Changing Urban Form of the African City, the case of Dar es
Salaam-Tanzania.
A paper presented at the Joint CPD Seminar of AAT/EAIA, Trienual EAIA AGM and 100
Years of EAIA and 31 Years of AAT at Mlimani City Conference Centre on 4th -6th July
2013
Arch(Dr.) Ezekiel Z. Moshi +255 (0)754 27 99 49, [email protected]
Introduction
It has been observed by many that urbanisation in Africa has reached unprecedented rates as
more and more people migrate from the rural areas to the cities due to complex social economic
and cultural factors coupled with the natural growth of the cities themselves. It is further noted
that this wave of urbanisation is without precedent and the changes are too large and too fast to
allow planners and policymakers to act in time. Besides, the urbanisation trend is characterised
by a number of challenges such as poverty, urban governance deficiencies, poor public
transportation and poor infrastructures. To compound the challenges, there is a serious shortage
of data which could be used to assist urban managers in addressing the emerging issues of the
African city. Despite the challenges, urbanisation in Africa continues with East Africa having the
world’s shortest urban population doubling time, less than nine years (HABITAT 2008:4).
The challenges facing the African city are to an extent very well expressed in how the Dar es
Salaam City centre and especially Kariakoo area has transformed in the post colonial period
especially within the last two decades starting in the late 1980s
Recent Trends
My observation of the recent developments in Dar es Salaam city centre, particularly those
taking place in Kariakoo area, have challenged my outlook on the production of buildings and
urban form. My curiosity was particularly drawn to the relationship between the individual
buildings and the city as the form of one impact on the other. I have also been concerned about
the relationship between private and public domains: i.e. buildings on the one part, and open
spaces, streets, and public utilities on the other part. This curiosity has particularly inspired my
questioning of and reflection on how architecture is being produced in the context of our city
centres which are experiencing rapid redevelopment amid declining public capacity to regulate
and direct urban development activities. While one may understand and explain the design of
individual buildings, there seems to be a gap in the understanding of how the urban morphology
is evolving. The Kariakoo area has in recent times demonstrated a relatively higher tempo of
change with interesting patterns and processes. The post-colonial period has witnessed the
appropriation of the inherited colonial city centre spaces by a new socio-economic, socio-cultural
and political setting. This new setting which is unprecedented in Africa’s urban history provides
challenges worth investigating. The understanding of the changes will provide knowledge and
new insights into the key actors and factors involved in city development as to the adequacy and
outcomes of their decisions, roles, practices and institutional frameworks.
Historical Setting
According to Elleh (1997), in Africa urbanism is a complex issue that has evolved out of the
three distinct factors of triple African heritage: the indigenous culture, Western intrusion and
influence, and Islamic legacies. Together, these factors combine to form cities different from
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those in other parts of the world (Elleh 1997:335). In East Africa, the heritage also includes
Indian influences.
Transformations
Dar es Salaam, like many other African cities, is expanding horizontally into new territories as
well as transforming its existing architectural form to accommodate the increasing population
and the myriad of social and economic activities and functions that go with it. This has resulted
into both horizontal sprawl in the periphery and vertical sprawl in the city centre. the physical
form of the city is thus changing in line with the evolving demands. The question here is: “do we
really understand why and how the changes are taking place. Such understanding could be of
great importance to architects, urban designers, planners, policy makers and others involved in
the development and management of the built environment in cities, especially in a post colonial
African context.
Architects and other Professionals
While often being confined to the boundaries of the respective plots of their designs, architects
play a key role in the conceptualisation of the forms that transform urban spaces. The influences
of the produced forms reverberate throughout the city. Thus, knowledge from an architectural
perspective, of the complex formal, functional and socio-economic relationships emanating from
and leading to their “conceptualisation of space and object creation” should be an important part
of the design process. Likewise, urban designers need such understanding to be able to
coordinate the various components that go into the making of the urban form. Planners and urban
managers also need such understanding to be able to monitor and regulate the “high creative
energy” such as is manifested in the changes in the Dar es Salaam city centre especially in
Kariakoo.
The Post Colonial Period
In the post-colonial period, Dar es Salaam city centre has witnessed various changes in its
inherited physical form. These changes largely commenced in the late 1980’s and continue to
gain pace in recent times. While the changes can be attributed to the general urbanisation trends
of cities in Africa and elsewhere, the patterns and processes adopted in different cities are of
interest to those involved in city developments. In Dar es Salaam city centre, the changes may
generally be described as demolitions and replacements of the old built form with new
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contemporary forms. However, the patterns observed in different parts of the city show
differences which are worth understanding.
The changes in Kariakoo area are characterised by demolitions of the predominantly single
storey buildings and their replacement by multi-storey buildings of various forms and styles.
(Figures 1. & 2)
Figure 1:
The Morphology of
Kariakoo, as captured by
a 1970 photo
(Source Sutton 1970, plate
7)
Figure 2:
The Transformed
Morphology of Kariakoo,
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Issues in the Transformation
While the built form of Dar es Salaam has been evolving since independence, the changes in the
Kariakoo area in the recent past deserve attention due to their relatively higher intensity and
particular processes and patterns observed there. The changes in this area have been
characterised by a “scramble” for space in which emerging newly created buildings aim to
maximise the use of the available plot areas. Vehicles, carts, petty traders, and pedestrians are all
struggling for space in the already restrained street area. Whatever space remains between
buildings, at ground level, is often invaded by all sorts of formal and informal small businesses.
The apparent conflict in this situation poses challenges to the concept of urbanism, which aims at
achieving an ideal relation between private, semi-private and public spaces.
In a struggle to occupy the most strategic locations and as much space as possible, many of the
emerging buildings encroach on the street leaving only a small gap between the pedestrian
pavement and the vehicle carriageway. This forces some of the pedestrians to overflow into the
already congested vehicular space (Figures 3), resulting in huge congestion with adverse impacts
on vehicular and pedestrian traffic circulation.
Figure 3: Street Congestion
As a result of the scramble for space, buildings have been constructed extremely close to each
other. There are cases where windows collide and produce undesirable visual obstructions or
linkages between spaces in adjacent buildings (Figure 4).
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Figure 4: Encroachment towards the boundary line.
The implications of this in terms of ventilation, privacy, possible spread of fire may be far
reaching. Furthermore, in order to maximise on space, developers opt to go vertically and high
up into the sky (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Encroaching into the sky– vertical sprawl.
Of particular interest are the apparent contradictions in the functionality and use of space, on the
one hand, the lack of or inadequate public facilities such as parking and open spaces and basic
services and on the other hand, the increasing attraction to the area by both investors and the
general public/customers
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The African City
African urbanism has been an important and growing field over the last twenty years. Much of
this is well documented by Bill Freund (2007) whose work while covering the larger range of
African urban history places his greatest emphasis on the colonial and more critically the shift
from the colonial to the post colonial and contemporary urbanism.
In pre-colonial Africa, intensified interaction with the external world led to urban growth that
was linked to commercialisation of society e.g. Zanzibar, Kilwa, on the East African coast.
Urban growth continued under colonial occupation in the 19th century but dramatically increased
in the final days of colonial rule beginning with World War II. In the colonial period, African
cities could be grouped into two categories: those which developed from earlier cities and those
which were developed as sites for capitalist production and or centres of colonial administrative
facilities for the evacuation of mineral and agricultural produce from Africa to Europe and the
distribution of western imports into Africa market. The colonial city grew through the provision
of sites for the processing, transport and administration of commerce that emerged.
Freund further observes that: the planning of the colonial city, by and large, targeted the needs of
the colonial administration and the white population and to a lesser extent Indian. The African
quarters that emerged near the centre were an afterthought. When neighbourhoods were
constructed or just laid out by the state, were authorised for Africans (clearly essential to the
labour force required in towns). While Freund gives a very vivid historical picture of the colonial
African city, the urban and architectural forms that were created deserve more attention for a
better understanding of their contribution in the total evolution of the African city.
Following political independence of the African nations, the African cities had to adjust with the
new socio-economic and cultural realities as colonial cities were inherited and now became postcolonial cities. With the segregation and other colonial policies gone, the African city was seen
by many as the space of hope for the future. Freund observes that African cities are facing
unprecedented challenges as they try to cope with the increasing populations when
industrialisation and economic growth have failed to take place.
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Some see African cities as dysfunctional and dangerous places while others see them as resilient
and seedbeds of creativity for new Africa.
Generally speaking in the first years, after independence, the character of planning and the
structures of late colonial economy remained in place and modernism was harnessed to suit the
self image of the new elite (Freund 2007:147). In Dar es Salaam the key markers of this era
include: the cooperative building, the Kilimanjaro Hotel (before been wrapped up in glass), The
NIC Investment House, the Kariakoo market and the like.
Figure 6: Office Building.
Figure 7: Kariakoo Market Building.
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Figure Community Social Hall and Recreational Building
However, this modernist image was short-lived as the reality of the African cities proved more
and more problematic as their populations continued to grow amidst poor public transport (as
evidenced by daladalas, matatus, boda-bodas and the like),chaotic land tenure policies fuelling
informality, privatisation of public spaces and uncontrolled settlements. On the other hand,
governments have continued to prepare Master Plans and redevelopment schemes which are not
realised as the city continues to transform through a complex mixture of, not well understood,
formal and informal processes and practices. There has been a number of viewpoints trying to
address the African city issues, but what comes out of the arguments is that the inherited urban
management approaches do not seem to cope with the realities of the ever growing African city.
However, despite many challenges and contradictions, the city continues to attract more and
more people and activities amidst weakening government machinery to coordinate and manage
them. As the future of the African city becomes more and more uncertain it is evident that more
knowledge is needed to unravel what at the moment looks like a mystery. Since there are no
similar models to learn from, one way is to enhance the understanding of the relations, processes
and outcomes of the transformation from both the socio economic and morphological aspects.
While the socio economic aspects may explain the forces behind the transformation of the
African city they are insufficient in explaining the resultant forms and structures. Likewise an
understanding of the forms and structures produced may explain the potentials and constraints of
further transformations but are insufficient in explaining the emergence of new opportunities and
investment patterns. An understanding of both morphological and socio economic aspects as
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they play against each other in the African city context would add to our understanding of the
African city as it continues to develop into the future. Dar es Salaam and Kariakoo
neighbourhood in particular, like other similar places in Africa, provides the opportunity for new
understanding of the African city.
The Post Colonial Period
The architecture inherited at independence can be described as a combination of different layers
of multiple inheritances; namely Arab, Indian, African and European experiences. Some of the
architectural forms and styles depicting these origins include the “Old Boma” building at
Morogoro Road/ Sokoine Drive junction with a form similar to what is found in the “stone town”
of Zanzibar;
Ocean Road Hospital
Azania Front
St. Joseph Church
Mapping Division
Lutheran Church
Ocean Road Hospital, Azania Lutheran Church, St. Joseph Catholic church, and the offices of
the Mapping Department with the massive and solid style signature of the German period.
A building in the former Indian area
The diminishing Kariakoo houses
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Shops along India and Indira Gandhi Streets depict the relatively compact composition and
Indian style fenestration while the (diminishing) single storey mud and wattle houses in
Kariakoo depict the low lying morphology produced by the Africans.
The inherited spatial form and physical form became the context and basis for a new beginning
in the city’s development. From these physical and spatial beginnings the city has, over the
years, developed into one of the major urban centres of eastern Africa with its port serving not
only Tanzania but also neighbouring countries like Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Congo, Zambia
and Malawi. The early independence period can be seen as a period of appropriation of the
inherited colonial structures and consolidation of new identities which culminated in the new
national identity expressed in the ujamaa period that followed. Eventually, the new social
economic structures established in the ujamaa period reverted to free market structures in the
mid eighties as the post-ujamaa period emerged. It is in this post-ujamaa period that most
changes in buildings have taken place.
The Post-Ujamaa Period (1985 – to date)
As noted, throughout the ujamaa period private investments were discouraged by the ujamaa
socio-political policies. This discouragement and the weak financial position of the government
meant that the demand for new buildings and spaces was not been addressed adequately. This led
to a kind of tension for development which was being held back by the then existing policies.
When the policies changed in favour of free market approaches Dar es Salaam was already ripe
for investment. In mid 1980’s, Tanzania adopted an economic liberalisation policy in lieu of the
earlier ujamaa policy. With this new policy private investments were encouraged leading to the
revamping of private construction activities.
The architecture produced in this period in the city centre is of numerous types. In the eastern
part of the city, new structures, mainly multi-storey offices and institutional buildings, replaced
some of the old German residential houses.
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Figure 9
Examples of current transformations in the
former “European” area: International House,
Figure 10
Examples of current transformations in the
former “European” area: PPF tower: (
Figure 11
Contemporary buildings inserted within the
former Indian area,
In the former Indian (Uhindini) area new contemporary structures increasingly replaced the old
Indian type, thus, interrupting the original fabric with new building insertions (Figure 11).
It is however, in Kariakoo where most of the building activity in the city centre is concentrated,
with new multi-storey buildings replacing the single storey houses However, despite massive
investments following the ever rising land values, unlike other parts of the city centre, what is
interesting in this area are the consistent patterns of changes in which vertical sprawl is taking
place on the same footprint.
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Figure 12: Aerial image of Kariakoo showing the spatial structure. Source: MLHSD 2002
Observations
Kariakoo has dramatically transformed from a largely low lying single storey building fabric in
the 1970s to an increasingly dense collection of multi-storey buildings developing within a tight
and unchanging plot and street structure(Figure 12). The transformation of Kariakoo is
characterized by:

Plot by plot changes in the context of unchanging plot and street structure driven by uncoordinated individual decisions framed by historical and morphological conditions amid
weak institutional structures,

A complex mix of the old low lying building type and the new vertically sprawling multistorey building type and
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
Increasing and vibrant commercial activities while also retaining the earlier residential
function in the area; but with inadequate public facilities such as parking and open spaces
and overstrained and congested street spaces.
Kariakoo most critically reveals the limits of attempts to see the city as either the result of strong
political-economic forces (Short 2006, Harvey 2000) or the result of an agglomeration of
morphological decisions (Panerai 2004). The study in effect reveals the complex ways that
Kariakoo is the result of a mix of political-economic forces manifested in individual decisions
within the limits set by historical and morphological conditions.
Kariakoo is more than a socio-economic or morphological phenomenon. It is a place that is made
of many different layers that are open to a range of descriptors and perspectives: These include:
the physical spatial layers revealing the different historical epochs, the cultural layers embedded
in the mixture of ethnicities, the socio-economic layers driving the changes, the functional layer
at different levels, the formal and informal layers – all operating and interacting in various
patterns.
General Reflections
It has been observed that the transformation of Kariakoo is a response to investment
opportunities brought about by political and economic policies in the 1980s. However, unlike the
other parts of the inherited city centre of Dar es Salaam, the changes in Kariakoo have taken a
unique pattern with interesting morphological and socio-economic results. The changes, which
have largely been driven by un-coordinated individual decisions have been persistently framed
by an unchanging plot and street structure amidst weak institutional structures, do present a
number of challenges that have yet to be addressed. These include inadequate parking and open
spaces and inefficient vehicular and pedestrian movement.
It has also been observed that the transformation of Kariakoo is not a product of professional
design and planning concepts; rather it is a product of individually driven and often
uncoordinated changes. The result, however is a local architectural language with morphological
and iconographical unity - what can be referred to as “urban vernacular” inspired from various
local and global sources. It is vibrant and full of strengths but also very fragile as no
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actor/institution seems to be strong enough to have full control of what is going on. The
transformation of Kariakoo has been characterized by: un-coordinated individual decisions,
incremental changes, financial inability on the part of government institutions to provide the
needed public facilities and infrastructure, lack of data and monitoring of development trends
and un-achievable city level intervention concepts.
While the stability of the plot and street structures and the characteristic morphology produced
can be attributed to the incremental pattern of investments and “vernacular” approaches taken by
the developers, it is also a result of no action taken at block, street and district levels. Since such
action would involve the whole area, it is recommended that the authorities take responsibility
and find ways of addressing the challenges.
New approaches are needed to plan and coordinate the emerging individual efforts of change and
such patterns as observed in Kariakoo. Earlier attempts to plan Kariakoo using conventional
approaches have failed. As it is, efforts to plan Kariakoo without cognisance to the existing
realities could be understood as killing its very nature. What are needed are small interventions
aimed at streamlining and enhancing the processes of change. The question is how can architects,
planners, professionals and urban mangers engender coordination among the different urban
levels to enhance the emerging identity and functionality in such a context like that of Kariakoo
rather than chasing away the development opportunities which no doubt are contributing to
national/regional income/development?
In the midst of all these challenges, one thing has come out clearly that established property
boundaries can resist change like the street and plot structures of Kariakoo have shown. This can
be an asset in that professional and urban managers can study potential or already transforming
areas in a city, and instead of becoming passive observers they can modify the urban level
structures in time to accommodate the individually initiated changes at plot or block levels. Such
modification can be done through urban analysis followed by freezing development of areas and
spaces identified for public use such as parking, open spaces, public transport etc. These can then
be designed and implemented according to the level of change in the private realm. The
resources needed to design and develop such public facilities can involve the potential private
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developers in view of the financial inability of the public institutions as observed. For instance,
the city could collect a “public facility levy” as they issue building permits. Such amounts can
then refund the money used by the city to develop the public facilities and infrastructure. To
facilitate such an approach data is needed, therefore the city authorities should institute
continuous data collection and monitoring of development trends in their establishments. To this
end, ‘an urban design’ unit could be added to the organization structure of the City or
Municipals. This unit would be charged with the task of strategic interventions at ‘city’ or ‘area’
levels which would anticipate and streamline the individual actions at plot/block levels. In
addition, the unit would also be charged with disseminating the experiences and lessons from the
changes in the built up areas to the planning and development of new urban extensions. On their
part, academic institutions should direct their research into understanding of the African city as a
way of developing planning and design concepts and theories commensurate with the realities of
what is going on in the African city such as demonstrated by Kariakoo and similar urban
contexts.
Notes:
Ujamaa refers to the Socialism and Self Reliance policy adopted by Tanzania soon after
Independence in 1967
Uhindini refers to the area that was occupied by the Indians during the Colonial period
Bibliography
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Freund, B. (2007): The African City, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press
Elleh, N. (1997): African Architecture, New York, McGraw-Hill
Harvey, D. (2000): Spaces of Hope, Edingburgh, Edingburg University Press
Harvey, D. (1985): Consciousness and the Urban Experience, Baltimore, The Johns
Hopkin
Coquery-Vidrovitch. (2005): The History of African Cities South of the Sahara, London,
Markus Weiner Publishersins University Press
Moshi(2009): Urban Transformation, PhD Thesis, Oslo, AHO
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