Political Psychology and Economic Psychology
Author(s): Paul L. Wachtel
Source: Political Psychology, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Dec., 1991), pp. 747-757
Published by: International Society of Political Psychology
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PoliticalPsychology,Vol. 12, No. 4, 1991
The Forum
and EconomicPsychology
PoliticalPsychology
Paul L. Wachtell
In modernindustrial
societies,it is virtually
impossibleto separateeconomicconcernsfrompoliticalones. Yet thefieldof politicalpsychology
has
fromthe studyof economicpsychology.
The
developedratherindependently
examinationof how people thinkabout moneyand possessions;the factors
ourexpectations
inthisrealm;thelessconsciousand
andcalculations
influencing
harbor
realisticfantasies
about
people
moneyandpossessions;theprivatemeanand
ideas in thisdomainthatshapecrucialdeciings
sociallysharedorganizing
sions bothin thepersonalsphereand thepolitical-theseand otherconsiderationsthatarebotheminently
andcentralto ourpoliticallifetend
psychological
to be farfromthecenterof discoursein thefieldof politicalpsychology.
The virtualexclusionof such questions,indeed,is itselfa phenomenon
of consideration
foritreflects
worthy
by politicalpsychologists,
waysin which
dominantsocial and politicalvalues,and theassumptions
abouthumanaffairs
associatedwiththem,silentlybutpowerfully
shapeourconsciousness,
placing
limitson thequestionsitevenoccursto us to ask. It seemsthatnotwithstanding
theclose connection
betweenpoliticsandeconomics,so evidentin thepagesof
our newspaperseveryday, we engage in a kindof splitting
thatkeeps the
psychologicalanalysisof each quiteseparate.Whataccountsforhow rareit is
in politicalquestionsto examineand challengethe
forpsychologists
interested
naive, overlyrationalistic
psychologically
imageof man thatdominateseconomicdiscourse,an imagewhoseinfluence
is evidentnotonlyin thediscipline
of economicsbutis powerfully
evidentin theframework
by whichsocietyas a
whole considerssocial and politicaldecisions?Are thereways in whichthe
thatdominateour
acontextual,
individualistic,
highlyrationalistic
assumptions
economicsystemfeedback to shapeand limitourpsychological
inquiries?Do
theseassumptions
lead us unwittingly
to attribute
excessiveautonomyto the
economicsphereandtofailtointegrate
theeconomicdimension
intopsychologiourpoliticallife?(cf. Schwartz,1986).
cal inquiriesregarding
GraduateCenter,New York,New York10033.
'CityCollege and theCityUniversity
747
? 1991 International
0162-895X/91/1200-0747$06.50/1
Societyof PoliticalPsychology
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748
Wachtel
Consider,forexample,theidea thathas becomeperhapsthemostcentral
politicallifeinrecentyears:"You can'tthrowmoney
guidingclich6inAmerican
at problems."Whatdoes it meanwhenourpoliticaldiscourseis dominated
by
ofeffecting
needed
suchan idea? Whatareitsconsequencesforthepossibilities
social changesand forsolvingtheproblemsof poverty,
drugabuse,crime,and
afflict
oursociety?Moredirectly
thatincreasingly
to the
homelessness
pertinent
to
processeswhichhavecontributed
presentcontext,whatarethepsychological
sucha view?I willsuggestsometentative
andto maintaining
answers
generating
butfornowI wishmerelytopointoutthattheansweris,
tothisquestionshortly,
by theverynatureof thequestion,an answerthatderivesfromideas aboutthe
psychologicalmeaningof moneyand possessions:at theveryleastit requires
howpeoplethink
understanding
moneycan orcannotsolvesocialproblemsand,
itrequiresas well an understanding
of theirideas and feelings
almostcertainly,
abouttheirown incomes,aboutwhattheydeserve,abouthow adequatewhat
theyhave is, about whatis "theirs,"about whethercertainwealthypeople
"createjobs" or "createwealth."Suchideasarebothpoliticaland economic,as
forwhichpsychological
theyarealso phenomena
analysisis crucialifourunderstandingis to go beyondtheideologiesof bothleftand right.
and influenced
toCloselyrelated-and bothinfluencing
by our attitudes
ward whethersocial programsare sensibleinvestments
in justice and social
peace or merely"throwingmoneyat problems"-is the set of feelingsand
attitudes
peopleholdtowardtaxation.Hereagainwe havea topicthatoughttobe
a matterat once infusedwith
close to the veryheartof politicalpsychology,
psychologicalmeaningand crucialto theconductof politicalaffairs;
yetit has
in thepages of thisjournalor in thefieldof
receivedrelatively
littleattention
politicalpsychologyin general.2
Some of theroughoutlinesof thequestionsthatmustbe addressedby a
of taxation,andof therelationof suchan areaof studyto bordering
psychology
are
of researchers.
thoughthedetailsawaittheinterest
topics, readilyapparent,
no
of
for
the
of
attitudes
about
Clearly, example, study
psychology people's
taxationcan afford
toignorethewaysinwhichtaxeselicita subsetofthebroader
Willthosewhoviewauthority
setoffeelingstowardauthority.
morebenignly
be
readierto pay taxes?Or conversely,
does extremeresentment
of taxes reflect
suspicionsand fearsabouthow benignauthority
reallyis? And if so, to what
such
and
in
are
fears
rooted
withone'sparentsand
degree
suspicions
experiences
otherearlycaregiversand to whatdegreedo theyreflectlaterexperiences
with
Wachtel,
(cf.
1987)?
authority
In a related(thoughpartiallyindependent)
towardtaxation
vein,attitudes
2A notableexceptionin thefieldof politicalpsychology
is theworkof Sears and Citrin(1982).
workhas also beendoneon thepsychology
oftaxation
moreidentified
as
Important
byresearchers
economicpsychologists
(e.g., Lewis, 1982). It is, of course,one of mycentralpointsthatthe
considerabledivide betweeneconomicpsychologyand politicalpsychologyis unfortunate
and
problematic.
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and Economic
PoliticalPsychology
Psychology
749
will reflectattitudesabout how tax moneyis likelyto be used. Preliminary
makesit clear that
inquiryin some of my own research(as yetunpublished)
abouthowtaxmoneyis spentand
fixedsetofattitudes
peopleoftenhavea rather
ingeneralandinpart
towardauthority
inpartreflect
attitudes
thattheseattitudes
foropposinghighertaxes(e.g., "I wouldbe
seemto serveas a rationalization
theywouldreallygo towardhelpingthe
willingto pay moretaxesif I thought
it
homeless,butI knowthemoneywilljustbe wasted.").Thiskindofthinking,
shouldbe noted,is notlimitedto themoreconservative
portionof thepopulabias amongconservatives
thatspending
tion.To be sure,thereis a widespread
by
to theprivatesector,but
is presumptively
wastefulin comparison
government
ofcomfortably
taxpolicies
liberalsin ourstudyhadtheirownvariant
supporting
thatleftmoremoneyin theirownpockets:"I knowthemoneywilljust endup
goingto themilitary."
theseare
The appropriate
bearingon whether
probesto elicitinformation
or are insteadrationalizasimplyrationalappraisalsof thetruestateof affairs,
to testthelimitsoftheseattitudes.
Suchquestionsas
tions,wouldincludeefforts
"Whatwouldittaketo persuadeyouthatthemoneywon'tbe wasted/won't
all
line thepocketsof bureaucrats/etc.?"
wouldprovide
go to themilitary/won't
ofanxiety
orconflict
associatedwiththese
usefuldata.So toowouldassessments
of
of
and
coherence
Measures
disruption
speech
speech,utilizedin
questions.
andanxiety(e.g., Mahl, 1960,
processresearchto gaugeconflict
psychotherapy
1968; Gottschalket al., 1966), could be employedin the presentcontextto
thatmay,behinda facadeof simplerationality,
statements
reflectthe
identify
of experience.
operationof defensivereworkings
payingtaxesas oneofthehigherpleasuresin
Clearlyfewpeopleexperience
in most
life,andthewishto payless intaxesis a motivethatwe takeforgranted
differ
Yet
equallyclearly,people
quiteconsiderably-notonlywithin
people.
at
time
but
also betweendifferent
societiesand
anygivenpopulation anygiven
withinanypopulationovera periodof time-in theirperceptions
of thelegitiof
taxation
at
various
rates.
It
or
well
be thatthe
macy appropriateness
may
taxes
does
not
from
of
about
Sweden
the United
to
vary
degree complaining
to
those
of
the
Statesor fromthe Kennedy-Johnson
years
Reagan and Bush
is
a
administrations-such
complaining hobbyenjoyedvirtually
universallybutclearlythelevelof taxationthatis generally
perceivedas fair,appropriate,
andacceptableis notthesamein theUnitedStatesas itis in Sweden,norwas it
thesame in theUnitedStatesin the 1960s as in the 1980s. The factof these
differences
revealsthebanality--indeed,
thefalsity-ofaccountsof opposition
to taxationthatsimplyattribute
itto "humannature"orto the"naturaldesireto
keep whatone has" (cf. Etzioni,1988; Schwartz,1986).
of thesedifferences
can vary,frompsychodynamic
accounts
Explanations
the
of maternal
narcissistic
or
"anal
to
deprivation,
vulnerability,
personality";
after
social-psychologicalanalysesof attributional
processesand the striving
to analysesrootedin class conflictor thedynamicsof
perceivedconsistency;
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750
Wachtel
Andclearlythestudyofattitudes
economicnecessity.
towardtaxation
mustbuild
ofbeliefsaboutfairness,
uponmoregeneralinvestigations
justice,andthefunctionsand capabilitiesof government
(e.g., Deutsch,1975; Hochschild,1981;
Lerner& Lerner,1981). The largerframework
forinquiryintothesematters
consideras welltheworkofmoralandpoliticalphilosophers
and
mightfruitfully
of philosophically
inclinedeconomists
concernedwiththeequityof distribution
(e.g., Dworkin,1974, 1981;Rawls, 1971;Sen, 1987;Williams,1962).Buttwo
factors
thatarelikelytoproveespeciallyimportant
inexplainunderinvestigated
towardtaxation(and hencetowardtheprograms
for
ing variationsin attitudes
social changeor betterment
thatrequiretaxationfortheirfunding)are how
is "theirs"andhowtheydefineandexperipeoplecometo feelthatsomething
ence whatthey"need" fora good life.Clearlypeoplewillbe moreresistant
to
taxesthemoretheyexperience
themoneybeingpaidintaxesas rightfully
theirs,
as somethingbeing takenaway fromthem,ratherthanas the cost of their
in a decentandwell-functioning
themorepeople
participation
society.Similarly,
feelthattheirneedsarenotbeingmet,themorelikelytheyareto resentpaying
taxesandto electofficials
whowillpromisetoreducetheirtaxburden.Hencean
of how people definewhat they "need"-a definitionthat
understanding
becomeexperienced
as standard
changesover the yearsas new commodities
ratherthanluxurygoods-is crucialif we are to have a fullerpictureof how
individualsubjectiveexperienceand social structure
each
jointlyco-determine
otherand thepoliticalprocess.
Formanypeople,thefirst
howpeoplecometo
questionjustraised(namely,
feelthatwhattheyhaveis "theirs")is likelyto seemlikean absurdity.
Ofcourse
itis theirs,theyfeel.Whoseelse is it?Butin a complexsocietysuchas ours,no
individual'seffort
is likelyto be able to producemuchwithout
itsbeingembedded in an intricate
webofrules,services,rituals,institutions,
sharedvalues,and
That web usuallyoperatessilently,
but how readilyit is
cooperativeefforts.
nonethelesssensedis a matterof perception,
motivation,
education,and ideology.Taxeswillfeelmoreunfairtheless theindividual
recognizessucha web,
themorehe or shebelievesthatitis hisorherowninitiative
andtalentalonethat
have yieldedwhatever
incomeis achieved.Thatthosesametalentsmightyield
rewardsin Ethiopiaor Haiti,or evenin Japan,tendsnotto enter
quitedifferent
intosuch calculations,nordoes the impacton theindividual'sincomeof the
existenceof roads,bridges,a police force,a bankingsystem,or a systemof
publiceducation(cf. Lewis, 1981).
THE SUBJECTIVE DEFINITION OF NEEDS
in determining
attitudes
towardtaxationand
Perhapsevenmoresignificant
towardthesocialprograms
is howpeopledefinetheirneeds.Oursis
theysupport
an economy(and a society)organizedaroundthe idea of growth,and as a
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andEconomic
PoliticalPsychology
Psychology
751
of whatone needsevenfora decentlife(muchless
consequencetheexperience
an ampleor luxuriousone) continually
expands.Televisionsets(colorsets,of
course),VCRs, and numerousothergoods once perceivedas luxuryitemsare
middle-class
nowexperienced
bymostpeopleas partofa standard
package;and
whereonce ownershipof even one automobileindicatedone was doingwell,
manyfamiliesnow experienceowningat least two cars as a basic necessity,
success.
conveyingno subjectivesenseof eitherluxuryor particular
is an especiallyrare comIn a growth-oriented
economy,contentment
modity;needsexpandto fillthevacuum.Thisquasi-gaseousqualitytoourneeds
has verysignificant
underpresentsocial and economicarrangements
implicaof politicaldecision-making
tionsforourunderstanding
and howitis relatedto
and subjectiveexperienceof thecitizenry.
The presentpsychothepsychology
in
feel
can
is
one
which
we
we
no
climate
longer"afford"social prological
is
noticed
is
The
that
as I shall indicateshortly,
that,
scarcely
grams.
puzzle
now
than
when
we
we
have
much
more
couldafford
them.
materially
supposedly
Subjectivityand Poverty
It has beenan articleoffaithin oursocietythateconomicgrowth
holdsthe
to
the lot of thosein need. As JohnF. Kennedyput it in a
key improving
felicitous-buthighlymisleading-phrase,"A risingtideliftsall boats." Supon the
posedly,whentheeconomyis growingit will havetwo salutaryeffects
prospectsof thepoor.First,witha largerpie to share,eventheshareofthoseat
thebottomwillbe larger.Second,witha contented
populaceenjoyingthebenefitsof a growingstockofgoods,socialgenerosity
willincreaseandtherewillbe
a greaterwillingnessto fundprogramsforthosewhosepriorhandicapshave
themfromfulfilling
theirpotentials.
prevented
But in a growth-oriented
of
society,therelationbetweentheperformance
theeconomyand theexperienceof theindividuals
whocomposeit does notfit
thissunnypicture.Forone thing,poverty
in an advancedindustrial
societysuch
as theUnitedStatesis notsimplya matter
of absenceof goods.The rising-tide
in contributing
tothecycleofdespair,
theoryignorestheroleofrelativepoverty
and
destructive
behavior
thatis evidentin manypoorneighborhoods
alienation,
overthepasttwoor threedecades.
today.The tidehas risenquiteconsiderably
ofourpoorestneighborhoods
Manyresidents
possessitems-cars,stereos,color
televisionsets-that once wouldhavedefinedone as solidlymiddleclass. Yet
theseneighborhoods
are certainlynot happierplaces now; theirpovertyand
less hopefulthantheyweretwodecades
miseryarequitereal,andtheirprospects
ago. In thepast decade, in a timeof considerableeconomicgrowth,thegap
betweentherichandthepoorinthiscountry
haswidened.Theresultofthetide's
riseis thatthoseat thebottomhavehadan evenmoredifficult
timekeepingtheir
heads above water.
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752
Wachtel
If we focuson theoverallperformance
of theeconomy,
rather
thanrecogas
the
at
least
much
on
that
the
of
how
far
outof the
nizing
poordepends
plight
on
are
as
it
does
the
absolute
amount
we
mainstream
misunderhave,
they
they
standthe natureof povertyin America.To recognizethatthereis a strong
to theexperienceof povertyin thiscountry
is notto
psychologicalcomponent
blamethevictim.Noris itto overlooktheveryrealneedsofthepoorforbetter
housing,education,or medicalcare, itemsthatdo costmoney.Rather,it is to
appreciatethattheproblemof povertycannotbe solvedby growthalone; that
of wealth and income changes in a more
unless the relativedistribution
will
the
direction,
alwaysbe withus. If thetiderises,and the
egalitarian
poor
fora middle-class
riseswithit,thena standard
standard
oflivingwhich
lifestyle
wouldoncehavebeenable to providea measureofcontentment
andself-respect
toournation'spooras is thefactthattheypossesstodaya
willbe as littlecomfort
that
most
of theworld'spopulationcan onlydreamof. Quite
of
range goods
it
is
not
ofmilesawaywhoconstitute
theirframe
peoplethousands
appropriately,
It is theirneighbors,
and thepeoplewhoselifestyletheycan now
of reference.
observemorefullyoverthetelevision
setsthattherisingtidehasenabledthemto
afford.3
Growthhas beenoursociety'swayof avoidingtheneedof thoseat the
bottomforgreaterequalityand fullerparticipation.
Whentheeconomygrows,
someofthebenefits
do "trickledown"to thepoor;butthecrumbsevenfroma
grandlyset tablestillfeellikecrumbs.
EconomicGrowthand SocialGenerosity
Consideration
of the psychologyof economicgrowthalso raisesserious
about
the
thatwitha growing
ofthe
questions
assumption
economythemajority
will
to
be
readier
fund
social programs
outof theincreasein wealth
population
thatgrowthhas broughtthem.The ways in whicha growtheconomymust
generateneedsleave manypeople unablereallyto noticethattheirincomeor
wealthhas increased,and can even lead to greaterfeelingsof deprivation
and
needat theachievedhigherlevelofgrossnationalproduct
thanwas experienced
comment
Consider,forexample,thefollowing
previously.
byLevine(1988), in
thecontextof a discussionattempting
to examinetheconceptofneedin relation
to wantsand preferences:
"Withouta car I suffer
a failureof autonomy,
and a
diminution
ofmyperson.To thisextent,
I needa carifI amtobecometheperson
I envisionmyselfto be. Thisdependencestandsin sharpcontrast
to theideathat
I maymerelyprefer
owninga carto takingthebus" (p. 15). Levinedepictshere
of needandownership
formanypeoplein oursocikeenlythephenomenology
3See, forexample,Frank(1985). Formoreon thegeneralissueof social comparison
as a basis for
evaluatingone's sense of how one is doing,see also Festinger
(1954), Mertonand Kitt(1950),
Michalos(1985), and Runciman(1966).
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andEconomicPsychology
PoliticalPsychology
753
thathas problematic
conseety.It shouldbe addedthatit is a phenomenology
of a healthyenvironment
and fortheattainment
of
quencesforthemaintenance
satisfaction
(cf. Wachtel,1989).
anykindof enduring
thepopularmoodduringthe
is offered
Further
by considering
perspective
of economicdeclinein thisperiodwas verywideCarteryears.The perception
spread,and the generalexperiencewas thatwe were going through"hard
times."Yet in factpercapitadisposableincomeduringtheCarteryears(after
and taxes)was at whatwas thenan all-timehigh.
forbothinflation
correcting
And at least in economicterms,the answerto the rhetorical
questionwhich
off
RonaldReaganusedto suchadvantageinthe1980debates- "Areyoubetter
thanyou werefouryearsago?"-was, formostAmericans,"Yes." Per capita
forinflation
and
incomeroseduringtheCarteryears(again,evenaftercorrecting
oftheelectorate.
thatwas notthesubjective
taxes).Clearly,however,
experience
Figuresforfamilyorhouseholdincomedo notshowquitethesamepicture.
at thesametimewas a
thatwas occurring
Thatis becauseanother
phenomenon
declinein the size of theaveragehousehold,bothbecausecoupleshad fewer
of individuals
to
childrenand becauseof highdivorceratesand theinclination
remainsinglelongerand to establishtheirown households.Whenthemoney
availableto a householdneedstobe spreadoverfewerpeople,percapitaincome
can risefasterthanhouseholdincome.Clearlythesameamountofmoneyyields
a highereconomicstandard
of livingto, say,a householdofthreethanto one of
four.The figures
forhourlywagesandweeklywagestoo showeda less salutary
ofwomenintothe
oflargenumbers
picturethandidpercapitaincome.Theentry
of newworkers
of the "baby
workforce,alongwiththeentryof largenumbers
boom" generation,
no doubtcontributed
to thedownwardpressureon wages.
The pointremains,however,thattheeconomywas growingoverall,peopleon
averagehad morematerialgoodsthantheyhadeverhad,andyetthesubjective
of socialgenerosity
thata growing
experiencewas ofhardtimes;thegeneration
is
to
was
not
(See Wachtel,1989, fora
economy supposed yield
forthcoming.
ofthesubjectiveimplications
ofdiffering
moredetailedexamination
measuresof
introduced
for
economicperformance
and of theconfusions
when, example,a
reducedrate of growthin productivity
is widelydescribedas a decline in
productivity.)
DuringtheReagan yearstheeconomycontinuedto grow,and per capita
that
disposableincomegrewevenfaster.Accordingto the "risingtide"theory,
shouldhave led to increasedgenerosity
towardthosein need and an increased
to fundsocialprograms.
fewwouldsuggestthatsucha set
willingness
Certainly
of attitudes
was thedominant
view in theReaganyears.
Social attitudes,
as wellas theexperience
offeelingrelatively
contented
and
comfortable
or of feelingdeprivedand resentful,
seemto havelittleto do with
actualincomeorgoodsavailable.Consider,forexample,thedifferences
in what
theaverageAmericanhad at thetimethegreatWaron Poverty
was declaredin
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Wachtel
754
the1960sand whatis availablein theaveragehometoday,whenmoralpassions
seem to centerinsteadon a Waron Taxes. Fromthe middleof the Johnson
bothpercapitaGNP
to themiddleof theReaganadministration,
administration
50%. Moreover,whenone
andpercapitadisposableincomeroseapproximately
looks at possessionof a varietyof consumergoods-measuresof whatpeople
The percentage
actuallyhavein theirhomes-the riseis evenmoreimpressive:
of homeswithclothesdryersincreasedby about 130%; withair conditioning
setsover
180%; andwithcolortelevision
150%; withdishwashers
approximately
was thatwe could affordsocial pro800%. Yet in 1965 thepublicperception
was thatwe couldnot.Once again
perception
gramsand in 1985 thedominant
theexpectedriseinsocialgenerosity,
we see thatthetiderosequiteconsiderably;
however,was notforthcoming.
thatcannot
in interpreting
thesefigures
Thereare, to be sure,complexities
be addressedin a briefpapersuchas this.Factorssuchas theincreasedpressure
overthe20-yearperiod;theimplicafromforeign,
especiallyAsian,competitors
in manyinstancesnotfromhigher
tionsof higherhouseholdincomesresulting
from
two
but
earner
of
a
people insteadof one working;
singlewage
wages
thattheresultsof
substantial
risesin thecostsof housing;andpublicperception
role
in contributing
a
were
theanti-poverty
disappointing-allplayed
programs
thatwe couldno
andtotheperception
to suchprograms
tothepublic'sresistance
itmustbe notedthatincreasesin
them.Attheveryleast,however,
longerafford
to increasesinsocial
incomeandpossessionsdo notbearanysimplerelationship
on
the
efforts
to
focus
or
inclination
plightof thoseat the
society's
generosity
bottom.Fora detaileddiscussionoftheseandrelatedissues,see Wachtel(1989).
NUCLEAR WINTER AND ECOLOGICAL WINTER
Perusalof thepagesof thisjournalwillreadilysuggestthata primemotive
intothefieldof politicalpsychology
has been
leadingmanyof itspractitioners
workhas beendone
concernabouttheprospectof nuclearwar.Muchimportant
can be helpfulin addressing
thiscenhow psychological
perspectives
exploring
much
has
less
been done by psychologically
tralchallengeof our age. But
one ofthecentralfactors
tensionsinexamining
ofinternational
students
oriented
in
which
the
economiesoftheworld,andthe
thosetensions:theways
underlying
who
in them,are organizedaround
of those
participate
subjectiveexpectations
forcontinually
markets
andfor
theidea ofgrowth.In thecompetition
expanding
of scarcenaturalresourcesresidesone of thecentral
utilization
ever-increasing
sourcesof potentialtensionsand potentialflashpoints.
is instituTo be sure,muchof whatleads to thesedangerousimperatives
and modeof functioning
of oureconomic
theoverallstructure
tional,reflecting
needsand processes.But
psychological
expressing
system,ratherthandirectly
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and Economic
PoliticalPsychology
Psychology
755
that
needsand assumptions
of institutions
fromthepsychological
theautonomy
is farfromabsolute;forour
contributed
to theirevolution,whilesignificant,
systemto continuein its presentform,its psychologicalunderpinnings-the
also be
andperceptions-must
corollarysystemof wants,needs,expectations,
of needingevermore
of theindividualpsychology
maintained.Understanding
and derivesfrom
bothsupports
and more(and, indeed,of howthatpsychology
the largersocial and economicsystem-since it is not a universalof human
to theaimofreducing
international
nature)can contribute
usefully(ifindirectly)
tensionsin a lastingway.
ofthepsychological
associatedwitha
Moreover,understanding
imperatives
to addressa second,
wayoflifeis especiallyessentialforefforts
growth-oriented
threat
facedbyall ofmankind-thedestrucandpotentially
equallycatastrophic,
of thelife-sustaining
tionor radicalalteration
biosphere.It maywell be thatan
us moreimminently
thana nuclearwinter,and
ecologicalwinterwill confront
betweenthepoliticaland thepsychological
who
of theinterface
thosestudents
to avertthelatterdisastermay
haveworkedso hardin theserviceof attempting
findthemselvesworkingto avertthe formeras well. In such an
increasingly
howindividuals
learnto definetheireconomicneeds,how
effort,
understanding
of
in
the
fetishism
whatthefrustrations
and self-decepmore,
theyparticipate
ourlives,and,ingeneral,how
tionsarethatresultfromsucha wayoforganizing
associatedwiththeeconomicdimensionof ourlives
thesubjectiveexperiences
in
out
the
themselves
public arena-all thesewill become increasingly
play
central.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
of interestin the fieldof political
One likelysourceof the burgeoning
is
and
narrowness
thatcan be distressingly
the
evidentin
sterility
psychology
withinthestandard
of
conducted
the
research
academic
disciparadigms
separate
there
has
been
much
creative
work
within
standard
certainly
plines.Although
thefactofa project'sbeing
unfortunately,
disciplinary
paradigms(and although,
no
is
in
assurance
of
or
itself
one
quality creativity),
interdisciplinary
certainly
haveturned
to fieldslikepoliticalpsycholoreasonthatmanyof itspractitioners
will producea hybridthatis morerobust
gy is thehope thatcross-fertilization
and interesting.
different
Froma slightly
itmaybe
(thoughscarcelyunrelated)
perspective,
much
of
work
in
that
the
is
motivated
politicalpsychology
suggested
bya desire
To
to have impactuponand relevanceto real-world
be
sure,thereis
problems.
in
that
is
research
"academic."
Morecertainly
politicalpsychology
identifiably
over,thefactthatresearchis basic or "academic"in no way impliesthatit is
withoutvalue, even forthe solutionof practicalproblems.Lewin's
therefore
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Wachtel
756
so practicalas a goodtheory"remainsa
that"thereis nothing
(1951) suggestion
of thisnew
wise and accuratestatement.
Nonetheless,
manyof thepractitioners
theproblems,
hybridfieldhaveentereditoutof a wishto addressmoredirectly
issues,and crisesthatfaceoursociety.
it
Giventheseaims and proclitivities
in thefieldof politicalpsychology,
inthiseminently
fieldtoexpand
seemsusefulforthoseworking
interdisciplinary
theirpurviewjust a bit moreto includethe crucialeconomicdimensionof
"objective"constraints
influencing
people's
people'slives,bothas itintroduces
decisionsand as it providesfertilegroundforsubjectiveprocessesof selective
and goal-setting.
Unand interpretation,
attribution,
self-deception,
perception
der rubricssuch as behavioraleconomics, economic psychology,socioeconomics,humaneconomy,social economics,and
economics,evolutionary
of individualsare developingwiththeaim of
ecologicaleconomics,networks
conceptionsof how our economicsystemworks,of the
exploringalternative
thatguideandfuelit,andof itsconsequences
motivations
andmodesofthought
or travail.
forhumansatisfaction
of standardeconomicthought-a shortOne of theseriousshortcomings
to attempts
that
some
of
the
work
alluded
to address-is precisely
just
coming
foreconomicformulations
and theorems
to proceedas ifboththe
thetendency
and thepoliticaldimensions
can be ignored.A paradigmof pure
psychological
in power,as well as fromthe
choice,divorcedfromtherealitiesof differences
and
error
sources
of
that
have
beenthefocusof psycholirrationality
multiple
different
is
the
of
orientations,
guidingfictionof mucheconomic
ogists many
of
of
a
measure
non-fiction
intothisrealmbythosewho
The
injecting
analysis.
thepsychological
have devotedtheircareersto understanding
and politicaldiwouldbe a mostusefulcontribution.
mensionsof humanaffairs
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