INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ORGANIZATION THEORY AND BEHAVIOR, 12 (3), 380-501 FALL 2009 SYMPOSIUM ON ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS, PART I Editors: Adrian N. Carr and Cheryl A. Lapp Copyright © 2009 by Pracademics Press INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ORGANIZATION THEORY AND BEHAVIOR, 12 (3), 381-405 FALL 2009 ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS Adrian N. Carr and Cheryl A. Lapp* ABSTRACT. This paper introduces this special issue and initially provides some contextual background to the field of psychodynamics, its significance to organisational studies and the understanding of behaviour in organizations. The internationally-based papers in this special issue are then introduced and summarised. INTRODUCTION In the call for papers, the invitation was for contributions that highlight the utility of being psychodynamically informed when it comes to understanding behaviour in organizations. To bring contributions more into line with the concept of psychodynamics rather than psychoanalysis (please see Introduction below), we asked that contributors address themselves to more typical behaviours and processes rather than the aberrant, deviant, exceptional or the pathological. Topics suggested for contributors to consider included but were not limited to: strategy, technology, leadership; group dynamics; gender; authority relations (including bullying); creativity; emotionality; politics; identity; cultural change; social and organisation defences; psychodynamic responses to bureaucratic --------------------------* Adrian N. Carr, Ph.D., is an adjunct Professor at the Centre for Social Justice and Social Change, University of Western Sydney, Australia. His research interests are focused upon psychodynamic explanations of behaviour in organizations, critical theory and the management of change. Cheryl A. Lapp, M.Ed., CHRP, is President of Labyrinth Consulting, Canada. Her research interests pertain to the dynamics of leadership and followership and organisational development and change through the application of psychodynamics and critical theory. Copyright © 2009 by Pracademics Press 382 CARR & LAPP and other organizational forms; and architecture and aesthetics. In addressing these or any other themes, it was requested that in keeping with the Freudian origins of psychodynamics, contributors would highlight deeper understanding of the unconscious motivation and meaning of behaviours and processes. This understanding could come from any of the variety of psychodynamic schools of thought. Very soon after the call was placed on the internet, Thomas Basbøll (2005), editor of the Weblog for a management philosophy group at Copenhagen Business School, noted the call and made a number of comments including the following: This psychoanalysis of normality is an interesting, if familiar, twist. Normally, the analyst is trying get people "adjusted". In this age of organizational change and corporate restructuring, perfectly "normal" people are becoming subject to psychodynamics well beyond their control. We might say they're trying to keep up with the norm—lifelong "readjustment". Even though work on psychodynamics in organizations occurred as early as the mid 1970s, the references on offer are to point to the relatively scant amount, to date, of discourse on psychodynamics in the workplace. For the editors of this special issue, the concept of readjustment has been an important consideration that has led to a wide and deep compilation of works, as the reference list shows. In total, these works demonstrate that much can be said on psychodynamics in the workplace and are further examples of causes and effects of readjustment, as Basbøll suggested. Basbøll (2005) mused about the extent to which there might be a diversity of contributions. The papers submitted are from a variety of psychodynamic schools of thought and an internationally diverse group of people. The authors of the papers in this special issue reside in Australia, Brazil, Canada, England, France, South Africa and the United States of America. Indicating the diversity of language as well as cultural background, the authors from France arranged their own translation for their paper that they originally wrote in French The schools of thought are also quite diverse, with contributions from those invoking the work of Sigmund Freud, Melanie Klein, C. Fred Alford, Sabina Spielrein, Thomas Ogden, Wilfred Bion, Jacques Lacan and Michel Foucault. Consequently, this special issue is not only rich ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 383 in psychodynamic rigor, depth and breadth but it also provides the reader with insights from a more global perspective. As the means to provide background to some of the discourse and the application of psychoanalysis in and to organisational studies, we now turn to the founding works of Sigmund Freud. INTRODUCTION TO PSYCHOANALYSIS: SIGMUND FREUD According to Sigmund Freud’s biographer, Ernest Jones (1953, p. 244), the term “psychoanalysis” was coined by Freud and first used in one of his works that was published in French on March 30, 1896 and then in a work published in German on May 15, 1896.,. Thus, the term has been in existence for over 100 years. Psychoanalysis, along with a whole host of other terms and expressions coined by Freud, are part of the everyday vernacular (e.g., ego, repression, unconscious). That being said, Freud was keen on reserving the term psychoanalysis to the body of work that he pioneered. Freud was so protective of the term and discipline that he insisted those “disciples” such as Alfred Adler and Carl Jung who broke away from Freud to found their own forms of psychological analysis: “should cease to describe their theories as ‘psychoanalysis’” (Freud, 19241925/1986, p. 237). Jungians were to call themselves “analytical psychologists” and Adlerians, “individual psychologists”. Freud was very concerned about the manner in which his own foundational ideas became appropriated by others, because sometimes the same terminology was used to describe quite different concepts and was applied to new ideas that either contradicted or in some way contaminated his original descriptions of psychoanalytic processes he had discovered (see, for example, Freud, 1922-1923/ 1986, p. 150, on Jung’s use of the word libido). Freud gave a number of definitions of the term psychoanalysis. The most frequent were variants of a description of particular techniques (e.g., free association, dream work, etc.) in clinical practice for mental disorders, and or as a collective term for the body of knowledge gained from such techniques that related principally to the realm of the unconscious. At one point, in an earlier work, Freud (1915/1991, p. 46) attempted to describe psychoanalysis in terms of two fundamental hypotheses that he said were offensive “to the entire world and have earned its dislike.” The two hypotheses were: 384 CARR & LAPP The first of these unpopular assertions made by psychoanalysis declares that mental processes are in themselves unconscious and that of all mental life it is only certain individual acts and portions that are conscious (p. 46).… [The] second thesis, which psychoanalysis puts forward as one of its findings, is an assertion that instinctual impulses which can only be described as sexual, both in the narrower and wider sense of the word, play an extremely large and never hitherto appreciated part of the causation of nervous and mental diseases. It asserts further that these same sexual impulses also make contributions that must not be underestimated to the highest cultural, artistic and social creations of the human spirit (Freud, 1915/1991, pp. 46 & 47). As we have noted elsewhere (see Carr, 2002b; Carr & Gabriel, 2001b; Carr & Lapp, 2006a), Freud did not discover the unconscious. However, in contrast to those in his day who understood the unconscious to be of little consequence and as a “brain activity, unaccompanied by mental activity” (Hewett, 1889, p. 32), Freud discovered the unconscious to be that realm of the mind as the source of motivation and an active mind’s realm for hiding thoughts and desires from awareness. Thus, one can better understand the two aforementioned hypotheses put forward by Freud -- people might be partly offended because they are afraid of the unknown of the unconscious. One can begin to see why and how behaviours in and outside of the workplace can become manifest but with little or no awareness and explanation: that which cannot be predicted and explained is frightening. In discussing what Freud meant by the term psychoanalysis -- as if to highlight the fact that this had to do with the analysis and understanding of the unconscious -- it was not uncommon for him to use this term in association with the term “depth-psychology.” At one point he wrote: It may safely be said that the psychoanalytic study of dreams has given us our first insight into a ‘depth-psychology’ whose existence had not hitherto been suspected. Fundamental changes will have to be introduced into normal psychology if it is to be brought into harmony with these new findings (Freud, ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 385 1913/1986, p. 36; see also Freud, 1915/1984, p. 176 and the Editor’s note p. 165). Freud used the term depth-psychology as a more generic term that relates to the study of activities of the unconscious. On the other hand, psychoanalysis is one of those schools with a particular group of “techniques” to undertake such study and with specific ideas as to how that realm of the mind operates. This appreciation of the relationship of depth-psychology with psychoanalysis is captured nicely in a dictionary of psychoanalytic terms that defines depthpsychology as follows: Depth psychology: any psychology that postulates dynamic psychic activities that are unconscious. It embraces all schools deriving from Freud, including many that depart widely from his teachings, and others of independent origin. (English & English, 1958/1966, p. 145) At one stage, the term “neo-psychoanalysis” (see English & English, 1958/1966, p. 417) was used to denote those who deviated from the work of Freud, while still claiming some connection to Freudian ideas. In more contemporary times, the terms depthpsychology and neo-psychoanalysis are seldom used. Instead, we find the term “psychodynamics” used to cover similar territory. The term psychodynamics is not only a generic term that includes psychoanalysis, analytical psychology and individual psychology. For many, it is also the preferred term as it has less of a treatment connotation and implies the normality and dynamic nature of the unconscious. Freud’s work was largely focussed upon individuals who came to him seeking treatment. It was through analytical techniques that Freud treated his patients. Yet, in so doing he discovered how psychodynamic processes occurred in all of us; and not just those with psychopathologies. Psychodynamics is just as much about the study of those who are and want to remain well. The Unconscious in the House That Freud Built For Freud, the unconscious was akin to the proverbial iceberg, although when describing the unconscious in his written work, he used the metaphor of the “cauldron”. More precisely, he described the realm of the unconscious that he dubbed the “id” to be “a cauldron full of seething excitations” (Freud, 1933/1988, p. 106). Freud’s early conception of the mind highlighted the primeval 386 CARR & LAPP energies within the unconscious and the manner in which those energies were contained and released. Some of his disciples such as Wilhelm Reich and Otto Gross, were of the view that the aim of analysis was all about releasing these primeval energies in the best interests of the mental health of their patients. In some quarters of society, this early conception of the mind and the aim of analysis are ones that persist today. In the early 1920s, Freud’s clinical experience led him to conclude that the structure of the mind and its dynamic processes were a little more complicated. The emphasis changed from viewing the mind from the point of view of the id to one that appreciated the manner in which the ego sought to manage the demands of the id and other demands within the psyche. This revised or modified view of the mind, sometimes called Freud’s second theory or model of the mind, was clearly articulated in his work The Ego and the Id (Freud, 1923/1984). It is in this model that we find the now famous topography in which the provinces of the mind are dubbed the id, ego and super-ego. The terminology and presumed structure of this second model of the mind is one that many of the schools of psychodynamics assume and at the same time, are aspects onto which many seek to graft their own ideas or are points from which they take their departure. Freud continued to view the id as the cauldron in which primal instinctual drives competed for expression. The id is entirely in the realm of the unconscious. The ego is that province of the mind that uses logic, memory and judgment to appropriately a) satisfy the demands of the id; b) postpone satisfaction; or c) suppress these demands. In making such a decision, the ego has to take into account the reality of the external world and draw upon past, present and forecasted experiences. Freud called this aspect of the ego’s functioning as being in accord with a “reality principle” (Freud, 1923/1984, p. 363). Freud (1923/1984, p. 364; see also Freud, 1933/1988, pp. 109-110) described the ego’s functioning in relation to the id, as follows: The functional importance of the ego is manifested in the fact that normal control over the approaches to motility devolves upon it. Thus in relation to the id it is like a man on horseback, who has to hold in check the superior strength of the horse; with this difference, that the rider tries to do so with his own strength while the ego uses borrowed forces. Often a rider, if ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 387 he is not to be parted from his horse, is obliged to guide it where it wants to go; so in the same way the ego is in the habit of transforming the id’s will into action as it were its own. Consequently, the ego must also take into account the social acceptability of carrying through the demands of the id and it is at this point Freud discusses the province of the mind he called the super-ego. The super-ego obtains a script about societal rules from identification with parents and other authority figures. The super-ego is provided with both a sense of what not to do as well as what behaviours and aspirations are acceptable or desirable. The latter positive script is what Freud called an ego-ideal that again, is initially derived from positive identification with the loving and assuring parent or parental figures. Throughout one’s life, the ego-ideal is established and re-established through the process of identification. Thus, the super-ego functions in both a positive and negative manner: in as much as it performs the role of censor to the options and wishes of the ego, it also acts to direct the ego to an idealized self to which the individual aspires. From Freud’s new perspective, looking at the manner in which the mind is managed -- that is from the point of view of the ego -- failure to meet the demands and restrictions voiced by the super-ego results in “punishment” in the form of anxiety, guilt and shame, if the ego fails to properly manage its own house: Thus the ego, driven by the id, confined by the super-ego, repulsed by reality, struggles to master its economic task ... If the ego is obliged to admit its weakness, it breaks out in anxiety -- realistic anxiety regarding the external world, moral anxiety regarding the super-ego and neurotic anxiety regarding the strength of the passions of the id. (Freud 1933/1988, pp. 110-111) Excessive and unresolved conflict between the ego and other provinces of the mind may result in a variety of pathologies such as phobias, hysteria, manic depression and paranoia. The intra-psychic conflict is what the ego must manage and it is in the context of managing such conflicts and avoiding potential conflicts that the ego may engage a variety of defence mechanisms, many of which have become part of our everyday language. Examples are repression (i.e., the omnipresent defense that usually accompanies all other defence mechanisms), regression, denial, projection, sublimation, rationalisation, and identification. These mechanisms largely operate 388 CARR & LAPP in the realm of the unconscious and are engaged by the ego to deal with potential painful, threatening situations. Under the influence of these defense mechanisms, the potential or actual source of anxiety gets deflected, distorted or denied from the conscious mind. However, these repressed memories still remain active in the unconscious to influence behaviour without the individual’s necessarily being aware of the origins of his own reactions. It is Freud’s tools of analysis that opened the pathway to these repressed memories. In rendering them conscious, there was the potential to free the patient from a compulsion or behaviour derived from this unconscious material. The tools of analysis are the pathway to repressed memories through the interpretation of dreams that Freud called “the royal road to a knowledge of unconscious activities of the mind” (1900/1986, p. 769). The discovery of the active nature of the unconscious and his dynamic model of the mind are but part of Freud’s major contributions to the world of psychology and more generally, the social sciences. In the papers that follow, other contributions from Freud’s work and those psychodynamic theorists who take points of departure from his work, will be discussed. Of course the work of Freud and his disciples has extended beyond the consultation room and has been applied to understanding the behaviour of groups, leadership, religion, art and so forth. Before discussing the papers in this special issue, it is appropriate to make a few observations as to the manner in which psychodynamic insights have indeed extended beyond the consultation room into the world of organization studies. Psychodynamics and Organizations Much of the vocabulary of psychodynamics may be part of everyday language, but the uptake of the ideas from this body of work to the field of organization studies has been less than spectacular. By being special, “Special Issue” volumes of journals are often a signal of them being that they address a topic that is not mainstream. Notwithstanding, it has been in more recent years that a number of special issues on psychodynamics and organization studies have surfaced (e.g., Adams & Diamond, 1999; Carr, 2002a; Carr & Gabriel, 2001a; Carr & Hancock, 2007; de Swarte, 1998; Downs, Durant & Eastman, 2002). This may be indicative of a renewed general interest in psychodynamics and/ or might suggest that the most ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 389 contemporary issues arising in organization studies commend themselves to a psychodynamic understanding. Certainly the relatively high number of internet downloads of articles appearing in those special issues would seem to indicate a renewed interest, as would a high level of citation. In our view, those who seek to apply the insights of psychodynamics to the world of organization studies do offer something different in the way of understanding traditional topics such as leadership, followership, group behaviour, authority and organisational studies in general. Psychodynamics does bring into focus aspects of those topics that are otherwise inadequately addressed by more behaviourist and cognitivist approaches to understanding forms of behaviour in organizations. In particular, psychodynamics draws attention to the non-rational, emotional, symbolic and discursive aspects in the world of organizations. Types of Psychodynamic Study When discussing groups and the behaviour of individuals within larger organizations, Freud (1921/1985) argued that group psychology was really an extension of individual psychology. Indeed, Peter Gay (1988), who wrote a biography of Freud, tried to summarise Freud’s position on the extent of this relationship by describing group psychology as "parasitic on individual psychology" (p. 405). For example, Freud asserted that the notion of "the ego ideal opens up an important avenue for the understanding of group psychology" (1914/1984, p. 96). He later explained the details of this linkage by suggesting that through the process of identification, the individual surrenders the current "ego ideal and substitutes for it the group ideal as embodied in the leader (p. 161) ... (the group members) put one and the same object in place of their ego ideal and have consequently identified themselves with one another in their ego" (Freud, 1921/1985, pp. 161 & 147). In another one of his works (i.e, this time when trying to make sense of war, religion, behaviour in groups and other aspects of civilization), Freud (1935/1986) remarked: I perceive even more clearly that the events of human history, the interactions between human nature, cultural development and the precipitates of primeval experiences are no more than a reflection of the dynamic conflict between the ego, the id and the super-ego, which psychoanalysis studies in the 390 CARR & LAPP individual - are the very same processes, repeated upon a wider stage. (p. 257) The notion of group psychology being intimately related to the psychodynamic processes and structural realms of the mind put forward in individual psychology is a matter that may give readers who are less familiar with psychodynamics an inkling as to why we thought it wise to provide some basic terminology in the previous section on the topography of the mind. Notwithstanding, of course there are other psychodynamic processes that arise in groups that are not explained in individual psychology, but these are additive constructs that, as we will see in the papers that follow, use a similar vocabulary. In some previous introductions to special issues (Carr, 2002a; Carr & Gabriel, 2001b; Gabriel & Carr, 2002), it is noted that in broad terms, those who employ the lens of psychodynamics in relation to organizations and the behaviours of those within organizations, have done so principally from one of two directions. Some are interested in the manner in which organizations -- through their structuring, design, organizational processes and management -- impact upon the emotional lives and behaviours of individuals. This group seeks to explain the impact in reference to psychodynamic processes and alert us to how those unconscious processes are subject to manipulation and broader social influence. In this approach, authors and researchers have been quick to draw upon the work of social theorists such as Herbert Marcuse (1955, 1964, 1970) and those of various critical schools to reveal how the social and cultural milieu impact is carried psychodynamically. Mainly, the topics of interest to this group have been identity, leadership, followership, power, authority, group dynamics, ethics, culture, motivation, conflict, rationality, emotion, psychological contracts, politics, storytelling, and roles. According to these theorists, all of these themes “acquire a deeper meaning, almost an extra dimension, when enriched with psychodynamic insights” (Carr & Gabriel, 2001b, p. 417). This approach can be summarised as being one that seeks to study organizations psychodynamically. Among others, those who have taken such an approach include Carr (1993, 1994, 1998; Carr & Downs, 2005; Carr & Lapp, 2005a-d, 2006a-c, 2007, in press; Carr & Zanetti, 1999); La Bier (1983, 1986); Lapp (Lapp & Carr, 2005, 2006a-d, 2007a-b, in ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 391 press, 2008); Maccoby (1976, 2003); Schwartz (1987, 1990); and Sievers (1990, 1994). Another approach that has employed the lens of psychodynamics in relation to organizations and the behaviour of those within organizations, is one that can be described as putting organizations on the couch or “psychoanalysing” organizations. The difference between this approach and that of studying organizations psychodynamically is one of degree. Psychoanalysing organizations” has a very pragmatic and interventionist agenda. The group of theorists who have championed this approach regard organizations and those dysfunctional people within them, much like a patient seeking and needing help from a therapist. The energies of this group of scholars are to make a diagnosis of what ails the organization and then put into place assisting interventions. Some of those who have taken such an approach include Diamond (1993); French and Vince, (1999); Hirschhorn (1988, 1999); Jacques (1952); Kets de Vries (1991); Krantz (1989, 1990); Levinson (1972); Menzies-Lyth (1988); Obholzer (1999); Stein (1998); and Zaleznik (1977, 1989). While the distinction between these two approaches might be considered reductionist and some of the theorists involved have contributed to both approaches, the distinction is nonetheless apparent in a reading of the literature. Gabriel and Carr (2002) provided examples of where the approaches do differ on some issues. Most notably these are on the topics of psychic and organizational conflict. Studying organisations psychodynamically regards some forms of conflict as originating beyond the individual organization because they originate in the structuring and socioeconomic environment in which the organization is immersed. Thus, any kind of therapeutic intervention or changes are simply adaptive strategies that do not really remove the sources of conflict and their consequential neurotic symptoms, anxieties and dysfunctional behaviours. This is akin to assisting a normal person to adapt to a sick working environment (see Carr, 1993; La Bier, 1986; Maccoby, 1976). Further, this group would suggest it is no surprise that such conflicts and resultant neuroses are encountered. Indeed, and as has been previously noted, Freud (1933/1988) himself suggested that “The expectation that every neurotic phenomenon can be cured may, I suspect be derived from the layman’s belief that the neuroses are something quite unnecessary which have no right whatever to exist” (p. 189; see also Gabriel & Carr, 2002, p. 353). In contrast, the group 392 CARR & LAPP that put the organization on the couch to psychoanalyse organisations might alternatively suggest that such conflicts emerge from poor managerial processes and/or certain neuroses of those in leadership positions in the organization and are thus always capable of being “cured”. Notwithstanding the differences that have just been identified, these approaches enjoy much that is in common and the papers that follow are illustrative of this point. We now turn our attention to a summary of these papers. The Papers in this Special Issue The first paper in this special issue is by Cheryl Lapp and Adrian Carr and is entitled Compromising positions: The psychodynamics of the death instinct’s influence on organizational conflict management. The authors discuss how we might comprehend the important issue of conflict development and mitigation in organisations. For Lapp and Carr, a clear understanding of how conflict arises and can be managed in organizations, is to be gleaned from understanding the psychodynamics processes associated with the life instinct, Eros, and the death instinct, Thanatos. Along with his topography of the ego, super-ego and id, Freud (1920/1984, 1923/1984) also suggested that in the id reside the two classes of instincts, Eros and Thanatos. Eros is comprised of life affirming aspects such as life, sex and self-preservation. Eros dialectic opposite, Thanatos consists of destructive urges such as masochism (i.e., inwardly directed hostility) and sadism (i.e. outwardly directed hostility). By revealing and discussing both Sigmund Freud’s (1921/1984, 1923/1984) and Melanie Klein’s (1975a-d) renditions of the death instinct at work, Lapp and Carr find that Thanatos is purely a destructive instinct. In regard to conflict development, the death instinct reveals itself when an individual must compromise but with the result of losing more than is gained. According to terror management theory (Solomon, Greenberg & Pyszczynski, 1998) compromise generates feelings of dying because one has to relinquish part of her or his worldview, the self-preservation of which was life affirming. It is unwanted change to worldviews that put the individual first, in a masochistic state where anxiety, guilt and shame are directed at the self. Since these effects are unwanted, they are then projected into others in the form of sadistic acts. The importance of Lapp and Carr’s work here is that they have uncovered and ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 393 synthesised from this literature that the death instinct, as it combats the life instinct, reveals itself in a process of iterative destructive behaviours such that the aim of all life is death (Freud, 1920/1984, p. 311). However, Lapp and Carr also bring to the foreground the work of psychoanalysts Sabina Spielrein (1912/1994) and Thomas Ogden (1989) who believe the death instinct works in the service of calling forward life instincts in destructive-reconstructive events such that the aim of all death is life (Carr & Lapp, 2006a; Spielrein, 1912/1994). The process of dying might be felt to be a painful and horrible event but what also must be considered is that change brings forward both positive and negative synthesis. Lapp and Carr use Spielrein’s and Ogden’s work to note where in both individual and group organisational behaviours Thanatos can be seen to be a positive influence in workplace life. By discussing the work of C. Fred Alford (1994), Lapp and Carr demonstrate: a) how Eros and Thanatos work in dialectical processes; b) why the process of mourning is essential to the management of mortality salience and worldview change; c) the dynamics of intra and interpersonal conflict development; and, d) why high-level compromise might be the penultimate conflict resolution method such that the concept of collaboration is merely the feeling state of a good compromise. A most important corollary of this paper is the views that death must form the framework for life and vice versa; the more we defend ourselves against death, the more we protect ourselves from experiencing life. An individual’s and organization’s self-preservation strategies are also fixtures in the following piece. The next paper in this special issue is entitled Organization and meaning: A multilevel psychoanalytic treatment of the Jayson Blair scandal at the New York Times. The authors of this paper, Howard Schwartz and Larry Hirschhorn, recount the story of Jayson Blair who was a reporter at The New York Times who was found to have plagiarized some of his stories and fabricated some of his sources. Schwartz and Hirschhorn examine Blair’s behaviour, and that of the Times, through the lens of Freud’s theory on the Oedipus complex and the possible counterpart, anti-Oedipal meaning. For the authors of this paper, psychoanalytic theory is firmly about symbolism and the emergence of meaning. It is this feature of psychoanalytic theory that Schwartz and Hirschhorn argue commends psychoanalytic theory to what they describe as 394 CARR & LAPP “cross-level analysis” (i.e., behaviour at the levels of individual, group and organization). Schwartz and Hirschhorn accept Freud’s topography of the mind and his theory of the Oedipus complex -- a complex originating from the story of Oedipus Rex. In this story, the child has a desire for the parent of the opposite sex and for the demise of the parent of the same sex who is seen as a rival. According to Freud, this complex is experienced between the ages of three and five years. In the case of the male child, it is normally resolved through the super-ego reminding the child of the authority of the father. When it is not appropriately resolved, it can persevere into adulthood. A form of regressive behaviour associated with this psychosexual development may be displayed. In the case of the male it may manifest itself in character in the form of an over concern for masculinity and displays of brashness (see Laplanche & Pontalis, 1967/1988, pp. 35-36, 282-287). In our view, Schwartz and Hirschhorn note correctly that this complex is culturally contingent and that in some circumstances the authority of the father is not accepted and one may seek to reestablish the connection with the mother -- an anti-Oedipal dynamic. The important issue that arises from the work of Schwartz and Hirschhorn is an explanation of how these dynamics explain certain behaviour at levels of the individual, group and organization. It is the clash of Oedipal and anti-Oedipal meanings in the world around us that Schwartz and Hirschhorn reveal are crucial in interpreting the case of Jayson Blair and the dynamics that occurred at the Times. In the face of these competing meanings, we gain further clarity of the actual ground that is being taken by each position. It is the understanding of symbolic content that Schwartz and Hirschhorn reveal is the common thread to understanding behaviour at multiple levels and gives us a better insight into behaviours in organizations including but not limited to authority and meaning. The issues of authority and meaning are also a central consideration in the next paper, Social defence structures in organizations. Adopting a “systems psychodynamic perspective”, the authorsRené van Eeden and Frans Cilliers examine the functioning of a management team in a production company in South Africa. The terminology “systems psychodynamic perspective” is used to denote an approach that specifically recognises the fact that structural features of the organization have the potential to stimulate individual ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 395 and group responses that may in turn result in clarification of certain boundaries and roles within an organization -- ultimately this may lead to shaping the culture within the organization. The interactive nature of structure and its relationship with the construction of meaning for those in the organization is a dynamic that is at the forefront of this system’s psychodynamic perspective. Van Eeden and Cilliers are particularly interested in the manner in which groups within the work organization create, mobilise and employ certain psychological and behavioural defences in the face of anxiety posed by certain structural features of the organization and management processes. The actual strengthening of individual defences through group behaviour is explored, and particularly, the manner in which certain assumptions and expectations are placed upon the leader. The management of personal and organization boundaries, a major feature of systems theory, is a key matter in the psychodynamic management of anxiety. The circumstances in which individuals and groups feel a need to erect boundaries and to utilize boundaries created by the organization, such as hierarchy and duty statements, is instructive to those who seek to lead and manage groups. In particular, an understanding of how unconsciously leaders and managers can be drawn into boundary construction for groups is an important consideration for any leader to be self-aware. The case study analysis reveals a raft of unconscious dynamics that have broad implications for what is effective in leadership behaviour. The matter of leadership theory is one that Pete Mann and Jon Chapman discuss in the next paper in this issue. Posing the question Can an American psychotherapeutic system contribute to British leadership development? these authors reflect upon their own experience, and that of some ten of their fellow British colleagues being trained in the American Pesso-Boyden System Psychomotor (PBSP) method of adult reparative growth. At first blush this may seem somewhat irrelevant to the world of behaviour in organizations except this was training for practitioners and consultants in leadership development. Mann and Chapman interviewed six consultants in leadership development and one Managing Director to ascertain what benefits PBSP training may hold for them personally and for leadership development. Although we will not attempt to summarise what is involved in the PBSP method, it should be noted that a central idea derived from the 396 CARR & LAPP work of Freud is that earlier in life experiences do leave a memory trace and certain predispositions to responses in adult life. The focus upon how these earlier in life experiences get socially re-enacted in the present is very significant in learning how a leader may simply and unconsciously act-out or project that inner history. The identification of these inner dynamics is important if a mature reconsideration of leadership behaviour is to ensue. The mind-body connection of these earlier experiences is seen as significant in opening reflection into leadership behaviour -- a type of re-wiring of the brain in a process of co-creation with the consultant/trainer such that the inner purpose and meaning that act to motivate are changed. Change motivation is a connecting concept to the next paper in this issue, entitled Pop-management: Tales of passion, power and profit. The authors, Ana Paula Paes de Paula and Thomas Wood Jr, make a compelling case that there are parallels between fairytales and stories conveyed in pop-management literature. For this special issue, the significance of this finding lies in the fact that the authors are able to identify not just structural similarities and similar elements -- such as heroes, villains and happy endings -- but that similar psychodynamic processes are being enacted in management stories as they are in fairytales. The psychodynamics that are implicated and tapped-into in conveying a story is an important contemporary issue because not only does the pop-management literature seek to impart a story, but much of the recent fad for management coaching is replete with stories and storytelling. Of course many would be aware that the management literature on storytelling is increasing. Perhaps less known and less discussed are the unconscious psychodynamics that are being employed in getting people to accept the stories being told. Moreover, much of the management literature about stories and storytelling treat stories as though they are simply neutral objects rather than explore the manner in which the story and dialogue is constructed to convince the listener to accept the story. This latter concern takes us into the realm of understanding the psychodynamics that are at play in the telling of the story. We think the term “selling” (see Carr & Lapp, 2005d, 2006c; Lapp & Carr, 2007b) is more apt for much of what has passed as storytelling and thus we have tended to distinguish the two activities through the use of the term storyselling. The paper by Paes de Paula and Wood also concludes with a plea for the field of ORGANIZATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATION BEHAVIOR: THROUGH THE LENS OF PSYCHODYNAMICS 397 organization studies to undertake a more careful reading of stories in organizations such that we come to understand the psychodynamics that are at play and the manner in which various themes from fairytales, and earlier- in- life experiences, are significant. We noted earlier that psychodynamics is a family of different schools of inquiry in which the unconscious is seen as key to understanding human behaviour. In the next paper in this issue, Thibault de Swarte and Alain Amintas draw upon the work of Jacques Lacan and Michel Foucault in juxtaposition to the work of sociological theorists of organizations. In their paper entitled From sociology of organizations to organizational psychoanalysis: A genealogical approach of a high tech company, de Swarte and Amintas argue that the work of sociologists has inspired an emphasis upon instrumental rationality in our thinking about organizations and that this emphasis is misplaced. In our attempts to make sense of behaviour in organizations, they argue, a greater emphasis and recognition needs to be placed upon “signifiers and the roles of the unconscious process inside organizations”. It is in the context of this latter focus that the authors of this paper employ the work of Lacan and Foucault. Lacan placed much emphasis upon the significance of language and at various stages indeed argued that the unconscious could be regarded as having a language-like structure that comes into being because of language itself. Lacan’s work is very dense and at times convoluted but in general his work represents a move away from those who emphasised Freud’s biological underpinning of the mind. Lacan emphasized the earlier work of Freud, such as The Interpretation of Dreams (Freud, 1900/1986), in which social and cultural factors are considered more central to the reading of behaviour and to the manner in which the mind becomes organised. For Lacan, the dream is in fact not a series of pictures but is text. In reading texts Lacan drew attention to the unstable or non-fixed nature of the relationship of the word (the signifier) to the concept that is conveyed (the signified). It is the ambiguity of this relationship that de Swarte and Amintas highlight in the analysis of their case study. They suggest an alternative to traditional concepts of how organizations function and the interpretation of behaviour within them. The last paper includes interpretation of an employee’s behaviour. The special issue concludes with a paper by the editors 398 CARR & LAPP that is entitled: Encapsulation: Expatriates inside a complex world and draws upon the works of Freud, Klein and Alford to explore some fundamental paradoxes that are psychologically encountered by personnel who are deployed overseas by their company. The paradoxes are that these personnel have to adapt to their new environment (i.e., that is, co-create variety) while at the same time retaining that “stability” that makes up their identity. The subsequent paradox of retaining a distance and resisting the complexity of the outside environment is that the more one is open to perceived attacks from that which comprises such variety, the more closed he or she becomes to adaptability. The paper suggests that leadership of the parent organization is key to the success of the expatriate. Similar to discussions of the Oedipal complex, this paper concludes that the home organisation realise its leaders could act as parents in order to hold the expatriate at acceptable distances from isolation and engulfment. When expatriates are not held appropriately, one effect is encapsulation, a layering series of psychodynamic events that make the individual feel as if he or she is at the centre of a psychodynamic Russian doll. To escape, the expatriate attempts to act out. In the case study presented in this paper, attempts are inappropriate and result in the employee’s being fired from the company -- even though the parent company was remiss by holding the expatriate in isolation. The more acting out contravenes organisational and cultural ideals, the more the individual becomes, unwittingly and unconsciously, encapsulated. Collectively these papers provide a glimpse into a psychodynamic appreciation of behaviour in organizations. 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