Anti-Queer Morality in Uganda
An interdisciplinary study on the increasing anti-queer morality in
Uganda.
Authors:
Fleur van der Laan (3683184)
Religious Studies
&
Eeke van der Wal (3588876)
Human Geography
May 2014
“Boundaries (…) exist to be transgressed, they are there to facilitate
crossings, not to frustrate them. It is not (…) in those places whose exact
frontiers have already been defined for us, but in the regions of uncertainty
where definitions have yet to be located, that we must find our place”
(Miller, 1992).
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Anti-Queer Morality in Uganda
Capstone Project Liberal Arts and Sciences
An Interdisciplinary Study
May 2014
Supervisor: Dr. R. van der Lecq
Disciplinary Referent Religious Studies: Prof. Dr. M.T. Frederiks
Disciplinary Referent Human Geography: Dr. A.C.M van Westen
© The images are by ‘Hollandse Hoogte’ and depicts a demonstration against homosexuals in the city Jinja
in Uganda.
The picture is derived from: Vermeulen, M. Homohaat is een westers export product. De Correspondent.
Februari 13th, 2014. Retrieved on March 27th on: <https://decorrespondent.nl/727/homohaat-is-eenwesters-exportproduct/38821876335-ad184973>
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Content
1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... - 6 PART I – Situating the Problem .......................................................................................................... - 10 2. The Anti-Queer Morality ................................................................................................................ - 12 2.1 Anti-Queer Animus versus Homophobia .........................................................................................- 12 2.2 Anti-queer Animus and Morality ........................................................................................................- 13 2.3 Christianity and the Anti-Queer Morality........................................................................................- 14 2.4 Restrictions of the Concept ...................................................................................................................- 16 3. The Case of Uganda ......................................................................................................................... - 18 3.1 Context of the Republic of Uganda .....................................................................................................- 18 3.2 Perception on homosexuality in Uganda .........................................................................................- 20 PART II – Anti-Queer Morality in a Context of Globalisation................................................... - 22 4. Globalisation as a Framework ..................................................................................................... - 24 4.1 Globalisation of Cultures ........................................................................................................................- 24 4.2 The Notion of Cultural Imperialism ...................................................................................................- 25 5. Anti-Queer Animus as ‘Western’ export-product ................................................................... - 28 5.1 Colonisation of Uganda ...........................................................................................................................- 28 5.2 Contemporary Cultural Imperialism through American Fundamentalism .......................- 30 5.3 Several Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................................- 33 6. Anti-Queer Animus as a reaction to the ‘West’........................................................................ - 34 6.1 A Reaction on the Manifestations of Cultural Imperialism ......................................................- 34 6.2 Religion versus Liberalisation..............................................................................................................- 37 PART III – Local Explanations for an Anti-Queer Morality in Uganda.................................. - 40 7. A Religious Breeding Ground ....................................................................................................... - 42 71. Local Religion ..............................................................................................................................................- 42 7.2 Religion and Politics in Uganda ...........................................................................................................- 44 8. A Socio-Cultural Breeding Ground .............................................................................................. - 46 8.1 Public Morality versus Private Sexuality .........................................................................................- 46 -4-
8.2 Construction of Discourses through Government Institutions and Media ........................- 48 8.3 Local Discourses of Material Exchange ............................................................................................- 49 8.4 The Image of National Unity .................................................................................................................- 50 PART IV – Conclusion and Reflection ............................................................................................... - 52 9. Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... - 54 10. Reflection .......................................................................................................................................... - 58 List of References .................................................................................................................................... - 60 -
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1. Introduction
On the twenty-fourth of February 2014 the Ugandan president Yoweri Kaguta Museveni signed
an Anti-Homosexuality Act that prohibits and criminalizes any form of relations between
persons of the same sex. The Bill includes, the possibility of a death sentence for those who are
‘aggravated homosexuals,’ which refers to homosexuals that have HIV/AIDS, children or a job in
leadership (Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2014; 4). The Bill is, therefore, commonly referred to as the
‘Kill-the-Gays Bill’. These increasing anti-gay attitudes are simultaneously emerging in other
African countries. Nigeria and Zambia for instance, are currently also legislating anti-gay acts.
Nigeria passed a ban on same-sex relationships last January, known as the ‘Same Sex Marriage
Prohibition Act’ (Gladstone, 2014).
It seems paradoxical that while we in the ‘West’ are propagating the emancipation of gay
rights another substantial part of the world is propagating the opposite. In ‘Western’ media
Uganda seems to be at the forefront of this anti-gay movement because it is the first country to
actually illegalize homosexuality. Therefore this study will focus on the increasing anti-gay
perceptions, which we term the ‘anti-queer morality’1, in Uganda. This study addresses the
following question: How can the increasing anti-queer morality in Uganda be explained?
This study was conducted through interdisciplinary research methods. In this study
disciplinary insights are included which eventually lead to an integrated answer to the main
question. This integration of different disciplinary insights will provide a more comprehensive
understanding of the issue. Repko (2008; 84) identifies four criteria that justify the use of an
interdisciplinary research approach:

The problem or question is complex.

Important insights or theories of the problem are offered by two or more disciplines.

No single discipline has been able to address the problem comprehensively or resolve it.

The problem is an unresolved societal need or issue.
The issue addressed in this study is considered complex due to the many different components
(e.g. origin, manifestation etc.) of increasing homophobia that are studied by different
disciplines. Furthermore, different disciplinary insights and theories have addressed this issue
and none of the single disciplines has been able to address the issue comprehensively. The issue
thus remains an unresolved societal issue, especially interesting in the light of the contemporary
diverging perceptions on gay rights in different places in the world. The integration of different
disciplinary insights can lead to a more comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon
(Repko, 2012; 85).
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In chapter 2 we will provide an elaborate definition and justification of the concept of anti-queer morality.
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Disciplines that can provide useful insights are Religious Studies, Human Geography,
Cultural Anthropology, Postcolonial Studies, Conflict Studies but also Law and Political Studies.
These disciplines all address different aspects of homophobia: the origin of homophobia, the
complexity of cultural and religious differences and anti-gay perceptions, the geographical
distribution of perceptions, the complex postcolonial context in which the phenomenon occurs
and the judicial and political manifestations of homophobia. The interdisciplinary research for
this paper has, however, been conducted solely through two 'disciplines': Human Geography and
Religious Studies. Both studies have provided significant and relevant insights on the issue of gay
rights.
Human Geography is a social science that studies the world, its peoples, communities
and cultures from a geographical perspective, thus emphasizing the relations with time, space
and place. This discipline has many different fields of which especially Cultural Geography
appears to be relevant for this study on increasing homophobia. Cultural Geography studies the
cultural products and norms, including lingual, historical, religious, economic and political
phenomena and links these to time and space (Tomlinson, 2003; 273). This sub discipline is
relevant for the issue as cultural norms and values concerning homosexuality, their history and
contemporary manifestation in Uganda play an important role in the increasing anti-gay
perceptions in Uganda. Furthermore, historical, economic, political and social trends influence
development of and the position of countries (Potter et. al., 2008; 7). These factors shall also be
included in the analysis of the upcoming anti-queer perception in Uganda. Especially theories on
globalisation have contributed to this paper, as they offer new understandings of the
contemporary upswing of homophobia due to dynamics of time and space.
Religious Studies is a multi-disciplinary approach to the secular study of religious beliefs,
-institutions and -behaviours. This field of studies is used to describe, compare, interpret or even
explain religions. It is relevant because of the high level of religiosity in Uganda and the
increasing influence that religion (especially Christianity) plays in local politics. Understanding
the influence of Christianity on the Ugandan society is an integral part to understanding the antigay regulations that arose in recent times. Besides that religious believers have been at the
forefront of formulating anti-gay discourses for a long time, justifying these condemnations with
references to various scriptures. Through the study of world Christianity, a sub-discipline in
Religious Studies, a wide range of issues like politics, culture, migration and globalisation can be
studied that either shape or transform Christian identities, both individual and collective, and
practices in the changing modern world (Irvin, 2008; 1). In this paper Religious Studies, thus,
provides the bridging capacities between religion, culture, anti-gay discourses, politics and
identities.
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In order to answer the research question thoroughly and comprehensively we have
formulated several sub-questions that will each be addressed in a different part or chapter:
1. What is an anti-queer morality? (chapter 2)
2. What is the current situation in Uganda? (chapter 3)
3. How do current global trends relate to the current upsurge of anti-queer morality in
Uganda? (Part II)
4. How do local factors in Uganda influence the current upsurge of the anti-queer morality?
(Part III)
The answers to these sub-questions will provide insights on the phenomenon of the ‘anti-queer
morality’ in Uganda. We will first address the origin of such ‘anti-queer’ attitudes by introducing
the concept of ‘anti-queer morality’ in chapter 2. Both disciplines have provided insights on antiqueer perceptions and on morality. In chapter 3 we will elaborate on Uganda’s current situation,
including the economic, political, cultural and religious character. Furthermore this chapter
describes how the anti-homosexuality perception has manifested itself in Uganda. In part II we
will provide explanations through the lens of globalisation (chapter 4). Globalisation is currently
a popular explanation for the upswing of anti-gay attitudes in African countries, especially
highlighted by the media. Many scholars have argued that anti-gay attitudes were ‘brought’ to
Uganda during the colonial rule. Another explanation is that religious aid is responsible for the
upsurge of homophobic ideas in African countries (Seitz-Wald, 2014) (chapter 5). Yet, other
scholars see the ‘anti-queer’ perceptions as a reaction to ‘Western’ liberalisation of morals
(chapter 6). Thereafter, we address the local factors that influence the current upsurge of antiqueer perceptions in Uganda in part III, both the religious (chapter 7) and socio-cultural
(chapter 8) factors. Finally, the concluding chapters (9 and 10) integrate the different trends
addressed and reflect on the process of this interdisciplinary study.
The relevance of this study lies both in the societal- and in its scientific importance. The
scientific relevance is to obtain a better understanding of what an ‘anti-queer morality’ is, how it
is manifested and why it is present in certain areas and less in others. The social relevance lies in
the creation of a mutual social understanding of the issue of same-sex sexuality. The gap
between pro-gay and anti-gay is a great a source of conflict, not just in Uganda but all over the
world. A mutual and more comprehensive understanding can hopefully foster the current dialog
on same-sex sexuality. Our aim is thus to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the
phenomenon as a basis for further study.
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PART I – Situating the Problem
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2. The Anti-Queer Morality
Our study focuses on the ‘anti-queer morality’ that is increasingly present in Uganda. This
concept of ‘anti-queer morality’, however, needs to be elaborated on before discussing the
possible explanations for this phenomenon. This chapter firstly elaborates on the notion of the
‘anti-queer animus’ as described by the social anthropologist Ryan Thoreson (2014; 25) in
comparison to the more commonly used term ‘homophobia’. Furthermore, we will elucidate our
preference for the former concept. Subsequently, this chapter will link the notion of an ‘antiqueer animus’ to the concept of morality. We will then define the concept of ‘anti-queer morality’
and argue that this morality is greatly determined by the values and norms that nations,
communities and individuals uphold. Finally, this chapters will link the concept of ‘anti-queer
morality’ to religion, as religion tremendously influences the norms and values, thus morals,
upheld by society (Bloom, 2012).
2.1 Anti-Queer Animus versus Homophobia
The most common concept used to describe non-proscribed prejudice and negative, fearful or
even hostile feelings towards homosexuals is the term ‘homophobia’ (Schartz & Lindley, 2009;
149). We, however, argue below that framing Africa or Uganda as ‘homophobic’ oversimplifies
the problem of anti-homosexual perception and attitudes. Therefore, we choose to uphold
Thoreson’s (2014; 25) more inclusive notion of the ‘anti-queer animus’.
Several arguments support the notion that the concept of ‘homophobia’ is restrictive.
According to Thoreson (2014; 24-25) the term homophobia leaves little room for nuances. The
word ‘phobia’ suggests that ‘homophobic’ expressions are always rooted in fear. It thus implies
that such negative feelings regarding homosexuality are always the result of fear. Thoreson
(2014; 25) suggests that we reject this monolithic concept of homophobia in sub Saharan Africa.
Furthermore, the global development specialist Marc Epprecht (2012) indicates that the notion
of ‘homophobia’ “bolsters racist dismissals of the Global South as inherently hostile to queers”
(2012; 226). The concept of ‘homophobia’ thus implies that Africa is backward in comparison to
Europe and America.
A final argument made by the anthropologist Don Kulick (2009; 23) is that the notion of
‘homophobia’ places the anti-homosexual attitudes within the psyche. We, however, adhere to
the idea that socio-structural dynamics can cause ‘homophobic’ prejudice and resentment. We
thus imply that the concept ‘homophobia’ is too restrictive for this study, as we attempt to map
social and religious dynamics on anti-homosexual perception and behaviour. Furthermore we
do not think of anti-homosexual expressions as solely derived from fear and psyche.
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Instead we have chosen to adhere to Thoreson’s (2014; 25) concept of the ‘anti-queer
animus’. We prefer this concept, firstly because it reflects more on the social construct of
resentment and behaviour towards homosexuals. The concept of ‘anti-queer animus’ entails also
“anger, hatred, bias, ignorance, jealousy or other sources of antipathy toward queer persons”
(Thoreson, 2014; 25).
Secondly, the use of the concept ‘anti-queer animus’ instead of ‘homophobia’ prevents
the narrow focus solely on homosexuals (which refers to men who have sex with men) and
allows the inclusion of lesbians, bisexuals, transsexuals, and intersexuals, commonly known as
the LGBTI community (Thoreson, 2014; 25). Thirdly, the use of the concept ‘anti-queer animus’
provides the opportunity to include the consideration of other forms of sexual prejudice or
hostility that are based on gender, class, power or other forms of difference and belonging (Fone,
2000; 6-7).
2.2 Anti-queer Animus and Morality
As we have explained above, we uphold Thoreson’s (2014; 25) notion of the ‘anti-queer animus’.
This notion indicates that the anti-queer perception is not merely based on fear, anger or hatred
but includes social aspects such as group-pressure, social control or keeping-face and even
economic reasons. The word ‘animus’ in the concept, however, indicates a hostile attitude
towards queerness. We argue below that this ‘animus’ or perception of homosexuality and
queerness greatly arises from social and individual moral norms and values.
Morality is a concept that can be defined as the codes of conduct to which a society or
individual adheres. It thus determines what a society of individual perceives as right or wrong,
normal or abnormal (Gert, 2011). We adhere to a social constructivist definition, indicating that
morality is a normative concept, constructed within certain social settings due to social
interaction and social processes of giving meaning (Chapouthier, 2004; 180). We also adhere to
the more geographical notion that both the ‘moral’ and ‘immoral’ become defined, practiced and
reproduced in plural ways across time and space (Lee & Smith, 2004a; 7). Additionally, within
this perception, we claim that one can have multiple morals at the same time inspired by social,
cultural, religious or political rules of conduct (Gert, 2011).
As both disciplines refer to concepts of ‘morality’, ‘moral panic’ and ‘moral decline’ in
order to explain anti-queer attitudes (see Valentine et. al., 2013; Sadgrove et. al., 2012; van
Klinken, 2010; Shah, 2003; amongst others) and because morals greatly determine what is
perceived as right and wrong within society, we assume that morality underlies the perception
of society towards homosexuals and queers. We thus find that an anti-queer perception is
greatly determined by societal as well as individual morals.
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Consequently, we propose a more comprehensive concept that can replace ‘anti-queer
animus’ in this thesis, namely the ‘anti-queer morality’2. The concept of ‘anti-queer animus’ then
refers to a hostile attitude towards queerness while the ‘anti-queer morality’ henceforth
indicates the underlying set of norms and values (that determine ‘wrongness’ and ‘rightness’ in
society) that create such an animus towards queers.
Summarizing, we define ‘anti-queer morality’ as both an individual and social morality
that perceives homosexual acts, including other sexual activities that deviate from the norm, as
wrong and therefore immoral. The anti-queer morality thus imposes heterosexual norms and
values that stress the importance of heteronormativity, along with other cultural values such as
family or reproduction. Furthermore, this concept indicates the societal or individual impulse to
actively pursuit those norms and values. This pursuit can take on hostile attitudes, but hostility
is no longer inherent to the anti-queer reactions.
2.3 Christianity and the Anti-Queer Morality
Morality is determined by a multiple and complex construct influenced by culture, politics, social
interaction, money and religion. Many disciplines have offered insights on what morality is. Also
Religious Studies has provided many insights on morality, as religion is often regarded as
underlying moral norms and values (Gert, 2011). Furthermore religion is often understood to
underlie anti-queer perceptions (Bloom, 2012). We thus argue that the construction of an antiqueer morality is likely to have been influenced greatly by religion3.
Religion can be given meaning in many different forms by different people. According to
the psychologist William James (1902) religion is a transcendent or mystical experience. The
anthropologist Edward Tylor (1871), however, claims that religion is a set of supernatural
beliefs. A third conception sees religion as solely a social activity (Bloom, 2012; 183-184).
Whichever view of religion is adhered to, all scholars mentioned above attest to the fact that
religion influences personal behaviour. With regard to the concept of morality the debates on
whether religion influences behaviour positively or negatively have, literally, been going on for
ages (Bloom, 2012; 181).
According to psychologist Paul Bloom, this dualism in the perceived effects of religion
can also be seen in the study of religion and behaviour. There are traditions in social psychology
that focus on the relationship between religion and prejudice, but also on the relationship
between religion and altruism or generosity (Bloom, 2012; 183). One can therefore conclude
that there is a connection between religion and (im)moral behaviour.
We have used the common ground technique of redefinition as proposed by Repko (2012) to create this concept of
the ‘anti-queer morality’. The technique of redefinition entails modifying or redefining concepts to bring out a
common meaning (Repko 2012, 336).
3 In this study we address mainly the Christian religion because it is the largest religion in Uganda (as elaborated on in
Chapter 3).
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Although all rational persons have their own morality, individual of religious beliefs,
religion has greatly effected and influenced moral perceptions (Gert, 2011). According to Bloom
there are three reasons why religion and morality are likely to be linked. Firstly, religion makes
explicit moral claims that are accepted by followers because they believe in religious texts.
“Through holy texts and the proclamations of authority figures, religions make moral claims. [...]
People believe these claims because, implicitly or explicitly, they trust the sources. They accept
them on faith” (Bloom, 2012;184). Secondly, religion emphasizes certain aspects of morality that
they perceive as important, like family or sexuality. Herewith, you are ‘good Christian’ and
therefore a good person if you follow these moral rules of conduct. Religious values thus greatly
influence and determine moral perceptions (Bloom, 2012; 184-185). Finally, it can be argued
that religion has a more general effect which could form moral perceptions because it stresses
feelings such as compassion, empathy, caring and love for one’s neighbours. Consequently, this
might also increase prejudice and intolerance towards those that are perceived as ‘outside’ of
the community (Bloom, 2012; 185).
The concept of the ‘biblical creation narratives’ as termed by Massiwa R. Gunda (2011)
affirms Bloom’s first argument. According to Gunda these biblical narration narratives are used
in order to justify moral claims. In the case of anti-queer morality biblical passages are
addressed as sources of authority to prove that homosexuality is sinful (Gunda, 2011; 93). These
narratives are based on the books of Genesis and are said to interpret Gods creation of both a
man and a woman as the proof that men and women should be together. This antihomosexuality perception is commonly phrased as “It’s Adam and Eve, not Adam and Steve!”
referring to Gods initial creation of Eve (female and woman) and Adam (male and man).
With the aid of the Bible these gender distinctions are sacralised and therewith same-sex
relationships are demonised. Homosexuality is thus perceived as going against God’s divine
intentions and therefore as unnatural and immoral. Theology scholar and former priest Edward
E. Malloy (1981) argues that homosexuality is seen as immoral for several reasons. Firstly, it
goes against the procreative purpose of sexual intercourse; this contributes to the view of Gunda
(2011). This argument implies that homosexuality is often seen as an attack on the family, which
is in Christian eyes seen as the basic unit of society (Malloy, 1981). Secondly, because
homosexuality is seen as something unnatural – ‘not how God made us’ – homosexuality is often
attributed to mental health issues , upbringing or personal choice (Brooke, 1993; 77).
For the greater part of Christian people the Bible, being the word of God, remains the
ultimate source of guidance and inspiration. The Bible holds immense authority and during
controversial discussions Christians will most of the time fall back on the Bible to see what it
says about the topic (Helminiak, 1995; 12). Several passages in the Bible are repeatedly used to
authorize the anti-queer morality, for example Leviticus 18:22: “You shall not lie with a male as
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with a woman; it is an abomination” or Leviticus 20:13: “If a man also lie with mankind, as he
lieth with a woman, both of them have committed an abomination: they shall surely be put to
death; their blood shall be upon them”.
Religious scholar Allan Aubrey Boesak (2011) interprets these passages as being about
homosexual acts of ancient culture that took on the forms of punishment or putting others in an
inferior position. However not all religious scholars agree on such anti-queer interpretations of
the bible. According to Boesak “there is no inkling that the Bible says anything about, let alone
passes judgement on committed, loving, stable same-sex relationships” (2011; 18). C. B. Beal
(1994) in his article ‘Modern medicine, homosexuality, and the Bible’ agrees that committed,
loving gay relationships are equally capable of fulfilling “God’s design for creation” (1994;93).
Furthermore both Beal and Boesak stress the social context of today differs greatly from the
context in which the bible was construed. They indicate that this should be taken into account in
contemporary interpretations of biblical texts.
Thus, we imply that religious perceptions and interpretations of biblical texts greatly
underlie the anti-queer morality we discuss. We, however, do not state that religious morals are
per definition the same as anti-queer morals. We find that religious morals are diverse and
subject to (collective or individual) interpretation. We do suggest that moral codes of conduct
are influenced by religion and that certain religious interpretations can invoke an anti-queer
morality.
2.4 Restrictions of the Concept
The concept of anti-queer morality as introduced above will be used throughout this study. We
are aware of the limitations of the concept as we have proposed and defined it. We assume that
the anti-queer morality or anti-homosexual perception and attitudes are the result of cultural
and moral notions. We thus imply that ‘normality’ and ‘abnormality’, ‘moral’ and ‘immoral’, and
‘wrong’ and ‘right’ are socially determined. Yet, for many, sexuality is considered innate,
biologically determined and even pre-cultural, implying that sexuality remains unaffected by
social perceptions and thus culture (Reddy, 2004; 2004). An anti-queer perception is,
consequently, considered a natural response. We have chosen to uphold a social-constructivist
perspective on anti-queer morality because it offers opportunities for changing perception and
behaviour.
Additionally our concept of anti-queer morality might be considered incomplete or
inadequately explained. Justification of the use of an anti-queer morality might require a more
elaborate explanation and the inclusion of more psychological and philosophical insights on
morality. We, however, have chosen to uphold this concept as we consider it more inclusive and
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less biased than the previously discussed concepts of ‘homophobia’ and ‘anti-queer animus’. In
this paper we will use it as defined above.
Finally, we make several general claims regarding the religious influence on anti-queer
morality. We are aware of the fact that not all religious groups agree with this notion. We do,
however, find it important to stress the influence that religion has on moral perception. We find
that, though people might not practice religion, their norms and values are still greatly
influenced and descending from religious norms and values. We do not wish to imply that
everyone (or all Christians) is (are) in complete accordance with the anti-queer morality as we
describe it. We are aware of the generalizing tendency that this explanation might bear.
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3. The Case of Uganda
This chapter describes how the contemporary perception on homosexuality and queerness has
manifested itself in Uganda. Firstly, this chapter will provide a short overview of Uganda’s
history and the religious, social and political situation. This acquaintance with Uganda is
important to later understand how and why an anti-queer morality has manifested itself in
Uganda. Secondly, this chapter will describe the current upsurge of the anti-queer perception
and the subsequent coming into effect of the Anti-Homosexuality Act that was signed into law by
the president of Uganda on February 24th, 2014. These recent events, as will be elaborated on in
later chapters, have great effects on the anti-queer perceptions in Uganda.
3.1 Context of the Republic of Uganda
The Republic of Uganda is a country located in central Africa in between Kenya, the Democratic
Republic of Congo, South Sudan, Rwanda and Tanzania (United Nations, 2014). Population of
Uganda was 36.35 million in 2012 (Worldbank, 2013). Uganda is considered a Heavily Indebted
Poor Country and thus struggles with issues of low income, high levels of poverty and low life
expectancy (WHO, 2012). Over 40 different ethnic groups reside in Uganda. The Baganda is the
largest ethnic group present, comprising almost 17% of the population (Marjoke, 2012).
Figure 1: Geographical Location of Uganda (Alltravel, 2014)
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Uganda has a history of colonisation by the United Kingdom. Its current boundaries were agreed
upon by Britain and Germany in 1890 and in 1894 Uganda officially became a protectorate of the
British Empire (Griffith, 1986; 209)4. During the British rule Uganda was divided into four
provinces. Upon independence in 1962 Uganda’s provincial divisions were dropped. Only the
Buganda district remained, which subsequently became the federal state (Green, 2009; 349).
Following the independence from the British colonial rule Uganda has experienced a
decade of political and economic instability. A military coup in 1971 led to a trajectory of
violence and mismanagement that reduced the country to a ‘failed’ state, a state in which the
government has little to no control over its territory (Worldbank, 2013).
This period of political and economic turmoil lasted until 1986 when the National
Resistance Movement (NRA), led by Museveni, took over power. This resulted in a period of
sustained economic and political renewal. The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern
Uganda has, however, waged a civil war in Uganda since 1987 (Worldbank, 2013). The
establishment of the LRA is often linked to the attacks that the NRA targeted towards the Acholi
people, a minority ethnic group in Uganda. The LRA, led by Jospeh Kony, intended to establish a
theocratic state based on the biblical Ten Commandments and the Acholi tradition (Quinn, 2004;
8). This guerrilla campaign deepened the poverty and diminished the economic activity in
Northern Uganda. As of 2005, the LRA was pushed out of Uganda and there have not been any
more major attacks since then (Worldbank, 2013).
Uganda has progressed toward a multi-party democracy that holds regular elections.
Constitutional amendments were set in the constitution of 1995. Museveni and his NRM Party
won the first multi-party elections and he had been re-elected twice since then. Museveni’s
current term has, however, been characterized by increasing opposition and mounting
parliamentary pressure over the government. Recent cases of large-scale corruption in some
ministries indicate that governance remains a major challenge for Uganda (Worldbank, 2013).
The main religion in Uganda is Christianity. Approximately 84% of Uganda’s population
is Christian. The Roman Catholic Church has the largest number of adherents, followed by the
Anglican Church of Uganda. Evangelical and Pentecostal churches claim the rest of the Christian
population (Ward, 2013; 417). Consequently, Christian religious values greatly influence societal
life. Many traditional Christian values such as family and reproduction are considered to be
important cornerstones of society (Ward, 2013; 412-413). Muslims are thought to represent
12% of the population in Uganda, and these Muslims are mainly Sunni (Ward, 2013; 417). Prior
to the advent of alien religions such as Islam and Christianity traditional indigenous beliefs were
practised to ensure that the welfare of people were maintained at all times. Nowadays these
We do not want to imply that Ugandan history started with the colonisation of the Uganda by the British. However,
none of the available literature connected the pre-colonial history of Uganda with the current upswing of anti-queer
morality in Uganda. Therefore, we chose not to include it in the contextualisation of Uganda.
4
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practices are sometimes still practiced in rural areas or blended with and practised alongside
Christianity and Islam (Ward, 2013; 411).
3.2 Perception on homosexuality in Uganda
Religion is said to be greatly influential in societal life but also in political decision making. Both
the president and his wife are known to be a dedicated born-again Anglican Christians openly
proclaiming Christian values and morals (Sadgrove, 2007; 121). Furthermore, Uganda’s
ambassador openly proclaimed to find homosexuality “unnatural, abnormal, illegal, dangerous,
and dirty” (AFP, 2009; quoted in Thorseon, 2014; 29). This open and politically invoked antiqueer morality and animus in Uganda can be deduced from the Anti-Homosexuality Bill 2014.
The Anti-Homosexuality Act was first proposed in 2009 by the Member of Parliament
David Bahati. It prescribed life in prison for anyone who “touches another person with the
intention of committing the act of homosexuality” and the death penalty for aggravated
homosexuals (Thoreson, 2014; 28). It also permitted imprisonment for any person who openly
supports and/or promoted homosexuality or fails to report such violations within 24 hours
(Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2014; 9-10). On the 20th of December 2013 the parliament passed on an
amended version of the Anti-Homosexuality Act. It was signed into law by Museveni on the 24th
of February 2014.
There has been strong national and international opposition to the bill. The
commencement of this bill has shaped new socio-political realities and created a strong LGBTI
movement in Uganda. These groups have created a diverse network of organisations often
linking to international Human Rights organisations. The Human Rights Movement indicates
that this bill violates the Human Rights Law (HRW, 2013). Furthermore the LGBTI movement
has allied with journalists to obtain (international) support (Thoreson, 2014; 30). Contradictory
to the (international) efforts we have only seen an increase of violence against and
discrimination of the LGBTI community in Uganda.
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PART II – Anti-Queer Morality in a
Context of Globalisation
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4. Globalisation as a Framework
The perceived upsurge of the anti-queer morality has not solely occurred in Uganda. This trend
has been perceived in many countries over the world and seems plausible in a context of
increasing and intensifying global political, economic social, media and other forms of
interaction. Development specialist Ankie Hoogvelt (2001; 124) states that intensified global
relations link distant localities and therefore local events are constantly influenced by events
elsewhere. This chapter thus attempts to explicate global interactions and recognized trends
that are currently depicted in scientific literature and thus provide a in which the current
upsurge of the anti-queer morality in Uganda can be explained.
Firstly, this chapter elaborates on different perceptions on the concept of globalisation,
focussing specifically on cultural globalisation. Secondly, this chapter explains the implied and
experienced hegemonic character of cultural globalisation and subsequently the notion of
cultural imperialism.
4.1 Globalisation of Cultures
Globalisation in its most general definition refers to the interaction influences that different
localities have onto each other. More specifically globalisation can refer to the interconnection
and influence of economics, politics, culture, religion, biology and almost any other transmissible
subject (Hoogvelt, 2001; 120-121). Literature has indicated that different trends of globalisation
are considered important regarding the upsurge of the anti-queer morality in Uganda. Culture,
politics and Human Rights strongly influence the anti-queer morality. As we perceive the antiqueer morality mainly as a cultural and religious manifestation (see Chapter 2) we choose to
focus mainly on theories of cultural globalisation.
From a geographical perspective cultural globalisation addresses the cultural constructs
within certain time and space constraints (Flint & Taylor, 2007; 5). Cultural norms and values
are considered important factors underlying morality and thus anti-queer morality (as
elaborated on in Chapter 2). Therefore, we consider the globalisation of cultural norms and
values important for this study. They create a framework in which the transmissibility of morals,
such as the anti-queer morality, can be elucidated. The notion of the transmissibility of morals is
depicted by several Religious and Geography scholars. Human geographer Valentine (et. al.,
2013; 165) indicates that in the light of globalisation, moral values, or normative standards, are
expected to transcend specific contexts.
There are two dominant perceptions of globalisation of the cultural sphere according to
the Cultural Sociologist John Tomlinson (2003; 269). The first trend describes the notion of
destruction of cultural identities and the creation of a more ‘westernized’ and ‘homogenized’
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world. This trend suggests that the western forms of lifestyle spread across the world and that
there is an increasing convergence of cultures and cultural norms all over the world (Potter et.
al., 2008; 129). It thus implies a certain hegemonic character of western (mainly American and
European) cultures over others.
The second, and according to Tomlinson (2003) the more plausible, trend is that of
heterogenization: the diversification of cultures. According to this perception cultures become
more diverse as a consequence of intensified global interaction (Tomlinson, 2003; 275).
According to the human geographer Potter (et. al., 2008; 178) cultural anthropologists have
always characterised culture through hybridisation, difference, rupture and clashes. Differences
between and within cultures have always existed and interaction between cultures have created
‘hybridised’ forms of cultures, resulting in more diversity of cultures within specific localities.
The social scientist Castells (2000; 7) gives an even more complex definition of cultural
globalisation. He indicates that cultures are created due to the consolidation of a ‘shared
meaning’ that manifests through social practices in a social time and space constraint. He thus
indicates that cultural meaning is not created within an existing cultural realm and then
transmitted elsewhere. Instead, he states that interaction between people consolidate meaning
and thus create a cultural realm. This perception of culture implies an unfixed, fluid and
changing character of culture.
Concerning our research subject of the anti-queer morality we will provide different
explanations that relate to these different, but complementary, visions of cultural globalisation.
Foreign ‘invasion’, influence and/or interaction has dislocated certain traditional cultures.
Therefore, we do uphold the notion of Potter et. al. (2008; 163) that globalisation has proven to
be profoundly unsettling for cultural identities, morals, norms and values but also the identities
of individuals.
4.2 The Notion of Cultural Imperialism
In social and cultural studies cultural imperialism mainly refers to the influencing of cultures by
the westernized, homogenized and consumption driven culture (Tomlinson, 2003; 269). The
concept of cultural imperialism thus assumes that previously homogenous and ‘authentic’
cultures are imposed, subverted or corrupted by ‘foreign’ influences (Morley & Robins, 1995; 7).
It is important to note that cultural imperialism implies a ‘western’ hegemony of cultural
practices. This notion insinuates that the dissemination of cultural values and practices are
controlled and influenced by western standards (Gregory et. al., 2009; 327).
In their book Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic Landscapes and Cultural
Boundaries Morely & Robins (1995; 7) explain that cultural imperialism can occur through many
different means, such as actual encounters but also the increasing reach and influence of media
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and social media. A result of cultural imperialism is that different cultures become increasingly
similar due to dominance of certain - ‘western’ – cultural norms and values (cultural
homogenisation) (Tomlinson, 2003; 269).
There is much criticism on the concept of cultural homogenisation as elaborated on
above. The notion of heterogenisation and Castell’s (2000) idea of consolidation of a ‘shared
meaning’ through interaction, are generally much more accepted in Human Geography.
Nevertheless, the notion of cultural imperialism is still upheld by many scholars. Firstly,
the ‘West’ is still considered more capable of exercising power on peripheral countries, mainly
due to their economic resources and strong political institutions. Consequently, ‘peripheral’
countries still are more dependent on the ‘West’ than vice versa, reinforcing the perception of
the imperializing ‘West’.
Although the ‘West’ has attempted to improve their relations with peripheral countries
in a postcolonial era, the notion of cultural imperialism indicates that these relations are not
equal. Western perceptions still prevail, also in many international agreements such as the
Human Rights. The notion of Africa being ‘backward’, though not formally recognized, still exists.
Also, it is still often implied by (western) scholars that Africa needs to develop and modernize
according the ‘Western’ standards in order to become successful. As Lee & Smith (2004b; 13)
state: “it is [still] frequently assumed that the ‘underdeveloped’ countries are impeded by their
own ways of life, and that they thus need to ‘modernize’ or ‘Westernize’”.
An alternative perspective on imperialism is offered by Hardt & Negri (2004). They
argue that it is not merely states that dominate or imperialize other states. Multinationals,
(governance) institutions and media are increasingly obtaining hegemonic influences. It is likely
that such institutions therefore also influence cultural identities and social life locally.
Thus, the concept of cultural imperialism is multifaceted, complex and perhaps
incomplete. Yet, according to our view it is important with regard to the issue of increasing antiqueer morality. Valentine et. al. (2013; 165) indicate that also culturally determined moral
values are likely to transcend from the ‘West’ to other places. Globalisation and cultural
imperialism thus offer a framework in which current flows of anti-queer morality, that we will
elaborate on in the subsequent chapters, can be understood.
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5. Anti-Queer Animus as ‘Western’ export-product
A common explanation of the increasing anti-queer perception in many African countries,
including Uganda, is that anti-queer perceptions are ‘Western’ cultural phenomena that are
exported through means of cultural imperialism. This is currently a popular explanation of
current anti-queer tendencies that is especially explicated in Western as well as Ugandan media.
This chapter elaborates on two perceptions of the anti-queer morality as a ‘Western’ export
product through the lens of cultural imperialism. Firstly, this perception draws on the history of
colonialism in Uganda during which western cultural morals are said to be ‘transported’ mainly
from the colonizing countries (the ‘West’) to the colonized countries (the ‘rest’) (Drucker, 1993;
13-15). Secondly, this explanation draws on the current popularity of the notion that American
evangelicals greatly and actively influence the perception on same-sex sexuality of the Ugandan
population (Amanpour, 2014).
5.1 Colonisation of Uganda
One of the most visible forms of globalisation and imperialism is that of colonisation.
Colonisation is the obtaining of control or governing of a nation, which subsequently becomes
dependent on its colonizer. It has an imperialistic character because the system of government
seeks to defend unequal systems of commodity exchange for its own (Potter et. al., 2008; 48).
Uganda was colonized by the British from 1894-1961. It eventually became completely
independent in 1962 (Griffith, 1986; 209). It is often argued by Africans who oppose
homosexuality, that homosexuality is ‘non-African’, but rather a foreign and ‘western’
phenomenon that was ‘brought’ to Africa during colonisation5 (Tamale, 2007; 18). Historically
this, however, seems unlikely. According to Peter Drucker (1993; 6) homosexual activity
appears to be universal, and is thus present in all human societies, across boundaries of time and
culture. At the same time he indicates that it has been condemned and repressed in many
societies.
Also in Africa numerous cultures encountered homosexual activities, long before the era
of colonisation. The Ugandan academic in law and philosopher Sylvia Tamale (2003; 2) indicates
that different ethnic groups in Uganda acknowledged homosexual activities. Amongst the Langi
in northern Uganda the males were treated as women and could marry men (Tamale, 2007; 1819). Homosexual encounters were also acknowledged among other ethnic groups: the Iteso,
Bahima, Banyoro and the Baganda (Tamale, 2007; 18-19).
5
When we refer to colonisation we refer to the period during which Uganda was colonized by the British. When we
refer to other, previous, forms of colonisation or imperialism (for instance by the Muslims) we will specify this.
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The Baganda are even known to have had a bisexual leader, king Mwanga. Development
specialist Epprecht (2013; 115-116) indicates that in Uganda this history has often been used to
create different narratives on the approval or condemnation of homosexuality. Narratives of
opponents of same-sex sexuality indicate how the homosexual encounters of king Mwanga set
the stage for Uganda’s subordination under colonial rule. In this narration Mwanga is said to
have become king of a court where many people with different backgrounds and religions
resided. He himself was said to be Muslim but also upheld several traditional practices. Mwanga
thus felt entitled to practice the traditional polygyny and also felt authorized to command the
sexuality of young men under his authority. Several British Christian pages that resided at court,
however, refused and were subsequently executed. This led to much turmoil in the and
eventually led to the British imposing their own preferred king onto the throne.
This narration of Ugandan history is used in different discourses concerning same-sex
sexuality. Firstly, this narration indicates that homosexual activities already occurred in Uganda,
prior to colonisation by the British. Opponents, however, argue that homosexuality was
previously ‘brought’ by Muslims after their king converted to the Islam. Secondly, the
interpretation of history as described above implies that colonisation was the result of, and a
penance for, the misbehaviour of king Mwanga (Epprecht, 2013; 116). Pre-colonial history thus
indicates with certainty that homosexual encounters occurred in Uganda prior to British
colonisation.
Colonisation by the British has laid out an even larger breeding ground for the anti-queer
morality. They have influenced the perception on homosexuality greatly. Firstly the notion of
identifying people as being ‘homosexual’ was not present amongst (most) societies. It was only
known to be coined in the nineteenth century in western societies and allowed for people
encountering in homosexual activities to acquire the sexual identity of being gay or lesbian
(Hoad, 2007; 59). This perception of people being ‘homosexual’ is said to be imposed onto
colonized countries during the era of colonisation (Drucker, 1993; 13-15).
Secondly the current perception on homosexuality is greatly influenced by the sexual,
and thus anti-homosexual, mores of that time. Tamale (2007; 19) indicates that it is not
homosexuality that is foreign to Uganda, but the dominant Judeo-Christian and Arabic religions
upon which most African anti-homosexuality proponents rely. In ‘the West’ unconventional sex
was considered a national threat as it did not function for the purpose of reproduction. Epprecht
(2013; 125) also indicates that the silencing and oppression of same-sex activities can be linked
to the cause of nation- and empire-building. According to him homosexuality was, at that time,
perceived as a weakness in men. In an era of colonisation they wanted strong and virile men to
confront their enemies with.
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Consequently, a lot of ‘scientific’, cultural and religious evidence against homosexuality
was gathered in Europe during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Epprecht, 2013,
125). The dominant discourse of that time distinguished between normality and abnormality,
between what was respectable and what were sexual deviances, and between what was morally
right and wrong (Stoler, 1995; 34). This led to oppression of (mainly male) same-sex activity,
but also to the silencing of evidence of the existence of gay men and lesbians (Drucker, 1993;
13). Also in the colonies homosexual activities were silenced, reflecting the traditional taboos in
British society.
Finally, as a result of the anti-queer perceptions of that time, the first AntiHomosexuality laws and systems of surveillance in Uganda were introduced by the British in
order to repress homosexual activity (Valentine, et. al., 2013; 168 & Epprecht, 2012; 228).
According to Thoreson (2014; 28) this is the most obvious heritage of the British colonialism for
LGBTI community. The prohibition of same-sex activities under the Penal Code Act of 1950
states that “carnal knowledge against the order of nature is punishable with life imprisonment”
(Ottosson, 2010; 20). Though, in Uganda the British colonial-era laws criminalising male
homosexuality were long ignored, they have now been invoked to persecute individuals and
emergent LGBT groups (Valentine, 2013; 170).
Anti-queer morality can be said to be ‘brought’ with colonisation. Although little is
known about the sentiments towards homosexuals before colonisation, active discrimination
and exclusion of homosexuals was known to be present in Britain and its colonies during the era
of colonisation. Even the first Anti-Homosexuality laws are known to be introduced by the
British.
5.2 Contemporary Cultural Imperialism through American Fundamentalism
Though the era of actual colonisation is over, other forms of contemporary (cultural)
imperialism are still present. Not only during colonisation, but also now, anti-queer perceptions
are being spread across the globe. A popular explanation of the increasing anti-queer
perceptions in Uganda is the presence of American Fundamentalists6. This relation is especially
focussed on in the media, but also several scholars acknowledge these trends. There are four
main arguments that indicate the plausibility of this relationship and its importance for the
current emergence the anti-queer morality in Uganda. Firstly, Christian groups like the
The terms 'American Fundamentalists', 'US conservatives', ‘Christian fundamentalists’ or 'the Christian Right' are
used interchangeably and without criticism in African media. This is because, as Didi Herman in her book The Antigay
Agenda: Orthodox Vision and the Christian Right argues, in Africa the Christian Right falls under the banner of
“evangelicalism”, which they relate with a biblical and doctrinal orthodoxy. Furthermore the US Christian
conservatives working in Africa are generally called American Fundamentalists for most Africans do not make
distinctions between the Christian Right, Fundamentalists, Scott Lively and Rick Warren (Herman, 1997; 5-7).
Because we do not want to make it too complex for our readers, we, like the African media, do not distinguish between
all these actors and name them all American Fundamentalist.
6
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American Fundamentalists seek to spread their beliefs around the globe (Valentine et. al, 2013;
166-167). Secondly, several notorious American Fundamentalists have visited Uganda and have
actively participated in their debate on homosexuality (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 113). Thirdly, local
bishops and Ugandan politicians have often stressed their relationship with the American
Fundamentalists in public (Kaoma, 2009; Epstein, 2007). Fourthly, the Ugandan anti-queer
morality seems influenced by the American one (Gunda, 2010; Valentine et. al, 2013; Van
Klinken, 2012). These four points, together with the criticism on this view, will be elaborated on
in the following body of text.
Firstly, the imposition of the American Fundamentalists’ anti-queer agenda in Uganda
seems plausible because these Christian groups seek to spread their beliefs. With declining
members and followers in the US and decreasing credibility due to their extremism they search
for supporters elsewhere (Valentine et. al., 2013; 166-167). These beliefs include the notion that
homosexuality is sinful and a threat to society. Due to the decreasing members7 and their
diminishing credibility the American Fundamentalists are said to be the losers of the ‘culture
war’. This so-called ‘culture war’ is a figurative war they have been fighting within a liberalizing
and individualizing America. According to Kapya Kaomo, author of Globalizing the Culture Wars:
U.S. Conservatives, African Churches & Homophobia (2009; 7) the American Fundamentalists are
now trying to globalize the culture wars and therefore spread their beliefs in countries
elsewhere.
Consequently, many American Fundamentalists have travelled the world to convert
others. In Uganda they have found fertile grounds for their mission. Africa, in general, is a viable
option since supposedly one out of four Christians now live in Africa (Pew Research Centre,
2011). Many American Fundamentalists therefore travel to Africa forming a ‘transnational
“orthodox” movement’. This movement retains its orthodox religious perception which greatly
influences the moral perceptions of its adherents. This has resulted in increasing public
opposition of homosexuality within the Anglican community there (Valentine et. al., 2013; 166167)8.
The American Fundamentalists in Uganda have set up extensive communication
networks, social welfare projects, education projects including Bible schools wherein the
dangers of homosexuals also included (Kaoma, 2009; 3). The Fundamentalists are thus very
influential in the promotion of the anti-queer morality according to Kaoma (2009; 4). These
In the 1980’s around 60-65% of the US population described themselves as being Protestant, in 2008 this had
declined to 51%. While the Catholic membership has remained constant around 24% (Pew Research, 2008).
8 It should, however, be noted, that issues of homosexuality were hardly addressed in religious circles as moral issues
in the 1990’s. Not until the preparation of the Lambeth Conference of Bishops in 1998 did it gain the church leaders
attention (Ward, 2013; 417-418). Since then the discussion has become more ferocious and demonizing. The church
leaders have often emphasized that sexual orientation is not mentioned in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(Tamale 2007).
7
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American Fundamentalists gain even more influence through the financial support they give
Ugandan churches that adhere to their views (Valentine et. al., 2013; 166-167) .
Also the visit of three fundamentalist Americans in 2009 seemed to be directly connected
with the creation of the Anti-Homosexuality Act that followed shortly. These three American
Fundamentalists organised a three day conference in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. Amongst
them was Scott Lively, who is known for his opposition to LGBTI rights, and who claims to know
more about homosexuality than anyone else (Blake, 2014). The intention of the conference was
to expose the threat of homosexuality and the ‘gay-agenda’. The conference attracted many
laymen, local pastors and even government officials. This visit is therefore named as a cause for
the emergence of the Bill, as it would have inspired the politicians that visited the conference
(Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 113).
A third argument supporting the notion of the cultural imperialism of Uganda by
American Fundamentalists is the conformation and acknowledgement of the relations between
prominent Ugandans (politicians and pastors) and these Americans. We will elaborate on three
recent occurrences that illustrate the manifestation and impact of such relations. Firstly
president Museveni’s wife, a self-proclaimed conservative born-again Christian, once visited US
president George W. Bush in Washington D.C. to ask for financial support for her AIDS
prevention programs (Epstein, 2007; 188). These programs, which focus on abstinence and
faithfulness, renounce the use of condoms and encourage youngsters to sign virginity pledges,
and thus encourage fundamentalist sexual morals. Many of these programs are now funded by,
and under guidance of American Fundamentalists (Human Rights Watch/ Africa, 2005; 44).
Another example is that of David Bahati, a member of the young National Resistance Movement,
and the one responsible for the initial draft of the Anti-homosexuality Bill, claimed himself to
have strong relations with ‘The Family’ a religious political organisation in the US (Sander,
2010). Moreover, Uganda’s most infamous pastor Martin Ssempa, who is known to have shown
homosexual pornographic videos in church to prove the harmfulness of homosexuality, has
frequently proved to have strong ties with both the American Fundamentalists and the
government officials of Uganda (Girard, 2004 & Kaoma, 2009).
Fourthly, due to these relationships the Ugandan anti-queer morality is said to be
influenced by the American one. Valentine et. al. (2013; 167) claims to see similarities in the fact
that both groups connect homosexuality to paedophilia, stressing the vulnerability of children
and insinuating that homosexuals are out to recruit these youngsters. Sadgrove et. al. (2012;
116) claim that both Ugandan- and American Fundamentalists portray homosexuals or prohomosexual groups as wealthy and therefore as capable of buying support, thus warning people
not to accept money from people who might want to lure them into homosexuality. Religious
scholar Van Klinken (2012) sees other connections between anti-queer morality of Africa and
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American Fundamentalists. He indicates that both American and African groups associate
homosexuality with the Devil or the ‘End of Times’. Though Van Klinken’s theory is based on
Zambia, religious scholar Masiiwa R. Gunda (2010; 232) affirms that this belief is widespread in
Africa. This is confirmed by religious scholar Birgit Meyer’s study in Africa generally and her
later study in Ghana (Meyer, 1996; Meyer, 2010; 115). We therefore assume that it is also
applicable to Uganda.
Although many religious scholars seem to support the notion that American
Fundamentalists have intensified the anti-queer morality in Uganda through their imperialism,
several scholars do not agree. While Kamoa regards the relation more as a mutual process that
benefits both, religious scholar Timothy Samuel Shah (2003; 23) does not agree with this notion
in the least bit. According to Shah, Third World evangelism is “largely an indigenous
phenomenon” emphasising the existence of the AIC’s, the African-Initiated Churches. Shah (Shah,
2003; 24) argues that the Third World evangelical agenda does not resemble the American one,
for it is diverse and pluralistic.
But Shah (2003; 28-29) also states that because of this pluralistic character of African
evangelism, these African groups are not capable of organising a strong national or transnational
movement and more importantly are very prone to manipulation and cooptation. This seems
contradictory to his idea that the American Fundamentalists do not have any influence, for he
suggests that the American Fundamentalists can, and indeed have, easily co-opted the African
evangelism into their own mission.
5.3 Several Concluding Remarks
So, this chapter has argued and provided insights in how an anti-queer morality has travelled
from the ‘West’ to the ‘rest’. First this happened due to colonisation by the British. In the 19th
century same-sex encounters were considered inappropriate, uncivil and immoral and therefore
silenced and prohibited in their country and their colonies.
Contemporary imperialism of anti-queer morality has taken on other forms. Mainly the
American Fundamentalists have actively influenced the emergence and nature of the anti-queer
morality in Uganda. Contrary to the influence of colonisation, Americans Fundamentalists
actually have more supporters in Uganda. The upsurge of the anti-queer morality is considered
the result of a consolidation of shared meaning by most of Uganda’s society, rather than the
imposition of morals as was the case during colonialism. One thing that both imperialising
trends have in common, however, is their religious substantiation. During colonialism
Christianity was much more important and present in the British cultural morals but also in
their politics. The validation of religion for the American Fundamentalists is obvious; they travel
to Uganda in order to spread their religious views and find adherence to their religion.
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6. Anti-Queer Animus as a reaction to the ‘West’
In both Religious Studies and Human Geography, the notion of anti-queer morality as moving
from the ‘West to the Rest’ is considered an important and valid explanation for the upcoming
anti-queer animus in many African countries, including Uganda. This explanation, however, is
paradoxical to another dominant perception of contemporary cultural globalisation, that of the
liberal and individualizing ‘West’ and the reaction of the ‘rest’ through fundamentalism and
traditionalism (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 109). Thus, we find the clarification of anti-queer animus
as a ‘Western export product’ interesting and valid but incomplete given other global trends,
such as individualisation and liberalisation that are perceived in both Human Geography and in
Religious Studies.
An alternative explanation for the increasing anti-queer morality in Uganda that is
derived from contemporary literature is thus discussed in this chapter. Religious Studies can
provide explanations for these trends through focussing on the upcoming fundamentalism and
traditionalism in Uganda, by using the theory of desecularisation. The disciplinary insights of
Human Geography, African Studies and Postcolonial Studies elaborate on concepts such as
traditionalism, and focus on the manifestation of such anti-Western reactions in Uganda.
This chapter firstly elaborates on the imperialising and hegemonic tendency of trends
such as liberalisation, individualisation and the Human Rights. We discuss how such
manifestations of cultural imperialism are perceived in Uganda and how they evoke reaction.
Secondly we will discuss the desecularisation theory, which explicates how (religious)
fundamentalism and traditionalism are the result of liberalising and secularising trends in the
‘West’. This is subsequently linked to the current reinforcement of religious and anti-queer
morals in Uganda.
6.1 A Reaction on the Manifestations of Cultural Imperialism
Current imperialising trends that are considered and dominant in both Human Geography and
Religious Studies are trends of individualisation, politics and the Human Rights (Sadgrove et. al.,
2012; 107). These trends are perceived in many ‘Western’ countries’ and are said to have a
hegemonic character towards other, less developed, countries (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 107). Also
human geographers acknowledge that this hegemonic character of ‘Western’ countries,
consequently, leads to action and reaction in imperialised countries (see: Valentine et. al., 2013;
Hoad, 2007; Epprecht, 2012).
Within the framework of globalisation a global consciousness has manifested in peoples
all over the world (Hoogvelt, 2001; 123). This global consciousness has led to many
international agreements and even the institutionalisation of for instance the Human Rights.
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Such international agreements imply that there is a ‘universal’ agreement on the issues
addressed.
Such agreements, however, are not freed of Western hegemony. The Human Rights
discourse is often perceived as one of the most visible forms of Western domination of ‘the Rest’
(Epprecht, 2013; 228). In the Human Rights and development discourse processes of
individualisation and liberalisation are considered important. According to Valentine (et. al.,
2013; 165) this foregrounds the process of self-actualisation in which individuals have the
freedom to choose between wider ranges of identities, lifestyles and social ties.
As Africa’s economic development, political and judicial institutions, health profiles,
levels of education and the standard of living are not as prevailing as in the ‘West’, Africa is often
considered backward according to ‘Western’ scholars (Epprecht, 2004). Consequently the
Human Rights projects’ goal seems to be to transform non-Western cultures into Eurocentric
prototypes. The Human Rights are thus perceived as an instrument of cultural imperialism
(Sadgrove, et. al., 2012; 107-108).
Sexuality and gender have recently become topics of development and have thus been
included in political and Human Rights discourses. This has created a context in which foreign
states can meddle with issues of sexuality (Epprecht, 2013; 36). The conservative perceptions on
human sexuality, and more specifically the repression and disavowal of same-sex sexuality in
many African countries, therefore strengthens this notion of Africa being less developed and
civilized than Europe and the United States.
Also, the current ‘Western’ discourse concerning sexuality implies that the tolerance of
same-sex sexuality is a maker of ‘civilized’ sexual values. Within this discourse gay men and
lesbians are aligned with the ‘historically’ oppressed (based for instance of class or racial
divides). According to the Zimbabwean religious scholars Togaresi and Chitando (2011; 122)
this current discourse of (sexual) liberalisation imposes the notion that Africa still has to be “[…]
‘civilized’ or talked down to accept same-sex sexuality”. It is, however, ironic that historically the
‘West’ perceived homosexuality as quite the opposite of ‘civilized’ (Hoad, 2007; 57-58).
Furthermore, the importance of individualisation and liberalisation in the ‘West’ is not as
easily transmitted to the ‘rest’. Globalisation, especially of the media, has fostered the intrusion
of Western individualism in places, such as Africa, that were generally considered to emphasise
the communal (Valentine et. al., 2013; 169).
Epprecht (2012; 228) argues that in Africa, they have lost confidence in the ‘West’ due to
their history of colonisation and the subsequent adjustment policies that have all had a
devastating impact on African economies and societies. Current interference of the ‘West’ is thus
often perceived as paternalistic, degrading and depriving of Africa’s own agency. ‘Western’
values and ideas of development are therefore not blindly adopted in Africa. As a reaction to this
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so-called Westernisation strong anti-colonialist and nationalist discourses of postcolonial
rulings have commenced in several African countries, including Uganda. Their governments seek
to protect their own cultural and national sovereignty by appealing to their own ‘traditional’
values (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 108). In such traditionalist discourses lesbian and gay identities
there are often configured as a consequence of excessive Westernisation and violation of
traditional norms and forms of sexuality (Hoad, 2007; 57). This, however, ignores the notion
that Christianity and colonial traditions also mark Westernisation and have greatly influenced
the anti-queer perception there, as depicted in the previous chapter (Hoad, 2007; 58).
Nevertheless, this resistance of ‘western’ (non-Christian) influence further rekindles the antiqueer discourse.
Valentine (2013; 170) indicates that in the anti-westernisation discourse the ‘West’ is
often depicted as morally degenerate and as the purveyor of homosexuality through processes
of western imperialism. Consequently, homosexuality in Uganda is perceived, by many of its
inhabitants, as the moral-decline of their ‘own’ nation. Furthermore the existence of
homosexuality is depicted as being ‘foreign’ or ‘Western’ and therefore ‘non-African’ (Valentine,
et. al. 2013; 1654-168). Tamale (2007; 17-18) indicates that in Uganda it is even implied that
there is a network of western homosexual organisation with an agenda to “recruit” young
African men and women into same-sex sexuality.
The homophobic turn in many African countries, has mobilized many ‘Western’ scholars
and activists, and piqued the interest of much ‘Western’ media (Epprecht, 2012; 224). As a result
many Western countries have openly expressed support for the LGBTI community in Uganda
and other African countries. Many aid donors have spoken out against the violation of the
Human Rights, and the UK and USA have even threatened to cut off aid to the violators of the
Human Rights (Epprecht, 2012; 224). This has, however, only invoked the anti-queer morality,
especially in the political sphere, as this creates a means through which governments can gain
agency and invoke their own rules of enforcement, seemingly independent of ‘Western’
influence. Epprecht (2012; 230) indicates that even same-sex practicing people in Africa that are
“[…]‘out’ as regards to their sexual orientation have expressed frustration with pressure from
the West”. Western countries often encourage the LGBTI community to be more confrontational
and more ‘out’ in Western approved ways, without considering the cultural differences.
As a result, the synthesis of African nationalism (the result of current Westernisation)
and (colonially, thus ‘Western’, imported) Christianity has constructed an anti-queer context in
Uganda. The anti-queer morality in Uganda has become part of their postcolonial identity and is
greatly included in their politics (Hoad, 2007).
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6.2 Religion versus Liberalisation
“God is winning in global politics. And modernisation, democratisation, and globalisation have
only made him stronger” (Shah & Toft, 2006; 42).
Many human geographers acknowledge and describe the trends discussed above, which are
perceived in Uganda. Religious scholars acknowledge that, as a result of globalisation,
modernisation, liberalisation and individualisation, people start to feel lost and unattached to
their communities (Juergensmeyer, 2004; 6). A clear trend has been noticed by religious
scholars, which entails that people start to seek a sense of community among religious
institutions. This does not only mean that more people fall back on religious communities but
also that these communities are becoming more strongly religious (Juergensmeyer, 2004, 6).
This trend is explained through the desecularisation theory.
Thus, within Religious Studies, the desecularisation theory offers a theoretical
framework which explains these trends of conservatism and fundamentalism, that are also
acknowledged by human geographers. This theory offers a religiously invoked explanation that
complement the reactions described above. These seem plausible in the case of Uganda, due to
the strong presence and influence of religion there (see Chapter 7).
Max Weber (1920) was the first to formulate a theory on the future of religion in his
book The Sociology of Religion. In his thesis of ‘Die Entzaubering der Welt’ Weber predicts that
the world will become more and more disenchanted in time. Meaning that a cultural
rationalisation will take place that values scientific knowledge over belief (Berger, 1999). Since
then others have adhered to this view, modified it and called this process secularisation. Modern
secularisation theory claims that religion will transform and therewith will become less visible
in the public sphere (Casanova, 1994; 19).
But, instead the opposite currently seems to be happening (Casanova, 1994). This trend
is called ‘desecularisation’ (Berger, 1999). According to Peter L. Berger, a sociologists specialised
in the sociology of religion and modernisation, desecularisation is the resurgence of religion and
its societal influences as a reaction to secularisation (Berger, 1999; 6). So according to Berger,
the growth of the societal influence of religion can only be termed desecularisation if it is
originated as a response to former or current secularizing trends (Karpov, 2010; 236).
Furthermore, Berger describes desecularisation as a response to the uncertainties of modernity
(Berger, 1999; 7). Thus, this theory explains why some countries (in the ‘west’) are getting more
liberal while others become more conservative (like Uganda) on topics of for instance sexuality.
Because according to desecularisation theory countries like Uganda are getting more religious as
a reaction to ‘western’ secularisation and the hegemonic character of their liberal morals (moral
imperialism).
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According to the sociologist Vyacheslav Karpov desecularisation entails: “(a) a
rapprochement between formerly secularized institutions and religious norms; (b) a resurgence
of religious beliefs and practices, and (c) a return of religion to the public sphere” (Karpov, 2010;
239-240). Desecularisation thus means that religion becomes more public (e.g. political,
institutional, societal etc.). With this definition one can conclude that Uganda is desecularised for
the formerly secularized institutions are upholding religious norms (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 113),
Christianity in Uganda is greatly involved in the public sphere (Ward, 2013; 417). Additionally,
religious scholar Van Klinken sees desecularisation as processes where “secular issues such as
Human Rights or homosexuality are met with deeply religious responses” (Van Klinken, 2012;
522). The desecularisation of Uganda therefore could be an explanation for the current rise of
anti-queer morality in the country.
According to the religious scholars Timothy Samuel Shah and Monica Duffy Toft (2006;
39) global politics is increasingly becoming ‘prophetic politics’, which means that those who
claim to have religious authority are filling the public spaces and are winning political contests.
Therefore, increasing democracy is not restricting religious politics, instead democracy is
empowering it. These developments have empowered people to shape their public lives, and
they choose that life to be religiously inclined (Shah & Toft, 2006; 40-41). The increasing
connectedness of some religious groups and the supposed ‘secular’ institutions in Uganda is
evident. In the previous chapter we have discussed the relationship between Uganda’s
politicians and American Fundamentalists, in the following chapter the relationship between
politics and religion in Uganda will be elaborated on.
According to desecularisation theory, religious groups are becoming more traditionalist
and conservative, otherwise known as fundamentalist, for they want to go back to their
fundamental beliefs and practices and adhere more to the teachings of the Bible. Ugandan
religious communities replicate this desire for traditional times while stressing the importance
of the Bible (Ward, 2013; 418). Consequently, some bible-passages are used to defend the antiqueer morality, because if the Bible deems homosexuality as wrong, these fundamentalists
conclude that homosexuality indeed is wrong. Thoreson (2014; 29) specifically blames the
fundamentalism of Uganda’s religious groups for the existence of the anti-queer morality in
Uganda.
Fundamentalism is often directly linked with violence in popular opinion. Shah (2003;
25) explains this violent trend by stating that the fundamentalist communities, like the
Fundamentalists in Uganda, are adopting militant and anti-liberal forms. Shah’s point
complements existing theories of religion and modernity, namely that the former turns violent
as a reaction to the latter (Juergensmeyer, 2004).
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Certain violent conflicts are due to extreme religious ideology, like those of
fundamentalists. Mark Juergensmeyer, professor of sociology and Religious Studies, is interested
in religions role in violent conflict. In his studies, Juergensmeyer (2004; 4-5) has noticed that
worldwide, every religion has become more violent and has developed religious political
extremism. Therefore the increasing fervour and hostility of the anti-queer morality in Uganda
could be explained, again, by desecularisation theory.
According to Juergensmeyer (2004; 6) globalisation, and thus the perceived imperialism
of liberal morals, was influential because it undercut the distinctiveness of nation-state
identities, therewith religion became an ideology of protest and particular religious themes were
used to resist the global secular system. In Uganda homosexuality became the particular theme
for this resistance. In many religious conflicts, like the one in Uganda, religion is ‘used’ as a
vehicle for social mobilisation. This is because religion provides both an organisational network,
but also a moral justification. With God at their backs, those who participate in the fight now are
fighting a cosmic war against the forces of evil. As a result the enemy is often demonised
(Juergensmeyer, 2004; 7). As we depict in the following chapter, homosexuals are also
demonised in the Ugandan anti-queer morality.
Thus, it has become clear that religious scholars perceive a trend of desecularisation in
Uganda as a reaction to the ‘western’ secularisation and the imperialism of these liberal morals.
This has resulted in the increasing religiosity of the Ugandan people, but also in the increasing
fundamentalism and thus violence of these groups. These trends that can be perceived in
Uganda explain how a theme like sexuality can become an important field of resistance to the
‘West’, why this resistance can be perceived as religious fundamentalist and why such a
fundamentalist perception on homosexuality gains political support and thus power. But
moreover not just religious scholars perceive these trends, human geographers acknowledge
these among others as a reaction to ‘Western’ cultural imperialism.
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PART III – Local Explanations for an
Anti-Queer Morality in Uganda
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7. A Religious Breeding Ground
The following two chapters address the religious and socio-cultural aspects of Uganda that
influence the anti-queer morality. The previous part elaborated on global trends that can explain
the upcoming anti-queer morality in Uganda. Such global trends are currently popular
explanations for the increasing anti-queer morality, especially in both Western and Ugandan
media. Such explanations of international influence in Uganda, or even the reaction to
international interference, easily deprive Uganda of its own agency. Such notions insinuate that
it is only the action of, or reaction to, ‘the West’ that can invoke such an anti-queer perception.
Therefore, we find it important to also include the local tendencies in Uganda that greatly
determine the community’s morality, especially concerning queerness. As Drucker (1993; 5)
indicates, it is only the domination by imperialism that unites the third world. Different
countries still have their own culture and religion, and thus their own specific forms of giving
meaning.
In both disciplines localities are considered important. Local manifestations are always
understood as differing from the more general global tendencies due to local interpretations and
influences. In Human Geography this is called ‘localisation’, in Religious Studies it is referred to
as ‘pluralisation’. In the following chapter the local religion and its ties to politics will be
explored. The next chapter will deal with the local culture and customs that influence the antiqueer morality.
71. Local Religion
As Adriaan van Klinken (2013) mentions, the anti-queer morality in Africa (and Uganda) is often
ascribed by the western media to the presence of religion area. The media perceive religion as
almost inherently homophobic. Thus, the media claims, homophobia in Africa exists because of
the vitality of religion in the area (Van Klinken, 2012; 520). While this is a gross generalisation of
a complex problem, religion does in fact have an influence on the anti-queer morality in Uganda
for several reasons: firstly, because of religion’s societal role; secondly, the bible is used in
several distinct ways to validate the anti-queer morality; and thirdly, in Uganda religion and
politics are closely intertwined. This chapter discusses these aspects.
Firstly, religion in Uganda is very much present in the public and societal spheres,
influencing local morality. As we have seen in the previous chapter, religion in is increasingly
considered to be public, traditionalist and sometimes even fundamentalist. The anthropologist
Thoreson (2014; 29) ascribes this fundamentalism as one of the reasons that the anti-queer
morality in Uganda exists, saying that the anti-queer attitudes did not arise “de novo, but grew
from the fertile ground of religious fundamentalism which was laid over the past two decades”.
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According to Van Klinken (2013; 521) religion in Africa was never a private affair, but
always public. When a religion is ‘public’ and forms an alternative social structure of healthcare,
welfare and education, it influences the local morality in significant ways. As we have seen in
Chapter 3, about eighty-four percent of Ugandans are Christians. The two major churches are the
Church of Uganda (Anglican) and the Roman Catholic Church. Furthermore, the Church of
Uganda has the highest number of members in the world (Ward, 2002). Other Christian groups
are the evangelicals and the Pentecostals, but these smaller churches tend to ascribe themselves
to one of the main denominations (Ward, 2013; 417).
According to Reverent Kevin Ward, Senior Lecturer in African Religious Studies, the
Ugandan churches have increasingly become unofficial legislators of the public opinion. This has
started with the political uncertainties and the collapse of the state in the 1980’s. The churches
were seen as having an integrity that the state did not have (Ward, 2013; 417). Part of this
regard has remained over the years and even today religious leaders enjoy respect and power.
Therefore, whatever the religious leaders say gets more authority. Sadgrove (et. al. 2012; 112)
confirms this when she writes that high-profile ‘born-again’ pastors have played a significant
role in mobilizing the anti-queer morality, naming Pastor Martin Ssempa as an example.
It is mostly the Anglican Church of Uganda that is at the forefront of the anti-queer
discourse. Ugandan Catholics have displayed less of a moral outrage and have not spent as much
energy in fighting homosexuality as the Anglican church has done (Ward, 2013; 418). The
Anglican Church in Uganda has, according to Ward, appealed to its evangelical tradition, and
specifically to the East African Revival tradition that rationalizes the anti-queer morality through
use of the Bible (Ward & Wild-Wood, 2010). These Revival adherents have been particularly
important in the Church of Uganda, for they mostly have shaped the general uncompromising
attitude towards sexuality and strict morals, and thus towards homosexuality (Ward & WildWood, 2010).
Meanwhile these strict moral standards have been accepted by the non-Revival majority
as the norm(Ward, 2013; 419). These traditional African forms of the Christian religion,
according to Ward, still play an important role in “nurturing and sustaining underlying attitudes,
sensibilities and mentalities on human sociability, including sexuality” (Ward, 2013; 410). Shah
(2003; 23)confirms by saying that “Third World evangelicalism is a largely indigenous
phenomenon”.
However, their return to the evangelical tradition has in turn enabled them to establish
relations with their American counterparts and other dominations that oppose gay inclusion
within the church (Ward, 2013; 418). But, as Shah (2003; 23-24) proclaims, the African
evangelicals are highly pluralistic and additionally they often occupy the political left, while their
American counterparts are sometimes associated with the Christian right.
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Secondly, the anti-queer morality in Uganda is verified through the use of Bible passages
that seem to prohibit same-sex practices, as we have seen in chapter 2, but also in other ways
like focussing on marriage, family life and the importance of reproduction, which is peculiar to
Uganda. The purpose of these actions is to stress the abnormality of homosexuality. The Bible
plays a major role in Ugandan communities and is the main source of authority according to
Gunda (2010). Thus, passages that could be interpreted as anti-queer are highly influential.
According to Ward (2013; 419), the Church of Uganda was always rigorous when moral
teachings were concerned, stressing monogamy and church weddings as essential to being a full
Christian. This focus on marriage and family has been, according to the British historian John
Iliffe (2007), preoccupied with issues of survival and procreation and thus with the fragility of
the population and the future of the nation (Iliffe, 2007). Not only is the production of children a
personal duty to the family but also to the population. Homosexuality therefore is often
portrayed as undermining the cornerstone of society, which is the family and the next
generation (Gunda, 2010). These claims once again are validated by the use of the Bible, that also
stress the importance of community, family and procreation (Gunda, 2010).
In Uganda communities are considered more important than individual gain. Thus
everyone forms an essential part of the community and strives to serve it. Even dead ancestors
are part of this community and are believed to have an active role in it. Furthermore, all
members of the community are expected to marry (Ward, 2013; 412). Because the community is
so important in Uganda, its members experience social pressure to adhere to the dominant
practices, but also the dominant (religious) views. This means that most Ugandans believe in the
importance of marriage and procreation and therefore, they acknowledge that homosexuality
forms an obstacle to those ideals.
These explanations above all indicate why the local religion in itself is shaping and
contributing to the Ugandan community and the anti-queer morality. However, these religious
perceptions would not be as significant without religion's role in Ugandan politics. Because
religion is so present in Uganda’s society it has become greatly involved in local politics.
Religious perceptions on the correct ‘way of living’ have become political policies and codes of
conduct. The following paragraph elaborates on this topic.
7.2 Religion and Politics in Uganda
It is often said that a “conservative religious constitution lies at the heart of government” in
Uganda (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 113). According to many gay activists in Uganda most political
leaders are “rigid, fundamentalist, revivalist Christians” who bring their religious bigotry to
work (Sadgrove, 2012; 113). Therefore Sadgrove et. al. (2012; 113-114) indicate that alliances
between the state and religious leaders are imminent.
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As elaborated on in Chapter 6, the separation between church and state in Uganda is not
as obvious as in some ‘Western countries’. Paul Gifford (1995, 1-3), a professor of Religious
Studies, attests to this claim for he has noticed the increased involvement of the African
churches in African society since the democratisation of Africa in the 1980’s. But, in Uganda this
is not only in the traditional areas of education and health but increasingly in politics.
Furthermore, according to religious scholar John Mary Waliggo (1995; 208-217), the Ugandan
churches are not solely public because of democratisation but already were crucial for
establishing African democracy. This is because the mainline Ugandan churches played a big
part in the opposition of the British colonisation, oppressive dictatorship and later on in the civil
wars, being the only element of civil society that tried to be non-violent.
This role of the churches in Ugandan national politics has remained ever since and might
even have intensified, for African Christianity has become more powerful and varied than ever
before (Ranger, 1995; 34). The current Ugandan president, Museveni, has held power since
1986, and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) holds a solid parliamentary supermajority
that allows them considerable control over policymaking (Thoreson, 2014; 28). Within short
time the churches, and all other religious bodies, were involved as almost equal partners in the
entire process of democratisation and development, like the establishment of a new constitution
in 1988 (Waliggo, 1995; 218-219).
According to the African historian Terrence Ranger, the church can be involved on four
different levels in African politics. One, as a theocracy. Secondly, they can create a ‘Christian
Nation’. Thirdly, the churches could ensure that democracy operates by Christian rules. And
fourthly, they could do nothing and watch at the side-lines (Ranger, 1995; 35). Momentarily,
Uganda with its Christian president Museveni, is in the third category, but is also often called a
‘Christian nation’, especially since Museveni, during the national prayer, said the following “We
want to dedicate this nation to you so that you will be our God and guide” (Carl, 2012). With
Museveni dedicating Uganda to God, Uganda can no longer be seen as just a secular democracy
that operates by Christian rules; Uganda thus is transitioning from that category unto the second
one of a Christian nation.
Helping this interaction between religion and politics is the fact that political leaders and
policy makers are religious themselves. According to Ward (2013; 417) all the Ugandan
presidents since 1962 (Year of Independence) have been Anglican, except for the Muslim Idi
Amin. Their personal beliefs, which coincide with majority of religious beliefs in Uganda,
therewith become translated into national policy. When Ugandan minister of Ethics and
Integrity, James Nsaba Buturo, declared to the UN that the country’s position on homosexuality
is that it is “unnatural, abnormal, illegal, dangerous and dirty” (AFP, 2009), it became clear that
personal religious beliefs are translated into national opinions.
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8. A Socio-Cultural Breeding Ground
The previous chapter elaborated on the important role of religion in the Ugandan culture and
society, influencing the anti-queer morality, based on religious ideologies and interpretations.
This chapter focuses mainly on other socio-cultural phenomena in Uganda that influence
society’s morality and perception on same-sex sexuality. It elaborates on the notion why
supporters of anti-queerness are found so overtly in Uganda. Human geographer Sadgrove (et.
al., 2012; 107) indicates that socio-cultural dynamics in Ugandan society are very important to
explain the anti-queer morale there. Global anti-queer discourses that were discussed
previously, obtain their specific meaning within the local context of Uganda. This local sense
making of certain processes is termed localisation in Human Geography (Tomlinson, 2003; 269).
It is important to, therefore, include local factors when describing the complexity of the
emergence of an anti-queer morality in Uganda. By including local perceptions we attempt to
provide a nuanced depiction of the upcoming anti-queer morality in Uganda, and withhold from
portraying Africa as ‘homophobic’ or ‘anti-queer’.
Only little research has been done in Uganda on the upcoming anti-queer morality.
Therefore we are restricted to only confined research data regarding anti-queer perceptions in
Uganda. We will mainly use Sadgrove et. al.’s (2012) and Valentine et. al.’s (2013) research and
rely on the findings of their research project exploring debates on issues of homosexuality in
Uganda, conducted in 2009.
This chapter firstly elaborates on the distinction between the ‘public’ and the ‘private’
sphere in Uganda. The importance of family and the strong sense of community in Uganda have
created a strong ‘public morality’, in which same-sex sexuality is perceived as immoral.
Secondly, this chapter elaborates on the way in which the government constructs anti-queer
discourses, responding to the existing anti-queer animus, but also invoking this perception of
same-sex sexuality (Sadgrove, et. al. 2012; 106). Thirdly, this chapter elucidates the local
discourses of material exchange. Many Ugandans that oppose of same-sex activities perceive
money as a motive for people to ‘turn to’ immoral behaviour such as same-sex encounters. Vice
versa, material exchanges are supposed to play an important role in anti-queer propaganda
(Sadgrove, et. al. 2012; 105). Finally this chapter discusses how the perception of a national
unity influences anti-queer perceptions.
8.1 Public Morality versus Private Sexuality
In Uganda there is a sharp distinction between the public and private sphere. The public sphere
is greatly shaped by a sense of community, mainly religiously embedded, as religion plays a large
role in shaping social relations. Thus certain religious moral positions are strongly policed in the
public sphere (Valentine et. al., 2013; 174). The public sphere portrays as deeply religious, God
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fearing and family-oriented Uganda (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 114). Marriage and childbearing
have become evidence of ‘civilisation’ and ‘good morals’ in Uganda since the era of colonisation
(Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 119).
Morals concerning sexuality in Uganda are, however, considered private matters that
stood contrary to the ‘public morality’ (Valentine et. al., 2013; 170). This is the result of certain
rules of ‘respect’ that are upheld in Ugandan society: the maintenance of appropriate behaviour,
modesty, no open discussions of matters of sexuality and no display of sexuality (Epprecht, 1998
& Sadgrove et. al., 2012).
Since the ‘coming out’ of lesbian and gay people the topic of sexuality has obtained a
larger role in public discourses. The public discourse of sexuality is, however, mainly restricted
to the notion of reproduction. According to the Ugandan scholar Tamale (2011; 11) sexual
behaviour in Uganda is mainly thought of as a biological process serving reproduction. The
production of children is considered important as it secures the inherence and economic
survival of the family. Sadgrove et. al. (2012; 119) indicates that especially in rural areas
reproduction provides security for parents in old age. This perception and importance of
reproduction is greatly exploited by the state, media and religious leaders, invoking an even
stronger perception of the importance of family and reproduction in the public sphere.
Consequently marriage and production of children have become an important part of Ugandan
culture and social status of individuals and their families rest greatly on their offspring
(Sadgrove et.al., 2012; 118).
According to Sadgrove et. al. (2012, 120) the existence of lesbian and gay identities is
confronting for Ugandan society as these identities are greatly based on sexual orientation and
choices. The identity they publicly claim is based on sexuality, which is considered a ‘private’
matter. Choice of sexual partner, with no regard to reproduction, becomes part of the public
discourse and is thus perceived as threatening to the dominant social norms.
In Uganda the presence of lesbians and gays is thus perceived as a threat. The ‘traditional
family’, which is very important in contemporary Ugandan culture, is being undermined by the
actions of homosexuals as they reject their reproductive potential (Sadgrove et. al, 2012; 117).
Epprecht (2012; 230), however, indicates that same-sex desire does not necessarily negate
patriotism and national or family loyalty. These different identities can co-exist. Yet in Ugandan
society these individuals with same-sex sexualities are perceived to prioritise their own
interests over those of the community (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 119)
Many gay and lesbian members of Ugandan society indicate that it is a ‘lack of education’
on human sexuality that lies at the root of the anti-queer morality in Uganda (Sadgrove et. al.,
2012; 118). Discussions whether individuals arrive at homosexuality through ‘nature’ or
‘nurture’ underlie these arguments (Tamale, 2007; 18). Many Ugandans focuses on the ‘nurture’
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and reproductive aspect of sexuality. Yet most contemporary (Western) scholars understand
sexualities as social constructs that are greatly influenced by social, cultural, political and
economic forces (Tamale, 2011; 11).
Relating to these social and cultural forces Tamale (2007; 19) provides an additional
explanation of the upcoming of the anti-queer morality in Uganda. She indicates that the
mainstream aversion to same-sex relation reflects a greater fear in Ugandan society.
“Homosexuality threatens to undermine the male power base in both the ‘private’ sphere (at a
level of interpersonal relationships and conventional definitions of the ‘family’) and in the public
discourse (where myths abound about what it means to be a man or a woman)”. This gender
argument thus indicates that the presence of gay and lesbian identities disrupts the main
established heterosexual and patriarchal social order. Instead, same-sex relations imply equal
importance of both partners.
8.2 Construction of Discourses through Government Institutions and Media
Though the anti-queer morality is greatly present in Ugandan society, professor of law Makau
Mutua (2011; 460) indicates that other issues, such as poverty, are more urgent problems for
Ugandan communities and families. He indicates that institutions of patriarchy and government
policies mainly stimulate these anti-queer perceptions. Although there are individual
oppositions to lesbian and gay identities, these might not directly reflect anxieties of imperialism
or the need to protect the family through reproduction. Political and religious institutions are
more likely to take advantage of such aversions in order to create images of national unity in a
context of being imperialized (Sadgrove et. al.,2012; 109).
Uganda has a conservative and religious constitution at the heart of its government. This
greatly influences the anti-queer perception in Uganda. Many lesbians and gay men indicate that
this constitution is responsible for their persecution and the social and political malaise
(Sadgrove et. al., 12012; 113).
Furthermore, Sadgrove et. al.’s (2012; 111) research indicates that the local media in
Uganda constructs ‘moral panics’. They portray Uganda as being under a ‘moral siege’ through
the imposition of liberalisation. The visibility of pornography, prostitution, increasing drug
abuse and embezzlement are all depicted as proof. Also homosexuality is taken to represent this
moral decline of Uganda (Sadgrove, 2012; 112). Politicians use this depiction of a morally
declining Uganda to orchestrate the notion that Ugandans should instil ‘good values’ and their
‘traditional’ and religious moralities in which the family is a key aspect.
Homosexuality is portrayed by the media and Ugandan politicians as a result of ‘weak
cultural upbringing’, implying that the responsibility lies with the parents who should teach
children the ‘right’ morals. Furthermore, the government finds it its responsibility to ensure the
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good upbringing and to discourage same-sex practices. This can be perceived by the upsurge of
news articles relating to same-sex sexuality between 2008 and 2010 and the open proclamation
against gays by politicians. Even president Museveni has openly stated to “back the church
against gays” (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 112-114). These proclamations against homosexuality are
likely to greatly influence the social public discourse on same-sex sexuality.
This involvement of politicians with the church has also greatly influenced the
perception of Ugandan law concerning same-sex sexuality. The boundary between the language
of the law and the church seems to dissolve. In an interview fragment cited by Sadgrove et. al.
(2012; 114) a Ugandan policy officer states: "Such [homosexual] acts are called crimes in Police
while in church they are called sins. Since the two are similar, you should inform us about people
who are committing sins so that they are dealt with accordingly”. This quote indicates that the
church, state and law are integrated and that religious morality in Uganda is therefore not seen
separately from state crimes. This indicates how religious morality has become intertwined with
other the formal codes of conduct, such as those determined by law. According to Epprecht
(2012; 230) this implies that Uganda lacks the capacity or bureaucratic heft to distinguish
between the church and the state, as all institutions are greatly religiously influenced. The
institutionalisation of the human rights principles is therefore very much impeded.
Finally, though not (yet) acknowledged by scholars, Western media discourses often
imply that the support for anti-queerness and the signing into law of the Anti-Homosexuality Bill
is part of Museveni’s strategy, to gain support for the elections of 2016 (see for example:
Amanpour, 2014).
8.3 Local Discourses of Material Exchange
In the press coverage’s in Uganda same-sex activities are often related to material exchange.
Though such arguing is often mocked by Western media and scholars, these discourses of
material exchange are very much present and have great social significance in Ugandan society.
Sadgrove et. al. (2012; 106) conducted interviews in Uganda and analysed press coverage there.
Both frequently invoked discourses of material exchange as arguments against homosexual
behaviour.
Material exchange, in this context, mainly refers to the acquiring of economic gain in
exchange for same-sex encounters. Same-sex relationships are often not understood by Ugandan
society, as most of society grows up adhering to Christian morals. In order to understand samesex relations they are often read as being implicated in a complex network of exchange and
reciprocity (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 110).
This link between moral choices and material exchange might seem farfetched for
Western scholars. However, according to Sadgrove et. al. (2012; 124) “[c]onstructions of
morality in Uganda are closely tied to imaginings of perceived levels of individual prosperity and
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the means through which this was achieved”. This nexus of money and morality in Uganda is for
example evident in the societal anxieties about government corruption, but is also very much
visible in relation to homosexuality. Culturally, ‘material gain’ provides a legible explanation for
why a person would engage in same-sex activities, as poverty is so widespread (Sadgrove et. al.,
2012; 125). Gay identities are, consequently, completely rejected (Tamale, 2007; 19).
However, in such a discourse of material exchange capitalist ideals, such as material gain,
are pit against spiritual ones, which deal with morality. Opposing these two rhetorics has thus
created the perception that ‘greed’ for money is morally upstanding. ‘Greed’ is consequently
decried as a ‘source of evil’ in Uganda and is considered responsible for immoral behaviour such
as homosexuality, defilement, human sacrifice, corruption and theft (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 1416).
Material gain is also discursively implicated on a global level. Ugandan scholar Tamale
(2007; 19) stated that, when she wrote in favour of lesbian and gay rights, newspapers
suggested she got paid for doing so from western countries.
This belief amongst most of Uganda’s society creates a breeding ground for anti-queer
discourses to commence. Consequently the church and state leaders often report warnings for
young people that warn them against receiving money in exchange for same-sex activities. Such
warnings are heard as both same-sex sexuality and ‘greed’ are perceived as ‘immoral’.
Simultaneously such public broadcastings of certain ideas reinforce, or even create new, public
imaginings of how people are ‘lured into’ same-sex relationships (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 121).
Though discourses of material exchange in Ugandan media mainly focus on the
recruiting of people into homosexuality, money is known to be used the other way around.
Ugandan reports have indicated financial benefits have been used to provide (false) evidence of
people engaging in same-sex activities. Sadgrove et. al. also indicates that there “[…]were
examples where gay activists were bribed to confess that they ‘recruited’ youngsters into
homosexuality” (2012; 116)
These different and opposing discourses of how money is used indicates the current
social anxieties about public morality and profit. Earlier there were clear moral lines about what
was considered wrong and right. However, as material exchange was also used to provide falls
evidence in the past, these lines are now being ‘queered’ (Sadgrove et. al., 2012; 116).
8.4 The Image of National Unity
The socio-cultural breeding ground for the anti-queer morality is thus a complex nexus of
individuality, community, nationhood and (discourses of) economic exchange (Sadgrove et. al.,
2012; 126). The complexity and intertwined explanation of Ugandan society provides more
insights in why the anti-queer morality finds adherence, especially in Uganda. This situated
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understanding of the politics in Uganda might, however, be deceptive as it is very much written
with an appearance of national unity and agreement on this issue in Uganda.
However, under the current repressive conditions in Uganda people and supporters of
same-sex sexuality do not easily ‘come out’ of their closeted lives (Tamale, 2007; 20).
Furthermore, due to the widespread poverty in Uganda, it is unlikely that sexual identity will
become a social and personal priority, until there is greater economic stability (Sadgrove et. al.,
2012; 110).
This chapter has provided insights in the breeding ground for an anti-queer morality in
Uganda, yet it must be noted that many voices are probably silenced due to the overt
renunciation of same-sex sexuality by public figures in Uganda (Tamale, 2007; 20).
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PART IV – Conclusion and Reflection
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9. Conclusion
In order to answer the research question ‘How can the increasing anti-queer morality in Uganda
be explained?’ we have described different trends in the previous parts separate from one
another. We have noticed that explanations for the upcoming anti-queer morality in Uganda
were often very much simplified. We have described these different explanations and elaborated
on their contribution to create a thorough understanding of the problem.
Explanations we have offered were retrieved from literature from both Religious Studies
and Human Geography. Integrating the different insights have led us to answer the subquestions that eventually led to an answer of the main question of this study.
Initially, we elaborated and an ‘anti-queer morality’. We introduced the concept in order
to provide a more inclusive term that underlies anti-queer attitudes, thoughts and behaviour.
This perception of an anti-queer morality allowed us to look at how moral perceptions travel
globally and how they manifest locally. The definition of the concept itself also provided a more
comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon of anti-homosexuality attitudes, especially
due to the religious substantiation that underlies such ideas on homosexuality.
Subsequently, we elucidated different global and local trends in Part II and Part III. In
Part II (Anti-Queer Morality in a Context of Globalisation) we depicted two global trends that can
explain the upcoming anti-queer morality. Firstly, we elaborated on the phenomenon of
‘Westernisation’ and how the anti-queer morality can be seen as a direct result of ‘Western’
influence. Both colonisation and current influence of American Fundamentalists adhere to this
perception.
Secondly, we elaborated on the upcoming reactions to the ‘West’. The phenomenon of
‘Westernisation’ also includes notions of liberalisation, individualisation and Human Rights that
are often perceived as having a hegemonic and imperialist character. This has evoked reaction in
Uganda and many other ‘developing’ countries. Within Religious Studies this phenomenon is
described through the desecularisation theory, which explains why certain countries become
more religious, conservative and fundamentalist.
In Part III (Local Explanations for an Anti-Queer Morality in Uganda) we elaborated on
the local factors that can cause an uprising of the anti-queer morality in Uganda. We have argued
that mere global trends cannot alone explain the increasing anti-queer morality in Uganda, as
the manifestation of anti-queer attitudes in Uganda is so different from that in other regions of
the world. We have argued that there must be a local ‘breeding ground’ that explains these
tendencies, both religious and socio-cultural.
However, in the way we have depicted the different processes above it seems as if these
trends occur independently of one another. These different processes that we have
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distinguished can offer distinctive explanations the upcoming anti-queer morality. Yet, it is more
likely that these different explanations coexist and influence each other. In order to provide a
more inclusive understanding of the upcoming anti-queer morality in Uganda, the relations
between the different trends should be made clear.
Figure 2 depicts the different trends described and indicates how they influence the
upcoming anti-queer morality in Uganda.
Figure 2: Coexistence of different trends explaining Anti-Queer Morality
Firstly we discern the ‘westernisation’ process. During colonisation and due to the
contemporary influence of Christian fundamentalists in Uganda ideas of homosexuality being
‘immoral’ can be perceived as ‘transmitted’ from the ‘West’. This conception of same-sex
sexuality is greatly influenced by religious ideas on civilisation, sexuality and marriage. This
global trend has greatly influenced the current local situation in Uganda. Christianity is now the
largest religion and is greatly included in local politics. Subsequently the perception of same-sex
sexuality as ‘immoral’ and ‘wrong’ has manifested in Ugandan society. Furthermore the silencing
of sexuality in the public domain complies with the Christian beliefs and mores.
The other, seemingly paradoxical, trend described is that of increasing anti-queer
perceptions as a reaction to ‘Western’ imperialism. Subsequently Uganda and many other
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African countries hold strongly to their ‘African identity’ and conservative religious ideas. This
more fundamentalist and conservative manifestation of Christian religion in the public sphere in
Uganda has also greatly influenced local discourses that we have depicted. The political and
media discourses in Uganda strongly disapprove of same-sex activity, connecting such activity
with the ‘moral degradation’ of Uganda due to non-Christian ‘Western’ influences.
Furthermore, we have indicated that the issue of poverty is much more present and
urgent than the issue of same-sex sexuality. Individualisation and liberalisation processes in the
‘West’ do not have the same priority in Uganda, as economic certainty is much more important
for the survival of the community. ‘Western’ expectations of a liberalising Uganda are nullified
when regarding the more pressing issues.
In short, the increasing anti-queer morality in Uganda is a combination of different
trends and factors that strongly influence societal perceptions on sexuality in general. The
manifestation of an anti-queer morale cannot merely be considered the result of global
interaction and ‘Western’ influence. It is also very much the result of the troubled history of
Uganda and can be perceived as a reaction on the imperialising tendencies of the ‘West’.
Furthermore, the Ugandan context can be considered a rich breeding ground for such an antiqueer morality due to the importance of religion and the influence that religion has on local
politics. The lack of economic stability for many Ugandans leads to a great social pressure to
reproduce in order to secure economic stability for the community.
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10. Reflection
In the previous chapter we explained how and why the anti-queer morality manifests itself in
Uganda at this particular time. Though our attempt was to offer a more comprehensive
understanding of the issue in Uganda this study has its limitations. Firstly, we only included two
disciplines, whereas disciplines such as Cultural Anthropology, Political Studies and Law could
have provided more and different knowledge on the matter, providing an even more inclusive
explanation for the anti-queer morality. Thus, though we have succeeded in laying bare the
complexity of the problem by portraying some trends, this analysis is not all-inclusive.
Furthermore, our study was very much theoretical, based on theories acquired from the
disciplines. Little empirical evidence is yet obtained on the topic of anti-queer morality in
Uganda. We were, thus, restricted to limited resources, which degrades the validity of the
research. More fieldwork in Uganda could provide more knowledge on specific case of Uganda.
Also, most of the literature was provided by ‘western’ scholars which has probably led to
a bias in this study. We are aware that we have drawn our conclusions as western scholars and
have therefore tried to limited the bias by careful examination of our writing. We do look out for
more research done by African scholars to reduce ‘western’ bias and the implicit imposition by
‘western’ scholars.
Nevertheless, we find that our interdisciplinary approach has provided a better and
more inclusive understanding of anti-queer morality in general, and the presence of an antiqueer morality in Uganda in particular. The contribution of this study is especially the
establishment of a more nuanced explanation of the upcoming ant-queer morality in Uganda.
The current judgmental character of the ‘progressive West’ with regard to the ‘backward’ Africa
does not create a common understanding of the issue and thus leaves no ‘space’ for dialogue.
This does not improve the relationship between Uganda and the ‘West’. Quite the contrary,
Uganda seems to hold onto its own ‘traditional’ and religious morals more than ever in order to
maintain their autonomous and ‘authentic’ identity. The commencement of an anti-queer
morality can be considered as one of the manifestations of this Ugandan identity.
With this study we have attempted to create a better understanding of the issue in order to
improve the dialogue on the topic. By creating a mutual understanding we hope to prevent that
further dialogue falls in the pitfalls of dichotomy and hegemony that beliefs either the ‘West’ to
be superior or Africa to be backward. Certain perceptions of ‘West’ and the ‘rest’ has been/will
continue to be a source of conflict that might , as we have seen, even increase anti-queer
morality. But, of course, our study is just a tip of the iceberg in terms of research that can and
ought to be done in order to reach our goals.
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