical and mental health
Sub-group variations
Pre-migration screening no doubt contributed to persons born overseas
overall having lower rates of many long-term health conditions. For instance,
people who reported that they suffered from asthma were more likely to have
been born in Australia (11.2%) than elsewhere (Table 3A.2.1). Certain other
health risk factors and diseases are, however, more prevalent among some
country-of-birth groups. Heart, stroke and vascular diseases were more than
twice as likely to be reported by people from European countries (between
6.4% and 8.6%) than by the Australia-born (13.4%) or by persons born
elsewhere. Persons from Southern and Eastern Europe (28.8%) and the
United Kingdom (28.2%) reported suffering from arthritis at twice the rate of
the Australian born (14.2%); other North-West Europeans also reported high
incidences (24.0%). Southern and Eastern Europeans had high levels of
diabetes (10.1%) by comparison with the Australia-born (3.0%) and other
countries (for example, the second highest reporting at 6.4% was for persons
born in North Africa and the Middle East).
Table 3A.2. 1: Selected long-term health conditions by place of birth, 2004-05
(per cent)
Population characteristics
Place of birth
Australia
Other Oceania
United Kingdom
Other N & W Europe
S &E Europe
N Africa & M. East
South East Asia
All other countries
Arthritis
14.2
13.5
28.2
24.0
28.8
13.6
9.4
10.1
Asthma
11.2
9.8
9.2
7.7
5.2
4.7
7.3
4.6
Diabetes
mellitus
Heart,
stroke &
vascular
disease
3.0
4.6
5.5
4.6
10.1
6.4
4.3
3.6
3.4
3.2
7.6
8.6
6.4
3.6
2.9
2.9
Malignant
neoplasm
1.8
0.7
2.4
1.9
1.2
np
1.0
1.0
(Source: ABS 2006d)
Persons born overseas overall have lower rates of profound or severe coreactivity limitations and disabilities (5.6% and 16.7% respectively) than the
Australia-born (6.5% and 21.0% respectively) (Table 3A.2.2). Exceptions with
respect to disability were for those born in the UK other than England and
Scotland (22.9%) and in Greece (21.9%); lowest rates were for those born in
North-East Asia (6.6%). Recently arrived migrants were less likely to have a
disability or a long-term health condition (19% compared with 40% of the total
adult population) (ABS 2004a: 52).
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Table 3A.2. 2: Disability rates by place of birth, 2003
Profound/severe
core activity
limitation rate %
Disability
rate %
All persons
’000
6.5
6.5
3.7
21.0
19.3
13.0
15,251.6
378.7
118.5
5.3
5.3
9.9
4.7
4.9
4.7
17.5
18.6
22.9
17.1
16.0
14.7
924.6
127.0
133.4
127.9
93.9
72.4
6.1
4.9
6.0
17.3
21.9
18.8
226.7
123.8
443.3
North Africa and the Middle East
South East Asia
North East Asia
Southern and Central Asia
Americas
Sub-Saharan Africa
Not known
7.7
4.1
3.0
4.6
5.0
4.8
8.6
19.8
11.9
6.6
14.3
14.6
12.9
21.0
269.6
559.7
325.9
265.5
148.5
202.5
17.8
Total overseas born
5.6
16.7
4,559.5
Total
(Source: ABS 2003c)
6.3
20.0
19,811.1
Country of birth
Oceania and Antarctica
Australia
New Zealand
Other Oceania and Antarctica
Northern and Western Europe
England
Scotland
Other United Kingdom
Germany
Netherlands
Other Northern and Western Europe
Southern and Eastern Europe
Italy
Greece
Other Southern and Eastern Europe
The better health of migrants resulting from pre-migration screening is
reflected in lower hospitalisation rates, with total separation rates for Australiaborn persons in 2004-05 24 per cent higher (at 352.7 per 1,000 population)
than for the overseas-born population (285.2) (Table 3A.2.3). However, these
rates vary greatly by country-of-birth. For example, patients in hospitals who
were born in Egypt had the highest rates of hospitalisation in 2004-05 (394.2);
the rate for all countries in the Middle East and North Africa region was 358.2.
Hospitalised patients born in China had the lowest rates (203.2), contributing
to the lowest global regional rate of 215.1 for persons from North-East Asia.
Overseas-born persons requiring hospitalisation – particularly those born in
Egypt (83.0%), Viet Nam (80.1%) and the Philippines (79.0%) – are more
likely to use public sector hospitals (67.4% did so in 2004-05) than patients
born in Australia (59.4%). Private hospitals were used by persons requiring
hospitalisation and who were born in South Africa (48.5%), Hong Kong and
Macau (47.7%) and the USA (45.8%) more than the Australia-born (40.6%).
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Table 3A.2. 3: Use of public and private hospitals in Australia by country of
birth, 2004-05
Public
Private
All
Public Private
hospitals Hospitals hospitals hospitals Hospitals
Separations per 1,000 population % use
% use
Australia
New Zealand
Fiji
Other Oceania
Oceania (total)
209.4
186.1
296.1
449.5
209.5
143.3
87.9
85.8
120.8
141.4
352.7
274.0
381.9
570.3
350.9
59.4
67.9
77.5
78.8
59.7
40.6
32.1
22.5
21.2
40.3
UK & Ireland
Germany
Netherlands
Other North-West Europe
North-West Europe (total)
Italy
169.8
185.5
171.0
197.7
173.2
222.8
106.5
103.5
110.6
113.8
106.4
117.7
276.3
289.0
281.6
311.5
279.6
340.5
61.5
64.2
60.7
63.5
61.9
65.4
38.5
35.8
39.3
36.5
38.1
34.6
Croatia
Greece
Poland
Other Southern & Eastern Europe
Southern & Eastern Europe (total)
202.8
235.2
186.9
212.0
217.3
75.4
87.9
93.9
81.7
92.0
278.2
323.1
280.8
293.7
309.3
72.9
72.8
66.6
72.2
70.3
27.1
27.2
33.4
27.8
29.7
Lebanon
Egypt
Other Middle East & North Africa
Middle East and North Africa (total)
238.9
327.3
275.6
282.9
104.8
66.9
65.3
75.3
343.7
394.2
340.9
358.2
69.5
83.0
80.8
79.0
30.5
17.0
19.2
21.0
Vietnam
Philippines
Other South-East Asia
South-East Asia (total)
181.3
193.8
155.1
170.9
45.1
51.5
88.0
67.8
226.4
245.3
243.1
238.7
80.1
79.0
63.8
71.6
19.9
21.0
36.2
28.4
China
Hong Kong & Macau
Other North-East Asia
North-East Asia (total)
India
Sri Lanka
Other Southern & Central Asia
Southern & Central Asia (total)
135.4
142.2
127.0
132.7
165.0
189.5
225.0
184.6
67.8
129.6
94.2
82.4
88.3
105.6
79.2
91.6
203.2
271.8
221.2
215.1
253.3
295.1
304.2
276.2
66.6
52.3
57.4
61.7
65.1
64.2
74.0
66.8
33.4
47.7
42.6
38.3
34.9
35.8
26.0
33.2
USA
Chile
Other America
The Americas (total)
176.4
222.1
185.6
190.1
149.2
69.6
103.1
114.1
325.6
291.7
288.7
304.2
54.2
76.1
64.3
62.5
45.8
23.9
35.7
37.5
South Africa
Other Sub-Saharan Africa
Sub-Saharan Africa (total)
136.3
228.6
175.4
128.4
109.7
119.9
264.7
338.3
295.3
51.5
67.6
59.4
48.5
32.4
40.6
Overseas Total
192.1
93.1
285.2
67.4
32.6
Total
Source: after AIHW 2006
209.6
133.2
342.8
61.1
38.9
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249
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Mental health
In addition to being less likely to be hospitalised, overseas born people
seemingly have, overall, lower rates of mental and behavioural problems. At
the time of the 2001 National Health Survey (NHS), 9.8 per cent of the
Australia-born had such problems compared with 9.0 per cent of those born
overseas (ABS 2001). The NHS 2004-05 data were presented such that
similar comparisons cannot be made. Rather, data were reported according to
country of birth, recency of arrival and language spoken at home (Table
3A.2.4). In 2004-05, overseas-born persons who arrived prior to 1996 (9.8%)
or who spoke English as their main language at home (10.0%) were more
likely to suffer from mental and behavioural problems that either the Australiaborn (8.8%), more recent arrivals (4.6%) or those who mainly spoke other than
English at home (7.9%). Persons born in the United Kingdom, many of whom
would be long-term migrants speaking English at home, also had
comparatively high rates (9.5%). Furthermore, there were stand-out results for
North Africa and the Middle East and Southern and Eastern Europe with 11.1
per cent and 10.4 per cent of persons born in these regions respectively
having mental and behavioural problems. These results might be associated
with migrants fleeing chaos or war.
Table 3A.2. 4: Mental and behavioural problems according to place of birth,
2004-05 (per cent)
Population characteristics
Place of birth
Australia
Other Oceania
United Kingdom
Other Northern & Western Europe
Southern &Eastern Europe
North Africa & the Middle East
South East Asia
All other countries
Born overseas
Arrived before 1996
Arrived 1996-2005
Main language spoken at home
English
Other than English
Mental &
behavioural
problems
8.8
6.9
9.5
7.6
10.4
11.1
7.8
7.0
9.8
4.6
10.0
7.9
Source: ABS 2006d
The 2001 NHS pointed to persons born overseas overall having similar levels
of psychological distress as the Australian born (Tables 3A.2.5 and 3A.2.6).
However, greater proportions of migrants who spoke languages other than
English at home had high (or very high) levels of psychological distress
(16.5% compared with 11.9% for migrants who spoke English only and 12.4%
250
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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for the Australia-born). Whether not being proficient in English was one
reason for such distress or whether other factors relating to personal safety in
source countries were more influential can only be speculated upon.
Table 3A.2. 5: Psychological distress according to place of birth, 2001
Level of psychological distress (a)
Place of birth
Australia
Born overseas
‘000
6,552.1
%
64.1
Moderate (16-21)
‘000
2,406.4
%
23.5
High (22-29)
‘000
921.0
%
9.0
Very high (30-50)
‘000
343.0
%
3.4
Total
‘000
10,222.5
(a)
As measured by the Kessler 10 Scale
Source: ABS 2001
Low (10-15)
2,574.3
65.0
859.6
21.7
362.7
9.2
165.7
4.2
3,962.3
Total
9,126.4
64.3
3,265.9
23.0
1,283.7
9.0
508.7
3.6
14,184.7
Table 3A.2. 6: Psychological distress according to main language spoken at
home, 2001 (‘000 and per cent)
Level of psychological distress (a)
Main language spoken at home
Languages
English only
other than
English
‘000
7,772.7
%
65.1
Moderate (16-21)
‘000
2,736.3
%
22.9
High (22-29)
‘000
1036.6
%
8.7
Very high (30-50)
‘000
385.1
%
3.2
Total
‘000
11930.7
(a)
As measured by the Kessler 10 Scale
Source: ABS 2001
Low (10-15)
1,353.7
60.1
529.6
23.5
247.1
11.0
123.5
5.5
2,254.0
Total
9,126.4
64.3
3,265.9
23.0
1,283.7
9.0
508.7
3.6
14,184.7
Given this information, it might well be imagined that persons born overseas
who were not proficient in spoken English might acknowledge having
experienced personal stressors to a greater extent than others. Results from
Australia’s first General Social Survey (GSS) conducted in 2002 (ABS 2003a)
suggest otherwise with persons born overseas but not in the main English
speaking countries (54.8%) less likely than others to say they had
experienced stressors in the preceding 12 months (the average for all persons
was 42.6%) (Table 3A.2.7). Of course, personal assessment of what
constitutes a stressful experience is most likely adjudged according to
previous life events.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 3A.2. 7: Personal stressors by place of birth and proficiency in spoken
English, 2002 (per cent)
Personal stressors
Stressors experienced in
last 12 months:
At least one stressor
No stressors
Source: ABS 2003a
Born in
Australia
59.3
40.7
Born in main
Englishspeaking
countries
58.8
41.2
Born in other countries
Not
Proficient
proficient
in spoken
in spoken
English
English
49.1
50.9
All
persons
45.2
54.8
57.4
42.6
Impact of non-English speaking backgrounds
Self assessed health status presents another set of contrasting results. At the
time of the 2002 GSS, persons not proficient in English were significantly more
likely to indicate that their health status was fair if not poor than other migrants
or the Australia-born. In fact, there were only marginal differences in selfassessed health status for all birthplace groups who came from the main
English-speaking countries (including Australia) or who were proficient in
spoken English; only between14.4 per cent and 15.8 per cent said their health
was fair or poor (Table 3A.2.8). Conversely, 40.5 per cent of persons born
overseas and not proficient in spoken English self-assessed their health as fair
or poor. Lack of ability to effectively communicate in English seemingly has
wide-ranging implications with respect to perceptions about health.
Table 3A.2. 8: Self assessed health status by place of birth and proficiency in
spoken English, 2002 (per cent)
Self-assessed health
status
Excellent/Very good
Good
Fair/Poor
Source: ABS 2003a
Born in
Australia
60.8
24.2
15.0
Born in main
Englishspeaking
countries
61.6
24.1
14.4
Born in other countries
Not
Proficient
proficient
in spoken
in spoken
English
English
56.6
27.0
27.6
32.5
15.8
40.5
All
persons
59.2
24.9
15.9
Poor or fair health might be associated with having core-activity limitations or
ones that limit participation in schooling or employment activities. Disability or
long-term health conditions in 2002 reported from the GSS according to place
of birth and proficiency in English suggests this might be the case (Table
3A.2.9), with comparatively high proportions of migrants not proficient in
English having limitations in these respects (20.7% and 9.0% respectively),
significantly more than for the total population (12.5% and 5.3% respectively).
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Table 3A.2. 9: Disability or long-term health condition by place of birth and
proficiency in spoken English, 2003 (per cent)
Disability or long-term
health condition
Has core-activity limitation
Has a schooling/
employment limitation only
Has no specific limitation or
restriction
Has no disability or long-term
health condition
Source: ABS 2003a
Born in other countries
Not
Proficient
proficient
in spoken
in spoken
English
English
9.2
20.7
Born in
Australia
12.6
Born in main
Englishspeaking
countries
13.6
5.4
4.9
4.2
9.0
5.3
21.8
24.4
19.8
25.8
21.9
60.3
57.2
66.9
44.5
60.3
All
persons
12.5
Long-term health conditions – with the exception of diabetes – were generally
more likely to be experienced by persons whose main language spoken at
home was English (including Australians) (Table 3A.2.10). More recent
migrants (those who arrived after 1996) were less likely to have a disability or
a long-term health condition. Clearly ability to effectively communicate in
English seemingly has wide-ranging implications with respect to perceptions
about health.
Table 3A.2. 10: Selected long-term health conditions by recency of arrival and
language spoken at home, 2004-05 (per cent)
Population characteristics
Arthritis
Asthma
Diabetes
mellitus
Heart,
stroke &
vascular
disease
Malignant
neoplasm
Born overseas
Arrived before 1996
Arrived 1996-2005
23.6
5.3
7.5
5.4
6.7
1.6
6.5
0.8
1.5
0.6
Main language spoken at home
English
Other than English
20.4
17.4
10.4
4.3
4.4
7.1
5.0
4.6
2.4
0.9
Source: ABS 2006d
Some of these results appear to be at odds with what might be expected of
the ‘healthy migrant effect’. Of course, core activities relate to not only selfcare or mobility capabilities but also to communication (ABS 2003a). Low
proficiency levels in English inhibit interaction and communication. In addition,
the stress and disruption of moving, and leaving friends, family and familiar
language and conditions behind can be related to significant psychological
distress. Furthermore, some migrants who escaped countries of chaos or
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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253
APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
persecution and who had low levels of English proficiency have been found to
experience especially high levels of psychological distress. It should also be
remembered that there are variations in pre-migration screening criteria
between visa categories. Humanitarian and preferential family visa entrants,
particularly the former, can be exempted from meeting certain health
requirements. Moreover, many persons issued with these types of visas might
not be proficient in spoken English.
3A.3 Leisure and recreation
In 2003, the ABS surveyed participation by children aged 4-15 years in cultural
and leisure activities, including sporting activities (refer to Tables 3A.3.1 to
Table 3A.3.3) and their participation in computer and internet activities (Table
3A.3.4). Results for participation in organised sport and selected leisure
activities produced some striking differences according to country-of-birth and
birthplace of parents. In particular, children born in other than the main
English-speaking countries were significantly less likely to participate in
sporting and leisure activities than other migrant children or the Australia-born.
Furthermore, children who had non English-speaking migrant heritages (with
parents born in other than the main English-speaking countries) were similarly
less active in these respects.
Generally speaking, children with non-English-speaking backgrounds tended
to favour (by comparison with others) more ‘cultural’, passive or individual
activity types (such as playing musical instruments, reading or watching
television) rather than active pastimes such as skateboarding, board riding
and bicycling and also arts and craft leisure activities.
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Table 3A.3. 1: Participation rates for children in selected organised cultural
activities, 2003 (per cent)
Playing a
musical
instrument
Singing
Dancing
Drama
Total
16.6
4.6
12.5
4.1
29.3
20.6
20.8
6.7
4.4
11.5
11.1
9.6
3.6
33.9
30.0
10.7
16.8
11.5
5.0
3.4
2.5
11.6
10.7
7.4
3.9
9.8
2.6
24.5
31.0
17.9
16.7
4.8
13.2
4.2
30.1
20.5
6.4
13.3
7.2
32.4
22.3
3.0
7.0
2.8
28.1
20.3
4.5
15.1
4.4
34.4
Country of birth
Born in Australia
Born overseas
Born in MESC
Born in other countries
Birthplace of parents
One-parent families
Parent born in Australia
Parent born in MESC
Parent born in other
Couple families
Both parents born in
Australia
Both parents born in
MESC
Both parents born in
other
Other
Source: ABS 2004e:16
Table 3A.3. 2: Participation by children in organised sport, 2003
Number (‘000)
Country of birth
Born in Australia
Born overseas
Born in main English speaking
countries
Born in other countries
Birthplace of parents
One-parent families
Parent born in Australia
Parent born in MESC
Parent born in other
Couple families
Both parents born in Australia
Both parents born in MESC
Both parents born in other
Other
Source: ABS 2004e: 21
Participation rate (per cent)
Males
Females
Persons
Males
Females
Persons
883.7
666.0
1,549.7
69.4
55.1
62.4
24.8
23.3
20.1
12.4
44.9
35.8
66.5
50.1
57.1
26.8
62.0
38.4
132.4
17.9
12.4
95.3
12.3
8.7
227.7
30.2
21.1
59.5
55.9
35.7
44.1
44.7
25.3
51.9
50.8
30.5
495.7
38.5
65.8
161.6
387.3
30.4
40.2
117.6
883.1
68.9
106.0
279.2
75.7
75.6
50.0
74.1
62.6
62.2
32.4
56.6
69.3
69.1
41.5
65.5
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Table 3A.3. 3: Participation rates by children in selected leisure activities, 2003
(per cent)
Skateboarding
or
boardriding
Country of birth
Born in Australia
Born overseas
Born in MESC
Born in other countries
Birthplace of parents
One-parent families
Parent born in Australia
Parent born in MESC
Parent born in other
Couple families
Both parents born in Australia
Both parents born in MESC
Both parents born in other
Other
Source: ABS 2004e: 30
Bike
riding
Watch
TV or
videos
Playing
electronic/
computer
games
Art
and
craft
Reading
for
pleasure
23.1
62.9
98.3
78.0
49.8
74.7
26.1
12.9
58.1
45.2
98.9
97.6
72.1
64.7
52.7
39.9
76.5
78.0
28.2
29.5
16.4
64.0
61.5
46.4
97.5
96.6
97.8
68.7
74.1
66.4
48.2
53.2
31.5
70.7
69.6
71.6
23.7
23.3
13.9
20.2
66.7
61.2
45.6
59.2
98.5
98.7
98.1
98.3
72.0
69.2
68.0
70.6
52.0
54.9
37.3
51.5
75.3
77.7
75.5
77.8
Children born overseas are more likely to access the internet than ones born
in Australia although both groups use computers to a similar extent (Table
3A.3.4). The overseas-born quite likely use the internet for keeping in touch
with dispersed family and friends. Interestingly, those children least likely to
access the internet were in families where parents were born in other than the
main English-speaking countries. This could include Australia-born children of
earlier migrants, perhaps of lower socio-economic status, who might not keep
touch with family and friends left behind to the same extent as more recent
immigrants.
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Table 3A.3. 4: Participation by children in computer and internet
activities, 2003
Number (‘000)
Country of birth
Born in Australia
Born overseas
Born in MESC
Born in other countries
Birthplace of parents
One-parent families
Parent born in Australia
Parent born in MESC
Parent born in other
Couple families
Both parents born in Australia
Both parents born in MESC
Both parents born in other
Other
Source: ABS 2004e: 37
Participation rate (per cent)
Access
internet
Used
computer
but not
internet
Access
internet
Used
computer
but not
internet
Total
Total
1,576.8
784.5
2,361.3
63.5
31.6
95.1
52.6
63.9
17.3
22.3
70.0
86.2
72.6
68.6
23.9
24.0
96.5
92.6
260.7
36.6
35.5
155.5
21.0
24.2
416.1
57.6
59.6
59.4
61.5
51.2
35.5
35.3
34.9
94.9
96.9
86.1
849.7
71.5
138.3
283.3
376.4
25.0
88.5
127.2
1,226.1
96.5
226.8
410.5
66.7
71.6
54.1
66.5
29.6
25.1
34.6
29.8
96.3
96.7
88.7
96.3
Influences of recency of arrival and languages spoken
Leisure activities for persons aged 15 years or over were analysed by global
region of birth using CURF data from the most recent (1997) ABS Time Use
Survey (TUS). These somewhat dated data showed that the leisure time of
migrants was largely influenced by year of arrival rather than country of birth.
Although migrants spent more time in leisure pursuits than the Australia-born
population in the first couple of years after migration, during the long-term
settlement process that followed, leisure time was lost before being gradually
recovered. It was only after migrants had lived in Australia for 16 years that
the same level of leisure time was achieved as that enjoyed by the Australiaborn.
Persons from linguistically diverse homes spent less time in sport, games,
communicating and travelling for leisure than others. Women in homes where
languages other than English were spoken had about 50 minutes per day less
leisure time – including less time for reading – than men from the same
linguistic background; for those born in Australia, the gender leisure gap was
25 minutes.
Adult attendance at cultural venues and events
Attendance rates by adults (people aged 18 years and over) at cultural
venues and events have been compiled from the GSS (Table 3A.3.5). These
results showed that the Australia-born, on the one hand, were more likely to
attend most forms of popular performing arts and the cinema than those born
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 3A: HUMAN CAPITAL DATA TABLES
overseas. On the other hand, they were less likely than those born elsewhere
to attend more ‘highbrow’ venues including art galleries, museums, libraries
and settings for classical performances. Nevertheless, overall differences in
attendance rates between those born locally and overseas were marginal.
The most noteworthy feature was, however, the different attendance patterns
for those born in other than the main English-speaking countries. For the great
majority of venues and events, their attendance levels were lower than those
born in the main English speaking countries including Australia. Exceptions
were for attendance at venues and events such as botanic gardens, classical
music concerts and dance performances where appreciation is not dependent
on proficiency in any particular language. Furthermore, those from nonEnglish speaking backgrounds were least likely to have had outings to at least
one venue in the 12 months preceding the survey.
Table 3A.3. 5: Adult attendance rates at cultural venues and events
2002 (per cent)
Born in
Australia
Born in
MESC
Born in
other
countries
Total
born
overseas
Total
Art galleries
24.8
29.0
22.6
25.1
24.9
Museums
24.9
29.6
22.6
25.3
25.0
Zoological parks/aquariums
39.9
46.2
36.7
40.4
40.0
Botanic gardens
40.4
48.1
42.8
44.9
41.6
Libraries
41.5
49.3
40.4
43.9
42.1
Classical music concerts
8.1
11.5
10.8
11.1
9.0
Popular music concerts
27.8
28.5
19.5
23.0
26.4
Theatre performances
18.9
21.3
12.1
15.7
18.0
Dance performances
10.5
12.6
11.6
12.0
10.9
Musicals and operas
19.8
20.5
12.7
15.7
18.7
Other performing arts
20.5
23.5
17.9
20.1
20.4
Cinemas
71.7
75.9
58.5
65.3
69.9
At least one venue or event
Source: ABS 2002a: 20
89.3
91.0
81.8
85.4
88.2
As spectators to sport, the Australia-born group was most active and those
born in other than main English-speaking countries the least (Table 3A.3.6).
These results were similar to but more pronounced than for attendance
patterns at culture and leisure activities. Lifetime or at least long-term
affiliations and loyalties attributed to supporters who attend large drawcard
events such as various codes of football possibly influenced results. Many
traditional Australian sporting events might not have appeal to those born
overseas, particularly if sporting cultures and languages are also significantly
different.
258
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Adults as sports spectators
Table 3A.3. 6: Attendance by adults at sport and physical activities, 2002
Males
Number (‘000)
Females Persons
Participation rate (per cent)
Males Females Persons
Country of birth
Born in Australia
Born overseas
Born in MESC
Born in other countries
3,091.9
2,471.2
5,563.0
60.6
45.7
53.0
431.7
493.0
289.7
218.0
721.4
711.1
53.5
38.8
38.7
18.5
46.4
29.1
Source: ABS 2003c: 11
Adult participation in physical activities
With respect to participation in sporting events or other physical activities,
similar patterns for adults to those previously discussed for children were
apparent (Table 3A.3.7). Specifically, those born overseas in other than main
English-speaking countries were significantly less likely to participate than
others. Again an outstanding feature was the reduced level of activity by
males as well as females born in those countries.
Table 3A.3. 7: Participation by adults in sport and physical activities, 2002
Males
Number (‘000)
Females Persons
Participation rate (per cent)
Males
Female
Person
s
s
Country of birth
Born in Australia
3,394.4
3,363.3
6,757.7
66.6
62.2
64.4
Born overseas
Born in MESC
Born in other countries
Source: ABS 2003b: 11
1270.4
581.4
689.0
1028.3
489.9
538.4
2298.6
1,071.3
1,227.3
62.4
72.1
54.2
55.2
65.5
45.8
58.9
68.9
50.2
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APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
4A: Social Capital Data Tables
4A.1 Community life and civil society
Community support issues
Because social capital can manifest itself in the links which emerge between
individuals and organisations in society generally, it might be imagined that
ethnic organisations of many sorts play a role in helping migrants adjust to a
new land. It is instructive, therefore, to look at both the level of contact which
migrants had with ethnic and community organisations in Australia and the
degree to which these organisations provided help.
Results from the LSIAs show that at a national level there was minimal
contact between migrants and ethnic clubs or voluntary welfare agencies on
arrival in Australia (Table 4A.1.1). There was slightly more contact with
churches and religious organisations than clubs or agencies but the extent of
this was limited to about one in six migrants.
Table 4A.1. 1: Contact by primary applicants on arrival in Australia,
LSIA (per cent)
LSIA 1 (Wave 1)
Ethnic Club
6.3
Voluntary Welfare Agency
4.7
Church/Religious Organisation
15.6
Source: LSIA
LSIA 2 (Wave 1)
1.8
1.2
14.5
After arrival, new migrants drew more on informal social links with relatives (in
about two out of three cases) and friends (the main source of help for 40% of
primary applicants) already resident in Australia (Table 4A.1.2). The limited
extent to which ethnic and community organisations provided help after arrival
suggests low measures of social capital in the middle ground between formal
government structures and the core environment of family and friends.
Table 4A.1. 2: Sources of help for primary applicants after arrival, LSIA
Ethnic Club
Voluntary Welfare Agency
Church/Religious Organisation
Relatives in Australia
Friends in Australia
Source: LSIA Wave 1
260
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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Percentage
2.8
3.6
5.5
65.0
40.3
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Although the national overview showed minimal contact between migrants
and ethnic organisations, variations between states and territories were
apparent (Table 4A.1.3). Higher levels of contact between migrants and ethnic
clubs in South Australia led to greater degrees of help from that particular
source in that state by comparison with elsewhere (but still extending to only
about one in twenty households).
Table 4A.1. 3: Extent of contact, by states and territories
(per cent primary applicants)
LSIA 1
Ethnic club
Church/Religious
organisation
Voluntary welfare
agency
ACT
NSW
NT
Qld
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Australia
5
15
6
16
5
26
5
9
9
12
5
21
8
17
6
19
6
16
5
5
0
3
4
1
5
4
5
6
21
0
12
1
14
1
11
2
15
2
15
2
1
1
1
1
1
LSIA 2
Ethnic club
4
1
5
Church/Religious
12
15
19
organisation
Voluntary welfare
5
1
1
agency
Source: LSIA 1 Wave 1 and LSIA 2 Wave 1
In all States and Territories, most help was provided by friends or relatives
(Table 4A.1.4). Victoria, NSW and the ACT were strongest in terms of help
from relatives; friends were more important in South Australia and the ACT
than elsewhere. In short, there was no state or territory where, overall, ethnic
or other formal organisations appeared to play a significant role in helping
migrants on arrival. Of course, regional results do not permit interrogation at
the level of SLA where significant help and support from community
organisations might have occurred. For instance a distinguishing feature of
Shepparton, not captured by any quantitative data set, was the extraordinary
level of support between established and new and emergent migrant
communities.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 4A.1. 4: Sources of help, by states and territories
(per cent primary applicants)
Ethnic club
Voluntary welfare
agency
Church/Religious
organisation
Relatives in
Australia
Friends in
Australia
ACT
1
3
NSW
2
4
NT
5
0
Qld
3
3
SA
5
4
Tas
0
1
Vic
4
4
WA
2
3
Australia
3
4
4
5
11
5
5
4
6
7
6
68
66
39
61
51
57
71
593
65
45
39
34
41
44
36
41
42
40
Note: Only data for LSIA 1 are presented because strictly comparable data are not available for LSIA 2
because the emphasis in the questions changed from migrating units to individual respondents.
Source: LSIA 1 Wave 3.
Although formal organisations did not register as a major source of help, there
were certain birthplace groups for which usage levels were comparatively
high. From 16 down to 12 per cent of primary applicants from the Russian
Federation, Iraq, Burma, and Somalia went to voluntary welfare agencies; and
similar proportions of migrants from South Korea, Iran, Iraq, the Russian
Federation, Ethiopia, Egypt and Burma used churches and religious
organisations. In reality, though, the number of migrants from some of these
birthplace groups was relatively small.
Humanitarian migrants used formal organisations the most although still only
to a level that involved about one in eight migrants (Table 4A.1.5).
Interestingly, a relatively significant proportion of business migrants (almost
12%) received help from churches and religious organisations. Conversely,
this group – alongside independent migrants – made least use of relatives.
These two groups, however, had the highest levels of help from friends,
suggesting the existence of networks within business communities and robust
levels of integration into the host society.
Table 4A.1. 5: Sources of help for migrants in different visa categories
(per cent)
Visa category
Preferential Family
Concessional Family
Business Skills &
Employer Nomination
Independent
Humanitarian
Source: LSIA
262
Ethnic
clubs
Voluntary
welfare
agencies
Churches and
religious
organisations
2.3
3.0
3.5
0.9
2.6
0.5
3.8
6.6
11.7
74.1
86.9
21.3
31.9
39.8
60.2
1.8
6.2
6.4
13.0
3.3
13.0
29.5
69.4
67.6
36.5
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Relative
s
Friends
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 4A.1. 6: Citizenship rates, overseas-born people resident in Australia
for two years or more, by selected birthplace, 2001
Philippines
Viet Nam
China (excl. SARs and Taiwan Prov.)
Greece
Italy
United Kingdom
Germany
Netherlands
New Zealand
All overseas born
(where birthplace could be determined)
Source: ABS 2006c: 146
Persons Citizenship
rate %
‘000
90.4
90.4
141.8
95.3
114.2
80.3
108.3
97.1
204.6
79.5
951.5
65.6
100.5
76.5
78.7
78.3
281.5
37.7
3,560.3
74.4
Standardised
citizenship
9
rate %
92.1
91.5
90.1
89.2
65.2
64.3
59.7
55.5
45.3
74.4
Table 4A.1. 7: Former nationality, people granted Australian citizenship
2003-04
Country of former nationality or citizenship
United Kingdom
New Zealand
China (includes Hong Kong & Macau SARs but
excludes Taiwan)
South Africa
India
Philippines
Viet Nam
Malaysia
Fiji
Sri Lanka
Bosnia-Hertzegovina
United States
Iraq
Taiwan
Lebanon
Serbia and Montenegro
Korea (Republic of)
Ireland
Indonesia
Pakistan
Other/not stated
Total
Source: ABS 2006c: 146
9
Number
Per cent
17,201
13,052
19.8
15.0
8.1
7,072
4,098
3,638
3,019
2,215
1,846
1,582
1,582
1,490
1,409
1,271
1,259
1,058
984
943
905
897
874
19,817
5.6
4.2
3.5
2.5
2.1
1.8
1.8
1.7
1.6
1.5
1.4
1.2
1.1
1.1
1.0
1.0
1.0
23.0
87,049
100.0
The rates of citizenship that would be expected if a given overseas-born population had the same age
and period of residence profile as the total overseas-born population
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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263
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
4A.2 Social networks
Fertility
Fertility rates vary significantly according to country-of-birth (Tables 4A2.1 and
4A.2.2). The most prolific child-bearers in 2004, in terms of total fertility rate,
were those who were born in Syria (3.72), Lebanon (3.66) and Pakistan (3B5);
least fertile women were born in Hong Kong (0.69), Serbia and Montenegro
(1.08) and Singapore (1.08).
Table 4A.2. 1: Fertility rates of Australian women by global region of birth, 2004
Global region of birth of mother
Oceania & Antarctic
North-West Europe
Southern and Eastern Europe
North Africa and the Middle East
South-East Asia
North-East Asia
Southern and Central Asia
Americas
Sub-Saharan Africa
Country not stated
Australia
Total overseas born
Total
Source: after ABS 2005b:36-7
Average
births
‘000
Estimated
resident
female
population
(ERFP) ‘000
Average
births
% of ERFP
202.9
11.8
4.4
5.9
11.7
5.2
4.0
3.1
3.0
3,958.4
287.2
130.4
73.9
229.5
130.4
66.3
57.1
55.5
80.5
4.7
1.7
2.3
4.6
2.1
1.6
1.2
1.2
1.757
1.623
1.558
2.900
1.693
1.314
1.957
1.800
1.837
0.3
192.7
59.1
252.1
3,779.7
1,209.1
4,988.8
0.1
76.4
23.4
100.0
1.750
1.767
1.762
Total
fertility
rate ‘000
International comparisons add a further dimension to discussions on fertility
rates. Many women born overseas adopt similar fertility levels to the Australiaborn although, of course, there are exceptions. One exception is women born
in Lebanon who, in 2004, had much higher levels of fertility in Australia (TFR
of 3.7) than women in Lebanon (2.2 TFR in 2000; ABS 2002b). Other women
born in countries such as Viet Nam continue to have similar levels of fertility in
Australia (2.1 TFR) to women in their native country (2.2 TFR in 2000)10.
10
Recent international Total Fertility Rates can be sourced by registered users from United Nations
Statistical Division web site
264
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 4A.2. 2: Fertility rates for Australian women for selected countries of
birth (2004)
Average
15
Births
-19
Oceania & Antarctica
Australia
192.7
17.0
New Zealand
6.9
27.4
North-West Europe
Germany
0.7
7.9
Ireland
0.6
4.2
United Kingdom
9.1
11.1
Southern & Eastern
Europe
Croatia
0.4
6.9
FYR of Macedonia
0.5
20.6
Greece
0.3
1.0
Italy
0.4
3.6
Poland
0.4
4.7
0.4
4.2
Serbia &
Montenegro
North Africa & the Middle East
Lebanon
2.3
88.7
Syria
.03
50.8
Turkey
0.7
37.7
South-East Asia
Cambodia
0.7
21.9
Indonesia
1.0
5.0
Malaysia
1.1
2.7
Philippines
2.5
16.2
Singapore
0.4
2.6
Thailand
0.7
25.4
Viet Nam
4.6
18.2
North-East Asia
China
3.0
3.0
Hong Kong
0.4
2.0
Japan
0.8
1.4
Korea, Republic of
0.7
2.0
Southern & Central Asia
India
1.8
3.9
Pakistan
.05
12.8
Sri Lanka
0.9
3.8
Americas
Canada
0.6
4.9
United States
1.0
7.1
Sub-Saharan Africa
South Africa
1.4
4.6
20
-24
Age-specific fertility rate
25
30
35
-29
-34
-39
40
-44
45 &
over
TFR
Median
age of
mother
54.9
72.3
103.9
94.1
111.6
95.6
52.9
54.2
9.2
11.0
0.4
0.8
1.75
1.78
30.3
30.5
42.1
23.3
44.9
85.1
42.2
91.1
127.1
103.4
114.6
69.0
73.9
57.5
12.6
14.8
10.4
0.4
1.0
0.5
1.72
1.31
1.65
33.9
34.0
33.6
59.1
98.1
29.6
28.5
31.4
36.1
147.0
143.9
97.4
98.0
81.7
74.4
102.5
93.2
93.6
121.7
102.9
65.6
48.3
26.9
40.3
47.2
42.6
29.1
10.6
6.1
8.2
8.2
7.4
5.6
0.4
0.5
0.1
0.6
0.2
0.4
1.87
1.95
1.35
1.54
1.36
1.08
33.5
28.9
34.1
34.8
30.6
32.1
217.3
254.9
141.5
211.1
192.4
136.3
136.0
144.3
93.3
63.6
79.8
40.9
14.1
22.0
7.1
0.7
0.5
3.66
3.72
2.29
28.9
29.2
30.1
94.4
17.6
9.8
63.5
7.8
52.4
73.6
144.4
84.6
51.4
111.8
41.5
63.9
123.1
119.8
112.5
118.3
107.1
92.7
77.1
121.7
58.5
57.2
65.1
56.1
58.2
52.5
65.6
15.5
13.1
10.3
13.2
11.3
15.7
14.2
0.9
0.5
0.7
0.6
1.3
0.8
0.9
2.28
1.45
1.29
1.84
1.08
1.44
2.09
30.0
30.2
32.6
31.5
32.7
30.4
30.9
28.4
2.5
15.2
11.5
101.0
18.8
63.6
79.9
114.1
64.1
107.1
109.6
68.4
43.3
79.5
51.5
19.4
7.1
20.4
8.2
0.9
0.4
1.9
-
1.68
0.69
1.45
1.31
32.9
33.1
33.1
31.6
52.0
139.3
27.4
122.8
225.9
106.0
108.5
170.9
137.6
45.3
80.7
62.6
7.8
20.1
11.8
0.7
0.3
1.71
3.25
1.75
30.2
29.0
32.3
30.7
39.7
85.5
96.8
132.9
129.7
86.5
86.3
19.0
21.0
0.8
1.0
1.80
1.91
32.7
33.1
27.1
88.1
131.0
53.7
8.6
0.3
1.57
32.0
13.5
53.0
101.7
113.5
59.1
12.0
0.6
1.77
31.7
Total
252.1
16.6
Source: after ABS 2005b:36-55
54.6
103.6
112.2
54.8
10.1
0.5
1.76
30.6
Total Overseas born
59.1
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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265
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Transport and wellbeing
Persons born overseas not proficient in spoken English were significantly less
likely than others to have access to motor vehicles (only 54% had access by
comparison with 85% of the total population) (Table 4A.2.3). Furthermore, 12
per cent of persons who were not proficient in spoken English could not get, or
at least often had difficulty in getting, to places where they needed to go; this
level of difficulty applied to less than 4 per cent for the total Australian
population. Of course, not having access to motor vehicles in the first instance
not only adversely affects those individuals but also eliminates the opportunity
of offering this important form of assistance to others.
Table 4A.2. 3: Access to transport (per cent persons)
Has access to motor
vehicle/s to drive
Difficulty with transport:
Can easily get to the
places needed
Cannot, or often has
difficulty, getting to the
places needed
Source: ABS 2003c
266
Born in other countries
Not
proficient
Proficient
in spoken
in spoken
English
English
Born in
Australia
Born in
MESC
86.9
85.5
81.7
54.0
85.0
85.3
85.7
82.3
66.0
84.3
3.5
3.8
3.6
12.0
3.8
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
All
persons
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
4A.3 Culture and diversity
Table 4A.3. 1: Attitudes to immigration levels, 1995-2003 (per cent)
1995
Increase
11
Same
27
Decrease
58
Don’t know/Cant choose
4
n
(2,438)
Source: after Goot & Watson 2005:184
1996
8
28
58
1
(1,795)
1998
13
38
47
2
(1,897)
2001
25
37
36
2
(2,010)
2003
26
31
38
5
(2,064)
Table 4A.3. 2: Attitudes to maintaining ethnic distinctiveness, 1995-2003
per cent agree
1995
2003
Agree that it is impossible for people who do not share Australian
customs and traditions to be fully Australian
41
42
Agree that ethnic minorities should be given government
assistance to preserve their customs and traditions
16
16
12
73
16
71
(2,438)
(2,128)
It is better for society if groups:
Maintain distinct traditions / customs
Adapt and blend into the larger society
N
Source: after Goot & Watson 2005:185
Table 4A.3. 3: Impact of immigrants, 1995-2003, per cent agree
1995
1996
1998
2001
2003
Immigrants make Australia open to new
ideas and cultures
86
78
78
73
74
Immigrants are generally good for
Australia’s economy
63
49
55
52
69
Immigrants take jobs away from people
who were born in Australia
36
40
36
34
25
Immigrants increase crime rates
31
51
46
45
34
(2,438)
(1,795)
(1,897)
(2,010)
(2,160)
N
Source: after Goot & Watson 2005:186
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 4A.3. 4: What it takes to be truly Australian, 1995-2003, per cent agree
Speak English
Feel Australian
Have Australian citizenship
Respect Australian political institutions/law
Life mostly in Australia
Born in Australia
Be Christian
n
Source: after Goot & Watson 2005:186
1995
86
93
87
93
60
55
31
1996
90
89
88
91
67
57
35
1998
88
88
90
90
67
54
29
2001
89
88
87
90
66
56
32
2003
92
91
89
89
68
68
36
(2,438)
(1,795)
(2,311)
(2,010)
(2,125)
LSIA results
Impressions about various aspects of Australian life as perceived by recent
migrants interviewed for the LSIAs are presented in Table 4A.3.5. With
respect to religious tolerance in Australia, almost half of Australia’s migrant
intake interviewed in the LSIAs thought that there was ‘a lot’; around a third
said there was ‘some’. In the second waves of interviews, 13 per cent of LSIA
1 and only 8 per cent of LSIA 2 respondents indicated that they thought there
was ‘little’ religious tolerance. In some senses, the obverse of tolerance is
discrimination. Australia of course has stringent anti-discrimination legislation.
In the field of religion, at least, this legislation seems to be effective in that only
a tiny minority of migrants (1-2%) perceived ‘a lot’ of religious discrimination.
Table 4A.3. 5: Impressions of aspects of Australian life, LSIA 1 and 2 (per cent)
LSIA 1 Wave 2
Primary
applicant
Spouse
Responding who thought there was “a lot” of:
Religious tolerance
43
47
Contact between different
46
41
cultures/nationalities
Tolerance towards different
40
37
races/cultures/nationalities
6
Racial discrimination
4
Religious discrimination
2
1
People’s ability to influence
63
65
government decisions
Source: LSIA
LSIA 1 Wave 3
Primary
applicant
Spouse
LSIA 2 Wave 2
Primary
applicant
Spouse
44
47
50
49
38
32
53
47
31
34
44
43
7
2
6
1
4
2
2
1
65
66
69
71
The tolerance which characterised religious beliefs also extended to tolerance
towards different races, cultures and nationalities but to a lesser degree: only
about one in three thought there was ‘a lot’ of tolerance in these respects.
Furthermore, there was little evidence of major racial discrimination. For
instance, only about 6 per cent of earlier interviewees thought there was ‘a lot’
of racial discrimination. For all results discussed here, more positive views
about tolerance were recorded in LSIA 2 in comparison with LSIA 1. This
suggests that conditions in Australia had changed – perhaps due to a less
268
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
pronounced effect of ‘Hansonism’ – or the nature of the migrants had
changed, or both.
With respect to amounts of contact between different cultures and nationalities
in Australia, about half of second wave interviewees thought that there was ‘a
lot’. When the response ‘some contact’ is included, the proportions with
positive perceptions rose to at least 80 per cent. This clearly presents
Australia as an inclusive society. However, the proportion feeling that there
was a lot of contact decreased between the second and third waves for LSIA
1. Nevertheless, as with other impressions, LSIA 2 responses overall were
more favourable than those in LSIA 1.
Some differing views towards tolerance levels were apparent according to
visa categories (Table 4A.3.6). Refugee and special humanitarian entrants in
LSIA 2 were least likely to perceive that there was a lot of religious tolerance.
Despite this, few felt that there was a lot of religious discrimination in
Australia. These visa entrants were more likely than any other category to
think that there was a lot of tolerance towards different races, cultures and
nationalities.
Obviously, impressions of Australia are formed within a cultural and
experiential context. This is likely to involve at least implicit comparisons to
places with which migrants are familiar. This then shapes their frame of
reference. It is interesting, therefore, to look at impressions of Australia
reported by different birthplace groups (refer to Table 4A.3.7). Of course,
birthplace does not necessarily indicate the countries in which migrants have
lived prior to immigrating to Australia. Nor does it necessarily reflect
immediate prior experience. Despite this, there were marked differences
between some birthplace categories.
For example, the most positive views about there being a lot of tolerance
towards different races, cultures and nationalities were held by migrants from
South-East and Eastern Europe. Least positive views were held by migrants
from North America, the UK and Ireland, Oceania, China and mainland SouthEast Asia, with levels only two-thirds of those found in Eastern Europe. Of
interest is the geographic and apparent linguistic diversity of those holding the
least positive views. Migrants from China stood out as having a relatively low
proportion (36%) perceiving a lot of contact between different cultures and
nationalities. In all other cases, approximately half or more of the migrants
thought there was a lot of contact. The figure was particularly high for arrivals
from Southern Europe (76%).
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 4A.3. 6: Impressions of Australia held by migrants in different visa categories, LSIA (per cent)
Crime
LSIA 1 Wave 3
Preferential Family
Concessional Family
Business Skills & Employer
Nomination
Independent
Humanitarian
LSIA 2 Wave 2
Spouse
Prospective spouse
Parent
Other preferential relative
Skilled – sponsor
Skilled – employee nominated
Business
Skilled – independent
Refugee
Special humanitarian
Source: LSIA
Respondents who thought there was “a lot” of:
Contact
Tolerance
Excellent or
Well or
between
towards different
good
m oderately educational
races/
different
Religious
Racial
Religious
cultures/
w ell rewarded opportunitie
cultures/
tolerance
discrimination
for work
discrimination
nationalities
nationalities
s
30
23
12
40
46
53
37
43
43
28
31
39
8
7
8
3
2
1
85
86
85
89
94
92
17
34
44
56
41
37
33
41
8
4
1
2
90
77
90
93
14
11
12
12
17
7
7
13
17
22
36
38
25
39
35
34
27
44
18
16
37
33
29
40
29
30
41
35
30
31
41
45
55
35
45
46
52
43
54
58
5
3
2
4
4
8
2
4
5
4
4
1
1
5
2
3
0
1
3
4
84
82
61
79
91
84
88
90
73
61
91
92
86
90
96
94
98
94
97
96
270
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 4A.3. 7: Impressions of Australia held by migrants from different birthplace regions, LSIA (per cent)
Crime
Oceania
UK & Ireland
Western Europe
Northern Europe
Southern Europe
South Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe
North Africa & Middle East
Mainland SE Asia
Maritime SE Asia
Chinese Asia
Japan & the Koreas
Southern Asia
Central Asia
North America
South America
Central America/Caribbean
Source: LSIA
25
21
15
26
11
25
6
18
13
11
6
11
13
7
12
2
8
Respondents who thought there was “a lot” of:
Contact
Tolerance
Excellent or
Well or
between
towards different
good
moderately
different
races/
educational
Religious
Racial
Religious
well rewarded
cultures/
opportunitie
cultures/
discrimination discrimination
tolerance
for work
s
nationalities
nationalities
42
51
39
2
2
90
93
35
56
37
9
2
86
92
46
52
41
5
2
83
92
42
48
47
5
3
84
92
61
76
56
3
0
85
90
75
66
64
2
2
71
94
68
68
66
0
0
82
88
64
49
45
3
2
73
92
43
52
38
2
3
77
88
49
57
49
3
1
95
95
43
36
38
3
5
78
93
38
56
42
2
3
70
92
55
58
47
3
3
91
95
59
67
59
10
6
72
96
37
47
23
6
3
92
86
61
65
47
13
3
96
94
49
59
41
4
0
92
92
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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271
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Recent migrant views about multiculturalism policies
There were high levels of awareness of Australia’s multiculturalism policy
among migrants taking part in the LSIAs: at the time of final interviews about
three out of four respondents were aware of it. Migrant attitudes about specific
aspects of the policy were probed in the last interview wave for LSIA 1. This
found that three-quarters of respondents saw multiculturalism as helping
migrants to maintain their culture, language and traditions (Table 4A.3.8).
There was a similar level of agreement with the statement that multicultural
policies help migrants to become Australian citizens. Furthermore, two-thirds
felt that multicultural policies helped migrants integrate into Australian society
and almost the same proportion agreed that such policies recognised cultural
and linguistic skills. A majority were of the opinion that the policies provided
migrants with settlement assistance, supported immigration and cultural
diversity, and unified Australia. Overall, then, there is both awareness and
appreciation of the nature of multiculturalism. Results also pointed to a
perception among migrants that multicultural policies were important and
should continue to enjoy government support.
Table 4A.3. 8: Extent of agreement with statements about Australia’s
multicultural policies, LSIA 1 Wave 3 (per cent)
Agree that Australia’s multicultural policies:
Help migrants to maintain their culture, languages, traditions
Help migrants to integrate into Australian society
Provide migrants with settlement assistance
Help migrants have contact with native-born Australians
Assist migrants to become Australian citizens
Support immigration
Support cultural diversity and unify Australia
Recognise cultural and linguistic skills
Disagree that Australia’s multicultural policies:
Are not necessary because they divide the Australian community
Source: LSIA
272
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Primary
applicant
Spouse
75
66
60
48
78
60
61
64
76
66
59
44
74
62
57
62
75
74
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
4A.4 Crime and justice
Table 4A.4. 1: Victims of crime by country of birth, 2005 (per cent)
Country of Birth
Born in Australia
Robbery
Assault
Male
Female
80.8
80.7
87.7
81.4
Born Overseas
Male
(a)
19.2
19.3
Female
(b)
12.3
18.6
Notes (a) relative standard error between 25 and 50%; used with caution
(b) relative standard error over 50%, too unreliable for general use
Source: ABS 2006e
Table 4A.4. 2: Feelings of safety (2005) (per cent)
Feel safe or very safe
Feel neither safe or unsafe
Feel unsafe or very unsafe
Never home alone after dark
Country of Birth
Born in Australia
Born Overseas
73.8
68.2
14.6
16.9
8.0
9.1
3.6
5.8
Source: ABS 2006e
Table 4A.4. 3: Crime and safety (per cent persons)
Born in other countries
Not
Proficient
proficient
in spoken
in spoken
English
English
Born in
Australia
Born in main
Englishspeaking
countries
Feelings of safety at home
alone after dark:
Very safe/Safe
Very unsafe/Unsafe
83.1
7.7
82.0
6.7
78.5
11.1
60.1
18.2
81.6
8.4
Victim of physical or
threatened violence in last
12 months
10.1
7.8
5.8
4.0
9.0
11.2
12.8
12.1
10.7
11.5
Victim of actual or attempted
break in, in last 12 months
Source: ABS 2003c
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
All
persons
273
APPENDIX 4A: SOCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
LSIA-sourced perceptions of crime levels
The LSIA provides some important insights into how migrants perceive crime
in Australia. Within the survey, migrants were asked for their impressions
about the extent of crime in Australia. LSIA 1 respondents (arguably) did not
see crime as a major problem although escalations in crime levels were
perceived over time, increasing from about one in five to one in four migrants
thinking that there was ‘a lot’ of crime. Conversely, assessments of levels of
crime had lessened by the time the second wave of LSIA 2 migrants were
surveyed when only about one in seven thought there was a lot of crime.
Humanitarian entrants interviewed for LSIA 1 were about three times more
likely to think that there was a lot of crime by comparison with skilled business
migrants. These results suggest perceptions about crime might be related to
socio-economic profile of neighbourhoods in which migrants lived rather than
their migrant status per se (Mukherjee 1999b). However, for LSIA 2
respondents, while humanitarian visa holders were still more likely than others
to think there was a lot of crime (about 22% did so), comparatively large
proportions of skilled sponsored (17%) and skilled independent (13%)
migrants also thought crime levels were high. Business migrants were still
least likely to have impressions that there was a lot of crime (7%).
There were also marked differences in crime level perceptions between some
birthplace groups. Migrants from Northern Europe, South Eastern Europe,
Oceania and the UK and Ireland held the most negative views. The groups
least likely to think that there was a lot of crime in Australia (at about one-third
of the level of the Northern Europeans) were those from Eastern Europe,
China, Central Asia and Latin America – largely non-English speaking
countries – and also from Sub-Saharan Africa (including South Africa). These
results suggest that perceptions about what constitutes a lot of crime might be
based largely on previous experiences prior to settlement in Australia, as well
place of residence upon arrival – given the wide variation in crime rates
across urban and rural communities (Hogg and Carrington, 2006).
274
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 5A: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
5A: Produced and financial capital data tables
5A.1 Housing
Table 5A.1. 1: Housing status by country of birth (2001)
Owner/purchaser
Tenant
Americas
58
39
China (Excl. Taiwan)
69
29
England
76
22
Germany
79
19
Greece
90
8
Italy
93
6
NE Asia (Excl. China)
61
36
New Zealand
50
48
Africa & Middle East
63
34
NW Europe
77
21
Oceania
51
47
Philippines
67
31
SE Asia
65
32
South and Central Asia
62
36
S & SE Europe
78
20
Sub- Saharan Africa
60
38
UK (Excl. England)
60
38
Vietnam
68
26
Source: 2001 Census (1% CURF)
Other
3
2
2
2
2
1
3
2
3
2
2
2
3
2
2
2
2
6
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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275
APPENDIX 5A: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 5A.1. 2: Proportion of birthplace groups in owner-occupied dwellings
(per cent)
ACT
NSW
NT
QLD
Lowest
Chile (46.4)
Papua New Guinea
(49.1)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(51.6)
Indonesia (43.4)
Korea (52.2)
Lowest
Cook Islands (12.9)
Western Samoa
(14.3)
El Salvador (14.3)
Lowest
USA (24.4)
Vietnam (38.1)
Afghanistan (17.2)
Tonga (21.6)
Highest
(81.8)
Malta (83.7)
Greece (83.8)
Croatia (84.8)
Italy (88.5)
Highest
Cyprus (87)
Greece (87.3)
Macedonia (88.6)
Malta (89.8)
Italy (90.7)
Philippines (44.5)
Papua New Guinea
(44.7)
Highest
Germany (58.9)
Malaysia (59.5)
China (64.6)
Sri Lanka (65.1)
Italy (67.4)
Lowest
El Salvador (21.7)
Western Samoa
(26.1)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(31.1)
Tonga (39.8)
Turkey (40.2)
Australia-born 69.3
Overseas-born 68.6
New Zealand (42.8)
71.7
65.1
Highest Spain
Malta (82.4)
Cyprus (83.9)
Latvia (84)
Ukraine (86.8)
Italy (88.2)
36.7
50.1
67.6
66.6
SA
Tas
Vic
WA
Lowest
El Salvador (19.1)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(27.1)
Iran (40.9)
Lowest
Malaysia (46.5)
Singapore (54.5)
Lowest
Somalia (3.9)
Iraq (18.3)
Lowest
Iraq (16.1)
El Salvador (23.5)
Fiji (60)
Afghanistan (19.7)
Japan (51.5)
Chile (53)
Papua New Guinea
(63.3)
New Zealand (64)
Western Samoa
(20.2)
El Salvador (21.7)
Bosnia-Herzegovina
(31)
Cambodia (45.6)
Highest
Slovenia (85)
Highest
Germany (84.8)
Highest
Slovenia (89.8)
Highest
Malta (85.8)
Cyprus (86.8)
Greece (88.5)
Italy (91.6)
Austria (84.9)
Poland (85.2)
Netherlands (85.3)
Italy (90.2)
Greece (90)
Macedonia (90.1)
Malta (91.9)
Italy (93.6)
Macedonia (83)
Ukraine (83.7)
Greece (86.5)
Italy (90.7)
Japan (49.3)
CROATIA (81.7)
Australia-born 72.2
73.8
77
70.4
Overseas-born 73.8
76.4
74
72.3
Source: Atlas of the Australian People (1999). The figures include purchasing as well as
outright ownership.
276
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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APPENDIX 5A: PRODUCED AND FINANCIAL CAPITAL DATA TABLES
Table 5A.1. 3: Sources of accommodation assistance, refugees and TPV
holders
First
accommodation
Second
accommodation
Third
accommodation
Number
%
Number
%
Number
%
Government Department
Refugee organization
Friend
Family member
Sponsor
Religious group
No one assisted
Community group
On arrival accommodation
Other agency
Ethnic organization
Real estate agent
No movement
Not stated
116
69
58
57
26
24
18
16
4
4
3
1
12
26
26.7
15.9
13.4
13.1
6.0
5.5
4.1
3.7
0.9
0.9
0.7
0.2
2.8
6.0
34
54
108
47
14
13
60
29
1
5
14
2
36
17
7.8
12.4
24.9
10.8
3.2
3.0
13.8
6.7
0.2
1.2
3.2
0.5
8.1
3.9
15
14
69
12
1
6
67
24
1
1
6
1
191
26
3.5
3.2
15.9
2.8
0.2
1.4
15.4
5.5
0.2
0.2
1.4
0.2
44.0
6.0
Total
Source: Beer & Foley 2003:29
434
100
434
100
434
100
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
277
APPENDIX 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
12A: Migration Futures Tables
Table 12A.1. 1: Key Ingredients for scenario construction
A Four Key Questions
Item Number Major Category
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
278
Item
Demand
Supply
Tax Rates
Tax Distortions Budget
Outcome Subsidies /
Distortions Investment
Level Savings Rate
Macro-Economic Interest Rates
Debt Servicing as Share of Income
Returns to Capital
Relative GDP Shares: Wages-Capital
Labour Market Flexibility
Labour Force Participation Rates
Efficiency of Capital Markets
Economic Openness - Public Sector Control
Infrastructure Supply, Cost and Quality
Business Compliance Costs
R & D Share GDP
Regional / National Comparative Advantage
Regional / National Competitive Advantage
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
What are the driving forces?
What do you feel is uncertain?
Australia has, for the last two or more
decades, pursued a course of market
reform, which has greatly improved the
nation's competitiveness, productivity,
workforce participation, and wealth. This
is unfinished business, with further gains
possible from tax reform, reduced
economic distortions, more efficient and
competitive input markets (incl. labour,
infrastructure and capital), conservative
budgetary settings, increasing efficiency
of public management (low compliance
costs), and increasing support for, and
the culture of, research and development.
However, Australia faces an increasingly
competitive world, in which other nations
strive for advantage.
Government ability to further
necessary reforms; political pressures
for pork barrelling; failure to restrict
monopoly tendencies in a small
national market; low domestic savings
and therefore tight supply of
investment capital; improved
governance in competitor nations
raises Australia's performance hurdle;
possible rising subsidies / protection in
other nations dents Australia's
competitive ability; Australia's ability to
raise educational and skill attainment
to meet domestic needs; labour supply
difficulties (global competition for
scarce skills; spatial mismatch of
workforce and employers); climate
change effects.
CHAPTER 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 2/12)
A Four Key Questions
B Elements of Plots
What is inevitable?
How about this or that scenario? Which
is most likely?
Who wins and loses? Or are win-win
situations possible?
What are the challenges and
responses? [challenges = tests]
Rising global competition in most
aspects of the Australian
economy; peripheral location and
small economic size places
Australia at risk relative to
economic cores BUT these criteria
generate effective response
mechanisms in the form of
currency revaluation, corporate
aggressiveness, and work ethic;
pressures for further macroeconomic reform will likely bear
fruit; rapid technological
development, innovation, and
product development with many
potential new industries arising.
The increasing globalisation of
labour markets, with rising short,
medium and long-term
movements as already skilled
worked seek better career paths
or early career personnel seek
wider experience. This trend is
likely to have as significant effects
as the post WW2 rise in traded
goods and services.
Australia could lift its relative economic
game and remain a beacon of stability
and probity in the Asia-Pacific region.
This prognosis is quite possible and is
substantially in Australia's hands.
However, a small trading nation could be
hostage to adverse trends among
principal trading partners, especially
Japan, China, Korea and the United
States. Australia is not a homogeneous
economy. Separate industry sectors will
perform differently under alternative
scenarios (e.g. the Gregory Thesis in
which a prosperous mining sector harms
both agriculture and manufacturing); a
weak global economy could topple
commodity prices, reduce mining
production, and throttle back investment.
Individually, the winners will be those with
required knowledge and skills, the capacity
to raise capital, ability to innovate, and with
strong leadership and entrepreneurial
credentials. Such people should be able to
adapt seamlessly to rapidly changing
social and economic circumstances. At the
opposite end of the spectrum, people
without these capacities will struggle, and
hose in between could experience
considerable personal pressure depending
on circumstance. Similar conclusions
apply to particular regions. The win-win
side comes where rising national wealth
enables a more thorough social safety net.
Skilled immigration contributes positively
to outcomes.
The challenges lie with (a) governments
having the necessary reforming zeal, (b)
society at large acquiring a larger appetite
for risk, and (c) both showing capacity for
leadership and commercial or social
entrepreneurship. Immigrants often
contribute positively to all three
dimensions.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
279
APPENDIX 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 3/12)
B Elements of Plots
How are things
What revolutions may occur? [e.g. What events occur in cycles?
Are there conditions of infinite
Are there any lone
evolving? At what
war and conquest, famine and
[examples include the business possibility? [infinite possibility = rangers? [for example,
boundless optimism (for example, Margaret Thatcher, David
speed? [note that
pestilence, political collapse,
cycle and patterns of spatial
the rise of the internet, the mining
technologies tend to be political revolution (including, for
decay and rejuvenation]
and Goliath, Apple
evolutionary]
sector or bio-technology)]
computer]
example, the Anglo world's
embrace of market principles from
1980 to 2006), or economic
depression (revolutions equate
with Drucker’s discontinuities)]
Australia has had an
excellent track record in
these regards during the
last 20 years and there is
reason to expect a
continuation of the reform
process.
280
The world's economic locomotives such as the US, China, and India
could falter for their own internal
and different reasons. The Pacific
arc of instability could divert
Australia's effort into regional
peace-keeping. Indonesia might
disintegrate into several parts. The
Middle East might dissolve into
anarchy along with large parts of
Africa. Most of these could be
handled through the automatic
stabiliser of downward currency
revaluation, as occurred in the
1997 Asian meltdown. More
serious is the prospect of disrupted
energy supplies.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
Major cycles of recession and
depression have abated in recent
years, probably because of
improved understanding of how
economies work, international (or
domestic) competition, and
pressures on governments to adopt
high fiscal standards. Australia
experiences periodic drought, but
agriculture's declining share of
national production has greatly
reduced this threat. There is little
reason to suppose that the current
drought will not end as usual.
Australia is resource rich,
environmentally attractive, has
good infrastructure, has a well
managed economy, world-class
capital markets, energetic labour
and business leaders. All these are
strong grounds for optimism. They
are attractive to would-be migrants,
improve Australia's immigration
needs, and raise our capacity to
absorb them.
see Micro-Economy
analysis below. Australia's
lone rangers appear more
in the private sector.
CHAPTER 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 4/12)
B Elements of Plots
C Knowledge Base
Is generational
How adaptable are people Knowledge of current Sets of assumptions Lateral thinking about extreme Probability analysis or
conflict important? and their institutions? [in a
economy, society, about key driving forces or unusual events and their
assessment of likely
[different age
world of growing complexity polity, demography, or and the way they may impact on established patterns
events.
cohorts tend to
and speed of change,
environment
behave
or norms
espouse different adaptive capacity is a crucial
(including recent
determinant of system
values and cultures]
trends)
stability]
There is some latent
conflict, particularly
in the arenas of
housing affordability,
potential problems in
financing earlier
generations'
retirement plans
(with tax
implications), low
fertility rates.
Australians overall appear
highly innovative and
adaptable to changing
circumstances as testified by
the relatively easy transition
over the last 20 years of great
structural reform. However,
political leadership is crucial
to maintaining this
adaptability.
There is a wealth of
knowledge on most
areas involved and
many generally agreed
positions.
Projection of future states
and the understanding of
driving forces are
relatively well-known in
the economic arena.
However, there may be a
problem is merging
macro- / microeconomic, political, social
and environmental issues
in a single calculus,
where difficult to quantify
trade-offs occur.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
The major future hazards are
(a) the mismanagement of
driver economies, forcing them
into recession with knock-on
effects to the rest of the world,
(b) major resource shortfalls particularly energy, and possibly
(c) environmental change especially climate. On the
upside, emerging biological,
materials, information, energy,
transport, medical, and financial
technologies promise a
cornucopia of development
opportunities. Political and
social instability in some nations
or regions could trigger
widespread conflict, although
without necessarily destabilising
the industrialised world.
The probability of
improved economic
management appears
high, aided and abetted
by a stream of new and
improved technologies,
leading to rising per
capita output. The largest
single economic cloud is
industrial countries' overreliance on oil supplies
from an unstable part of
the world where a
probable cut in supplies
could damage output at
some medium-term date.
281
APPENDIX 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 5/12)
Item
Major
Number Category
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
282
Item
Entrepreneurship
Ease of Market Entry
Level of Competition
Extent of Market Power / Domination
Effort - Dedication
MicroEconomic Industry R & D Effort
Innovation Capacity
Adaptive Capacity
Access to and Cost of, Capital
Access to, and Cost of, Business Inputs
Labour Market Cost / Knowledge / Skills
Cost and Quality of Infrastructure
Cost and Quality of Business Premises
Company Profitability
International Trade Settings (freedom of
trade)
International Trade Settings (bi- or multilateral)
Free Trade - Protectionism Balance
Political
International Cartels
State of International Relations
Incidence of Failed States
Defence Effort
Effectiveness of International Regulatory
Agencies
Efficiency in Inter-State Resource Allocation
Efficiency in Service Delivery
Efficiency in Resource Allocation
[across all tiers of government]
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
What are the driving forces?
What do you feel is uncertain?
Competition, competition, competition. Schumpeter
was right about gales of creative destruction.
Australia's innovatory and entrepreneurial talents are
substantial, ironically enhanced by peripheral location
and the economy's relatively small size. These are
especially evident in such 'new economy' realms as
media and finance, and such 'old economy' sectors
as mining and agriculture. By global standards,
Australia is a highly open economy and market
pressures are important for innovation and
entrepreneurship, and for avoiding (in fair measure)
problems arising from monopoly and oligopoly. Over
20 years of economic success have led to much
incomes and low unemployment, both also essential
for economic and social adaptability. The jury is out
on whether research and development effort is
adequate and soundly administered. The adequacy
of national productive and social infrastructure is
adequate - physically and regulatory. As of early
2007, there is a substantial shortage of skilled labour
in selected occupations, industries or regions.
Surprisingly little. The driving forces appear entrenched.
Principal external uncertainties for Australian industry lie
in (a) global competitive pressures, and (b) the potential
for recession or depression affected by economic
mismanagement in such big league players as China, the
US, India, Japan, and European Union. Key international
issues include large public debts, skills
shortages, the rising proportion of dependent populations
(by virtue of ageing and extended education), trade
imbalances, latent inflationary forces, energy and
commodity price spikes. Middle East instability does
NOT look like an important source of uncertainty. An
important private sector / regulatory concern is (c) a large
financial stumble arising from misjudged private equity or
hedge fund investment. Domestically, such concerns as
(d) inflation, (e) skills shortages, (f) insufficient
infrastructure, and (g) environmental change loom as
production and investment constraints.
There is a realisation within Australia and major
partner nations that trade is beneficial and that
domestic subsidies are expensive and damaging to
national competitiveness and aggregate wealth. This
extends to recognition that the quality domestic public
management plays a major role in economic prosperity
and social cohesion. Australia is a world leader in
minimising subsidies to clamouring interest groups.
This tempered by the need of governments to be
elected in democratic societies and the fact that
change causes economic and social dislocation and
loss of support. It appears that a small, new, and
prosperous nation, lying at the global periphery and
having to run hard to maintain its position, has more
latitude in avoiding special pleading.
Moves to global free trade are hampered by protectionist
sentiment and multi-lateral gains appear increasingly rare,
fuelling increasing numbers of bi-lateral relationships.
Only a few such treaties address labour market issues to
any degree, notably CER (New
Zealand) and the FTA with the US. Energy cartels,
rigged by participating and often capricious governments,
have worrying power in their hands. The uncertain
commitment of all Australian governments to vigorous
pursuit of efficient administration of private business and
their services.
CHAPTER 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 6/12)
What is inevitable?
How about this or that scenario? Which is most
likely?
Who wins and loses? Or are What are the challenges and responses?
win-win situations possible?
Ever greater pressures on
business performance and
swifter penalties for those underperforming. Continued research,
development, innovation, and
product development; and
accelerating velocity in the
circulation of capital and/or levels
or business profitability. Financial
mechanisms include private
equity seeking competitive
advantage from streamlined and
longer term planning horizons by
privatising joint stock companies.
The western world, at least, is
witnessing major strides in
improved business management
and corporate governance.
Three scenarios for the Australian economy suggest
themselves. First, we could witness a continuation
(with minor fluctuations) of the mounting strength of
the last 15 years based on bi- and multi-lateral
global engagement and domestic market oriented
reforms. Second, the adverse uncertainties
previously mentioned could cut in, reducing
overseas markets and collateral employment and
investment. Their impact depends on the
effectiveness of such automatic stabilisers as
currency depreciation, the magnitude of global
shock, and the speed with which the contributing
factors is rectified. Last, there is considerable upside potential through reforms already nominated,
business improvements, and a succession of other
nations climbing on the growth escalator - the
economic arrival of Brazil and Argentina; an
outbreak of peace in the Middle East; or a large slab
of sub-Saharan Africa abandoning kleptocracy.
Current trends appear the most likely event.
Improved business
performance and market
operation should be a win-win
situation for all parties,
especially in tight labour
markets.
A principal challenge is to regulate the
corporate sector to protect simultaneously
public interests and corporate freedom to
innovate and invest. A second issue is to
encourage a high level of commercially
viable and profitable research and
development without large public subsidy.
Thirdly, society has a vested interest in
encouraging business to innovate and a
role to play in that through education and
skills training.
Slow improvements to
international trade and domestic
public management as the
general public becomes more
demanding in many countries.
The rising incidence of failed
states, especially in Africa, the
Pacific, and west Asia - failed in
that they cannot delivery social
freedoms and economic growth
expected in most countries often
because of lack of resources
(widely construed) or tribalism.
The only likely short-term scenario for Australia is (a)
the slow improvement in the efficiency of domestic
management and (b) the slow diffusion of freer trade
(or movement in workers and education). It is
difficult to see any reversion from this trend for
developed economies. In the longer term (beyond
2020), one might anticipate rising international
retirement or recreation migration comparable to
movements of people within the EU from north to
south (especially France, Spain and Italy), with
Australia an attractive destination. The numbers of
failed states are increasing, particularly in the
western Pacific region. This does not appear
dangerous for Australia, with a likely remedy the
greater integration of Pacific economies into CER
arrangements.
Global production and trade,
competitive markets,
emphases on education and
invention, and now emerging
global labour markets have
benefited hundreds of millions,
if not billions, of people. The
losers are mainly those trapped
in tribal / feudal societies.
The challenge for society's political
apparatus is to run stable economic
settings that favour profitable investment,
ensure competition, obviate market failure
where possible, arrange for a social safety
net to catch those harmed by change and
unable to help themselves adequately,
ensure an adequately skilled workforce,
maintain national defence capability, etc.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
283
APPENDIX 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 7/12)
How are things evolving?
At what speed?
Improvements in all these
directions are occurring,
but capable of beneficial
acceleration.
Such a strategy, while
always capable of
improvement, has been
pursued effectively for
several decades.
284
What revolutions may occur?
Are there any lone
rangers?
These are extremely
The emergence of highly competitive Product life cycles are increasingly rapid, A seemingly endless array numerous, especially with
and large companies in China, India and the fast cycle of new technologies
of major new technologies. the flood of new
and other leading developing
often limits the value of patent protection.
technologies. Australia is
nations. New ideas in capital
There appears to be an emerging cycle
not, apparently, short of
provision.
of international business competition as
entrepreneurs willing to run
large domestic companies in NICs
with them.
develop. The classic 6 yearly business
cycle has been greatly reduced by great
improvements to national economic
management and the appearance of
substantial counter-cyclical elements in
business investment occasioned perhaps
by a flood of new technologies.
Short of more thorough economic
and political integration with Asia, it
is difficult to see a discontinuity of
the kind Drucker envisages. Not
even the recolonisation of Pacific
Island states would constitute a
major discontinuity; nor perhaps
reform fatigue setting in within the
Australian body politic.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
What events occur in cycles?
Are there conditions of
infinite possibility?
Global engagement comes
Perception of the role of immigrants is
close.
often contingent on the health of the
economy, business profitability, the pace
of domestic change, and the extent to
which Australia is a closed society. Such
conditions sometimes ebb and flow,
although the last 15 years or more of
continuous growth has unsurprisingly
been accompanied with strong
immigration.
Not currently in Australia
CHAPTER 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 8/12)
Is generational
conflict
important?
How adaptable are Knowledge of current Sets of assumptions about
Lateral thinking about extreme or
Probability analysis or
people and their
economy, society,
key driving forces and the
unusual events and their impact on
assessment of likely
institutions?
polity, demography, or
way they may behave
established patterns or norms
events.
environment
(including recent
trends)
Generational
Business is highly
Enormous amount of
That generally market
The arrival of private equity buyouts has Improvements to business
conflict in the
adaptable.
information is available economies are effective and taken Australia by storm and is likely to
management likely in almost
business world Maladaptive firms
on trends in the
that competition is beneficial, improve business performance, as did the all respects.
seems endemic cease trading or are business world.
with regulation necessary to role of Westfield, Macquarie Bank and
and potentially taken over by
enable markets to operate
Babcock and Brown previously in
valuable
predators with better
effectively. That invention
developing specialist service and
provided that
management skills.
and innovation are central to infrastructure funds. Changes in business
past lessons are
cost structures arising from the removal of
business prosperity and
survival.
heeded.
subsidies (e.g. for water, transport,
energy, and other infrastructure). Opening
domestic markets to further international
competition.
Not noticeably
so.
Australian democracy
is robust and
generates fast
learners.
Australia's politicians
and bureaucrats are for
the most part
exceedingly well
informed
Nothing springs to mind.
Australian political life is
heavily influenced by a raft of
assumptions. These include
the need for full employment
(about 4%), a fair go, a fair
day's pay for a day's work,
disregard for pretension, the
need for a social safety net,
and so on.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
Australian political life is very
stable and appears unlikely
to shift from current
trajectories, except at the
margins, irrespective of what
party is in power.
285
APPENDIX 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 9/12)
Item
Major
Item
Number Category
48
Attitude to Risk Future
49
Orientation Adaptive
50
Capacity Adherence to
51
Tradition Institutional
52Social
Depth Institutional
53
Effectiveness Interest
54
Group Power
55
Interest Group Membership
56
Social Diversity
57
Social Harmony
58
Climatic Conditions Incidence of
59
Severe Events Effectiveness in
60
Resource Discovery
Effectiveness in Resource
Conservation
61Environ62ment
286
Efficiency in Resource Allocation
63
Efficiency in Resource Extraction
64
Level of Resource Depletion
65
Level of Resource Enhancement
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
What are the driving forces?
What do you feel is uncertain?
Rising social and economic adaptive capacity. This
stems from: (a) growing education, knowledge, wealth,
and social diversity; (b) the enactment of more tailored
social security and structural adjustment processes; and
(c) the deepening of civil society providing more reliable
and wider information and advice. Australia appears to
heed Mancur Olsen's warning about the excessive
accretion of conservative institutions (Olson, 1982, The
Rise and Decline of Nations, Yale University Press). It is
easier to adapt, assume risk and adopt a future
orientation when informed, knowledgeable and
financially secure. These conditions also underpin social
diversity and tolerance, which in a circular and
cumulative way contribute to rising economic prosperity.
This delicate edifice relies on Australia's
continued economic prosperity and confidence
that this will occur. Ironically immigrant societies
are much less amenable to conservative
capture and more optimistic about future
events. The pull of future prospects drives much
international migration. Nevertheless a major
domestic recession could rapidly shift national
sentiment against high immigration levels.
Resource sustainability for future generations in the light
of apparently rapid climate change, ecological damage
(from climate change or otherwise human induced),
resource depletion or exhaustion, insufficient capital
investment in infrastructure (for water supply or
renewable energy or delivering resources to market). All
these affect Australia's industry structure, economic
output, lifestyles and long-term population optimum.
There are many trade-offs behind these matters, which
could affect immigration policies and their application.
Just about everything: the level of resources;
their sustainable consumption; infrastructure
needs; and ideal trade-offs between competing
ends (economic, social or environmental).
CHAPTER 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 10/12)
What is inevitable?
How about this or that scenario? Which is most likely?
Who wins and loses? Or are win-win
situations possible?
What are the challenges and
responses?
Overall, the trends noted two
panels earlier. Social and
institutional deepening have
progressed steadily for
the last 800 years. The need
for immigrant skills will rise
with economic growth, the
transition to a creative
society, and declining
workforce participation rates
(consequent on falling birth
rates in advanced nations
and longer life expectancy
notwithstanding longer
working lives).
The overwhelmingly most likely scenario in the short to
medium term is the continuation of social and institutional
deepening aided by immigration. Australia has enjoyed the
benefits of ethnic and cultural diversification especially
during the last 60 years, not least in rising external
orientation, which is commercially beneficial in a globalising
world. Several events might upset current trends, at least
for a while. On the negative side Australia could encounter
a surplus of migrants relative to demand through (a) a
major global economic down-turn, (b) rising refugees from
some disastrous environmental or military event, or (c)
political strife in a failed state, thereby testing social
deepening and institutional structures. On the positive side,
for immigration, could be a rapidly rising tide of financially
self-supporting lifestyle, rather than economic, immigrants.
The emerging problem here would be competition for
residential property and services!
At times of strong economic and
employment growth, permanent
immigration is largely a win-win situation
for all segments of society, provided that
it observes due process. It
counterbalances out migration, which is
usually beneficial for those involved.
Short to medium length immigration
appears to be not a problem.
The main social challenge in
Australia is to maintain an
economically and socially
adaptable, risk taking, and
future oriented community the
accepts and encourages
diversity and creativity, whilst
accepting a set of core values
or norms. For the most part
immigration actively contributes
to this outcome, which a strong
economy also facilitates.
The depletion of many finite
resources; sustainable limits
on the use of others; rising
technologies to create
sustainable and renewable
resources (e.g. energy and
water); the substitution of
resources (through
economics or technology);
international conflict over
access to strategic
resources
Many scenarios are possible, but not so much within our
forecast period. However, fears over environment and
resources will colour debates about such issues as
Australia's population carrying capacity; use of resources
(e.g. uranium and coal, farming practices); responsibilities
to future generations and the international community;
national economic development; and responsibilities to the
planet's flora and fauna generally. Two scenarios stand
out: alarmist - precautionary and optimistic, with shades in
between. The former emphasise what might go wrong, and
in the extreme wish to limit human footprints on the globe.
The latter emphasise the capacity of technology - existing
or emergent - to maintain or expand resource production
and consumption AND retain valued ecosystems.
The incidence of winners and losers
from environmental and resource
management is frequently complex, with
winners and losers living within one
region or inter-regionally. Wins and
losses occur across generations, and
losses at first sight may generate highly
beneficial responses subsequently (or
even vice versa). Environmental change
(including climate) might also distribute
highly variable wins and losses. Win-win
situations are sometimes possible - for
example realistic water pricing can save
waterway ecologies AND raise the value
of production.
The environmental challenge is
primarily two-fold. One task is to
manage environment and
resources efficiently, effectively
and as far as possible in a
sustainable way. The second is
to evade extreme events that
can severely damage economy
and society. This affects
migration especially though the
notion of population carrying
capacity.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
MIGRATION INTO AUSTRALIA
287
APPENDIX 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 11/12)
How are things
evolving? At what
speed?
What revolutions may occur?
What events occur in
cycles?
Are there conditions of
infinite possibility?
Are there any lone rangers?
This challenge is being
met. Some other
changes under way
relevant to immigration
include longer working
lives, the adoption of
partial retirement
among Australia's
professionals as an
alternative to clean
break retirement.
As already flagged, the nature of
immigration is changing quickly. Although
net permanent migration is raised to a
high level, medium to short temporary
arrivals are rising fast as a concomitant
to globalisation and temporary domestic
labour shortages. The tide of backpackers also helps in some, often
agricultural and service, sectors. We
might anticipate a flood of cashed up
wealthy Asian retirees; if Australian can
buy up villas in Tuscany, why not the
other way around? Unless, Australia's
birth rate gains altitude, we might
eventually see guest workers from
Pacific islands as the only realistic option
for their sustained development.
Immigration levels are
irregularly cyclical in direct
proportion to the strength of
the domestic economy
The current phase of
Australia's economic
development appears so
solidly grounded, and so
exposed to a large array of
international and
technological opportunity, that
the present long boom looks
set to occur and with it
shortages of skilled labour
that have to be met
somehow.
Australia's current crop of opinion
leaders does not appear to have the
strength to move public outlooks
compared with the captains of
industry - or the environmental lobby
for that matter.
This is a matter of
opinion, depending on
one's assessment of
the depth of
environmental
problems and the best
ways of tackling them.
Agreement on this
question between
pessimists and
optimists appears
unlikely.
Lots. Dramatic climate events from
accelerated warming through to cooling.
Sound scientific understanding of the
relative impacts of solar factors through
to human agency and the ability of
planetary self stabilisation thought to the
merits of technologies to remove
greenhouse gasses.
Many cycles are involved,
but none that affect the
purpose of the exercise.
Strong optimism resides with
those foreseeing major
technological advances to
handle environmental
problems. If so, Australia's
optimal population could be
as much as 50-60 million
rather than the lowest
estimate of just 6 million.
The environmental running is taken
by the likes of Tim Flannery, David
Suzuki, and Jared Diamond, backed
by strident and noisy organisations
of varying credibility. Many
governments also nail their colours
to the environmental mast.
Dissenting positions tend to be much
more widespread and disorganised.
288
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
IMMIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
CHAPTER 12A: MIGRATION FUTURES TABLES
Table 12A.1.1 : Key Ingredients for scenario construction (Page 12/12)
Is generational
conflict
important?
How adaptable are
people and their
institutions?
Generational
conflict is strong.
Forget Baby
Boomers and
Generation X or Y
for the moment.
Younger people
tend to be better
educated, more
knowledgeable,
less risk adverse
and more
accepting of
change than older
people. They also
look set to pay
heavily to support
older people in
their retirement
Adaptability does not
appear to be a problem
for many parts of
Australian society.
However, it is spatially
more pronounced in
some regions,
especially rural areas
with their narrowly
based economies and
older populations
subject to some of the
largest adjustment
pressures nationally.
Environmental
and resource
concerns have a
strong
generational
base.
Individual and
institutional
environmental
concerns and
strategies appear
capable of rapid
transformation in the
light of good evidence.
Knowledge of current
Sets of assumptions about
Lateral thinking about
Probability analysis or
economy, society, polity,
key driving forces and the
extreme or unusual events
assessment of likely
demography, or environment
way they may behave
and their impact on
events.
(including recent trends)
established patterns or norms
Knowledge of social
processes appears sketchier
than for the economy which is
closely diagnosed. It is also
more prone to careless
statistics, information and
analysis than the economy,
where pronouncements often
carry high prudential
restraints.
The sets of assumptions on
which policy and action may
be based are correspondingly
less well developed
it seems that social thinking is
prone to slow adjustment. By
analogy, 6 years of Neo-Con
ascendancy under George
Bush's Presidency has barely
shifted US social thinking. It
seems unlikely that Australia
will substantially shift its social
outlooks in the forecast period.
Australians support
orderly migration,
especially when the
economy is growing
strongly as now. On
balance, this looks set
to continue, along with
corollary of relatively
easy social adaptation.
This has considerable
downside risk if the
economy goes into
even a mild recession.
The upside potential for
higher immigration and
rate of social adaptation
looks more constrained.
Environmental and resource forecasting are hazardous fields as is the development of effective management strategies.
Both problems are fed by considerable scientific uncertainties and tension between precautionary philosophies and
technocratic analyses. The attachment of probabilities to specific events is difficult, which it suggests policy precaution,
but current economic strength and technological prowess instil optimism and confidence.
SOCIAL COSTS AND BENEFITS OF
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