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Examination of the Efficacy of Situational Response Strategies Utilized in Crises Instigated
or Aggravated by Viral Videos that Threaten Harm to Reputation or Brand
________________________
A Master’s Thesis
Presented to the Faculty in Communication and Leadership Studies
School of Professional Studies
Gonzaga University
Under the Supervision of Dr. Michael Hazel
Under the Mentorship of Dr. David Givens
________________________
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts in Communication and Leadership Studies
___________________
Copyright 2015 by
Melinda Roeder
May 2015
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ABSTRACT
The proliferation of social media has created new challenges for crisis managers.
Scandals that are initiated or aggravated by viral video pose a particularly poignant threat (Chen
& Lee, 2014). Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) offers useful guidelines for
selecting response strategies (Coombs, 2007). However, this theory includes no specific
consideration for the properties of viral video, such as expedience of dissemination or impact of
images that can be particularly shocking, disturbing, or violent. This thesis examines two case
studies in which viral video compelled organizational leaders to publicly address crises that
threatened reputational harm or tainting of a brand. Rhetorical analyses were conducted to
evaluate speeches and public comments as well as the efficacy of strategies recommended by
SCCT. Theories of framing, mediums, and replication also informed these studies in regards to
the relevance and influence of viral images on public perception (Carroll, 2004; McLuhan, 1964;
Holland et. al, 2003; Benjamin, 1978). Results indicate that SCCT guidelines remain a useful
tool for crisis managers; however, special consideration must be given to the treatment of viral
videos. It is recommended that response strategies be implemented swiftly and should target the
same media platforms though which the viral videos were created, shared, viewed, and otherwise
disseminated.
Keywords: crisis communication, Situational Crisis Communication Theory, viral video.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...1
Importance of the Study………………………………………………………….1
Statement of the Problem ………………………………………………………..2
Definition of Terms Used ………………………………………………………..2
Organization of Remaining Chapters…………………………………………….3
CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE……………………………………….5
Ethical Considerations…………………………………………………………....5
Theoretical Basis………………………………………………………………….7
The Literature……………………………………………………………………..8
Significance and Rationale……………………………………………………….13
Research Questions ……………………………………………………………....14
CHAPTER 3: SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY………………………………………...16
Research Scope…………………………………………………………………...16
Research Methodology…………………………………………………………...17
Data Analysis……………………………………………………………………..19
Theoretical Application…………………………………………………………...20
CHAPTER 4: THE STUDY………………………………………………………………21
Introduction……………………………………………………………………….21
Results of the Study………………………………………………………………40
Discussion………………………………………………………………………...44
CHAPTER 5: SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS…………………………………...46
Limitations of the Study………………………………………………………….49
Further Study or Recommendations……………………………………………...50
REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………51
APPENDIX……………………………………………………………………………….58
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Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
Introduction
No organization or corporation is immune to crisis. Crises are usually sudden and
unexpected and have the potential to cause harm physically, emotionally, or financially. They
also can taint brands and damage reputations (Coombs, 2007, p. 164). To prevent and diminish
such damage, managers must implement effective response strategies (Coombs & Holladay,
1996). The field of crisis communication is rife with examples of scandals and analyses of
responses, but little research has focused on the specific influences of viral video (Barton, 2001).
Viral video is disseminated broadly and rapidly and often contains powerful images that
impact public perception (Chen & Lee, 2014). Effects are especially intense when these images
portray scandalous behavior, such as violence (Jin, Liu & Austin, 2011). The growing popularity
of social media channels and websites featuring user-generated content makes viral video an
increasingly formidable challenge that managers must face. This thesis will examine two case
studies in which viral video played a significant role in shaping public opinion and compelling
organizational leaders to respond publicly.
Importance of the Study
Crisis response research offers valuable guidance into appropriate strategies available to
managers charged with reducing risk to reputational harm. Situational Crisis Communication
Theory (SCCT) offers especially useful guidelines based on the causal effects of a crisis and
reputational history (Coombs, 2007). However, SCCT offers no specific recommendations for
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implementation of these strategies when viral video is either an instigating or aggravating factor
in a crisis. This study aims to apply SCCT to two separate case studies by evaluating the
efficacy of crisis managers who employed recommended strategies. This research can further
assist crisis managers in selecting the most appropriate response strategies and tailor such
strategies to the specific and unique conditions presented by viral video.
Statement of the Problem
The rapid dissemination of viral video can escalate the gravity of a crisis; thus, creating
exceptional challenges for organizational leaders and managers. Shocking images have the
power to profoundly impact public perception (Southgate, Westoby & Page, 2010). Perception
may be further reinforced by repeat exposure (Holland, Verplanken & van Knippenberg, 2003).
This expeditious cycle may significantly alter the efficacy of traditional response strategies.
Very little research in the study of crisis communication has directly addressed viral
videos or the platforms through which such videos are published and shared. The audiences that
view and share viral videos are not necessarily the same audiences that utilize traditional media
channels such as television and newspapers. They also may not seek responses posted only on
an organization’s website. If a crisis manager is unable to target his or her reach to the audiences
most impacted by viral videos, exposure may be limited and perception may be unaffected.
Definitions of terms used
It is important to understand certain terms used in this thesis as they relate to crisis
communication concerns and strategies. During times of crises, leaders have an objective to
protect an organization’s reputation. Theorist Timothy Coombs (2007) defines a crisis as a
“sudden and unexpected event that threatens to disrupt an organization’s operations and poses
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Other scholars who have specialized in crisis
communication theories have referred to reputation as “reputational capital of social asses,”
which is essentially a bond established between stakeholders and an organization based on its
ability to meet expectations of quality, service, and integrity (Fomrun & van Riel, 2004).
Coombs’s Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) also includes several terms
which are essential to understanding recommended response strategies often utilized by
managers in the wake of crises (2007). These terms include apology, compensation, reminder,
ingratiation, and victimage.
Apology is an indication that an organizations accepts responsibility for a crisis and seeks
stakeholders’ forgiveness.
Compensation is something managers offer to victims of a crisis including money, gifts, or an
investment of other resources.
Reminder is a strategy whereby managers inform stakeholders of past good deeds.
Ingratiation is a strategy whereby managers may praise stakeholders and acknowledge and
validate their concerns.
Victimage is a strategy whereby managers portray the organizations as victims of the crisis too.
Each of these terms will be further explained in chapter four of this thesis.
Organization of remaining chapters
Chapter two includes a review of previous research conducted in the field of crisis
communication and framing strategies that influence perceptions. It also includes an overview of
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additional theories that inform the examination of case studies included in this thesis. These
theories are particularly relevant for analyzing properties of viral video, such replication and
mediums by which these videos are disseminated.
Chapter three provides a framework for analysis and explanation of methods which will
be used to evaluate crisis managers and their responses to crises. Ethical considerations of
responses are also detailed, along with important insights into the intent, motives, and sincerity
of crisis communicators. This chapter also includes a thorough explanation of Situational Crisis
Communication Theory.
Chapter four builds on previous research and theoretical considerations, which serve as a
foundation for study into the efficacy of SCCT as it pertains to crises where viral video is a
central factor. Rhetorical analyses will be conducted in the examination of two cases studies,
each highlighting the responses of crisis managers who were compelled to publicly address
stakeholders following the release and rapid dissemination of viral videos which caused
reputational harm. This chapter also includes a discussion of widely accepted theories that
directly pertain to the properties of viral video.
Chapter five includes a detailed summary of the conclusions reached in the examination
of case studies. Consideration is given to the limitations of the study and seeks to identify
potential areas of future research. This chapter also introduces presentation tools which serve to
guide the discussion of this thesis and may prove useful to crisis managers who wish to review
the efficacy of response strategies utilized in these case studies.
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Chapter 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Ethical Consideration
Crisis communicators often face the difficulty of needing to defend errors, misdeeds, and
harmful actions. Crises that involve viral video eliminate the ethical debate of denial. One
cannot simply deny an event that has been captured, or appears to have been captured, on video.
In these instances, crisis managers may rely on ethical theories to inform response strategies.
Communications scholars often turn to the teachings of philosophers Immanuel Kant, St.
Augustine, and Sissela Bok for guidance and consideration into matters of truth, trust, and
integrity (Griffin, 1994). Though their beliefs on what constitutes ethical communication are
similar, there are some practical differences that are especially relevant to the field of crisis
communication. Kant believes that everyone has a moral obligation to tell the truth regardless of
consequences. From Kant’s perspective, strategies to deny, diminish, withhold transparency, or
sway public perceptions would seem deceptive and therefore, unethical (p. 110). St. Augustine
also believed it is a sin to lie because is in act of placing loyalty in other entities besides God (p.
111). However, just as there are degrees of sin in the eyes of the church, Augustine believed
some lies are more egregious than others. Philosopher Sissela Bok makes even more allowances
for justification of dishonesty. Her theories on ethics take motive into account (p. 113). Lies
told to protect innocent victims or reduce harm may be acceptable under certain circumstances
because communicators should consider how all stakeholders are impacted.
Yet Bok also
maintained that for the greater, long-term good, truthfulness is preferable to deception because
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lies can eventually erode trust, which is the very thing reputations are built on and what crisis
managers aim to protect.
For crisis communicators, certain duties and obligations must be met in order to satisfy
stakeholders’ needs and expectations. In The Right and the Good, British philosopher W.D.
Ross identified six basic duties that are especially applicable in the field of crisis communication
(1930):
Fidelity: to do no harm to others
Reparation: to make amends to those we have hurt
Gratitude: to repay those who have helped us
Justice: to treat people as well as they deserve
Beneficence: to help others when we can
Self-Improvement: to better oneself
If crisis managers create a message and response strategy with this list as a guide,
integrity and credibility shall be maximized as reputational damage is minimized. Physical and
emotional harm should be avoided or prevented at all costs. Organizations can then attempt to
make amends by financial means or changes in policy. They should also reward loyalty in order
to repair and sustain relationships with stakeholders. By make efforts to treat stakeholders well,
crisis leaders can begin to form new relationships and strengthen existing relationships with
stakeholders. These relationships serve as the basis for an organization’s reputation, but to
achieve optimal reputational benefits, managers should also create policies that assist customers,
shareholders, and the communities they serve.
As a final step in the process to rebuild
reputations, crisis managers can also identify and implement strategies to improve their products,
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the way they operate, or the role they play within the community. Many of the recommended
response strategies found within Timothy Coombs’s Situational Crisis Communication Theory
are examples of these actions that fulfill certain ethical duties.
Yet Coombs’s strategic
approaches are designed to emphasize reputational protection rather than ethics. Framing of a
message in response to crises may be an attempt to manipulate a narrative, but if the messages
and actions of the crisis leaders also meet Ross’s list of ethical duties, the organization should
appear responsive and credible.
Theoretical Basis
Many crisis communication researchers have studied the origins, causes and effects of
crises (Dowling, 2002; Barton, 2001). Some have studied the phases, or life cycles, of these
events with the primary purpose of guiding organizational leaders through the process of
identifying and responding to various types of crises (Coombs & Holladay, 2005; Sturges, 1994;
Mitroff, 1994). One of the foremost researchers in the field of crisis communications, W.
Timothy Coombs, defines a crisis as a “sudden and unexpected event that threatens to disrupt an
organization’s operations and poses both a financial and a reputational threat” (Coombs, 2007, p.
164). Coombs not only studied the impacts of such threats, but also created an evidence-based
framework for understanding how to minimize reputational harm. Coombs’s Situational Crisis
Communication Theory (SCCT) takes many factors into account, including media platforms and
news coverage (p.163).
The primary purpose of SCCT is to anticipate how stakeholders will react to a crisis as
well as response strategies used to manage the crisis. Coombs synthesized his research to create
a set of guidelines that serves as a valuable tool for crisis managers. SCCT is rooted in
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Attribution theory and based on experimental methods that include close examination of how
key facets of a crisis influence attributions of blame that in turn, affect stakeholders’ perceptions
and ultimately an organization’s reputation. These facets include initial crisis responsibility,
crisis history, and prior relational reputation (p. 166). Coombs identified three crisis clusters
based on attributions of responsibility: (1) the victim cluster, which has very weak attributions of
responsibility (natural disasters, product tampering, rumor) and the organization is viewers as a
victim of the event; (2) the accident cluster, which has minimal attributions of responsibility
(technical error) and the event is considered unintentional or uncontrollable; and (3) the
intentional cluster, which has very strong attributions of crisis responsibility (human error,
misdeeds) and the event is considered intentional (p. 167). Coombs then evaluated various
response strategies to identify and classify the most appropriate for each of the three clusters.
An important consideration in all crisis response strategies is the type of crisis; how it is
framed. The words used by a crisis communicator, as well as emphasis on certain factors, helps
shape public opinions and judgments. So for the sake of maximizing reputational protection, it is
crucial that managers select appropriate messages as part of a response strategy. These messages
must be strategically presented, as Coombs claims that stakeholders are most likely to learn
about crises and response from the news media, with internet sources as an influential second
source (p. 164).
The Literature
Other scholars have also acknowledged that media coverage influences framing of a
crisis and is a key factor for crisis management (Carroll, 2004; Pearson & Clair, 1998). In recent
years, media coverage of crises has expanded beyond traditional print and television platforms,
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and increasingly involves stakeholders who express concerns and opinions on the internet
through social media networks (Coombs, 2015; Coombs, 2002; Heath, 1998). Some research into
social media has focused primarily on the sharing and spreading of video content and how a
video goes “viral” (Watts and Peretti, 2007). Marketing research has focused on ways to use
mass media, and particularly social media, to defend a brand or image in the wake of crisis,
controversy, or scandal (Jin, Liu & Austin, 2011). Yet the purpose of this research has been
mainly to inform managers of marketing strategies. Very little research to date has considered
the causal effects and consequences of instances when viral video serves as the origin of a crisis.
Furthermore, while crisis communication theories such as SCCT provide valuable and applicable
guidelines for addresses crises, they are inherently broad in scope and do not include specific
consideration of the unique impact of viral video.
Viral Video as a Unique Medium Message
The role of media in shaping or framing public opinion and behavior cannot be
understated. Marshal McLuhan (1964) claimed the process of media defines our perceptions of
events, conflicts and even ourselves and our consciousness (p. 60). McLuhan argues this process
is defined by the medium itself, not the content - the medium, which extends our senses through
various forms of technology and conveys a structured awareness of our existence (McLuhan &
Fiore, 1967). McLuhan was especially concerned with the effects of video included in both
movies and television. We can easily compare viral internet videos on social networks like
YouTube with what McLuhan described as low-definition TV, a “cool medium.” McLuhan
explains that “TV will not work as background. It engages you. You have to be with it” (1964,
p. 312).
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Modern scholars have revisited and celebrated McLuhan for his notable predictions of the
digital age (Theall, 2001). In academic reviews, theorists have reexamined McLuhan’s theme
that media is an extension of the human body, particularly the mind (Fishman, 2006). Since
McLuhan, many researchers have studied technology’s direct and specific effects on the human
condition; examining patterns of consumption and participation (Kepplinger, Geiss, & Seibert,
2012). Some especially relevant studies are based on collective media audience exposure and
repetition to a particular message and framing of a message during a particular time span,
followed by surveys and insights into participants’ opinions (Nerb & Spada, 2001; Holland et. al
2003). Often these studies involve political views, which are measured quantitatively and
qualitatively (Lecher & deVreese, 2013; McCombs, 2012). Kepplinger et. al, Lecher and
deVreese argue that repetitive exposure influences opinions and perceived importance, especially
when the exposure takes place during a brief span of time. Walter Benjamin adds that perception
is influenced by the process of replication and distribution of images, articles and videos which
depict events or dramatization of events and the process of replication politicizes the mediation
of information (Benjamin, 1978).
Walter Benjamin’s theory also applies to the repetition of exposure to a message or image
that’s been reproduced and republished within the mass media and this is most evident in the
form of viral videos. Between print, broadcast, internet news sources, and social media
networks, modern audiences are consistently exposed to the same images on multiple platforms
and, in many cases, repeatedly within a relatively brief time frame (Xu, Forman, Kim &
Ittersum, 2014). Xu et al. studied consumers’ news consumption behavior on mobile news
websites in response to the introduction of a mobile news app (Fox News) and found compelling
evidence that media users engage in new platforms in a complementary manner, rather than
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using one platform as a substitution for another; resulting in increased and repetitive
consumption (p. 98). The study further supported previous research into Selective Exposure
theory, indicating that media users consume greater quantities of similar news rather than
seeking variety of content (p. 100). Simply put, sports fans are likely to seek news and
information from more than one source providing sports-related content; therefore, they are more
likely to be repeatedly exposed to the articles and reports on the same topics.
The effects of such exposure have been studied by media theorists such as W. James
Potter (2011), who maintains there are four general kinds of mass media effects: gradual longterm change in magnitude, reinforcement, immediate shift, and short-term fluctuation change.
An immediate shift can be measured by a sudden alteration of the baseline of media influence
over a wide range of specific effects and across a variety of people (p. 907). The fluctuation is
driven by audience reaction to a specific exposure. Other scholars have provided useful
categories for characterizing such effects based on ways in which audiences are changed socially
and psychologically by media messages. Bryant and Zillmann (2009) identified five types of
effects: behavioral, attitudinal, cognitive, emotional, and physiological. The degree of change
can be measured in terms of intensity and/or duration. Valkenburg and Peter (2013) created the
Differential Susceptibility to Media Effects Model (DSMM) to explain how media influence
individuals and how media effects can be enhanced. Their model explains how media use and
responsiveness are relevant to transient dimensions (e.g. moods), which can last for hours or
even days (p. 227) and can lead to excitative responses; intense physiological arousal (p.228).
Psychological research further illustrates how collective and repetitive exposure influences
consciousness and opinion, particularly with regard to strong, stable attitude change (Holland,
Verplanken & van Knippenerg, 2003).
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Media Framing Effects Applied to Viral Video
Framing is yet another cognitive effect theory that offers useful insights into how
exposure to messages, or frames, can be evaluated with frequent or repetitive exposure.
Research indicates that repetitive news framing leads to stronger effects by causing higher and
more constant levels of accessibility and applicability (Price & Tewksbury, 1997; Matthes,
2007). Cognitive capacity as an effects theory focuses on “how the mind processes different
amounts of information at a given time during media exposures” (Potter 2009, p. 911). Research
has shown the effects of repetitive frames can get stronger when the delay between exposures is
short (Lecheler & de Vreese, 2013).
Using the principles of framing and cognitive effects theories, we can infer that the
quality of the frame is uniquely strong in the instance where video of an actual event serves as
the “frame” and is presented as evidence. Furthermore, the effects should be strongest when
exposure to a frame happens frequently and rapidly. This is often the case with modern crises or
scandalization. Through scandals, discussions can experience a sudden turn and public figures
can be publicly disdained (Sabato, Stencel, & Lichter, 2001). This effect is indicative of the
immediate shift Potter has described (2011, p. 907).
Research also shows that scandals evolve when a public figure is accused of violating
social norms or harming someone and relevant media cover the case intensively, which in turn,
causes widespread anger among audiences (Kepplinger et al., 2012). When people experience
emotions evoked by media coverage, they believe that harm is substantial, and if they also
perceive the public figure (perpetrator) is guilty, they will experience anger and call for
punishment (Nerb & Spada, 2001). Kepplinger et al. also argue the emotional and behavioral
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effects on audiences will depend on the type, amount, and completeness of frames the media
provides (p. 662). The power of video to influence audiences has also been the focus of
substantial and international marketing research (Chen & Lee, 2014). Chen and Lee explain how
advertisers have used video to motivate audience viewing, discussion, and distribution with the
intent to persuade (p. 294). Through the use of video, they have successfully capitalized on
popular video-sharing Web sites and the increasing amounts of time spent by people consuming
online video content (Southgate, Westoby & Page, 2010).
Significance and Rationale
Existing research results cited in this review are significant because they provide a better
understanding of how mass media has the ability to not only affect public opinion, but shape
societal attitudes and behavior. When the shift in attitude is intense, a powerful and vocal
movement is created that has consequential implications for crisis management. This is
especially true of crises that involve viral videos which depict surprising, or even shocking,
examples of negligence, harm, deceit, or violence.
Perceptions of harm and emotions toward the actors involved in a scandal can potentially
be manipulated through the process of framing and the quality (and medium) of the message
presented to audiences. Crisis communicators specialize in creating messages that limit
reputational harm after a scandal occurs, but some traditional tools and approaches, such as
denial or downplaying events, are rendered irrelevant in the presence of viral video. These
situations require unique response tactics. By understanding the relationships between framing,
messages, mediums, and exposure, we can begin to understand how the court of public opinion
evolves and is shaped by viral video, and may ultimately force changes in social policy. Such
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changes can not only repair and rebuild reputations in the wake of scandal, but may actually
improve the way organizations operate and serve stakeholders. To better understand these
relationships; however, we must give careful consideration to case studies where viral videos
have served as the impetus for scandal and how crisis managers have used the mass media,
including social media networks, to respond. This research will serve to evaluate the efficacy of
often utilized response strategies in the wake of social media channels which provide a platform
whereby videos go viral through publishing and sharing. The aim of this research is to apply
SCCT guidelines to two modern crises in which viral videos are a significant factor. By
considering the response strategies utilized and whether they achieved the intended purpose, we
can glean useful insight regarding adjustments that may be necessary for optimal reputational
protection.
Research Questions
When central to crises, the widespread dissemination of viral video underscores the need
for effective crisis communication response. The purpose of this research is to explore the
attributes of viral video in terms of crisis communication and its unique treatment in response
strategies. Two case studies involving viral video will be closely examined to answer the
following questions:
RQ1: Did the crisis communicators in these case studies use acceptable response strategies to
influence the narrative and framing of the crises as illustrated in Situational Crisis
Communication Theory (SCCT)?
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RQ2: How should crisis communicators adapt response strategies to most effectively limit
reputational harm when viral video is a key factor in a crisis?
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Chapter 3
SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
Scope of the Study
The first case study will focus on a particular scandal widely covered by the American
news media during 2014, in which a well-known NFL player Ray Rice (Baltimore Ravens) was
criminally charged with domestic assault. Over the next several months, two separate clips of
surveillance video showing the actual assault were released to a media outlet (TMZ website) and
then widely republished through social and mass media.
The second case study will focus on a crisis that also garnered headlines in 2009 when
employees of a national food chain, Domino’s Pizza, recorded video of themselves intentionally
mishandling ingredients in an unsanitary manner. The video was then posted online on contentsharing website www.youtube.com and then republished through social and mass media
channels.
Media coverage of both crises will be analyzed as part of this research thesis, as well as
the responses of organizational leaders who attempted to publicly manage the crises. Coombs’s
Situational Crisis Communication Theory will be a lens to assess initial research findings.
Consideration will also be given to framing theories, as well Marshal McLuhan’s theories on
media mediums and Walter Benjamin’s theories on replication and reproduction.
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Methodology
In each case study, there are two significant points of crisis communication response that
lend themselves to thorough rhetorical analysis: speeches and statements made immediately
following the public release of viral videos, and the release of promotional videos specifically
produced or commissioned by organizational leaders with the intent of reducing reputational
harm and rebuilding relationships with stakeholders. These responses will be labeled as such:
NFL Viral Video response (NFL-VV) = public remarks made during a press conference by
NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell to the media following the release of surveillance video in
which Baltimore Ravens player Ray Rice is seen assaulting his fiancee.
NFL Domestic Violence Campaign (NFL-DV) = public service video released by the NFL
aimed at preventing and ending domestic violence.
Domino’s Pizza Viral Video (DP-VV) = recorded speech in which the CEO of the corporation
addresses the viral video instances depicting employees engaging in unsanitary behavior.
Domino’s Pizza Rebranding Video (DP-RV) = recorded video released on social media
channels and online in which the CEO unveils a corporate rebranding strategy based on customer
feedback.
For each case, a visual and interactive timeline will be constructed of significant events
as they unfolded including: the initial release of the viral videos which prompted the need for
crisis management, public remarks delivered by crisis communicators, and promotional videos
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that were ultimately produced by organizational leaders. Content sources will include traditional
media outlets (newspapers, television) as well as popular news websites and social media
networks. Videos, internet links, and notes from published news articles will be organized and
archived and can be accessed remotely via internet website www.Prezi.com. This method will
facilitate optimal illustration and presentation purposes.
A rhetorical criticism will then be conducted of crisis managers’ public remarks and
messages presented in video format. Using a 3-step critical process model as described by the
communication scholars Karyn and Donald Rybacki (1991) begins with describing the rhetorical
act. The purpose, structure, use of symbols, and audience will be recorded. Careful
consideration will be given to the speakers’ language. The Rybackis claim that the words a
rhetor uses indicate “attitudes, the degree of formality he perceived to be appropriate to the
circumstances in which he communicated, and the emotion he wanted the audience to
experience” (p.20). By studying these messages in all available mediums and their
transmission, we can discern insight into the acceptance and efficacy of response strategies. The
Rybackis further explain that “formal criticism helps us to understand our own reactions and
those of others, on an intellectual basis as well as an emotional one” (p. 11).
Step two of the process is an examination of the rhetorical situation that prompted the
public remarks. These particular case studies will require close examination of the viral videos
which were widely disseminated through social media and traditional media channels. For these
first two steps, a neo-Aristotelian approach will be applied, which entails making keen
observations about the invention, style, and delivery of the messages and mediums by which they
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are presented (Fisher, 1980). This approach will also be useful in assessing crisis managers’
rhetoric in the final phase of the critical process model.
For step three, specific theory will be applied with the purpose of judging whether the
crisis managers’ messages were effective in provoking their intended results and influencing
audiences. Ethics, results, truth, and aesthetics will be considered as part of the evaluation
process. Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) is also useful because it goes beyond
evaluation of specific public remarks and takes into consideration the role these messages serve
in overall crisis communication strategies. This is discussed in further detail later in this chapter.
Data Analysis
For the purposes of these rhetorical criticisms, emphasis will be placed on the invention,
style, and delivery of the crisis communicators. Careful notes will be recorded regarding the
rhetors’ voice inflections and choice of words which may influence perceptions of credibility,
gestures and expressions that may indicate sincerity, and materials used such as podiums,
microphones, and logos that may convey tone or create a sense of formality versus familiarity.
As indicated by previous research highlighted in the literature review, these factors can
significantly influence the narrative and framing of a message.
Analysis of the crisis communicators’ messages will include a measure of eye contact, a
count of words that indicate an apology or assume a level of responsibility, length of speech or
public remarks, platforms and mediums chosen for public release, and limitations faced. This
detailed analysis, both quantitative and qualitative, will be conducted for all four intervals of
measurement.
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Theoretical Application
To determine if the crisis managers used the best available response strategies according
to the Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT), their messages and behavior were
further evaluated for key elements such as 1) attempt of denial, 2) assumption of blame or
responsibility, 3) apology, 4) explanation or excuse and 5) promise or intent to effect positive
change in the future. However, since SCCT does not include a specific category for instances of
viral video, theories of framing will also be applied. Marshal McLuhan’s theories on mediums
and messaging and Walter Benjamin’s theories on replication and reproduction will further
inform the analysis.
By synthesizing the results of a rhetorical criticism and applying theories on the impact of
images, visual mediums, and repeat exposure through republishing, we can discern meaningful
insights into the unique nature of viral videos and their role in the field of crisis communication.
This analysis can then be used to examine the efficacy of theories such as SCCT, making it more
relevant in the modern age of social media influences. This will assist crisis communicators in
the process of selecting the most effective response strategies in similar types of crises.
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Chapter 4
THE STUDY
Introduction
Viral videos have the potential to impact public perceptions of organizations and in some
cases, threaten reputational harm. To illustrate this point, this thesis will examine two case
studies in which viral video played an integral role in how crisis managers were compelled to
respond to public comments, concerns, and criticism. While the type of organization and
circumstances surrounding these crises differ vastly, the same theories can be applied to both,
thus providing a broad examination of the efficacy of crisis response strategies.
Results of the study
Case Study 1 – NFL response to a viral video scandal
In February 2014, NFL player Ray Rice (Baltimore Ravens) was arrested for domestic
assault. Authorities accused him of punching his fiancée, rendering her unconscious. It
happened at the Revel Casino in Atlantic City, New Jersey. Media outlets in Baltimore,
Maryland, initially covered his arrest in brief articles based mainly on details obtained from
police reports and statements issued by the defendant’s attorney and representatives of the
Baltimore Ravens (Fenton, 2014). Over the next few months, traditional news media outlets
(newspapers and TV) on a national level began to question whether disciplinary action would be
taken against Rice. One day after a grand jury indicted Rice, he married the female victim; an
act which fueled media interest as sports commentators and legal experts began to question the
motive for his nuptials. National media outlets began reporting more extensively on the issue of
domestic violence as a result (Jarrett, 2014). National interest in the case steadily grew until a
new development caught the media’s attention. When the entertainment website TMZ obtained
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clips of surveillance video depicting the violent crime, the video went viral within hours of being
posted online and NFL officials were compelled to respond publicly (Martin & Almasy, 2014).
NFL Commissioner’s response: the public address
Seven months after Ray Rice was arrested for assault, NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell
held a news conference in New York where he addresses a crowd of approximately 30 reporters.
He spends roughly 10 minutes delivering a speech and then another 30 minutes answering
questions about the Ray Rice case and the league’s new policy on domestic violence. This public
address is an optimal artifact for examination using a neo-Aristotelian approach and Rybeckis’
process for rhetorical analysis, as described in Chapter 3.
Given the widespread media coverage, the full news conference can be found online from
several sources including the following web link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxtJvcU9OEI
NFL-VV (National Football League – Viral Video):
The press conference begins with the flashing light and clicking sounds of several
cameras, indicating an abundant presence of media. Roger Goodall walks directly to a podium,
which is situated on a stage, in front of a backdrop of NFL logos. The setting is formal and since
this address is being broadcast live and streamed online, it is evident that Goodell intends to
engage a broader audience than those in the room. Goodell opens his speech with a bold line
assuming some degree of responsibility for the ongoing scandal:
“At our best, the NFL sets an example that makes a positive difference. Unfortunately, over the
past several weeks, we have seen all too much of the NFL doing wrong. That starts with me.”
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Though Goodell looks down at his notes through much of his speech, he looks directly
ahead into the cameras and speaks with a deliberate tone as he makes the following statement of
apology:
“I got it wrong in the handling of the Ray Rice matter (pause) and I’m sorry for that.”
“I got it wrong on a number of levels from the process that I led to the decision that I reached.”
After a brief pause, Goodell looks back down at his notes and continues with a promise to
improve his leadership choices in the future:
“…but now I will get it right and do whatever is necessary to accomplish that… the
same mistakes can never be repeated.”
In his next several sentences, Goodell attempt to reassure his audience that the NFL will
conduct a thorough review process of the Ray Rice crisis. He uses carefully chosen words such
as “reliable” and “change.”
At this point, Goodell begins to acknowledge a new league stance on the issue of
domestic violence:
“…we can use the NFL to help create change, not only in our league, but in society, with
respect to domestic violence and sexual assault.”
Goodell then promises to invest resources to improve policies and procedures:
“We will reexamine, enhance, and improve all of our current programs (pause) and then
we’ll do more.”
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For the next two minutes, Goodell lays out a plan for educating and training that will be
made available to every team within the NFL. He continues to speak clearly and deliberately.
He makes little eye contact with the cameras, but relies heavily on his notes, which lay on the
podium before him. Goodell utilizes many pauses to emphasize points and occasionally lifts his
right arm in a powerful gesture that underscores his remarks. He goes on to declare a degree of
civic responsibility on behalf of the league and a commitment to address the issue of domestic
violence:
“We recognize that domestic violence and sexual assault exists everywhere – in every
community, economic class, racial and ethnic group. It affects all of us. These are problems we
are committed to addressing.”
Goodell uses this public platform to announce a partnership formed between the NFL and
two national organizations aimed at curbing domestic violence. For the next six minutes, he
makes several statements intended to indicate a new league stance, explaining that violent
behavior must be “strongly condemned” and “stopped.” Goodell says three times during his
remarks that the NFL will create new policies based on expert consulting and advice. He
pledges that new standards will be “effective” and “transparent” and sets the Super Bowl as a
deadline for when the league will adopt these new policies. He also announces the creation of a
Conduct Committee tasked with enforcing such rules. After 10 minute and 45 seconds of
remarks, Goodell offers to take questions from the media in attendance.
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Circumstances and Background
To properly evaluate the efficacy of Goodell’s public remarks, one must consider the
context in which he delivered the speech. The images captured on the surveillance cameras at
the hotel are central to the understanding of the origin and evolution of the crisis. Circumstances
that preceded Goodell’s address also influence the narrative and audience reception of his
message.
Footage from three separate surveillance cameras inside the Revel Casino recorded the
violent exchange between Ray Rice and his fiancée on February 15, 2014. The website TMZ
edited video clips together in a sequence to illustrate the assault as it unfolded. That sequence
was posted online and subsequently disseminated to mass audiences via social media channels as
well as traditional news media platforms. It can be found on TMZ’s YouTube channel:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VbwTMJroTbI&oref=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.yout
ube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DVbwTMJroTbI&has_verified=1
The surveillance footage is a low-definition format of video with no audio, but the quality
is sufficient enough to identify the individuals and their actions. The video clip released by TMZ
begins with an encounter between Ray Rice and his fiancée. They are waiting for an elevator
and both appear to be animated; their body language suggests they are arguing. They are not
standing near one another, but rather several feet apart. Their lips are moving and the distance
between them indicates they are speaking loudly.
Once inside the elevator, video recorded on another camera shows the female victim take
a step toward Rice just as he appears to powerfully punch her in the face with his left arm and
fist. She is knocked off her feet. Seconds later, Rice is seen dragging her seemingly
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unconscious body out of the elevator, where he sets her face-down onto the floor. She is wearing
only one shoe. He then picks up her other shoe and nudges her legs with his foot. There is still
no physical response. As a man approaches, Rice begins to pick his fiancée up off the floor
approximately 35 seconds after the impact of the punch. As he coaxes her to stand, she falls
back to the floor and a few seconds later, she begins to move, but continues to sit on the floor
near the threshold of the elevator door. A crowd of five people gather and one of them helps the
female victim stand back on her feet 2 minutes and 32 seconds after the punch and the victim is
slowly led out of frame of the surveillance video recording.
The surveillance video was released seven months after the assault for which Ray Rice
was arrested. Following its release, several media reports questioned whether NFL officials,
including Roger Goodell, had previous knowledge of the video or if anyone had seen it, and
whether Goodell had reacted appropriately after interviewing Rice about the assault (Gray,
2014). The NFL’s internal investigation was widely scrutinized along with the punishments
imposed by the league (King, 2014). Some media outlets were also critical of the NFL’s
treatment of the victim and delay in responding to media inquiries (Van Bibber, 2014).
Goodell’s public address on September 19, 2014 took place a full seven months after
Rice’s arrest and roughly ten days after the release of the surveillance video that went viral.
Media interest in the speech had intensified during this time due to public scrutiny and criticism
over the NFL’s actions. Only brief statements had been made by Goodell prior to his highlyanticipated speech.
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Rhetorical Analysis of NFL-VV
During his speech and the subsequent media questioning, Roger Goodell makes no direct
mention of the viral video which had driven much of the media interest in the Ray Rice crisis.
However, he makes several key statements accepting responsibility and apologizing for his own
actions and the NFL’s response. He also uses language intended to mitigate culpability. His
choice of language has been carefully chosen and he sticks mainly to his script while delivering
his speech. He repeats many of his talking points and the same language when responding to
reporters’ questions.
Goodell’s words and the setting of his press conference are appropriately formal
considering the serious nature of the charges and the issues at stake. He is addressing not just the
media, but football fans and a broad base of stakeholders. While his speech and answers were
broadcast widely on media networks and online, he is also aware the vast majority of his speech
is also subject to editing for brevity. Therefore, Goodell must speak clearly and concisely, which
he does effectively.
His language indicates regret. He makes a total of six key statements where he accepts
responsibility personally and on behalf of the league (Appendix A). “I’m here now because our
rules, policies, and procedures on personal conduct failed,” says Goodell. He also admits “I
disappointed myself. I disappointed the NFL. I disappointed our fans.”
Goodell also uses language to effectively indicate remorse. He is seemingly apologetic
when he exclaims “I let myself down. I let everyone else down and for that I’m sorry.” He uses
the word “sorry” twice more during the press conference (Appendix A).
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At five points during his remarks, Goodell makes bold statements vowing to invest
resources in order to change and improve protocols for handling matters of personal misconduct
(Appendix A). For example, Goodell claims “Our standards and the consequences of falling
short must be clear, consistent, and current. They must be implemented through procedures that
are fair and transparent.” Additionally, Goodell makes statements acknowledging the NFL’s
civic duty to condemn domestic violence.
Despite Goodell’s numerous attempts to express regret and remorse, he also makes an
effort to mitigate blame by explaining the league has no power to conduct criminal
investigations. He also reminds his audience of the NFL’s past successes in regards to societal
contributions (Appendix A). “The vast majority of players, coaches, owners, and employees in
the NFL stand tall, not only for their role in the game, but for what they do in their
communities,” says Goodell.
The delayed response to the initial crisis likely fueled media speculation and inquiry
(Gray, 2014). This is evident by the amount of questions asked of Goodell after his speech.
Goodell’s speech lasted roughly ten minutes compared to the thirty minutes in which he was
questioned by reporters following the speech. When asked about the inconsistent statements and
information released by the NFL prior to his speech, Goodell offered no sufficient explanation.
With very little mention of the viral video and its violent content, Goodell may have appeared
dismissive to some audience members who were particularly offended or appalled by the
violence. Furthermore, while Goodell’s remarks were posted online by some media outlets that
covered the news conference, there was no attempt made by the NFL to make his remarks
available in their entirety on the league’s website or via social media channels, which is the very
format where much of the debate over the scandal was taking place.
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Despite shortcomings in Goodell’s response to release of viral video central to the Ray
Rice scandal, his bold statements and strong choice of language likely achieved his intended
purpose of convincing his stakeholders that he and the NFL are holding themselves accountable
for their past failures, but he also made a verbal commitment to advocate for prevention of
domestic violence in the future. To further evaluate the sincerity and credibility of that promise,
we can analyze the content of the NFL’s public service campaign.
NFL Public Service Campaign
Within weeks of Goodell’s news conference, he announced the NFL would participate in
a public service campaign called “No More,” which produced video messages and TV spots
featuring NFL players. The messages were published on the website www.nomore.org and also
aired on major networks during football games. This video campaign also serves as a sufficient
artifact for rhetorical analysis.
NFL-DV (National Football League - Domestic Violence Videos):
The first video is a 60-second spot that features 23 NFL players, many of them highly
recognizable athletes including Eli Manning, Jason Witten, Trent Green, and Cris Carter. The
setting is simple; video frames with athletes standing in front of a plain, white background. The
players each speak one line of script beginning with the words “no more.”
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The phrase “No More” is followed by messages regarding excuses for domestic violence: …boys
will boys …what’s the big deal? …it’s just the way he is …he just has a temper …but he’s such a
nice guy … but he has such a bright future … not my problem …I’ll say something next time
…Why didn’t she tell anyone? …Why doesn’t she just leave? …I’m sure they’ll work it out …she
seems fine to me …What was she wearing? …she was drunk …he was drunk …she was asking
for it …she never said no …not in this family …not on this team …we don’t talk about that.
The second video is a 30-second spot that features ten NFL players. Again, the players
are standing in front of a plain white background. The title of this video is “Speechless.” It
opens with a series of players simply shaking their heads, sighing heavily, and it appears as
though each is struggling to speak. Fifteen seconds into the video, the following words appear
on the screen:
“Domestic violence and sexual assault are hard subjects for everyone to talk about.”
The words dissolve and a final player, Cris Carter, is seen shaking his head and audibly
exhaling before he simply lifts his head and looks directly into the camera with blurry eyes. A
final message appears on the screen:
“Help us start the conversation.”
Rhetorical Analysis of NFL-DV
In the first video, each of the players looks directly into the camera and maintains eye
contact as he delivers his line. The language and expressions are meant to be bold, powerful, and
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deliberate. The messages are clear and concise and the pacing of the video is quick. In the
second video, there is almost no dialogue, but the juxtaposition of silence and facial expressions
effectively communicates the intended message that domestic violence is a sensitive and
uncomfortable topic. The video encourages and challenges audiences to break the silence and
stigma associated with such behavior.
These videos aim to connect with audiences by featuring recognizable athletes in an
effort to relate to football fans. This strategy is also effective because it underscores the NFL’s
commitment to the campaign and support for organizations that assist victims and advocate for
prevention of domestic violence. The players featured in the videos have not been associated
with any kind of violence, nor did they serve any role in the handling of the Ray Rice crisis.
Case Study 2 – Domino’s response to a viral video scandal
While viral video has the potential to cause reputational harm to any organization, the
financial impact is especially concerning for publicly-traded corporations. Domino’s Pizza faced
such a crisis in 2009 when two employees at a franchise in Conover, North Carolina recorded
themselves engaging in shockingly unsanitary behavior and then posted the video online on the
website www.YouTube.com. The video went viral. Within 48 hours, the video had been viewed
more than a million times. References to it were in five of the 12 results on the first page of
Google search for “Dominos,” and the discussion spread rapidly on Twitter (Clifford, 2009).
Corporate President’s response: the public address
Even though investigators quickly identified the employees involved and arrested them
on criminal charges, corporate executives found themselves faced with the challenge of
rebuilding their brand and customer trust. Domino’s president, Patrick Doyle, was compelled to
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address the crisis publicly and chose to do so swiftly; within 48 hours of the original video post
(Flandez, 2009). This public address is an optimal artifact for examination, again using a neoAristotelian approach and Rybeckis’ process for rhetorical analysis, as described in Chapter 3.
Doyle’s remarks can be found at the following web link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xvg4-E2C8UE
DP-VV (Domino’s Pizza – Viral Video)
Domino’s corporate president, Patrick Doyle, chose to publicly address the viral video
crisis in a video of his own, produced and posted both on the company’s website and on
YouTube. The production value of the video is simple. Doyle is depicted in a casual dress shirt
with the company logo and sitting in front of a glass wall that also features the Domino’s
trademark logo. The message is approximately two minutes in length and begins with Doyle
briefly introducing himself. He immediately addresses the viral video:
“Recently we discovered a video of two Domino’s team members who thought that their acts would
be a funny YouTube hoax. “
Doyle immediately follows this acknowledgement with a brief apology and an expression
of gratitude for those who notified the corporation of the viral video. Then Doyle attempts to
mitigate the damages by reassuring his audience that this was an “isolated” incident that
unfolded at one franchise and that the store has been thoroughly sanitized. He uses language to
intentionally assign blame to the workers depicted in the viral video, thus making a case that he
corporation is also a victim of their actions:
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“It sickens me that the actions of two individuals could impact our great system where 125,000
men and women work for local business members around the U.S. and more than 60 countries
around the world.”
As Doyle directs the blame to the two rogue employees, he also acknowledges the need
to invest recourses in rebuild the Domino’s brand by rebuilding public trust and promising to
prevent similar scandals in the future:
“There is nothing more important or sacred to us than our customers’ trust. We’re reexamining
all of our hiring practices to make sure that people like this don’t make it into our stores.”
Doyle further acknowledges that rebuilding customer trust is essential to rebuilding the
corporate brand. Over the next few months, Domino’s executives aggressively solicited
feedback, which they then used as a guide for recreating their menu options.
Circumstances and Background
To better evaluate Doyle’s remarks and the magnitude of threat to the corporate brand,
we must consider the context of this crisis, including the content of the viral video and the state
of the company’s reputation and finances. This particular scandal evolved rapidly, as is often the
case with instances of viral videos. Doyle needed to react quickly to limit the threat of
reputational harm.
The viral video attracted widespread attention due to the shocking nature of the
employees’ behavior and the graphic images contained in the video. A segment on NBC’s
Today Show referred to the video as “sickening” and “distasteful” (NBC, 2009). Local media
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outlets within the broadcast market of Conover, North Carolina, where the franchise is located,
covered the story for several days, including the release of the video and subsequent arrest of the
individuals featured in it (WCNC, 2009).
These media reports, and many others, featured clips from the viral video, which was
originally posted on YouTube and then later deleted. The video includes images and audio
clearly showing the individuals involved and their actions. It begins with a female worker
introducing herself and smiling. She is inside a commercial kitchen and wearing a Domino’s
uniform. At one point, a male worker can be seen placing shredded cheese up into his nostrils
and then placing it onto some dough that’s been rolled out on a table. He is later seen passing gas
on ingredients and wiping his buttocks with a sponge that he then uses to wash dishes. The
female employee then reappears on video and refers to the order which they have prepared,
saying “In about five minutes it’ll be sent out on delivery where somebody will be eating these,
yes, eating them, and little did they know that cheese was in his nose and that there was some
lethal gas that ended up on their salami.” Then she adds, “Now that’s how we roll at Domino’s.”
The male employee is next seen sneezing onto a pan full of cooked food. He then sticks
his finger into the food. A female employee can be heard giggling as she records video of these
acts. Seconds later, she appears in the video and says “Now it’s ready to be shipped to some
unlucky customer.” The video ends with the male worker passing an order out to a customer
from a drive-thru window and saying “thank you.”
The crisis erupted at a particularly inopportune time for Domino’s. The company had
spent $1.4 Billion on marketing and re-branding efforts in the five years preceding the scandal
(Kossovksy, 2012). Doyle acknowledged in his speech that the viral video threatened to harm
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the brand, thus undermining re-branding efforts. Making matters worse, media coverage of the
scandal went beyond the images on the viral video, including other alarming details, such as the
criminal record of one of the employees, who was listed as a registered sex offender (Flandez,
2009).
The two employees were quickly identified and arrested after their video went viral.
Both were charged with delivering prohibited foods and local health officials shut down the
restaurant for mandatory sanitation (Clifford, 2009). The very next day, Domino’s created a
corporate Twitter account, @dpzinfo, to respond to customers concerns. The company also
created a YouTube channel where the president’s speech was posted online.
Rhetorical Analysis of DP-VV
By addressing the viral video immediately in his speech, Doyle confronts the most
damaging evidence head-on. Doyle is able to present a complete message on the very platform
where the crisis began. While several media outlets that covered the employees’ crime chose to
edit Doyle’s speech into smaller clips and more concise statements, Doyle’s speech remains
accessible in its entirety online, which enables him to reach an infinitely broad audience, thus
maximizing benefit.
Doyle does not use written notes, but instead, appears to have memorized his entire
message. He is able to connect with his online audience by maintaining eye contact and looking
directly into the camera as he speaks. He uses language that is clear, concise, and carefully
chosen. By focusing on customer “trust,” he successfully shifts the narrative from the potentially
damaging nature of the employees’ actions to positive dialogue emphasizing the relationship
between customers and the corporation and the intent to implement more proactive protocols.
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Doyle reminds his audience that the scandalous behavior is limited to one franchise. He
makes two key statements to mitigate culpability at a corporate level (Appendix B). Yet instead
of appointing sole responsibility to a franchisee, he acknowledges the need for a broader
corporate response. This decision portrays an appropriate level of formality, given the serious
nature of the content and crimes associated with the crisis. The unique nature of viral video’s
widespread dissemination compels a large-scale response. His language and presentation is
appropriately timely and remorseful.
In his speech, Doyle pledges to regain customer trust. Twice during his remarks, he
makes key statements promising change and improvement (Appendix B). He tries to reassure
his audience, including customers and other stakeholders, that he their concerns were being
addressed. In the months that followed, the company began soliciting feedback on its website,
through surveys distributed in pizza boxes and other packaging, via social media channels, and
through the use of market research focus groups.
Domino’s turnaround campaign
Collected feedback was so instrumental in redefining the brand that Domino’s executives
chose to feature comments in an advertising campaign highlighting the corporate responsiveness
to customers and a renewed commitment to product quality. This process became the genesis for
Domino’s “Turnaround” campaign, which launched with a documentary-style video posted on
YouTube and on Domino’s website. This video also provides sufficient opportunity for
rhetorical analysis.
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DP-RV (Domino’s Pizza – Rebranding Video)
The video titled “Domino’s Pizza turnaround” and it can be found on Domino’s YouTube
channel at the following web link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AH5R56jILag
The video message begins with somber-sounding music and written excerpts from
scathing customer comments:
“pizza was cardboard … “mass produced, boring, bland pizza”… “processed cheese!”…
“Microwave pizza is far superior.”
Then Domino’s corporate president, Patrick Doyle, appears on screen and declares
“There comes a time when you know you gotta make a change.”
The video cuts to footage of Domino’s corporate headquarters in Ann Arbor, Michigan
where inside, chefs are preparing pizzas. Doyle offers a brief history of the company, which was
founded fifty years prior with an unprecedented promise to deliver pizza in 30 minutes or less.
Archived images illustrate the rapid growth of the company from the 1960’s through the 1980’s
and to the present. Then the video cuts back to the chefs in the kitchen who are laughing and
seem to be enjoying their work. Then the screen quickly fades to black and reopens with footage
from a research focus group where participants are speaking negatively about Domino’s and the
company’s products:
“It doesn’t feel like there’s much love in Domino’s pizza.”
“Domino’s pizza crust to me is like cardboard.”
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Excerpts from the focus group discussion are then shown to Domino’s corporate
employees who admit they are “hard to watch.” Some employees begin reading and reacting to
additional negative comments. This goes on for approximately 45 seconds until Doyle reappears
on screen and attempt to redirect the narrative. “You can either use negative comments to get
you down or you can use them to excite you and energize the process of making a better pizza,”
Doyle says.
The narrative of the video shifts to a more positive tone at this point as a series of
employees explain that they want customers to appreciate and enjoy their product. Two minutes
into the video, a crowd of workers erupt into applause and a chant as a manager delivers
motivational remarks inside a kitchen at the corporate headquarters. Chefs are then seen
preparing alternative recipes for crust and sauce and sampling different types of cheese. The
video then fades to black again.
Two Domino’s chefs suddenly appear on screen with what it appears to be a freshlybaked pizza. One of them exclaims “We changed everything; the crust, the sauce, the cheese.
Now it tastes better.” The video cuts to Doyle again who acknowledges his employees’ efforts.
Doyle and several chefs then use very descriptive and positive language to describe their
improved product:
“When you smell it, it’s got an aroma to it.”
“The new sauce is bright, spicy, robust.”
“tingles the tongue… a bold flavor.”
“nice, rich, buttery crust.”
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The video ends with images of Domino’s employees celebrating their new product with
applause, laughter, handshakes and other gestures. One chef says he “can’t wait” for customers
to try the new recipe. Two chefs are then seen delivering a pizza to one of the participants in the
research focus group who was particularly disapproving. A final message on the video indicates
that it was inspired by the companies “harshest critics.”
Analysis of DP-RV
The video message is four minutes in length and not intended to air as a commercial, but
rather published on the company’s website and via social media channels. The intent is to give
viewers a behind-the-scenes look inside the company’s efforts to improve its product and its
brand and follow through on the promise to regain customer trust. This message includes no
reference to the viral video crisis, but focuses instead on disapproving comments and negative
feedback. The video attempts to prove that Domino’s is responsive to its customers.
While the video offers no direct apologies for unsatisfactory products, the message
successfully portrays a sense of remorse and regret. The employees and spokespersons seem
genuine in their response to negative criticism. They offer no excuses, but focus on explaining
how they intend to initiate change and improvement. Each speaker looks directly at the camera
and appears to be unscripted or memorized. This fosters a sense of personal dialogue which
facilitates a connection with the audience. The effort to “turnaround” public perception also
appears extensive and sincere. This is conveyed visually with images of chefs working hard in
the kitchen to “get it right” and with language that quantifies the number of hours and ingredients
spent in this pursuit.
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Results of the study
Theoretical Analysis of Responses (Applying SCCT)
Coombs’s Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) can be used to further
evaluate the efficacy of Goodell’s and Doyle’s remarks and response strategies. SCCT provides
a framework for minimizing reputational damage through post-crisis communication. Causal
factors are key in determining which strategies will generate optimal results (Coombs, 2007).
Crisis managers must also consider the organization’s history and reputation prior to the genesis
of the crisis. SCCT posits that there are three primary types of response strategies based on
perceptions of accepting responsibility: denial, diminish, and rebuild (p. 170). To assist crisis
managers in predicting outcomes, SCCT offers a guideline of recommended strategies based on
causal factors and history (Appendix C).
Both case studies examined in this thesis should be categorized as “preventable” because
the crises were initiated by individuals who acted inappropriately and criminally. In instances
where there is a strong attribution of responsibility, SCCT guidelines recommend that crisis
managers pursue rebuilding strategies regardless of reputational history and bolstering strategies
to supplement their response (Appendix D). Rebuilding strategies include offers of compensation
and apology. Supplemental strategies include: Reminder (telling stakeholders about past good
works), Ingratiation (praising stakeholders), and Victimage (explain that the organization is a
victim of the crisis too).
By applying SCCT to the case studies involving the NFL and Domino’s, we can answer the
following research question:
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RQ1: Did the crisis communicators in these case studies use acceptable response strategies
to influence the narrative and framing of the crises as illustrated in Situational Crisis
Communication Theory (SCCT)?
In the case of the NFL’s response to the Ray Rice crisis, it is evident the primary crisis
communicator, Roger Goodell, successfully utilized some of the response strategies as described
and recommended by SCCT’s guidelines. As discovered in the rhetorical analysis, Goodell
offered several apologies in his speech for the league’s handling of the domestic assault case and
accepted blame for past mistakes (Appendix A). These apologies were followed by a
commitment to support organizations that advocate for the prevention of domestic violence and
assist victims. Televised air time was donated for the express purpose of promoting public
service messages as part of the “No More” ad campaign. This support is a form of
compensation.
Goodell also utilized Reminder and Ingratiation as secondary strategies to bolster his
response as described in SCCT guidelines. During his speech, he twice mentioned that
community service is a priority among players, coaches, owners, and league officials (Appendix
A). When Goodell pledges to improve policies and protocols and support advocacy
organizations, he makes indirect attempts to ingratiate the league in the minds of stakeholders by
justifying his critics’ demands for change and acknowledging the efforts of individuals who aim
to address a serious societal issue.
It is important to note that much of the criticism surrounding Goodell’s response to the
crisis came after he attempted strategies not recommending for this specific type of crisis
according to SCCT. Indirect efforts to scrutinize the female victim’s role in the assault drew
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backlash from commentators and participants on social media. Attempts to attribute sole blame
to the defendant in the assault case (scapegoating) also fell short in terms of impacting public
perception. Media inquiry and criticism continued to escalate. Finally, Goodell’s delay in
holding a news conference and he league’s inconsistent statements regarding knowledge of the
surveillance video could also be perceived as an effort to deny or conceal the crisis. According
to SCCT, these strategies are only recommended in crises perceived to be accidental or where
there is minimal attribution of responsibility (Appendix C).
Despite the admitted mistake of Goodell in his handling of the crisis, he eventually did
utilize acceptable response strategies to influence the narrative and framing of the crises as
recommended in Situational Crisis Communication Theory.
In the case of Domino’s response to the unsanitary behavior and criminal acts of two
employees, it is evident the primary crisis communicator, Patrick Doyle, successfully utilized
some of the response strategies as described and recommended by SCCT’s guidelines. As
discovered in the rhetorical analysis, Doyle offered an apology and accepted some degree of
responsibility for the crisis (Appendix B). His promises to reevaluate policies as well as
Domino’s products are also offers to invest in resources. Such investment is a form of
compensation.
Doyle more effectively utilizes the secondary strategies of Reminder, Ingratiation, and
Victimage. All of these strategies are designed to diminish culpability. Doyle reminds his
audience of the company’s success in his speech when he states that Domino’s employees
125,000 people. He also informs the audience that the company has a team of inspectors who
are tasked with maintaining quality standards regularly and that food safety is a priority
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(Appendix B). Doyle further attempts to mitigate damage through Victimage and Ingratiation.
He states in his speech how it “sickens” him that the actions of two employees could impact the
entire corporation. Yet Doyle is complimentary of both the company’s loyal customers for
“standing by” and offering support. He also thanks the individuals who alerted Domino’s to the
viral video posted on YouTube. A primary purpose of the company’s “Turnaround” campaign is
to further ingratiate the company in the perception of stakeholders. The video goes so far as to
validate even the harshest critics of the company’s product.
Through his speech and the creation of a rebranding campaign, it is clear that Doyle did
utilize acceptable response strategies to influence the narrative and framing of the crises as
recommended in Situational Crisis Communication Theory.
RQ2: How should crisis communicators adapt response strategies to most effectively limit
reputational harm when viral video is a key factor in a crisis?
The nature of viral video intensifies certain elements of scandal. The images and audio
portrayed in the video has the potential to powerfully impact perception. These images can also
be disseminated broadly and rapidly, reaching widespread audiences. Therefore, when vetting
optional responses, crisis managers ought to consider more than the recommended SCCT
response guidelines. They should take into account the expedience of responses as well as the
platforms by which statements and speeches are delivered in order to reach the most targeted
audience for optimal reputational protection. It is advised that crisis managers utilize SCCT’s
recommended strategies, but tailor these strategies to address the specific contents of the viral
video and media channels where these videos are present. This will likely require leaders to
utilize the same medium of video as a method for delivering messages and public statements.
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Discussion
SCCT is designed to apply to all crises, but does not specifically consider the unique
properties of viral video and their impact on attributions of responsibility or recommended
strategies. To better understand the specific properties of viral videos that influence public
perception, theories pertaining to framing, mediums, and reproduction are especially relevant.
Theorist Marshal McLuhan was especially concerned with mediums. He claimed the
medium by which a message is disseminated influences our perceptions of events, conflicts and
our consciousness (McLuhan, 1964). The power of viral video is its ability to attract widespread
interest, usually by shocking the consciousness. It is also rapidly and broadly spread through
social media channels, which provide seemingly endless opportunity for content sharing. In this
way, the medium itself is an essential property which defines viral videos and explains their
impact on audiences’ perceptions and senses. Therefore, for optimal response, it is wise for crisis
managers to use the same mediums and platforms where the viral video exists and where
dialogue about the crisis is shared. Patrick Doyle successfully invoked this tactic by creating a
Twitter handle and YouTube channel in the wake of the Domino’s tainted pizza scandal. His
response instantly became available to the same audience that discovered and spread the viral
video.
The effects of sharing and distributing viral videos is best explained by Walter Benjamin,
who studied the process of replicating images. He found that perception is influenced by the
process of replication, which has the ability to politicize information (Benjamin, 1978). This
explains how viral videos have the power to push certain issues, like domestic violence, into the
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forefront of the human consciousness, thus compelling dialogue and shaping narratives of public
opinion.
Yet these theories do not fully explain the physiological impact viral videos have on
audiences. The violent and shocking nature of the crimes committed in these case studies, were
enhanced perceptually by the visual effects of the viral videos. As indicated in the literature
review of this thesis, framing theories offer useful insights into how exposure to messages, or
frames, can shape perception and strengthen beliefs. This is especially true of viral video, where
the visual message serves as evidence of a crime and the likelihood of repeat exposure in a short
time span is very high (Lecheler & de Vreese, 2013).
The quality and strength of visual frames contained within viral videos essentially
eliminate the optional of denial as an effective response strategy for crisis communicators. Viral
videos intensify attributions of responsibility. Therefore, Coombs’s Situational Crisis
Communication Theory should be updated so that denial is never a recommended strategy in
crises driven by viral videos. To offset the impact of viral videos on public perception, crisis
managers would be wise to consider video production as an available tool for response. The
videos can then be published on the same platforms in which the crisis originated or resides.
Since viral video is shared (spread) rapidly, timeliness is crucial. Rapid response is required.
Aside from these exceptions for the treatment of viral videos, the fundamental guidelines by
which SCCT is based are still relevant even in the modern age of social media.
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Chapter 5
SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS
Summaries and Conclusions
Viral video has the potential to strongly influence public perception, particularly when it
includes images of scandalous behavior. Therefore, communicators and managers face unique
challenges when viral video is a central component of a crisis. Theories of framing provide
significant understanding of how exposure to certain images impact audiences psychologically
and physiologically. The rapid replication of these images, as is the case with viral videos,
further strengthens these effects. It is wise for crisis managers to consider these properties, as
well as the medium by which the videos are shared or published, when selecting appropriate
response strategies.
Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) provides useful guidelines for crisis
managers about which strategies should be utilized and which should be avoided. These
recommendations are based largely on the type of crises: preventable, accidental, and instances
where the organization is a victim of circumstances or wrongdoing by another entity. However,
SCCT includes no specific consideration for viral video or the intensity of its effects on crises.
Nor does SCCT consider expedience as a condition for response strategies. By examining two
cast studies in which viral video served as either the genesis or an aggravator of scandal, we can
evaluate the efficacy of SCCT in the context of modern multi-media platforms.
The first case study included in this thesis is the National Football League’s response to a
crisis involving a player who was arrested for domestic assault. Stakeholder interest in the case
increased significantly after clips of surveillance video were made public. The video contained
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images of the violent crime, which triggered scrutiny of the league’s initial response to the
assault and the subsequent punishment assessed to the player involved. An online summary of
key events in the evolution of the scandal and the NFL Commissioner’s response can be found at
the following link:
http://prezi.com/yb1ktkl7ffln/?utm_campaign=share&utm_medium=copy&rc=ex0share
The Commissioner effectively utilized some of the response strategies recommended by
SCCT for preventable crises:
•
Apology (acknowledgement of responsibility)
•
Compensation (commitment of resources toward correcting wrongdoing)
•
Rebuilding (promise to change and/or improve)
•
Reminder (touting past successes)
•
Ingratiation (praising stakeholders)
However, the league commissioner also utilized some response strategies not
recommended under SCCT guidelines, specifically denial and scapegoating. These attempts
appeared to backfire and further fueled criticism. The commissioner’s delay in response was also
criticized by the traditional media, commentators, and participants on social media.
The second case study include in this thesis is Domino’s corporate response to viral
videos which showed two restaurant employees intentionally mishandling and tainted pizza
ingredients and other food products. The video was recorded and published by the employees,
who were later arrested for their actions, but not after the video was viewed more than a million
times on social media. National and local television outlets also aired clips of the video,
referring to it as “disgusting” and “stomach-turning.” An online summary of key events in the
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evolution of the scandal and the NFL Commissioner’s response can be found at the following
link:
http://prezi.com/9dopq5otqidc/?utm_campaign=share&utm_medium=copy&rc=ex0share
Domino’s corporate president effectively utilized some of the response strategies
recommended by SCCT for preventable crises:
•
Apology (acknowledgement of responsibility)
•
Compensation (commitment of resources toward correcting wrongdoing)
•
Rebuilding (promise to change and/or improve)
•
Reminder (touting past successes)
•
Ingratiation (praising stakeholders)
•
Victimage (portraying the organization as a victim of the crisis)
Corporate response to the viral video crisis was relatively swift; within 48 hours. The
president’s response was also published online in its entirety via the company’s website as well
as social media channels such as YouTube. The company also made an extensive effort to solicit
feedback from customers and critics.
By evaluating these cases through rhetorical analysis and using SCCT as a framework for
reference, we are able to judge the efficacy of SCCT as it pertains to viral video-based crises. By
synthesizing these results with theories on framing, mediums, and replication, we are able to
identify several best practices that will assist managers in responding to similar crises more
effectively:
•
The rapid dissemination of viral videos requires a proportionally swift response.
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•
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Crisis managers should respond to viral videos by utilizing similar mediums and
platforms for optimal audience reach.
•
Given viral videos’ intense impact on perceptions, denial should be avoided as a response
strategy.
In conclusion, for optimal reputational protection, it is recommended crisis managers
follow the basic guidelines established by Situational Crisis Communications Theory. However,
exceptions should be made to account for the unique properties of viral video and its role in the
evolution of modern crises.
Limitations of the study
The results of this study strongly support Situational Crisis Communication Theory,
while also providing valuable insights into the effects of viral video when central to a crisis.
However, there are limitations of the study that must be recognized. Only two case studies were
examined, but with the advent of cellular technology and social media channels, viral video is
increasingly becoming an integral component of crises. Additional research is needed to
determine if the results of this study are consistent with other viral video crises.
Rhetorical analysis provides a satisfactory method for evaluating specific speakers and
messages, but it does not give full consideration to framing methods and narratives initiated by
outside sources, such as mass media, which also influence audience reception. It also provides
no direct means by which to assess shifts in public attitude following the delivery of a crisis
manager’s message. This would require additional research through surveys or focus groups.
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Finally, it is important to consider the subjective nature of rhetorical analysis. Past
experiences and assumptions of the researcher can influence his or her own perceptions and
perspectives. Therefore, for better accuracy of findings, it is recommended that additional
researchers evaluate the same speeches and videos included in these case studies. Recorded
interpretations and evaluations can then be compared and assessed for agreement on such matters
such as what constitutes a statement of apology, compensation, or ingratiation.
Recommendations for further study
As viral video becomes more prevalent in crises, leaders will face additional challenges,
including time constraints associated with rapidly disseminating images that threaten reputational
harm. Therefore, future research should focus on expedience to determine optimal timing for
crises response strategies. In addition to timeliness, crisis communication scholars would also
benefit from further investigation into sources and intent of viral video. Understanding the
motives of those who record and publish such images may assist in identifying methods for
discrediting or diminishing.
Viral videos that cause reputational harm often show actors misbehaving in violent,
shocking, or illegal ways. The status of the individuals involved may also influence public
perception. A corporate president, CEO, police officer, or a politician may attract more public
attention and scrutiny than a lower-ranking employee or private citizen. Permission and
knowledge of a recording may also influence public perceptions. Surveillance video, for
example, is often recorded legally, but without awareness of the actors involved. Further
research is needed to examine these factors and the potential impact on response strategies and
outcomes.
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APPENDIX
Appendix A – Key Statements & Language Choices – NFL-VV
Rhetor: Rodger Goodell, NFL Commissioner (Sept. 19, 2014)
Statements of Apology
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
“I’m here now because our rules, policies, and procedures on personal conduct failed…”
“At our best, the NFL sets an example that makes a positive difference. Unfortunately,
over the past several weeks, we have seen all too much of the NFL doing wrong. That
starts with me.”
“I believe in accountability. I understand the challenges before me and I will be held
accountable for meeting them.”
“I’m not satisfied with the way we’ve handled it from the get-go. As I’ve told you and
this statement indicates, I made a mistake.” (in response to a question)
“We made a mistake in letting our standards fall below where they should be.” (in
response to a question)
“I disappointed myself. I disappointed the NFL. I disappointed our fans and we need to
do better” (in response to a question)
“I got it wrong in the handling of the Ray Rice matter (pause) and I’m sorry for that. I
got it wrong on a number of levels from the process that I led to the decision that I
reached.”
“I let myself down. I let everyone else down and for that I’m sorry.” (in response to a
question)
“Mistakes happen and I’m sorry for that, but we’re gonna get this right.”
Statements of Compensation
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
“…but now I will get it right and do whatever is necessary to accomplish that.”
“The same mistakes can never be repeated.”
“…we can use the NFL to help create change, not only in our league, but in society, with
respect to domestic violence and sexual assault.”
“We will reexamine, enhance, and improve all of our current programs (pause) and then
we’ll do more.”
“Our standards and the consequences of falling short must be clear, consistent, and
current. They must be implemented through procedures that are fair and transparent.”
“We strongly, strongly condemn and will punish behavior that is totally unacceptable.”
“Earlier today, each NFL club and all our league office locations, received information
about how to support organizations in their communities. In addition, our teams and
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league staff will participate in education sessions starting in the next month, followed my
training programs. These programs are being developed by a top group of experts.”
“We have entered into long term partnerships with two leading national organizations:
The National Domestic Violence Hotline and the National Sexual Violence Resource
Center.”
Statements of Ingratiation
•
“We recognize that domestic violence and sexual assault exists everywhere – in every
community, economic class, racial and ethnic group. It affects all of us. These are
problems we are committed to addressing.”
Statements of Reminding
•
•
“The vast majority of players, coaches, owners, and employees in the NFL stand tall, not
only for their role in the game, but for what they do in their communities.”
“Every day, so many of our players, coaches and staffs are doing tremendous things in
their communities. I couldn’t be more proud of how they’re using the opportunity to help
make a positive difference.”
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Appendix B – Key Statements & Language Choices – DP-VV
Rhetor: Patrick Doyle, Domino’s president (April 14, 2009)
Statements of Apology & Responsibility
•
•
“Although the individuals involved claim this is a hoax, we are taking this incredibly
seriously.”
“Recently we discovered a video of two Domino’s team members who thought that their
acts would be a funny YouTube hoax. We sincerely apologize for this incident. ”
Statements of Compensation
•
•
“We’re reexamining all of our hiring practices to make sure that people like this don’t
make it into our stores.”
“The store has been shut down and sanitized from top to bottom.”
Statements of Ingratiation
•
•
“There is nothing more important or sacred to us than our customers’ trust. We’re
reexamining all of our hiring practices to make sure that people like this don’t make it
into our stores.”
“There are so many people who’ve come forward with messages of support for us and we
want to thank you for hanging in there with us as we work to regain your trust.”
Statements of Victimage
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“It sickens me that the actions of two individuals could impact our great system where
125,000 men and women work for local business members around the U.S. and more
than 60 countries around the world.”
“This was an isolated incident in Conover, North Carolina. The two team members have
been dismissed and there are felony warrants out for their arrest.”
“The independent owner of that store is reeling from the damage that this has caused and
it’s not a surprise that this has caused a lot of damage to our brand.”
Statements of Reminding
•
•
“We have auditors across the country in our stores every day of the week making sure
that our stores are as clean as they can possibly be and that we are delivering high quality
food to our customers day in and day out.”
“We take tremendous pride in crafting delicious food.”
Appendix C – SCCT crisis response strategy guidelines
1. Informing and adjusting information alone can be enough when crises have minimal
attributions of crisis responsibility (victim crises), no history of similar crises and a neutral or
positive prior relationship reputation.
2. Victimage can be used as part of the response for workplace violence, product tampering,
natural disasters and rumors.
3. Diminish crisis response strategies should be used for crises with minimal attributions of crisis
responsibility (victim crises) coupled with a history of similar crises and/or negative prior
relationship reputation.
4. Diminish crisis response strategies should be used for crises with low attributions of crisis
responsibility (accident crises), which have no history of similar crises, and a neutral or positive
prior relationship reputation.
5. Rebuild crisis response strategies should be used for crises with low attributions of crisis
responsibility (accident crises), coupled with a history of similar crises and/or negative prior
relationship reputation.
6. Rebuild crisis response strategies should be used for crises with strong attributions of crisis
responsibility (preventable crises) regardless of crisis history or prior relationship reputation.
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7. The deny posture crisis response strategies should be used for rumor and challenge crises,
when possible.
8. Maintain consistency in crisis response strategies. Mixing deny crisis response strategies with
either the diminish or rebuild strategies will erode the effectiveness of the overall response.
Appendix D – SCCT Crisis Response Strategies
Primary crisis response strategies:
Deny crisis response strategies
Attack the accuser: Crisis manager confronts the person or group claiming something is wrong
with the organization.
Denial: Crisis manager asserts that there is no crisis.
Scapegoat: Crisis manager blames some person or group outside of the organization for the
crisis.
Diminish crisis response strategies
Excuse: Crisis manager minimizes organizational responsibility by denying intent to do harm
and/or claiming inability to control the events that triggered the crisis.
Justification: Crisis manager minimizes the perceived damage caused by the crisis.
Rebuild crisis response strategies
Compensation: Crisis manager offers money or other gifts to victims.
Apology: Crisis manager indicates the organization takes full responsibility for the crisis and asks
stakeholders for forgiveness.
Secondary crisis response strategies:
Bolstering crisis response strategies
Reminder: Tell stakeholders about the past good works of the organization.
Ingratiation: Crisis manager praises stakeholders and/or reminds them of past good works by the
organization.
Victimage: Crisis managers remind stakeholders that the organization is a victim of the crisis too.
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