Devolution in practice II Public policy differences within the UK timescale December 2003 – September 2005 top line Literature concerning devolution is dominated either by debates on national identity or by governance and constitutional matters. The impact of devolution on economic and social policy is still an under-explored area of research. For this reason, ippr proposes to revisit Devolution in Practice, seen by many as the key text exploring public policy divergence within the UK. We propose to update developments in health and education; explore new policy areas such as social inclusion, transport and housing; and to flesh out the emerging debates on territorial justice, subsidiarity and solidarity. policy context Devolution is one of the most radical constitutional changes in the governance of the United Kingdom for generations, and has created new centres of political power and new devolved polities in four different territories within the UK. However, devolution should not be seen as simply a change to the constitution – it is also a major change to the public policy-making process. The Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales, the Greater London Authority and (when sitting) the Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly have powers in a wide range of policy areas and are responsible for billions of pounds of public expenditure. True, the UK has always had a differentiated policy process, with separate administrative structures for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This did allow for significant territorial variations in policy process and outcomes, but devolution has taken this to new levels. It is remarkable just how little attention has been paid to the consequences of differentiated policy making and just how little comprehension we have of the policy debates in different parts of the UK. Devolution in Practice remains perhaps the only attempt to map policy-divergence across numerous policy areas across the four nations of the United Kingdom. But since this publication public policy debates have moved on: the political parties have published their manifestos, devolved elections have taken place in Scotland and Wales and the Lib-Lab coalition in Wales has ended. Northern Ireland is again under direct rule. Furthermore, there is still little idea of how much policy variation we should have in a single nation state (albeit it one with four stateless nations). While there is popular support for devolution to ‘bring power closer to the people’, there are also worries about ‘post-code 1 lotteries’ and the ‘North-South divide’. The ‘National Health Service’ is still regarded as a UK institution (despite the fact there are now four national health services). We do not propose constructing a crude ‘league table’ on the successes or failures of the devolved institutions and Whitehall. Rather we shall aim to examine in more detail the nature of policy divergence in the UK and the pressures for (and constraints upon) differentiated policy-making. Therefore we propose to re-visit Devolution in Practice. We intend up-dating some parts of the publication, particularly in health and education where policy debates are constantly changing. We shall also explore important new policy areas, such as transport and social inclusion. Importantly, we also intend to bring all the work of the project together to map out the crosscutting themes of public policy debates across the UK. aims / objectives Our aim is to help bring balance to the post-devolution literature – researching the economic and social impact of devolution to accompany the larger literature on identity and constitutional issues. We will take a number of policy areas in turn and examine how policy is diverging, what pressures have led to this divergence, when does divergence become problematic and how can ‘good practice’ be spread across the UK. We will also examine broader questions: what should be the balance between centralism and diversity in delivering key public services, and do variations in policy between different parts of the UK matter? We will work closely with the key players both in Whitehall (at the Cabinet Office, HM Treasury, and policy departments) and in the devolved administrations (in Scotland, Wales, London and Northern Ireland). We will also work closely with colleagues in ippr London who have specific expertise relating to particular policy agendas. As ippr is the leading think-tank in the UK, and has a strong record of work both in constitutional reform and across numerous public policy areas, we are well placed to explore this under-researched. key components Section 1 – Devolution and Social Inclusion The commitment to abolish child poverty by 2020 is perhaps the single most important policy objective of the UK Government. Are there different circumstances in the devolved territories, and if so does Whitehall appreciate the differences? As London has the highest levels of child poverty in the UK, how has Ken Livingstone responded? Do the recent tax and benefit reforms have different impacts upon London, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland? How does the single welfare state constrain policy-making in the devolved territories, and what will be the impact of the SR2004 Child Poverty review? To what extent do the devolved administrations share the child poverty pledge, and what role can they play? What anti-poverty policies are they pursuing, how do they differ from Whitehall and how successful are they? Also relevant is the UK Government target of reducing regional economic disparities, and the forthcoming Joint Ministerial Committee on the economy. There are many policy areas we would wish to explore in this section of the project, and they include economic policy, employment policy, childcare and Sure Start, regeneration, neighbourhood renewal and area-based initiatives, and the many policy schemes designed to promote ‘community’. It is proposed that a free-of-charge, internet-based, report on Devolution and Social Inclusion be prepared, and a high-profile event be held in either Cardiff, Belfast or Edinburgh. This would help raise the profile of the issue, and generate wider public debate. We would aim to secure ministerial 2 attendance both from Whitehall and the devolved administrations and to secure press coverage in both devolved and national press. Section 2 – Health and Education These are the two devolved policy areas with the highest public profile, and they account for a large majority of the budgets of the devolved administrations. It may well be that the ultimate success of devolution is judged upon these areas, but it seems as if the general public feels that devolution has made little difference to the quality of provision. Devolution in Practice examined policy divergence in these fields, but what has happened since the devolved elections? The keynote initiatives are well known and in many ways have set the terms of some policy debates in England – free long-term personal care, abolition of up-front tuition fees, et al. But what is the second-term agenda, and is there any sign that the devolved territories can become ‘policy-laboratories’? To what extent are the devolved administrations bringing forward new ideas rather than simply rejecting the approach of Whitehall? And how do decisions taken in Whitehall affect policy in the devolved territories, for example in the Higher Education White Paper? Are we able now to start assessing the impact of policy initiatives on policy outcomes, for example in terms of waiting lists or school attainment? Where does policy seems to be working, and where does it seem to be failing? And are concerns about public acceptance of different standards of public service (of equity and diversity) becoming more pronounced post-devolution? Section 3 - Sustainability Issues Issues such as the environment, housing and transport have been little researched in the post devolution world. Yet in many ways these areas diverge the most. Uniquely among EU nations the National Assembly for Wales has sustainable development built into its constitution. But what difference has this made in practice, and has sustainable development really been built into policy development. What is the situation in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Whitehall (which have no such duty)? Do the devolved administrations have different understandings about the trade-offs between the environment, the economy and social progress? How has this manifested itself in actual policy areas – for example, planning policy, urban sprawl and attitudes to GM food? In Devolution in Practice it was argued that agricultural policy in England was significantly more sustainable than in the devolved territories. Is this a unique policy area, or does this apply more widely? What of the connected policy area of transport? How is that developing post-devolution? Do the devolved administrations have different views on the role of transport in the economy and in society? How is this playing out in policy areas such as the liveability agenda? Was the London congestion charge typical of devolved decision-making, or simply a response to the unique pressures of London? How sensitive is the Department for Transport to the devolved territories in such areas as aviation policy and on the rail network? Scotland has had for some time a substantially different housing system from the rest of the UK policy, but how have things changed post-devolution? How has the split between housing policy (devolved) and housing benefit (reserved) worked out? What other Whitehall initiatives have impacted upon housing policy in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – particularly in the field of local government? What motivated the Treasury to intervene (and offer funds) in stock transfer debates in devolved territories, for example in 3 Glasgow? And is it important that stock transfer was more successful in Glasgow than Birmingham? Section 4 – Conclusion At the end of this project, a broad swathe of public policy areas will have been researched under the Devolution in Practice umbrella: including rural affairs and economic development. But what common cross-cutting themes can be ascertained? Do the different administrations attach different levels of importance to choice in public sector provision – and how do they balance this against equity? Do different attachments to equity reflect different value-bases in the different nations? The UK government has introduced greater degrees of conditionality into (mostly reserved) functions such as active labour market policies and housing benefit. How have the devolved territories responded to those initiatives, and where are they with the rights and responsibilities debate? It is often said that Whitehall has more ‘control-freak’ tendencies than the devolved administrations but to what extent is this true? And in any case what impact does this have on outputs and standards? Rhodri Morgan has claimed that his approach to public service reform is to treat the people of Wales as citizens, not consumers. To what extent is this true, are there different notions of ‘ownership’ between the four countries of the UK, and how far are there different expectations of public service delivery? Devolution has prompted debates on the notion of territorial justice, and Devolution in Practice developed this concept. But this important debate is in its infancy needs to be taken forward. Demands are often made of the UK centre to better articulate its role, but what does this mean in practice? Where do the boundaries of policy variation and economic disparity lie in a single nation state, and what should we make of claims of postcodes lottery? While it is nonsense to try to develop a ‘devolution-o-meter’, is there a methodology or a typology by which we judge how diversity becomes inequity? How does London, and the proposed English regional assemblies, affect this debate? To what extent are fiscal transfers dependent on an UK-wide sense of citizenship and solidarity? Indicative list of working seminars 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Social Inclusion: Poverty, Employment and Neighbourhood Renewal Health Education Environment (possibly held with Transport seminar) Transport (possibly held with Environment seminar) Housing Cross-Cutting Themes of Public Services Reform Solidarity and Subsidiarity Methodology The project will consist of a seminar series of commissioned papers, supported by secondary research work to produce background papers to inform discussion and debate. Where appropriate seminar papers will be commissioned from members of the ESRC Devolution Programme, utilising the findings of this £5m research programme. These seminar papers will form the basis of the final edited publication. outputs/ dissemination This project will involve two types of event. A series of seminars will be held throughout the UK. In each of these seminars we shall examine the key issues outlined above, with papers presented by academic and policy experts to a selected audience. In particular, 4 researchers from ippr and the ESRC Devolution Programme will be invited to contribute fully to this process. Participants will come from all parts of the United Kingdom and include representatives of academia, the civil service, executive agencies, employers, trade unions, elected institutions, local government and NGOs. This will be backed up by secondary research work to produce background papers to inform discussion and debate. It is planned that a number of public events will also be held across the UK to build on this work, raising the profile of the issues and generating wider public debate. At these events we would aim to secure ministerial and press attendance. In particular the programme of work will result in a keynote publication that ippr north will launch at a major event. project team A full-time Research Fellow will be appointed to work on this project. John Adams, Research Director of ippr, will manage the researcher on a day-to-day basis north. ippr is the leading independent think-tank in the UK. Through our well-researched and clearly-argued policy analysis, our strong networks in government, academia and the corporate and voluntary sectors and our high media profile, we can play a vital role in maintaining the momentum of progressive thought. www.ippr.org Devolution and Constitutional Change is one of the Research Programmes funded by the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council. The ESRC is the UK's largest funding agency for research and postgraduate training relating to social and economic issues. It has a track record of providing high-quality relevant research to business, the public sector and Government. The ESRC invests more than £53 million every year in social science research. The Devolution Programme is a major £4.7 million investment set up by the ESRC in 2000 to explore the impact of the devolution dynamic and to feed the research into policy debates. www.devolution.ac.uk 5
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