New Urbanism: The Movement System and Mixed-Use Town
by
Gordon L Gibson
Urban Designer,
Community Design Service, Cardiff
1. INTRODUCTION
This paper concentrates on aspects of New Urbanism that impact on movement
systems - for pedestrians, cyclists, motor vehicles and public transport. 'Access', a
concept that has much in common with the transportation profession, is central to
urban design. In constructing urban form that provides safe, affordal?le access to the
daily needs o~"life for the users of urban space, New Urbanism strives for integrated
settlements that, by their built form, provide a sustainable vitality of urban living. This
has proved elusive, and costly, in much of twentieth century planning and the paper
analyses the eortfiguration of established settlements to inform a definition of "good
mixed-use toven".
"New Urbanism", in the words o f its most organised current, stands for,
"the restora#on o f existing urban centres cmd towns within, coherent
metropolitan regions, the reconfiguration o f sprawling sub#rbs into
communities o f real neighborhoods and diverse districts, the
conservation o f natural environments, and the preservation o f our built
legacy"
(from the Charter of the New UrbanismJ).
I cannot, and do not, pretend to speak on behalf of New Urbanism. It is not a unitary
phenomenon. The discipline of Urban Design, as we practice it, draws heavily on, and
contributes to what may appear to be new theories of urban form. We learn virtually
everything we need to know from millennia of settlements and, especially, from the
rapid growth of urban living since the industrial revolution.
1.1 Structure of the paper
Following this introduction, Section 2 provides background standpoints on some of the
major themes o f settlement planning: growth, density, segregation and cars. Then, in
Section 3, the main theme of the paper - access to the daily needs o f life - is examined
at three levels: street, district, and town. We begin with the district (town and street,
are the focal points of sections 4 and 5), or neighbourhood, as the most tangible
expression o f 'how we live'. What ingredients make districts successful? One measure
of success is that they last; they demonstrate qualities that inform a definition of
sustainability. Most examples of 'good town' that are eked by lay people and
professionals alike are in long established settlements, many of them in the great cities
of Europe. The Section briefly examines three common qu~.lities of mixed-use town:
diversity, density and walkability. These are then set alongside accessibility to show
that qualities of the movement system are measures of sustainable urban form. Urban
111
design examines 'spatial configuration' - how built form makes spaces. 'Made' space is
an infinite web and the qualities o f integration of urban space determine so much about
the success of settlements. This is one reason why urban designers seek close dialogue
with transportation planners.
Section 4 considers how districts combine to form towns and cities. There is a synergy
between localised activities and the complex interactions that constitute larger
settlements. In well established settlements, qualities of movement and scale, both of
which gain attributes from the 'global' as well as the qocal' system, engender an
aggregation of local districts that forms 'town'. The application of New Urbanism
models to existing settlements reveals a coherent and consistent urban structure (or
begins to identify reasons for breakdown). Qualities of traditional neiglibourhoods
encotirage us to locate new housing developments in existing city districts to improve
diversity and density.
The fitch section o f the paper uses examples from practice to bring quality criteria back
to street level. The immediacy o f dCetalleddesign is on our doorstep; when we step out
of the door of our home or work-place, what qualities o f street-scape provide a safe
and pleasant environment? The section draws together the criteria of mixed-use town
to discuss implications for safety, security and perceptions o f crime, common qualities
of the movement system. Pracfitio~aers experience street design in every-day work and
it is therefore an area in which new deve!opments, from play areas to buildings, estates,
public spaces and road schemes, can be subjected to sustainable development control
criteria, now.
The paper closes with some comments on 'participative design', one characteristic of
our approach to New Urbanism: The people who u s e urban space - residents,
businesses, employees, shoppers, visitors, etc. and those that plan u s e s in the public
domain - land and property owners, developers, town and transportation plarmers,
politicians and others, are best placed to provide a critique of urban design proposals.
Of these, experience shows that the stakeholders with whom it is most difficult to build
a constructive dialogue are the statutory transportation agencies. Often, they will not
hear, let alone listen to, urban design analysis. New Urbanism is on that patch; urban
designers bring analysis to be debated in detail with all stakeholders, as equals. The
challenge is to find an acceptable - and sustainable - consensus between us all. We are,
most of us, urban dwellers.
2 BACKGROUND: URBAN GROWTH, DENSITY, SEGREGATION AND
CARS.
Virtually all of world population growth, exponential in the 'Third World', slower but
inexorable in the ~First', will occur within and around existing settlements. Urban
sprawl has been with us for most o f this century, ever since over-crowding and bad
sanitation provided a catalyst for the first wave of urban renewal. In Britain, the main
characteristic of renewal was a decline in, even removal of; residential populations
from our urban centres in favour of a growth of low-density, single-use suburbs. The
trend to owner-occupation dominated this process but it was accompanied by slum
clearance and the provision of rented housing in 'council estates', also largely single-use
(and single tenure), which gained the reputation of being 'high density'. Density became
one explanation for the breakdown of these estates. (Figure 1)
The dispersal and domestic isolation o f the urban population was the best possible
recipe for the development of the car industry and the two have marched hand-in-hand
throughout this century. Neither has stood up well in the sustainability debate; at I~est,
our pleasant suburbs are absolutely dependent on the motor vehicle to the point that
shopping, schools, recreation and employment all demand car-trips, for they are too far
away and there is insufficient density to sustain an alternative transport system (or a
range o f local commerce and amenities).
A corollary of residential suburbs was planning 'zones', whereby areas were identified
for industry, leisure, central business districts, and the like. These also encouraged
motor vehicle use, for it is difficult, if not impossible, to sustain (economically) viable,
single-use public transport systems to support the separate activities. Out-of-town
retail-~ind leisure 'parks', 'magnet' and 'anchor' theory and contrived cultural and caf~
"quarters" in city centre 'revival plans', are a contemporary residue o f this theory.
Zoning is a form of segregation and transportation practice has embraced it in the
design of major trzfflc arteries, which seek to minimise impediments to the smooth
flow of volume traffic in and around our cities. 'Cost-benefit' analyses and concern for
pedestrian safety justify a ruthless separation of motor vehicles from all other users of
public space (Figure 2). Unfortunately, such criteria are proving to reinforce, rather
than resolve, what is now widely accepted as being an~unsustalnable growth in motor
vehicle use.
In contrast, New Urbanism, and this paper, address themselves to 'mixed-use town'. In
it, the shibboleths are stood on their head.
Given our twentieth century inheritance of urban forr~ the car is one use that will be
with us for the foreseeable future. Although there are many environmentalists in our
midst, we are not 'anti-car'. Settlements are not matters o f fashion; they last for
hundreds o f years. They are like an organism, almost with a life of their own. They are
used by people and, collectively, we take a long time to adjust to the new ways in
which city space is organised. Invariably, new developments are welcomed and used
with enthusiasm. It sometimes takes decades for consequences to reveal themselves
(e.g. Birmingham's Bullring, Haussmann's Paris, Shopping Malls). What we can do is
ensure that all new developments demonstrate minimal negative characteristics that we
have learned of and maximise the qualities that we love ~n our favoured urban districts.
; 3. LOCAL DISTRICTS
A number of 'models' are being developed for mixed-use settlements. Amongst these,
'urban villages' propose largely self-contained enclaves branching off major medal
routes (often roads), (Aldous, 1992), (Figure 3). New Urbanism in North America and
. Australia has developed transit oriented developments.that group settlements around
nodes on a public transport infrastructure (Newman, 1992, Murrain, 1993) (Figure 4).
The only experiential evidence available to test the validity of models is provided by
well-established settlements. Analysis o f city centres and sub-districts confirms three
common characteristics of mixed-use town: these are, a minimum of two primary uses,
a high residential density and a measure of 'proximity' o f uses. In this section, these
criteria are firstly identified and then conjoined with the criterion o f 'accessibility' to
realise qualities o f movement in the local urban system.
3.1 The composition of districts
Successful mixed-use districts comprise a minimum of two primary uses - e.g.
residence, commerce, industry, recreation - one of which is invariably residence (retail
is a secondary, service, use), (Jacobs, 1964, pp 173 et seq). The decline of heavy
industry makes this simpler in urban terms. Secondly, a relatively high residential
density is required to support vitality, safety and a range of complementary activities.
And thirdly, the scale of districts must permit ready pedestrian access to a range of
resources that meet 'daily needs'. The term 'walkability' applies. By definition, urban
form that meets these criteria, (almost) automatically reduces the demand for car-trips.
A 400 metre catchment from centres of local activity describes a notional 5-minute
walking distance within which most daily needs can be accessed. The detailed
composition of districts is a matter for local communities but local authority planning
departments can ensure the provision of a range of basics. Figure 5 provides an
example developed from inner-city Johannesburg.
3.2 Movement in districts
In most cases, local centres that display all-day vitality and a stability of retail and
commercial activity ~ e located on locally accessible, city-wide arteries. The~e are few
local districts, even those with relatively high density, that thrive in their own right.
Shops, businesses and larger community facilities usually require the additional support
given by through traffic. One key ingredient of successful mixed use town is a close
relationship between the local and the 'global' movement systems.
Open streets on a simple grid provide a spatial form that meets two design q~aiities of
movement in districts - the legibility of the street pattern and the permeability of the
urban blocks. 'How do I get from A to B?' and 'Can I easily vary my route when
travelling from A to B, or to anywhere else?'. A grid street-form goes on to help other
qualities, such as vitality and safety. The grid satisfies local qualities o f movement, in
part, by providing walkable access to the global system.
Space syntax theory (Hillier & Hanson, 1984), provides measures o f integration of
public space - the less comers on a journey, the more likely a route will be i~sed. The
most successful local streets, starting with Oxford Street in London, gain their status
by being the best c9.rmected streets in the system. They have the highest.factor of
integration.
The following examples demonstrate how spatial integration theory offers urban design
conclusions for neighbourhoods, for districts combining into small towns, and for
districts within large cities.
3.2.1 Bertrams and Orlando East
In Johannesburg's inner city township of Bertrams, every resident can make visual and
physical contact with the global system within two street comers of their home. From
most junctions, locals and visitors alike can see the main road. In the Orlando East
township of Soweto it can take as many as eight such turns (Figure 6a and b). The
viability of local services (shops, etc.), and of concentrations of these activities at local
centres is evidently related (in part) to their accessibility, both local and global.
114
3.2.2 Porth
The South Wales town of Porth is perfectly located as 'gateway' between the valleys'
settlements of the Rhondda and the larger conurbations o f Pontypridd and Cardiff. It
commands an 'in-built' vitality. For 50 years or so, Porth was the bustling hub o f the
Rhondda, worthy of a trip in the tram, with the best shops, commerce, recreation and
even new industry. Unlike many of the other valleys communities where the primary
uses of residence and mining combine to stabilise the settlement, Porth thrived because
o f its location on the global system (Figure 7). Retail and other service activities
yearned to be primary uses.
The settlement had begun to form 'naturally' at the junction of the two main valleys'
routes; there was an inn and hotel, traders and houses. (Figure 8) Pits were being
opened all around. In the last quarter o f the nineteenth century, a developer created a
new 'out-of-town' centre, with a range of quality shopping units, in closer proximity to
the rail station. Hannah Street was contrived as the centre of a mixed-use district that
sits adjacent to the historic Pontypridd Road (Figure 9).
There are few retail streets that are sustainable off the natural movement routes of a
settlement and the successful life of Porth's town centre was short. For the whole of
the second half o f this century, decay has been evident so that to-day there is minimal
commerce and industry and the main dtreet is comprised of secondary retail, voids,
food outlets, charity shops, and only a small handful of national retailers and
commerce.
3.2.3 Edinburgh
With its castle and palace as the ultimate anchors at each end, Edinburgh's Royal Mile
provided the backbone of the old city (Figure 10). Come the Industrial Revolution, the
new bourgeoisie built itself a gridded New Town with a splendid residential avenue
looking over the valley to the city. There were no anchors or magnets but the avenue
resolved complex movement routes to the Haymarket and the west, and to the Leith
docks and the London Road to the east (Figure 11). Although not part of the plan,
before long, Princes Street became one o f the world's greatest retail streets and the
new town became a city centre that urbanists the world over dream off The
reorganisation of the movement system changed the centre o f gravity o f the city.
3.3 Accessibility, with diversity, density and walkability
The accessibility of some uses from the global system is a fimdamental element in their
long term viability. Indeed, the qualities o f access within and between local districts
and the global system have a significant, if not determining, impact on the social and
economic sustainability of centres of local activity. The diversity o f primary uses, the
density of residential and other uses, a n d the walkability scale, all overlap with
accessibility and vie for attention.
The degree of balance between the urban movement system and the other demands of
the district it serves is a measure of urban sustainability, to complement the definition
o f the word as derived from studies of the coo-system. There are too many variables
for us to be overly scientific. •
The volume and flow o f pedestrian and vehicular movement is critical to urban vitality
and viability. There is a threshold, and a limit, that different users o f town require to
115
function at their optimum. This is a separate matter from the limit to the number of
motor vehicles that a street may carry. The optimal needs of the movement system
must compromise with the optimal needs of the other users of districts. A closed road
will affect the vitality of a local activity. A by-pass will transform the evolved structure
of a settlement.
This section has argued that a district requires both local accessibility and a volume of
through traffic to support its fabric. The centre of local activity requires a public
transportation system to pass through, in such a way that it does not disrupt the urban
integrity of the district.
The web of space made by the built fabric is a primary factor in the design o f
successful settlements. The urban movement system brings its own efficiency qualities
that directly impinge on the viability o f retail and other commercial activity. It may
feed a local centre or drain the heart out o f it. Shops want to be located where the
market is. Other qualities to strengthen walkable access to busy and diverse uses can
be explored during a stroll to the centre of your local neighboughood.
4. DISTRICTS INTO CITY
Towards the edges of districts it becomes less convenient to walk to the local centre.
Densi/y declines, as does the use-mix. Comer shops appear. ~'here is more scope for
larger land users: parks, industry, education, the countryside; closer to the centre,
these would disrupt permeability.. If urban development continues beyond a locality,
new districts form. Typically, as in Johannesburg (Figure 12), centres of local activity
are less than one kilometre apart. Where there are higher residential and use-mix
densities towards the urban core, districts are closer and the notional circles overlap. In
lower density suburbs districts are spread out and uses at the edges are remote from a
diversity of other primary and secondary uses. The consistency with which districts
step through the city says much for the validity of the walkability model.
Topography and infrastruetural intervention - hills, rivers, rail, roads, and large land
uses, disrupt the coherence o f urban form. Left to their own devices and given density,
sustainable local centres settle at locations approximately one kilometre apart on
arterial movement routes.
The traditional districts of our well-established towns and cities were rarely planned, in
the seix~ that x~e u~cl~ta~x~t 9~anni~xg t~taS~. Tb,%~ f~rme~ ~ u a ~ 'e,~ems' ~n the
movement system. If they were to survive, two or more primary functions established
residence. This model o f districts that have aggregated to form 'city', is one which has
used its own qualitiative criteria and determined its own outcomes over hundreds of
years. The measure of 'walkability' is not an invention o f the environmentalists; cities
have t .aken this pattern o f human scale themselves.
4.1 B a c k to Porth
The use of this approach is inverted when applied to Porth. There, the integrity of
districts has been disrupted by the combination of river, rail and road: (Figure 13). They
disrupt the ability of districts to form in sufficient density. Ironically, they also impede
local access to the global system. The town centre and sub-districts lack sufficient
corpus to sustain themselves and the topography and infrastructure discourages
sufficient interaction. Porth should be a 'river town' but the demands of industrial and
regional movement have been prioritised over all other urban considerations and the
whole town struggles with its destiny.
4.2 Urban development
Population growth and under-provision in housing already press world governments.
In South Africa, the ANC struggles with its promise to build 3 million homes in five
years. Britain's new government seeks 4.5 million in the same time. The density criteria
of mixed-use town require that many of these homes can be built (or converted) within
existing towns and cities. New Urbanism demonstrates that higher residential densities
support the traditional neighbourhoods that can be seen to work well, the world over.
In Bfi_tain, there is room - and need - to locate these homes within existing town
centres and sub-districts.
Where urban expansion is necessary, the incremental growth o f districts in close
relation to the global movement system will create conditions in which sustainable new
neighbourhoods can develop.
!
In Johannesburg, the model was used to demonstrate two conclusions. The analysis of
urban structure offers key routes for strengthening in the city's proposed new pubfic
transport system. The network of inner-city centres sits comfortably on the arterial
road system. To the south, ~ rationale is offered for the establishment of new distri&s
(on urban, often industrial wastelands) by incremental growth at nodes on the
deformed grid of the city (Figure 14).
.
5. STREETS
This far, the urban grid has provided a spatial structure than permits local cohesion
with the global system. The local grid encourages street vitality, improves pedestrian
safety and provides alternative routes that aid the integration of uses in a district.
5.1 The Grid versus the Cul-de-sac
The task is now to detail street-form that provides a physical environment to meet the
quality criteria of its users. 'Issues prominent in the eyes of pedestrians are safety aiad
security, perception o f crime, parking, traffic speed, children's play, access to facilities,
etc. Urban design suggests t ~ t movement routines have a bearing on all of them. The
urban grid is therefore, ofterl used in resolution of these other issues o f urban quality hs
much as it is for its value to the local and global movement system per se.
Cul-de-sac de sacs, on the other hand, often satisfy the concerns of residents by
increasing 'Secured by Design' criteria (See, for example, Tai Cymm, 1994, Section
1.1.2.1). The symptoms o f crime become the primary justification for urban form.
Their logic, with their weak edges and composition, is towards the walled estates of
white South Africa and rich Los Angeles. Cul-de-sacs are single use and low density.
They tend not to support walkable access to the global system. Parents, usually
women, trek inordinate distances, rarely meeting other pedestrians, pushing the pushchair with a.couple o f bags o f shopping, a nappy bag, another child in tow, maybe the
dog.
Few cul-de-sac settlements can be made sustainable either in terms of the socioeconomic criteria o f the urban fabric or of the pollution, energy and renewables criteria
of the eco-system. Measures o f accessibility give them a low score.
117
5.2 Diversity ~ind accessibility
Not four years old, the Church Road estate in Cardiff, South Wales, already displays
symptoms of decay, despite 'desirable' rows of 'semi-s' and terraces. A 'cul-de-sac of
cul-de-sacs', it houses low income families not much more than a stone's throw from
the local shops. But, to get there they must walk round the houses and it is easier to
walk to the next centre or, if you can afford it, go by car (Figure 15). The natural
movement system has forced footways that take public routes to the backs o f existing
homes and workshops, and alongside the new link-road.
Urban design criteria help to test 'accessibility': legibility finds the convoluted route to
the global system; permeability exposes the siZe o f blocks and the long, singular
(public) route to the global system. A related lack of access to support provisions and
other primary uses starts to explain why some urban breakdown occurs. An integrated
street-form begins to resolve it.
5.3 Density, on the street.
The spatial dialectic between local and global movement systems is a major factor in
the integration of urban form (Hillier, 1997). At street level, I-fiUier's research has
tested the theory by measuring the number of encounters that occur between the users
of streets. The rate of daytime encounters in a cul-de-sac is comparable with the rate of
social interaction that occurs in the middle of the night in a well integrated street. The
perception of personal safety that we have late night in an urban street is akin to the
symptoms generated during daytime on the streets o f many residential suburbs. New
Urbanism, and I-Iillier's work, point to some fundamental rules of spatial form that have
a direct bearing on the safety and vitality o f streets.
5.4 Safety
The safety and security elements of urban vitality are directly related to the qualities of
the urban structure. Commercial viability is also largely dependent on that vitality.
Crime and other ills of society will not be resolved by sustainable city but the spatial
organisation of the movement system is a critical factor in creating conditions in which
the qualities of'a safe and pleasant urban environment' can be met.
When I was mugged on a busy street o f central .Johannesburg, early afternoon on a
Saturday, my cries for help, heard by hundreds 8f pedestrians and traders, certainly
saved my possessions and possibly saved my life. In Soweto, such cries would fall on
fewer ears, further away. Steel bars, both outside and inside the shops, are the main
architectural feature of the retail sector in Soweto's townships. Urban vitality, garnered
by the grid, is a rich quality.
5.5 Conclusion - Development Controls
Planning controls that require a high density mixture of uses will go a long way to
making 'good' town. It needs buildings that ~talk' directly to streets and connect easily
to the global system. On the streets, this means residents, workers, shoppers, young
people going to school, pedestrian safety, cycle routes, lots of junctions, safe
crossings, slower traffic, children's play, car6 tables, trees; it is beginning to sound like
'good mixed-use town'. This is urban design.
6. PARTICIPATIVE DESIGN
Stakeholder participation is a matter of design understanding and clarification, not just
of user consultation. ~Planning for Real' and now, participative design, give the users of
public space an opportunity to inform and criticise development proposals. It is not a
'dean sheet' approach - "We need a clinic on this site, a play area on that, or an
enterprise centre in the old Welfare Hall". Urban design brings its own baggage, good
and bad.
The street form o f a district will determine the most used routes from A to B. That, in
turn, will foster conditions for (e.g.) retailing and refreshments. An orthogonal grid,
laid out over farm land will not make good town. But, if there is a raison d'&re
between the local and the global systems, users will begin to interact, at different rates
on different parts o f the grid. The qualities o f interaction provide criteria for our
understanding o f urban community, neighbourhood, district, or town.
Participative~design seeks to develop a constructive dialogue between designers, those
who plan uses, and the users o f the urban fabric. The objective is to optimise the
qualities required o f a township so that its users can successfully function in an
environment that meets their diverse needs.
7. CONCLUSION
The qualities o f "access to daily needs" are critical to the long-term vitality of
settlements. At the three levels, city, district and street, the quality of the relationship
between the Jocal and the global movement systems is a determining factor in creating
safe and pleasant urban environments. Those local authorities that have begun, through
re-organisation, to marry the objectives o f transportation planning with those of town
planning, economic development and others in single departments, provide an
appropriate mechanism through which to examine and control the integrated provision
of mixed-town, which meets these quality criteria. The identification o f the local and
global form of urban structure, in both composition and integration, provides direct
evidence to test against quality criteria. That is What politicians are for.
New Urbanism offers a theory of integrated settlement, of 'comYnunities of real
neighbourhoods' in 'diverse districts' in 'coherent metropolitan regior~'. Our approach
draws on the evidence o f the urban form we live in. Everyone has an opinion about
their neighbohrhood and we are awash with successes and disasters."Dialogue with a
wide cross-section o f the users o f public space (and, invariably, this will include
residents as a primary user), will begin to permit the optimisation o f urban activity.
In this paper, the accessibility o f urban activity has been used as a measure of the
qualities of the movement system. Accessibility and diversity, combine to provide
fundamental tests of the building blocks o f mixed-use town and the movement system
is a key element in meeting their demands.
Our inheritance o f urban form is tested every day by increasing numbers of people.
Over decades, settlements adapt to make the best of changes inflicted upon them.
Worryingly, for much of this century, symptoms of urban breakdown have become
visible much earlier in the lives o f settlements so that short life criteria enter the
dialogue, seeking equality, if not primacy. But the capital and commercial investment
profile of our great urban centres is not a yield cycle o f five, or ten, or twenty years.
119
The social and economic returns are sustained through centuries. New Urbanism sits in
a place round the debating table of Sustainable City.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Jonathan Bevan at Community Design Service for support in discussion and
with illustrations and to Deb Checkland for editing, and support.
Gordon L Gibson
June, 1997
Community Design Service
The Maltings
East Tyndall Street
Cardiff
CFI 5EA
Td; 01222 494012
Footnote
1. The full Charter and further information are available from: Congress for the New
Urbanism, 706 Sacramento Street, Box 148, San Francisco, CA 94108, USA
120
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Figure 2:
COB
COBA cri!
and prcjuc~
122
Figure3: An "Urban Villages" model (from
Aldous,1992).
Figure4: Tram'l~rtorienteddevelopments(from
Newman,1992)
,
~
• Mixed
,j
Use
• Grid Based
~
.~r.
7
.
.Centra/ised
"Pedestrian Pockets" ~
123
~4P_1S
ZOPS
Figure 5:
Indicative ingredients of mixed-use
town within a notional 5 minutes
walking distance of the centre of local
activity (from Thome and Gibson,
1994)
Figure 6:
a. Bertrams, Johannesburg: Virtual
eveN home is no more than i:
changes of direction from the glo~
system.
b. Orlando East, Soweto: As many as
turns to the global system, and the ~a~:
to access local shops.
(both from Thome and Gibson, 1994)
BERTRAM5
FigUre 7:
Portia at the "gateway" of the Rhondda
valleys.
T° Merthyr Tidfil
Pontypridd
[
o
5
~-LSq
Figure 8:
I
Porth, grouped round the junction of
the valleys' routes, circa 1875.
Figure 9:
Porth: a new town by 1900
Figure 10: Seventeenth Century Edinbm'gh: the
'anchors' and the Royal Mile.
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S.W.
"cwi.g.~
~Imact.
¢~-~,7--~c.J'eol fee~
0
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Figure 11: Nineteenth Century Edinburgh: the
movement system adjusts and makes a
new ~IllIe.
1994)
127
Figure 13 Porth: Topography and infrastructure
defeat
density,
diversity
and
accessibility.
the existing and new movement routes
(from Thome and Gibson, 1994)
128
Figure 15: A cul-de-sac of cul-de-sacs in Ely,
Cardiff
129
130