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CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND THE
CULTURAL COMPETENCE DILEMMA IN
SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
a
Laura S. Abrams & Jené A. Moio
a
a
University of California at Los Angeles
Published online: 16 Mar 2013.
To cite this article: Laura S. Abrams & Jené A. Moio (2009) CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND THE
CULTURAL COMPETENCE DILEMMA IN SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION, Journal of Social Work Education,
45:2, 245-261
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CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND THE CULTURAL COMPETENCE
DILEMMA IN SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
Laura S. Abrams
University of California at Los Angeles
Jené A. Moio
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University of California at Los Angeles
Cultural competence is a fundamental tenet of social work education. Although
cultural competence with diverse populations historically referred to individuals and groups from non-White racial origins, the term has evolved to encompass differences pertaining to sexuality, religion, ability, and others. Critics
charge that the cultural competence model is largely ineffective and that its tendency to equalize oppressions under a “multicultural umbrella” unintentionally promotes a color-blind mentality that eclipses the significance of institutionalized racism. In this article we argue that critical race theory (CRT) can be used
to address some of these noted problems with the cultural competence model.
We define the major tenets of CRT and analyze its benefits and limitations for
social work pedagogy around race, racism, and other oppressions.
is a fundamental tenet
to encompass group differences pertaining to
of professional social work practice. A cultur-
gender, sexuality, religion, age, ability, lan-
al competence mandate is contained in both
guage, nationality, and others. Knowledge
CulTuRAl CompeTenCe
the Council on Social Work education (CSWe)
about the complexity of personal and social
educational policy and Accreditation Stand-
identity formation as well as the intersection-
ards and the national Association of Social
ality of multiple axes of oppression that
Work (nASW) Code of ethics, and it is pro-
underscore social work problems, practices,
moted in numerous practice textbooks. His-
and interventions led to the broadening of cul-
torically, cultural competence with diverse
tural competence beyond racial and ethnic
populations referred to individuals and
categories (Razack, 1999; Rothman, 2008).
groups from non-White racial, ethnic, or cul-
Scholars note several challenges associated
tural origins. However, the term has evolved
with the dominant cultural competence
Journal of Social Work Education, Vol. 45, No. 2 (Spring/Summer).
Copyright © 2009, Council on Social Work Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
245
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246
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
model, including the eclipsing of race as a cen-
White advocates, challenged some of the long-
tral mechanism of oppression, student resist-
standing eurocentric biases in social work
ance, and the unintentional reinforcement of a
teaching and practice, including a predomi-
color-blind lens (Razack & Jeffery, 2002;
nantly deficit-oriented view of individuals
Schiele, 2007; Yee, 2005).
and communities of color. This activist pres-
In this article we argue that critical race
sure led to increased attention to race and
theory (CRT) can be used to address some of
racism in social work history, gave a voice to
these noted problems associated with the cul-
the lived experiences of faculty and social
tural competence model. We provide an in-
workers of color, and eventually led to
depth discussion of challenges associated
CSWe’s adoption of standards that mandate
with cultural competence education, with an
content on race, racism, and people of color
emphasis on educating social workers to
(Spencer et al., 2000).
respond effectively to institutional racism. We
Working to meet the CSWe mandate, the
also introduce the basic tenets of CRT and
1970s and early 1980s ushered in key educa-
apply these central concepts to the challenges
tional texts. pivotal publications on race and
involved in delivering effective diversity edu-
ethnicity included Barbara Solomon’s (1976)
cation in social work. In addition, we pose the
Black Empowerment: Social Work in Oppressed
benefits and limitations of infusing CRT into
Communities, Wynetta Devore and elfriede
the graduate social work curriculum.
Schlesinger’s (1981) Ethnic-Sensitive Social
Work Practice, and Doman lum’s (1986) Social
Cultural Competence:
Work Practice and People of Color: A Process-
History and Overview
Stage Approach. With variation, these texts
The origins and development of the cultural
generally rethink social work’s eurocentric
competence (often called “cultural sensitivi-
purview; challenge social workers to become
ty” or “multicultural”) model and its role in
aware of their personal value orientations and
social work ideology, practice, and pedagogy
worldviews; expose how racism creates struc-
are documented in published articles and
tural disadvantages that impact individual
texts (e.g., potocky, 1997; Rothman, 2008;
and community well-being; and offer sugges-
Schiele, 2007; Spencer, lewis, & Gutiérrez,
tions for working with increased competence
2000). We provide here a brief summary
with racial, ethnic, and cultural minorities in
before presenting empirical and philosophical
the united States. Race, ethnicity, and, to some
critiques.
extent, culture more broadly constituted the
Although aspects of traditional social
primary focus of this earlier literature.
work discourses have long espoused a mis-
Since the mid-1980s the tone and charac-
sion to examine and remedy issues of oppres-
ter of “ethnic-sensitive practice” has expand-
sion, including racism, the evolving emphasis
ed beyond race and ethnicity to promote
on diversity and cultural competence has its
awareness of multiple forms of oppression
roots in the civil rights movement of the 1960s
such as sexism, heterosexism, ageism, and
and 1970s. Social workers of color, along with
ableism. This trend responds to the postmod-
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CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE
247
ern emphasis on the intersectionality of multi-
then morally neutral. nevertheless, cultural
ple categories of identity (Williams, 2006), and
competence frames self-awareness as a life-
awareness of the existence of multiple forms
long endeavor, because issues of difference
of oppression that affect individual and com-
and value orientation are context specific and
munity functioning (Schiele, 2007). CSWe’s
constantly in flux. In addition to this process-
(2001) revised standards for cultural compe-
oriented work, cultural competence focuses
tence reflect these discursive developments by
on a skills-based component that includes
identifying 14 axes of difference as potential
building knowledge about specific ethnic or
sources of oppression and diversity. In keep-
cultural groups and developing practice tech-
ing with these trends, contemporary “cultural
niques that accompany this knowledge (Roth-
competence” texts now include chapters on
man, 2008). This population-specific piece
women; disabilities; and gay, lesbian, bisexu-
entails a set of practice skills that build on a
al, and transgender/transsexual issues (e.g.,
standard helping relationship yet are modi-
Appleby, Colon, & Hamilton, 2001; Rothman,
fied according to the needs, styles, world-
2008), and earlier works are now expanded or
views, and customs of the focal group.
modified to reflect this broadened view (e.g.,
Devore & Schlesinger, 1999; lum, 2003).
Critiques of Cultural Competence
Although the cultural competence model
Scholars adopting a critical lens toward the cul-
has diverse epistemological interpretations
tural competence model often contend that the
and curricular applications (Williams, 2006),
framework’s focus on individual attitudes
two major ideological underpinnings can be
leaves social workers unequipped to deal with
discerned: self-awareness and skills develop-
institutional racism and oppression on all of
ment. The cultural sensitivity framework as it
the levels where it permeates—individually,
is used in social work and related fields (such
structurally, and globally (pollack, 2004;
as education and counseling) understands
Razack, 1999; Razack & Jeffery, 2002; Yee,
that all people, including people of color, pos-
2005). In historically tracing social work’s var-
sess values, beliefs, and assumptions that they
ious
bring into the helping relationship. Social
potocky (1997) notes that the “cultural sensi-
movements
surrounding
diversity,
work students are encouraged to undertake a
tivity” model targets change at the level of
process of becoming aware of the origins and
social workers’ personal beliefs and agency
development of their personal values and
practices, whereas the “antioppression model”
worldviews with regard to differences so that
works toward change across individual,
their deeply rooted and perhaps unconscious
agency, and systems levels. Hence, an overar-
beliefs can be recognized and subsequently
ching critique of the cultural competence
set aside, or “bracketed,” in the helping
framework is that it does not reach far enough
exchange . Yan and Wong (2005) critique this
in addressing systemic and institutionalized
bracketing process as unrealistic and argue
oppressions. Additional critiques of cultural
instead that the social work exchange is mutu-
competence
ally influential and intersubjective, rather
angles as well as limited empirical evidence.
emerge
from
philosophical
248
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
In the following sections we organize these
existence of oppression. In addition, le-Doux
critiques thematically, paying specific atten-
and montalvo’s (1999) national survey of 75
tion to the preparation of students to grapple
deans and directors of accredited graduate
with enduring and systemic race-based
social work programs and 45 social work fac-
oppression.
ulty teaching diversity content (and including
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a review of 32 course syllabi) found that
Pedagogical Pitfalls
instructors experienced defensiveness, anger,
Challenges raised regarding the delivery of
and denial as common reactions to the presen-
effective cultural competence education
tation of diversity material. The issue is not
include student readiness, teacher prepara-
that these reactions arise, because the litera-
tion, and possible resistance from both
ture on teaching about White privilege sug-
groups. lee and Greene (2003) and Razack
gests that these responses are part of a norma-
(1999) argue that the teaching of diversity con-
tive process (Abrams & Gibson, 2007). Rather,
tent in social work education is often hindered
it is that the cultural competence model may
by a lack of student readiness to deal with dif-
not move students from these more primary
ficult or contentious discussions about race or
defensive responses to a more refined critique
other oppressions in the classroom setting.
of privilege and then to collective social action
Related to this lack of readiness, a common
(Helms, 1995).
reaction to discussing racism, structural dis-
other scholars argue that the delivery of
advantages, or oppression is resistance to the
cultural competence or diversity education in
material, particularly when the conversation
social work can be hindered by instructors’
turns to issues of privilege, and White privi-
lack of preparation and training in this area
lege in particular (Abrams & Gibson, 2007).
(petrovich & lowe, 2005; Razack, 1999). le-
Resistance in this context means that students
Doux and montalvo’s (1999) study found a
tend to deny their own role in occupying priv-
heavy reliance among instructors on tradi-
ileged or more powerful social identity posi-
tional methods to deliver diversity education.
tions, and it may even take the form of out-
They suggest that these traditional didactic
ward anger, resentment, or an overwhelming
methods are not appropriate for this course
sense of guilt (Julia, 2000). Although resist-
content, which requires skills in facilitating
ance to locating the self in the privilege-
difficult discussions and contending with
oppression spectrum can occur for any indi-
group dynamics. moreover, based on their
vidual, most empirical research has specifical-
personal or professional backgrounds, educa-
ly examined White privilege. Garcia and Van
tors may not be ready to deal with the type of
Soest’s (1997) study of 43 mSW students
intense personal or interpersonal reactions
enrolled in a mandatory cultural diversity
that can arise when engaging in discussions
class lends some support to these philosophi-
about racism or other oppressions. Garcia and
cal charges. They found that 71% of White stu-
Van Soest’s (2000) empirical study of 304
dents reported that their own privilege acted
graduate- and undergraduate-level social
as a barrier to learning about or accepting the
work faculty found that faculty of color and
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CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE
249
junior faculty were more likely to respond
Baskind’s (2005) survey of 257 White nASW
with sensitivity to “critical events” (such as
members found that social workers’ cognitive
conflicts or arguments about diversity issues)
attitudes about race were more positive than
than were White or more senior faculty. They
their affective attitudes, and that their beliefs
argue that faculty must “develop comfort
about the existence of racism did not differ
with discussing issues related to diversity in
widely from those of the wider American
order to demonstrate how to place perspec-
public. These empirical studies suggest that
tive on heated and strained interaction” (2000,
the transfer of cultural competence learning to
p. 35). Hence, they concur with le-Doux and
practice situations may be an area of concern;
montalvo (1999) that training teachers how to
however, it is difficult to generalize from these
facilitate meaningful dialogues about race and
studies given their sample sizes and design
racism is needed to effectively implement a
limitations.
diversity curriculum.
Diffusion of Racism and Color
Learning Outcomes
Blindness
A longstanding, overarching critique of the
As highlighted earlier, the cultural compe-
cultural competence framework is that it lacks
tence model has increasingly expanded its
the specificity needed to attain any concrete
focus to include many categories of social dif-
learning or practice objectives (Furness, 2005;
ference. Schiele (2007) argues that although
Horner & Borrero, 1981; Julia, 2000; Williams,
this broadening was a foreseeable response to
2006). There are few empirical outcome stud-
emerging knowledge about the complexity of
ies, however, to support this claim, and those
multiple identities and increasingly vocal
that do exist are typically pilot or exploratory
activism about multiple forms of oppression,
(Garcia & Van Soest, 1997; petrovich & lowe,
this diffusion of information produces an
2005). Yet the findings derived from these
“equality of oppressions” paradigm that
exploratory studies cast some doubt that
tends to downplay racism’s persistent legacy
learning outcomes are actually attained. For
and leaves social workers unprepared to deal
example, Bronstein, Berman-Rossi, and Win-
with the realities of racism, both systemically
field’s (2002) study of 57 students in direct
and interpersonally. Razack and Jeffery (2002)
practice courses found that students were not
likewise contend that the fundamental prob-
learning as much content on oppression as
lem of approaching racism in the cultural sen-
faculty stated they were teaching. moreover,
sitivity framework is the leveling of oppres-
in a recent focus group study of alumni and
sions, which instructors and students might
current students of an mSW program, both
find more comfortable (and fair) because it
students and alumni expressed the need for a
avoids a hierarchy of oppressions, but it
greater level of transferability of cultural com-
leaves unquestioned the racialized values and
petence principles to field and agency settings
beliefs that drive our fundamental social insti-
(petrovich & lowe, 2005). In a more removed
tutions. le-Doux and montalvo’s (1999)
outcome measure, Green, Kiernan-Stern, and
national survey empirically supports these
250
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
arguments about the diffusion of race in the
cultural and social groups may not effectively
cultural competence model. For example, the
prepare students to grapple with the realities
course syllabi they reviewed include a “very
of racism.
diluted curricula” that spans many groups
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with “a little something for everyone” (p. 49).
CRT: An Overview
Further, by leveling race under the aus-
CRT emerged in the wake of the civil rights
pices of a “multicultural umbrella,” critics
movement as a component of legal scholar-
charge that social work’s cultural competence
ship, meaning the study and analysis of the
curriculum may unintentionally reinforce a
law. Although CRT has grown in its applica-
color-blind paradigm that teaches students to
tion in many disciplines, CRT scholarship as a
ignore racial differences (Schiele, 2007; Yee,
whole challenges liberalist claims of objectivi-
2005). Color blindness is associated with the
ty, neutrality, and color blindness of the law
liberal 1970s ideal of learning not to see race
and argues that these principles actually nor-
or color in an attempt to eliminate personal
malize and perpetuate racism by ignoring the
prejudices and to promote a “level playing
structural inequalities that permeate social
field.” According to Carniol (2005), color
institutions. CRT draws from diverse disci-
blindness precludes analysis of contradictions
plines such as sociology, history, feminist and
among claims of neutrality, fairness, and
postcolonial studies, economics, political sci-
equality, and the below-surface reality of dis-
ence, and ethnic and cultural studies. Its gen-
crimination in everyday practice and policy.
eral mission seeks to analyze, deconstruct,
empirical support for these arguments about
and transform for the better the relationship
the color-blind results of social work educa-
among race, racism, and power (Delgado &
tion is limited. However, Van Soest’s (1996)
Stefancic, 2001).
quasi-experimental study of 222 mSW stu-
CRT unequivocally states that analysis of
dents, most of whom were White, found that
the law cannot be neutral and objective and
exposure to a cultural diversity class actually
stresses that recognition of and voices from
increased respondents’ belief in a “just
standpoint and race consciousness are essen-
world,” meaning a fundamentally fair and
tial to radical racial reform. Because race is the
equal society, despite the intent of the class to
scaffolding that structures American society,
expose students to the realities of structural
there can be no “perch outside the social
disadvantages such as racism and sexism.
dynamics of racial power from which to mere-
Similarly, Julia’s (2000) study of 75 students at
ly observe and analyze” (Crenshaw, Gotanda,
a midwestern university found a great deal of
peller, & Thomas, 1995, p. xiii). CRT refutes
complacency among students about the exis-
two principal liberalist claims with regard to
tence of racism in American society. Although
the law: (1) that it is color-blind and (2) that
more rigorous research is needed, these data
color blindness is superior to race conscious-
lend some empirical support to the argument
ness. For example, Gotanda (2000) argues that
that the cultural competence model’s focus on
the concept of color blindness is itself con-
individual attitudes and its diffuse survey of
tradictory, because to exclude race from a
CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE
251
decision-making process, the existence of race
success of Asian American groups ap-
must first be acknowledged. He concludes
peared threatening to the national econo-
that color blindness—that is, the choice to
my, these groups were demonized in pop-
exclude race—is actually racially premised
ular discourse and excluded from citizen-
rather than neutral.
ship by law. Today, after a third reversal in
racialization, Asian Americans are consid-
Although CRT theorists and practitioners
ered a “model minority.”
have diverse approaches and emphases, their
scholarship and advocacy share common
4.
Interest convergence/materialist determinism.
Racism brings material and psychic
ground in the following six basic tenets:
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advantage to the majority race, and pro1.
Endemic racism. Rather than accepting
gressive change regarding race occurs
racism as abnormal or individualistic,
only when the interests of the powerful
CRT asserts that racism is an ordinary,
(i.e., the White majority) happen to con-
everyday occurrence for people of color. It
verge with those of the racially oppressed
(Bell, 1995).
is deeply embedded in the social fabric of
American society, permeating our social
2.
Voices of color. The dominant group’s
structures and practices. Because racism
accounting of history routinely excludes
is ordinary and embedded, its structural
racial and other minority perspectives to
functions and effect on our ways of think-
justify and legitimize its power. This
ing are often invisible, particularly to peo-
silencing of alternative experiences serves
ple holding racial privilege. In turn, this
to minimize and obscure the interplay of
“invisibility” maintains racism.
power and oppression across time and
Race as a social construction. CRT maintains
place. CRT advocates a rewriting of his-
that race is a contrived system of catego-
tory to include the lived reality of op-
rizing people according to observable
pressed groups from their perspectives
physical attributes that have no corre-
and in their own words. Bringing these
spondence to genetic or biological reality.
narratives into account challenges liberal-
Although CRT regards race as a social
ist claims of neutrality, color blindness,
construction, it fully acknowledges the
and universal truths (Delgado, 1989).
force of its meaning and implications.
3.
5.
6.
Antiessentialism/intersectionality.
CRT
Differential racialization. Dominant social
acknowledges the intersectionality of var-
discourses and people in power can racial-
ious oppressions and suggests that a pri-
ize groups of people in different ways at
mary focus on race can eclipse other
different times, depending on historic,
forms of exclusion. For example, the mar-
social, or economic need. For example, var-
ginalized race, sexuality, and class of a
ious Asian American groups were viewed
poor, gay, African American person pres-
as benign, if not favorable, when a large,
ents a far more complex social location
inexpensive labor force was needed. over
than any single aspect of his identity
time, when the financial independence and
alone. In fact, CRT theorists contend that
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252
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
analysis without a multidimensional
teacher–training programs. CRT highlights
framework can replicate the very patterns
the ways in which teachers are ill prepared for
of social exclusion it seeks to combat and
the realities of their increasingly diverse stu-
can lead to the essentializing of oppres-
dent learners. Critiques include the explicit
sions (Hutchinson, 2000). The essentializ-
avoidance of race (lopez, 2003), the ad hoc
ing of oppression is a political choice and
nature of multicultural modules (Zeichner,
problematic from a strategic perspective.
1992, as cited in ladson-Billings, 1999), and
Although it may be clear that all margin-
the lack of integration of diversity issues into
alized people share the experience of
all classroom and field experiences (ladson-
oppression, it is less clear whether reform
Billings, 1999). Infusing CRT into teacher
efforts should target oppression from a
training curricula has had some success in
particularized (antiessential) or a commu-
challenging the eurocentric “difference as
nal (essentialized) perspective. Coalitions
deficit” or “minority education” frameworks.
have greater power to effect social
However, the lack of standardized requisites
change; however, addressing broad con-
for cultural competency, the numerous course
cerns over individual experiences can
requirements to be met within rigid time
force people into choosing a singular
frames, and the persistence of a “race neutral”
identity, leaving other aspects of their
ideology all hamper broader application of
oppression unaddressed (Delgado &
CRT in teacher training (ladson-Billings,
Stefancic, 2001). Ambivalence surround-
1999; lopez, 2003). Although CRT has been
ing this dilemma drives much internal
incorporated into the scholarship and practice
debate in CRT scholarship.
of multicultural teacher training, existing literature contains very limited applications of
CRT Applications
CRT to social work theory or pedagogy.
Drawing on the six core principles described
in the previous section, the academy has
CRT and Social Work Pedagogy
formed specific subdivisions of CRT, such as
Social work has its own traditions of critical
latino Critical Race Studies (perea, 2000;
scholarship that challenge some of the histori-
Soloranzo & Yosso, 2001), Asian American
cal practices of the profession and the larger
Critical Race Studies (e.g., Gotanda, 1995;
society that serve to perpetuate institutional-
matsuda, 1995), Queer Crit (Arriola, 2000;
ized oppression, including racism. Radical,
Valdes, 2000), and Fem Crit (Carbado, 2000;
critical, structural, Afrocentric, and feminist
Hernández-Truyol, 1997). CRT has also been
social work frameworks have widened the
applied to professional disciplines such as
social work knowledge base by introducing
policy studies (limbert & Bullock, 2005) and
and centralizing particular issues and offering
education (Dixson & Rousseau, 2006). In the
a more politically radical (left-leaning) social
field of education, CRT has been of particular
work agenda (evans, 2000; Gil, 1998; piven &
value in exploring the challenges of integrat-
Cloward, 1993). Although varying in empha-
ing cultural competency into professional
sis and focus, these various forms of social
CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE
work scholarship offer some basis for critical
without a rigorous race analysis provides stu-
engagement with questions of power and
dents with less than adequate perspective and
exclusion; as such, they comprise components
tools to locate and act on exclusionary and
of antioppression practice. Antioppression is a
oppressive social practices. They also offer the
term loosely applied to models that identify
only published and explicit application of
exclusion and oppression from within and
CRT to social work pedagogy to date.
outside of the profession.
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253
Drawing on CRT, they design and pro-
Social work scholarship contains some
pose eight basic tenets for integrating critical
integrated antioppression features (i.e., struc-
race discourse into diversity education in
tural analysis of oppression; how it is created,
social work. The organizing feature of their 8-
sustained, and justified), offering methods
point model is race, and its prime directive is
and classroom technology to challenge or add
an interrogation and deconstruction of racism
to the cultural competence paradigm (po-
and all associated contingencies. The first six
tocky, 1997). Yet, although the various antiop-
tenets are (1) whiteness as normative and non-
pressive frameworks have advanced thinking
racial; (2) the silence of marginalized narra-
and curriculum in many ways, critics within
tives; (3) liberal principles of neutrality, fair-
the discipline still maintain that they have not
ness, and meritocracy; (4) color blindness; (5)
sufficiently addressed race, racialization, and
the inextricability of race, power, and privi-
racism as centralizing forces of oppression
lege; and (6) the legitimizing of race scholar-
(Razack & Jeffery, 2002; Yee, 2005). For exam-
ship within the social work field. This tenet
ple, Yee (2005) suggests that although
speaks to what Delgado (1995) calls the “stud-
antiracism and antioppression are similar,
ied indifference to minority writing on issues
only antiracism positions race as a central
of race” (p. 51), which Razack and Jeffery sug-
mechanism of oppression. Furthermore,
gest marginalizes antioppression and anti-
antiracism explicitly defines White as a racial
racist scholarship and pedagogy as areas of
category, as the normative identity, and as the
questionable value. The seventh tenet, legit-
group holding the greatest ideological power.
imizing the voice of minority scholarship on
From Yee’s perspective, an antiracist peda-
race and oppression, invites alternative per-
gogy would incorporate identifying exclu-
spectives that are needed to “counter a cur-
sionary practices, locating the source of these
riculum that only engages the dominant
practices within structures, identifying the
group” (Razack & Jeffery 2002, p. 267). The
racist nature of the structures, and exploring
final tenet of their model speaks to the need
how they are maintained and reproduced
for social work to acknowledge and under-
through the social construction of race and
stand the implication of race on a global scale.
privilege.
What they call “globalized understandings of
Canadian scholars Razack and Jeffery
race” broaden the structural critique to
(2002) argue that CRT and social work are
encompass racism within and across societies
highly compatible, and furthermore, that
outside the united States. economic and polit-
diversity or cultural competence training
ical restructuring of countries persistently
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254
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
trigger massive flows of displaced persons
and guilt. For example, when students tend to
across borders. A disproportionate number of
deny they are “racist,” CRT provides the per-
these immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers,
spective that “passive racism,” or participa-
and migrant workers are people of color
tion in a racist system, is different from acting
(martin, 2001). many are poor and most are
consciously with racist intent. In this sense,
denied access to resources necessary to fulfill
students can understand their own role in
their daily needs. Whether social workers are
institutional systems of racism without feeling
based nationally or internationally, Razack
personally responsible for historical legacies
and Jeffery (2002) argue that effective practice
of violence, genocide, and oppression.
includes a critical understanding of how
Second, by providing concrete direction about
racism has impacted the lives of displaced
social agency toward dismantling racism,
individuals at the personal, institutional, and
CRT can help to alleviate the guilt, fear, and
global levels.
sense of paralysis that often follow the realization of participating in a racist society.
CRT and the Cultural
Although CRT cannot prepare students in
Competence Dilemma
advance to contend with difficult subject mat-
Razack and Jeffery’s CRT model of social
ter or intense classroom discussions, we argue
work diversity education differs from the cul-
that CRT offers concrete ways to understand
tural competence paradigm in its explicit and
and contend with resistance, denial, and guilt
aggressive critique of the larger structures and
as barriers to student learning about racism
ideologies around race that often remain
and the significance of racial differences.
unexamined and intact. In the following sections we propose how CRT concepts and ped-
Reframing Outcomes
agogy can be used to address some of the
one of the primary noted problems with cul-
empirical and philosophical challenges associ-
tural competence pedagogy is the absence of
ated with the cultural competence curriculum
clear outcome goals and essentially nonexist-
framework.
ent measurement tools. moreover, the few
studies that do exist generally show that
Contending With Resistance
courses are falling short of reaching their
As noted in existing research, student resist-
intentions. CRT scholars post an alternative
ance may be a normative part of the cross-
view of learning outcomes, suggesting that
cultural learning process. It is our contention
the social work “toolkit mentality” be sup-
that this resistance becomes problematic when
planted by critical thinking skills in regard to
it results in a closed posture to the material or
teaching about racism and related oppres-
a denial of existing problems concerning race,
sions (Jeffery, 2005; Razack, 1999). Jeffery
and that CRT offers innovative ways to handle
(2005) suggests that the critical race project is
this phenomenon. First, in its focus on sys-
incongruent with the social work “competen-
temic and historical forces, CRT can alleviate
cies” mentality that drives the traditional ped-
personal resistance stemming from self-blame
agogy. She argues that if social work wants to
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CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE
255
move toward an antiracist stance, then the
actions, and interactions. This macro-to-micro
profession likewise needs to rethink or reex-
view fits well with social work’s systems per-
amine its stated goals regarding cultural com-
spective and draws the focus away from cul-
petence. Thus, rather than addressing the stat-
tural neutrality and toward race conscious-
ed problem around clarity and measurement,
ness. From that purview, students can then
CRT reformulates the problem by asking
move on to understand other forms of oppres-
social workers to clarify what the results of
sion beyond racism. Yet race remains central
antiracist education might look like. We argue
and does not get lost in a “level playing field.”
that quantifiable skill outcomes suggest a set
CRT also explicitly challenges color blindness
of fixed techniques that can be performed out-
and accounts for its origins, meanings, and
side real-life context with predictable out-
implications. Thus, teaching CRT or infusing
comes. Yet racial awareness is a formative
CRT into diversity curriculum does not run
process that involves cognitive, affective, and
the risk of unintentionally producing social
action-oriented changes that may not result
work students who are trained not to “see”
simply from exposure to one or two courses.
color or who are inclined to deny racism’s per-
Although not denying the need for better
sistent legacy.
empirical measures of cultural competence
teaching outcomes, we suggest that these
Moving to Action and
goals and measurement tools be carefully
Antioppression Practice
reconsidered in relation to the multiple
Increasingly, students in the social work field
dimensions and processes involved in
are pressured to use clinical interventions
antiracist pedagogy.
conforming to principles of evidence-based
practice or managed care guidelines, which
Overcoming Equalization of
translates into directing energy toward indi-
Oppressions and Color Blindness
vidual rather than systems change. These
philosophically, the cultural competence para-
pressures exist in tension with social work
digm has sustained allegations of diffusing a
concepts of social justice and action-oriented
focus on race and thereby minimizing the sig-
models and highlight the challenge of bridg-
nificance of racism in social welfare and in the
ing social work theory and practice. Antiracist
larger society. Integrating CRT into courses on
and antioppression workers in the policy and
diverse populations obviates the tendency in
management arenas are similarly constrained
these courses to conflate culture and ethnicity
by frameworks informed by liberal color-
with race, or to equalize sources of oppression
blind principles. CRT helps students move
under one multicultural umbrella (park,
beyond mere description and understanding
2005). This occurs because CRT begins with
of systematic racism and answers the call for
the premise that our society is far from race
concrete action guidelines in everyday prac-
neutral in our laws and basic social structures,
tice in any arena (Callender et al., 2007).
and in turn these larger social entities influ-
These guidelines operate for the worker
ence our everyday individual thoughts,
at both the personal and institutional levels.
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
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256
At the institutional level, rather than accept-
pose some practical barriers to implementa-
ing the task of encouraging or passively sup-
tion. even if faculty create space to include
porting client adjustment to systems of
CRT content, issues of faculty preparation and
oppression, CRT skills foster worker opposi-
teaching methods remain. We acknowledge
tion to institutional oppression through, for
that most faculty are not familiar with the lex-
example, identifying and analyzing the prob-
icon of CRT or its applications to social work,
lem from the client’s perspective, providing
and that teaching and applying this material
emotional and/or political support, challeng-
requires a specific set of knowledge and skills.
ing the individualism underlying much policy
We view this absence of faculty preparation as
and practice, reframing problems through
probably the greatest barrier to including CRT
critical consciousness, and critiquing institu-
in courses throughout the social work curricu-
tional structures of oppression within agen-
lum, as well as in specific courses promoting
cies or policies and advocating for change
an appreciation for diversity and cultural
(Carniol, 2005). At the personal level, CRT
competence skills.
demands an ongoing critical reflection, as well
moreover, student fieldwork is a critical
as vigilance for unearned privileges that flow
component of the mSW student learning
to the self at the expense of others. It demands
experience. If awareness of and critical per-
critical attention to defensive denial and
spectives on racism are not applied to the
worker responsiveness to resist or disrupt the
fieldwork experience, students may lose sight
links between unearned privilege and its
of CRT’s ties to social work problems, theo-
harmful consequences (Carniol, 2005; Yee,
ries, and interventions. Furthermore, the
2005).
increased demand for evidence-based practice
and the growing influence of managed care
Challenges to Implementation
models in agency environments can thwart
Although we believe that an integration of
student efforts toward advocacy and empow-
CRT across various facets of the social work
erment of clients. The opportunity to apply
curriculum has the potential to move social
CRT skills in the field can facilitate social jus-
work students toward critical thinking,
tice actions within such constraints at both
informed practice, and action around racism,
individual and systems levels. We recognize
privilege, and oppression, we also recognize
this as a great challenge, because students
its limitations. The major limitation is making
who are taught from a CRT perspective may
space or time in an already crowded curricu-
not find a place to voice their perspectives in
lum to include CRT readings and applica-
their fieldwork. This limitation speaks to the
tions. Ideally, CRT readings would be used
ongoing need for social work faculty and field
throughout various courses, rather than segre-
instructors to communicate about students’
gated into one specific class (such as a “diver-
current curriculum so that their field experi-
sity” or “race” course). Yet the tendency for
ences can complement their classroom work
faculty to be overwhelmed by expanding their
and the bridge between theory and practice
already packed 2-year mSW curriculum will
can be fortified.
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CRITICAL RACE THEORY AND CULTURAL COMPETENCE
257
Finally, as Schiele (2007) states, there were
the 47 million uninsured people in the united
logical and historically persuasive reasons for
States, only 10.8% were White (Denavas-Walt,
diversity education to expand its focus to
proctor, & Smith, 2007). Income and poverty
include social and cultural groups other than
rates for the same year ranked Whites as sec-
racial or ethnic categories. Clearly marginal-
ond highest in median income and lowest in
ization and oppression are complex social
poverty, African Americans as lowest in medi-
processes that are found along many axes of
an income and highest in poverty, and people
social difference, not just race. CRT addresses
of Hispanic origin as second lowest in both
the central problem of eclipsing race under
income and poverty. Asians ranked second
the “multicultural umbrella” and at the same
lowest in poverty and earned the highest
time fully acknowledges the potential risks
income of all groups (Denavas-Walt et al.,
and implications of focusing on one form of
2007). A 2006 survey of 25 cities conducted by
oppression at the expense of others. By advo-
the u.S. Conference of mayors found that eth-
cating a multidimensional analytic frame-
nic minorities comprised 61% of the homeless
work, CRT emphasizes the need to explore
population; of that number, a striking 42%
how the intersectionality of oppressed status-
were African American (national Coalition
es manifests across individuals, communities,
for the Homeless, 2008). Finally, various dis-
and social settings. However, CRT does not
similarity indices used to calculate the extent
necessarily provide a clear road map for
of ethnic/racial segregation in 2000 (using
teaching about all forms of oppression simul-
Whites as the reference group) confirm long-
taneously. educators with an interest in inte-
standing patterns of segregation. African
grating CRT at this level will have to use their
Americans were the most segregated group,
ingenuity to help students make sense of the
followed by people of Hispanic origin, Asian
connections between racism and other
pacific Islanders, American Indians, and
oppressions, as well as the impact of multiple
native Alaskans, respectively (u.S. Census
and sometimes indiscernible oppressions on
Bureau, 2002).
Although it may be comforting for many
clients’ lives.
to think that we can afford to be “race neutral”
Conclusion
in our analysis of social welfare institutions,
nearly 50 years past the civil rights move-
policies, and practices, the existence of these
ment, evidence suggests that racism continues
disparities indicates that a color-blind mental-
to fracture American society. Statistics on
ity will not solve some of our most enduring
well-being and life expectancy from 1970 to
and systemic social divisions and inequities.
2003 reflect substantial and enduring differ-
Social work is ultimately concerned with max-
ences across racial and ethnic groups, with
imizing the potential of all humans to lead
people of color carrying a disproportionate
healthy, productive, and fulfilling lives. With
burden of mental and physical disease and
this charge, we must continually push our-
preventable death (Centers for Disease
selves, our training materials, and our teach-
Control and prevention, 2004). In 2006, among
ing practices to address the systemic barriers
258
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION
that impede the realization of these goals for all
report, university of California, los
people, both locally and globally. CRT’s philo-
Angeles.
sophical and analytical strategies can advance
Carbado, D. (2000). men, feminism, and male
our efforts in antiracist pedagogy; through new
heterosexual privilege. In R. Delgado & J.
insights and techniques we can better under-
Stefancic (eds.), Critical race theory: The
stand and concretely address the noted prob-
cutting edge (2nd ed., pp. 525–531).
lems of our standard teaching tools.
now the challenge of integrating new
philadelphia: Temple university press.
Carniol, B. (2005). Analysis of social location
and change: practice implications. In S.
ideas begins.
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Accepted: 07/08
Laura S. Abrams is associate professor and Jené Moio is lecturer at the University of California at
Los Angeles.
A portion of this article was presented at the Council on Social Work Education’s Annual Program
Meeting in San Francisco, October 27–30, 2007. The authors wish to thank Joy Crumpton, Gerry Laviña,
and Sofya Bagdasaryan for their collaborative work in developing a Critical Race Theory curriculum.
Address correspondence to Laura S. Abrams, University of California at Los Angeles, Department of
Social Welfare, 3250 Public Affairs Building, PO Box 951656, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1656; e-mail:
[email protected].