Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia – Barcelona 2005
Phonetic correlates of
vowel-less syllables in Berber
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
LPP – Paris 3 CNRS
19, rue des Bernardins
75005 Paris
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Tashlhiyt Berber: A case study
In Tashlhiyt Berber (TB), it is claimed that ANY consonant can be
syllabic even a voiceless stop
(Dell & Elmedlaoui 1985, 1988, 2002, Prince & Smolensky 1993, Zec 1995, Clements 1997).
Examples
 Voiced fricative :
/t-sbt/
 Voiceless fricative : /t-sti/
 Voiced stop :
/t-gra/
 Voiceless stop :
/t-kti/
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
[ts.bt] « you paint »
[ts.ti]
« she chooses »
[tg.ru] « she takes »
[tk.ti]
«she remembers»
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Is /tk/ a well formed syllable in TB?
1. Do long voiceless, vowel-less sequences exist?
(underlyingly and at the surface)
2. Are these long consonant sequences organized into syllables?
(in which even voiceless stops may serve as nuclei).
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Voiceless, vowel-less syllable in TB
 Absence of voicing and of schwa vowels in underlyingly voiceless
sequences was shown in Ridouane (2003) through:
acoustic,
fiberscopic,
photoelectroglottographic and
phonological analyses.
 Particular data attested in TB were dealt with:





ks
sf
t-kf
t-ft-t=stt
t-ss-kf-t=stt
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
‘to feed on’
‘to fade away’
‘it is dried’
‘you rolled it (fem)’
‘you dried it (fem)’
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Illustration of the states of the glottis during the production of [tsskft] « you dried » by R_R
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Evidence for syllable organization
1. Native linguist intuitions
(e.g. Elmedlaoui, Boukous, Jebbour, Ridouane).
2.
Some morphologically governed alternations (e.g. Imperfective gemination)
are captured by assuming the syllabification of consonant sequences.
(Dell & Elmedlaoui 1988, 2002, Jebbour 1995, 1996).
3.
Versification (syllabification in word sequences sung to a tune).
(Jouad 1983, Dell & Elmedlaoui 2002).
See Coleman (1996, 1999, 2001 for a different view)
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Versification: an example
• Rrays M. Albnsir (70ies)*
* The text is available on the website : www.azawan.com
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
L
H
L
L
L
H
L
L
L
L
H
a.
r
zm
di
wu
li
nus
lû
da
u
d
dig
b.
mq
qar
tn
tk
si
ar
di
sn
tnt
tl
ab
c.
ha
nur
gi
n
ki
nam
sa
u
la
ks
sab
d.
i
at
nu
ks
sa
bis
da
i
ra
way
yâd
e.
i
at
sl
la
ni
wa
tu
ks
i
di
bidd
f.
mn
wa
du
st
ti
nat
tu
kan
nt
m
ad
CV
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
How is a sequence syllabified?
• Assignment of nuclear status is determined mainly by the relative
sonority of the elements in the sequence.
Ex.
/t-sti/
/ngn/
[ts.ti] « she chose »
[n.gn] « we slept »
• The sonority requirement is not, however, sufficient (the prohibition
against complex codas, hiatus avoidance).
E.g. i.sa.wl although [l] is less sonorous than the semi-vowel.
Syllable types : CV, CVC, CC, CCC
See Dell & Elmedlaoui (2002)
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Question 1
1. Do obstruent syllabic consonants display acoustic or
articulatory properties that distinguish them from their
non syllabic counterparts?
• Syllabic consonants are said to be longer than their non-syllabic counterparts
(Price 1980, Clark & Yallop 1995, but see Toft 2002 for different results)
• Syllabic consonants are also commonly interpreted as sequences of +C, where
schwa occupies the syllable nucleus
(see Coleman 1996, 1999, 2001 for TB).
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia 2005
Question 2
Previous work
2. Does the syllable structure of the vowel-less sequences
translate into particular organizational properties of
articulatory gestures?
•
Browman et al. (1998) addressed the same questions using EMMA:
Consonant gestures bearing an onset-nucleus relation are more
strongly bonded than a heterosyllabic sequence.
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Our hypothesis…
1. Syllabic consonants may not necessarily surface with additional
acoustic or articulatory make-up (compared to their non-syllabic counterparts).
2. BUT, their syllabic status could translate into particular properties
related to their perceptual ‘recoverability’, (i.e. their preservation within the
consonant sequence):
– by showing specific pattern of stability in their phonetic
properties (e.g. by being less variable across multiple repetitions or across speech rates)
– by showing specific pattern of coordination with adjacent
consonants.
• the position and the relationship between the elements of a vowel-less
syllable would be predicted to surface in a particular shaping of
articulatory patterns (as shown in different languages and for more classical
syllable structures).
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Our hypothesis tested
To test this hypothesis, the articulatory characteristics of vowelless syllables will be examined by looking
at the linguopalatal articulation of consonant sequences, using
Electropalatography (EPG 3)
A technique showing the evolution of linguopaltal contact over time & space
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Design of experiment
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Design of experiment
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Procedure and results
1.
C2 Properties:
•
2.
Presence of schwa vowel (1), Durational (2), Spatial (3),
and Dynamic (4) properties of C2.
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
Coordination patterns:
•
C2-C3 coordination (N.O vs C.O)
•
C1-C2 coordination (O.N vs N.C)
1 & 2:
• quantitative value of the property measured
• stability of this property, i.e. variability of the measurement across the
12 repetitions.
Properties of C2
(nucleus vs. non nucleus)
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
(1) Presence of schwa before C2 nucleus
Question: Are nucleus consonants realized as a / +C/ sequence?
(Coleman, 1996, 2001)
Measurements: frequency of occurrence of ‘schwa’ (vowel-like
voiced periods and/or formant structure) before C2.
t
Occurrence of schwa vowel
before C2 onset in /t-gn/ “she
slept”
g
n
Results
Nucleus
Frequency of occurrence
of schwa before C2
14
Coda
C2 = /k/
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
Onset
C2 = /g/
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
01
tk.ti
nk.ti
*n.kt
02
tk.sa
nk.sa
n.ks
03
tk.nu
nk.nu
*n.kn
04
tg.za
ng.za
*n.gz
05
tg.nu
ng.nu
n.gn
06
tg.Di
ng.Di
n.gD
Occurrence of schwa is not conditionned by the syllabicity of C2:
1. Occurrence of schwa before /g/ nucleus is less frequent than before
/g/ onset or coda.
2. /k/ nucleus is never preceded by a vocoid.
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
(2) Durational properties of C2
Question: Are nucleus consonants longer than their non-nucleus
counterparts? (Price 1980)
Measurements:
1. Duration of C2 acoustic hold (i.e. without burst) & its variability
across repetitions
2. Duration of C2 linguopalatal closure & its variability across
repetitions
Results
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
No significant differences were found in acoustic or articulatory
durations of C2 depending on syllabic status.
– Syllabic consonants are not longer than their non syllabic
counterparts: onset or coda.
– They are not more stable in duration neither (same variability)
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
(3) Spatial properties of C2
Question:
Are nucleus consonants articulated differently (allophones, strengthening )?
=> do they differ from their non-syllabic counterparts in terms of
size or location of the linguopalatal contact area?
Measurements:
1. Frequency of occurrence of consonants with or without a full velar
closure on the EPG profile.
Lack of complete back closure:
=> closure is more posterior (not visible on the palate)
=> the stop is lenited
Results 1
% of realizations with full velar closure
Nucleus
100
Coda
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
Onset
C2 = /g/
C2 = /k/
80
60
%
40
20
0
01
02
03 items 04
05
06
Nucleus consonants are more frequently produced with a visible full
velar closure compared to onsets or codas (esp. for /k/).
Results 2
Measurements:
2. For the cases showing full velar closure, differences in the amount
of linguopalatal contact in the velar region as function of C2 status?
Defined velar region
1. C2 nucleus is not articulated with a greater amount of contact
than C2 coda or onset.
2. No consistent difference in the variability across repetitions
were observed neither.
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
(3) Dynamic properties of C2
Question:
Do nucleus consonants differ in the dynamic properties of their
articulatory movements?
In Articulatory Phonology, vocalic gestures are specified with a smaller
stiffness (i.e. take longer to reach their target) than consonant gestures.
Will syllabic consonants behave as vowels?
Recall that we are not dealing with articulatory movements per se.
EPG = measure of contact between the tongue and the palate, does not show the movement of the tongue.
The articulatory events considered can be related, but are not identical, to the ones observed with movement
tracking techniques.
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
(3) Dynamic properties of C2
Measurements:
• ‘stiffness’: time from the onset of contact in the velar region
(‘velar movement onset’) to the frame with maximum contact (‘velar
target’)
• ‘velocity’: slope of the evolution in the contact profile (‘velar
movement’) from onset of contact to maximum of contact
max
onset
time
Results
– The time taken to reach the ‘target’ is shorter for nuclei than
for onsets or codas (stiffness is higher)
(this is comparable to Browman et al.’ (1998) results for nucleus /r/)
– The slope of the ‘movement’ is sharper for nuclei (velocity is higher).
(same displacement)
vs.
time
C2
Nucleus
C2
Coda or Onset
Higher stiffness and velocity is opposite to what would be expected
if nucleus consonants were to share vowel properties.
Patterns of coordination
between consonants
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Coordination b/w nucleus and adjacent Cs
Questions:
Does the pattern of coordination between adjacent consonants differ
according to the syllabic status of C2?
– Absolute latencies: are articulatory events of the nucleus consonant
aligned later in time relative to the adjacent consonants?
– Amount of overlap: are nuclei less overlapped by adjacent consonants?
– Variability: is the articulatory timing between nucleus and adjacent
consonants more stable across repetitions?
Measurements:
1. absolute latencies, i.e. delay between particular acoustic or
articulatory events (‘onset of epg closure’, ‘onset of contact’ in the velar
or alveolar regions)
2. amount of overlap between velar and adjacent alveolar consonants
3. variability of these measurements across repetitions
Illustration (C1-C2 coordination)
C1-C2 overlap: time during which EPG contact occur in
both velar and alveolar regions (i.e. the front articulation of C1
co-occur with the back articulation for C2.
Contact profile:
% of contact over time in specific regions
C1
C2
C3
Alveolar region
Velar region
C1 overlap
C1 closure overlap
Sequence overlap (C1+C2)
ms.
Illustration (C2-C3 coordination)
C2-C3 overlap: time during which EPG contact occur
in both velar and alveolar regions (i.e. the front articulation of
C3 co-occur with the back articulation for C2.
Contact profile:
% of contact over time in specific regions
%
C1
C2
C3
Alveolar region
Velar region
C2 overlap
ms.
C2 closure duration
Sequence overlap (C2+C3)
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
C2-C3 coordination - Results
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
[Nucleus . Onset] vs. [Coda . Onset]
• Less overlap between a Nucleus and a following Onset
(holds for ‘C2 overlap’ and ‘C2closure overlap’)
vs.
C2
.
C3
[Nucleus . Onset]
C2
.
C3
[Coda . Onset]
C2-C3 coordination – Results (cont.)
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
[Nucleus . Onset] vs. [Coda . Onset]
• More stability in temporal alignment between a Nucleus and a
following Onset: less variability across repetitions in the delay between ‘onset of
contact in velar region’ for C2 and ‘onset of contact in alveolar region’ for C3.
vs.
C2
.
C3
[Nucleus . Onset]
C2
.
C3
[Coda . Onset]
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
C1-C2 coordination – Results
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
[Onset+Nucleus] vs. [Nucleus+Coda]
• Greater delay between events in the [Onset+Nucleus] sequence: ‘onset of
contact in velar region’ & ‘onset of EPG closure’ for C2 nucleus start later relative to C1.
vs.
C1
C2
[Onset+Nucleus]
C1
C2
[Nucleus+Coda]
C1-C2 coordination – Results (cont.)
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
[Onset+Nucleus] vs. [Nucleus+Coda]
• More overlap within the [Onset+Nucleus] sequence.
(holds for ‘C1 overlap’, ‘C1closure overlap’, ‘sequence overlap’)
longer C1 in the [Onset+Nucleus] condition (where C1 is a /t/)
t
C2
n
C2
C1
C2
vs.
longer C1 C1
C2
[Onset+Nucleus]
[Nucleus+Coda]
C1-C2 coordination – Results (cont.)
C1 C2 C3
O N . O
N C . O
N .O N
[Onset+Nucleus] vs. [Nucleus+Coda]
• Less variability in overlap (i.e. tighter coordination) within the
[Onset+Nucleus] sequence: less variability in the 3 overlap measurements across
repetitions when C2 is nucleus
vs.
C1
C2
[Onset+Nucleus]
C1
C2
[Nucleus+Coda]
Contact profil in front and back regions, item 01
C1
onset
100%
C2
nucleus
C3
onset
.
90%
Condition
« C2 nucleus »
/t k . t/
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
320
340
360
380
320
340
360
380
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
240
220
200
180
160
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0%
0
Condition
« C2 coda »
/n k . t/
420
300
300
C3
onset
.
400
280
280
240
220
200
180
160
140
260
100%
C2
coda
260
C1
nucleus
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
0%
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Conclusion
The syllabicity of an obstruent in TB:
•
Does not translate into additional acoustic or articulatory make-up:
Among the properties examined, very few differentiate nucleus
consonants from their non-nucleus counterparts (differences in dynamic
properties may be related to the nature of the preceding consonant)
•
Neither does it translate into a particular stability of the consonant
properties across repetitions (contra to expectation).
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Conclusion (cont.)
The syllabicity of an obstruent in TB:
•
Rather translates into specific patterns of coordination between
this segment and the adjacent consonants:
1. evidenced by particular pattern of overlap and temporal
alignment of articulatory events (phasing).
2. and more interestingly, by a more stable pattern of
coordination (bonding).
Need to be confirmed by data from additional speakers…
But importantly, our results echo those of Browman et al. 1998.
Back to our Hypo…
Temporal alignment / Overlap pattern
for C2 nucleus
Delayed relative to C1
Not less overlapped by C1,
but stable overlap
More stable relative to C3
Less overlapped by C3
The configurational properties of the vowel-less syllable
(less overlap, longer delay between events and more stable coordination)
could contribute to the preservation of the perceptual cues of
the syllabic consonant within the consonant sequence.
Thank you for your attention.
Coordination between
tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic Cs
Questions:
• When C1C2 or C2C3 are tautosyllabic:
• Tighter (less variable) coordination within tautosyllabic sequences vs.
within heterosyllabic sequences.
s
s
s
C1C2 coordination in tautosyllabic vs. heterosyllabic seq.
- heterosyllabic [Nucleus.Onset] vs.
- tautosyllabic [Onset+Nucleus] or [Nucleus+Coda]
tautosyllabic
heterosyllabic
> delay between contact onsets
< variability in overlap (Closure overlap, Seq
overlap & C1 overlap)
C1
C2
O
N
C1
N
C1
C2
N
C
.
.
C2
O
> delay between acoustic onset (burst/schwa…)
< overlap (Closure overlap)
< variability in overlap (Closure overlap)
Tighter coordination (less variability), less overlap or more temporal
delay within a tautosyllabic sequence.
C2C3 coordination in tautosyllabic vs. heterosyllabic seq.
- heterosyllabic [Nucleus.Onset] and [Coda.Onset] vs.
- tautosyllabic [Onset+Nucleus]
tautosyllabic
heterosyllabic
> Overlap (Seq overlap, Closure overlap & C2 overlap)
< Delay in acoustic onset, closure onset but > in contact
onset
> Variability in delay of contact onset and acoustic onset
C2
C3
O
N
C2
N
C3
.
.
O
< Delay in acoustic onset
C2
C
.
.
C3
O
Tightness of coordination within the tautosyllabic sequence is less
apparent when looking at C2-C3 (due to cases comapred? E.g.
constraint on [nucleus.onset] coordination??)
Acoustic transition between the Cs closures
i.e. delay between the acoustic onset of C2 hold and the acoustic offset
of C1 hold, idem between C2 and C3.
=> include burst duration and possible ‘schwa’
D C2-C1
C1 acoustic
offset
D C3-C2
C2 acoustic
onset
C2 acoustic
offset
C3 acoustic
onset
Region definition
Front region
Back region
eliminated
(= vowel contact, shared contact)
TB: the phonological system
• 32 Cs , 2 SV & 3 Vs
Labial
Dental
t
d
n
s
z
l
b
m
f
w
u
i
!t
!d
!n
!s
!z
!l
Alv. Pal.
Velar
Uvular
k
g
q
k°
g°
 !
 !


Pharyng.
q°
°
°


y
i

Laryng.
h
a


i
The parsing of [in.na.yam.tk.ti]
DEA
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Steps of the DEA
Seek [X][+low,+syll] & Build
Seek [X][-low,+syll] & Build
Seek [X][-syll,+son,-nas]
Seek [X][-syll,+son,+nas]
Seek [X][-son, +cnt, +voi]
Seek [X][-son, +cnt, -voi]
Seek [X][-son,-cnt,+voi]
Seek [X][-son,-cnt,-voi] & Build
yamtkti
(ya)mtkti
(ya)mtk(ti)
—
—
—
—
—
(ya)m(tk)(ti)
The final form is derived with /m/ assigned to a coda by a late
adjunction rule, onsetless syllables being prohibited in non-initial position
[yam.tk.ti]
The parsing of [in.na.ya.mnk.ti]
DEA
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Steps of the DEA
Seek [X][+low,+syll] & Build
Seek [X][-low,+syll] & Build
Seek [X][-syll,+son,-nas]
Seek [X][-syll,+son,+nas]
Seek [X][-son, +cnt, +voi]
Seek [X][-son, +cnt, -voi] & Build
Seek [X][-son,-cnt,+voi]
Seek [X][-son,-cnt,-voi]
yamtkti
(ya)mnkti
(ya)mnk(ti)
—
(ya)(mn)k(ti)
—
—
—
—
The final form is derived with /k/ assigned to a coda by a late
adjunction rule, onsetless syllables being prohibited in non-initial position
[ya.mnk.ti]
The parsing of [in.na.ya.mn.kt]
DEA
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Steps of the DEA
Seek [X][+low,+syll] & Build
Seek [X][-low,+syll] & Build
Seek [X][-syll,+son,-nas]
Seek [X][-syll,+son,+nas]
Seek [X][-son, +cnt, +voi]
Seek [X][-son, +cnt, -voi] & Build
Seek [X][-son,-cnt,+voi]
Seek [X][-son,-cnt,-voi]
yamnkt
(ya)mnkt
—
—
(ya)(mn)kt
—
—
—
(ya)(mn)(kt)
• S+F+S+F+F+S+F+S+S+F+S+F+S+F+S
tsskftstt tfttstt “you rolled it and you dried it”
Acoustics
Figure 1. Audio signal and spectro of one repetition of [sfqqst] by R_R
Figure 2. Audio signal and spectro of one repetition of [tfsxt] by A_R
C1 onset
C2 nucleus .
C3
onset
100%
90%
Condition
« C2 nucleus »
/t k . t/
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
280
260
240
220
440
420
400
380
360
340
320
300
280
260
240
220
180
200
200
160
140
120
100
80
C3
nucleus
180
160
140
120
100
80
40
60
60
20
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
40
C1
. C2 onset
nucleus
0
Condition
« C2 onset »
/n . k t/
20
0
0%
Example of EPG data
e.g. /nk.t/ item 01, C2 nucleus, rep. 4
E.g. item 01, C2 coda
e.g. /nk.ti/ item 01, C2 coda, rep. 3
E.g. item 01, C2 onset
e.g. /nk.t/ item 01, C2 onset, rep. 8
e.g. absence of full velar closure, more posterior?
e.g. /nk.ti/ item 01, C2 coda, rep. 4 - NC
D
onset
of
back
and
front
closures
i.e. delay between the onsets of the velar closure for C2 and the onset
of the alveolar closure for C3. Idem between C1 and C2.
onset of C2
velar closure
D onset Closure C3-C2
Seq 01 A N 4
onset of C3 alveolar
closure
D onset of contact in back and front
i.e. delay between the onsets of
linguopalatal contact in the velar region
regions
for C2 and the onset of contact in the alveolar region for C1. Idem
between C2 and C3.
Contact profile: % of contact over time in Front and Back regions
C1
%
C2
C3
Front region
Back region
ms.
Onset Front
Onset Back
D onset C2-C1
Onset Front
D onset C3-C2
The area where TB is spoken
Agadir
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Syllable: a physical reality?
• Important psycholinguistic and phonological facts contribute to place
the syllable in the core of speech process.
- Ample justification has been presented showing that the syllable is an essential
unit of phonological organization (Kahn 1976, Steriade 1982, Clements & Keyser
1983, etc.) see Kenstowicz 1994 for a review.
•
However, the physical nature of the syllable is still something of a
« terra incongnita » See Meynadier 2001 for a review
- Many authors from E.W. Scripture and A. Rousselot to Malmberg and Rosetti,
consider the syllable as a psychological reality with no direct phonetic correlates.
- Others (Sievers 1881, Stetson 1951, Kozhevnikov & Chistovich 1965) consider it
as a physical unit… but the physical correlates are far from being uniform or direct.
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB
Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia, Papi 2005
Syllable in Articulatory Phonology
Articulatory Phonology provides a way of thinking about the physical properties
of syllables that leads to testable hypotheses about syllabic organization
(Browman & Goldstein 1995)
• In this framework (Browman & Goldstein 1995), articulatory gestures are the
elementary units of phonology. Syllables are defined as stable patterns
of temporal organization between these gestures.
• For e.g., Browman & Goldstein 1995 and Byrd 1996 have shown based
on articulatory data from English that the temporal relationships
between consonant gestures differ, depending on whether the gestures
constitute a syllable.
Cécile Fougeron & Rachid Ridouane
Looking for Phonetic correlates of voiceless Syllables in TB