The Spoit Psychologist, 1997,11,53-71
O 1997 Human Kinetics Publishers, Inc.
Reaching for Gold and the Price of Glory:
A Motivational Case Study
of an Elite Gymnast
Vikki Krane
Christy A. Greenleaf
Bowling Green State University Miami University
Jeannine Snow
Bowling Green State University
The present investigation is a qualitative case study of a former elite gymnast.
The social cognitive approach to achievement motivation has been applied to
understand and explain the behavior of this gymnast, her coaches, and her
parents. The gymnast participated in three unstructured interviews which were
grounded in a feminist view of sport and research (cf. Harding, 1991; Krane,
1994). The data analysis resulted in three dimensions: Motivational Climate,
Evidence of an Ego Orientation, and Correlates of Ego Involvement. An egoinvolved motivational environment was developed and reinforced by the
gymnast's coaches and parents. Her ego-involved goal orientation was revealed through her reliance on social comparison, emphasis on external feedback and rewards, need to demonstrate her superiority, and acting out behaviors in the face of adversity. This gymnast practiced and competed while
seriously injured, employed unhealthy eating practices, overtrained, and refused to listen to medical advice in order to continue her quest towards the
Olympic team. All of these behaviors are discussed within the framework of
goal orientation theory.
Recently there has been a proliferation of media coverage of women's gymnastics, including a disturbing number of reports of disordered eating, severe injuries, parental and coaching abuses, and exploitation of young female athletes (e.g.,
Noden, 1995; Press, 1992; Ryan, 1995). Although the media typically is addressing elite level athletes, often these gymnasts are 16 years of age and younger. Elite
Vikki Krane and Jeannine Snow both are with the Department of HPER at Bowling
Green State University, Bowling Green, OH 43403. Christy A. Greenleaf is with the Department of Physical Education, Health, & Sport Studies at Miami University, Oxford, OH
45056.
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Krane, Greenleaf, and Snow
level gymnastics makes extreme mental and physical demands on these young
athletes who put in countless hours of practice, as well as attend school or take
correspondence courses. It seems essential to question the extreme pressures and
demands that are placed on these young girls and the lasting effects of such excessive athletic involvement at such an early age. For every young girl who succeeds,
and participates in national and international level competition, there are many
who do not.
Often, administrators, coaches, parents, and athletes in elite gymnastics are
willing to do whatever it takes to win, regardless of the long-term impact it may
have on the athletes. The athletes simply become the means to achieve the goal of
winning a gold medal. We hear about and cheer for the "Mary Lou Retton's." But
what about all the other children who worked just as hard, sacrificedjust as much,
and didn't "make it?" Our sport industry's emphasis on the glory of gold makes
anything less unacceptable. Unfortunately, too often the heartache of not making
an Olympic team or winning a particular competition is eclipsed by more consequential concerns. The atmosphere in elite gymnastics is such that the emphasis on
winning overshadows many more ordinary concerns such as fun, social interactions with peers, and healthy parent-child relations. The impact of this type of
atmosphere has been considered unhealthy by sport psychologists (Duda, 1993;
Nicholls, 1989) and may lead to many maladaptive behaviors and mental states
(Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993; Nicholls, 1989). Of primary concern is that the considerable focus on winning and being the best will result in athletes' defining success only in terms of outcome measures (e.g., place in a competition).
The social cognitive approach to achievement motivation provides a framework for understanding the impact of an overemphasis on winning. This theory
proposes that individuals are motivated to demonstrate competence (Nicholls, 1989;
Duda, 1993). Individuals will define competence, or success, differently, and one's
definition of success will have a strong influence on subsequent affect and behavior (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Nicholls, 1989). Specifically, individuals will adopt
one of two major goal perspectives: task-involved or ego-involved. Task-involved
individuals will approach achievement situations with self-referenced notions of
ability and success (Nicholls, 1989). They will be concerned with mastering the
task and demonstrating their competence based on personal improvement. Their
performance goals will be based on learning and improvement. Ego-involved individuals will be focused on normative ability or social comparison (Nicholls,
1989).The primary focus of an ego-involved individual is to display superior ability, which involves demonstrating that they are better than others. Whether one is
task- or ego-involved will affect how athletes interpret and respond to competitive
situations (Duda, 1993).
As Joan Duda (1993) described, an ego-involved goal orientation may be
considered maladaptive because it results in behaviors that are counterproductive
to long-term achievement. An ego-involved athlete most likely will believe in the
importance of immediate success at the risk of long-term success. They believe
the end result is more important than the means to achieve it (Duda, Olson, &
Templin, 1991). Ego-involved athletes also are likely to display low effort and
persistence (Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993) and devalue a task when they are unable
to demonstrate superior competence (Jagacinski & Nicholls, 1990).In comparison
to ego-involved athletes, task-involved athletes have been found to exert greater
effort (Duda, 1988), have higher intrinsic motivation (Duda, Chi, Newton, Walling,
Elite Gymnast
55
& Catley, 1995), display better athletic performance (Burton, 1989), exhibit lower
cognitive and somatic anxiety (Newton & Duda, 1993a, 1995), and have greater
self-confidence or perceived competence (Burton, 1989; Seifriz, Duda, & Chi,
1992; Newton & Duda, 1995).
The type of goal perspective that an athlete adopts will color her or his views
on many sport-related issues (Nicholls, 1989). For example, task involvement has
been associated with adopting a strong work ethic and believing that hard work
and practice will result in sport success (Duda & White, 1992), whereas ego-involved athletes feel that an illegal advantage or having superior ability will lead to
success (Duda & White, 1992; Newton & Duda, 1993b). Task-involved athletes
will emphasize the intrinsic satisfaction of sport, whereas ego-involved athletes
will stress the extrinsic benefits of sport participation (e.g., status and awards)
(Duda, 1993; Duda, Olson, & Templin, 1991). Ego-involved athletes have described the purpose of sport as enhancing social status, making people feel important, and making people more competitive. On the other hand, task-involved athletes focus on the prosocial consequences of sport, stressing the importance of
fostering cooperation, lifelong health, and striving for personal mastery (Lochbaum
& Roberts, 1993).
The present investigation is a case study of a former elite gymnast. While
the data presented show her experiences to be similar to those of other elite gymnasts described by Joan Ryan (1995), this study also seeks to understand why this
athlete behaved as she did. The social cognitive approach to achievement motivation has been applied to understand and explain the behavior of this gymnast, as
well as the behavior of her coaches and parents.
Methods
Participant
The participant in this study was an American former elite level gymnast. "SuSan"
(a pseudonym) began gymnastics classes at the age of 3 as a way to manage what
she described as "hyperactivity and attention deficit disorder." While very young,
it became apparent that she was very talented. She continued in basic classes until
she was about 5 years old, at which time she moved into a team setting. Her first
competitive meet was when she was 7 years old. By age 9, she was working out
with the team about 5 hours a day during the week and 6 to 8 hours a day on the
weekends. Additionally, Susan attended private gymnastics classes three days a
week. Her parents were very supportive of her gymnastics; her mother coached
her for a brief period of time and her father built her a balance beam so she could
gain additional practice at home. At this time, Susan was one of the youngest
people at her competitive level (class 3b, which involved both compulsory and
optional routines).
By the time Susan was 10 years old, she had outgrown her current competitive situation. Her skills were well above the others on her team, and she was
becoming bored and felt that she lacked competition. Hence, she enrolled in a
private academy where she could further concentrate on her gymnastics. While at
this academy, Susan began to engage in disordered eating. Two years later, she
was invited to train with a prominent coach and several gymnasts who would be
competing in the 1988 Olympics; she was hoping to be an alternate for those Olympics with dreams of competing in the 1992 Games. Her training regime at this elite
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club included 8 to 12 hours of practice each day, in two shifts. A serious injury,
dislocation of her knee, resulted in having to leave this gymnastics club.
Susan continued to train and compete after the rehabilitation of her knee and
continued to excel; however, she did not return to the highly elite gymnastics camp.
Around age 13, she hit puberty and her body began to change. This was a very
traumatic and stressful period for her. Susan hated the changes in her body and had
to make many adjustments in her techniques to accommodate them. Another crucial situation occurred during a meet when she was 17. She fell off the high bar and
landed head first on the mats which resulted in 10 days of paralysis and almost a
year of rehabilitation. Contrary to all medical recommendations, she insisted on
returning to gymnastics and trained for one more meet, a regional championship.
She competed in that meet, finished in second place, and retired from gymnastics.
Throughout much of her career, Susan engaged in disordered eating and
suffered many quite serious injuries. As she described:
about age 11, I had a separation in my growth plate in my wrist which caused
me to be off for about two weeks until I had a temporary cast placed on my
hand and wrist. And then, when I was down at [elite training camp], I had the
dislocation of my knee. Then after I got back from rehabilitating that, I had
tom all three tendons and ligaments on the outside of my ankle on the right
side, took six weeks to heal that and got up on the balance beam, did one
trick, fell off and did the exact same thing on the second ankle. . . . my senior
year, I had the fall on the bar, off the uneven bars, and I tore all the ligaments
and tendons off my spinal column.
On several occasions, medical personnel highly recommended that she spend more
time in rehabilitation or cease participation, but their concerns were disregarded
by Susan, her parents, and her coaches.
At the time of the interview, Susan was a senior in college studying sport
management. She had coached gymnastics for a brief time but became too frustrated at her own inability to compete so she quit. She has recovered from the acute
effects of her disordered eating but has arthritis and continuing neck problems.
Reflecting back on her career, she says she would do it all again if given the chance
and believes that she gained many positive attributes because of her involvement
in gymnastics.
Procedure
The gymnast, and second and third authors met on three occasions for unstructured interviews. The interviews lasted between 30 and 120 minutes, were
audiotaped, and transcribed verbatim. In the first interview, the gymnast was asked
"Tell us about your gymnastics career and your experiences as a gymnast." This
was the longest interview, consisting mostly of dialog from Susan recounting her
experiences in chronological order. This interview then served as the foundation
for subsequent interviews. All three researchers familiarized herself with the first
transcription and separately pulled out recurring topics and/or topics of interest.
The researchers then discussed their insights about the interview and identified
themes to address in the follow-up interviews. The follow~upinterviews addressed
the question: "What drives an athlete to persist in sport under such extreme circumstances?" Questions pertaining to the role of her coaches, family, and peers
Elite Gymnast
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were interwoven into these interviews. Prior to each subsequent interview, the
researchers and participant received a transcription of the previous interview. Susan was encouraged to read it and make any corrections or clarifications. The researchers discussed the interview and developed content ideas and suggested directions for the final interview.
Research Design
The interviews were grounded in a feminist view of sport and research (cf. Harding,
1991; Krane, 1994) and a feminist approach toward the analysis of this case study
was employed. The need for reflexivity in feminist research is imperative (Harding,
1991).That is, it is important to "put the subject or agent of knowledge in the same
critical, causal plane as the object of her or his inquiry" (Harding, 1991, p. 161).
Thus, the researchers should become part of the critical analysis; their role and
attributes should be considered as one interprets their interpretation of the data.
Reflexivity provides historical and cultural context within which to locate the current research (Harding, 1991). Researchers have an obligation and responsibility
to study themselves, including their paradigmatic and theoretical predilections;
they must make those predispositions apparent (Patton, 1987). The researchers in
this study include an associate professor and two graduate students in sport psychology. The professor is an applied sport psychologist who has consulted with
young rising gymnasts and figure skaters and has qualitative research experience.
One of the graduate students has experience as an amateur and professional figure
skater, and both graduate students completed extensive readings on qualitative
research. Most importantly, the researchers espoused a critical perspective of sport
(Duquin, 1994; Krane, 1995), especially toward potentially unhealthy practices
that have been normalized in the sport environment.
Data Analysis
Consistent with the procedures suggested by Anselm Strauss and Juliet Corbin
(1990), two types of coding were employed in the data analysis: open coding and
axial coding. During open coding, patterns, categories, and themes emerged from
the data. This occurred through "the process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing, and categorizing data" (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p. 61).
No a priori categorizations were imposed upon the data (Patton, 1987), and the
classifications were allowed to inductively emerge. Through axial coding, the "data
are put back together" by generating connections among the categories derived in
open coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Also during axial coding, explanations of
descriptive patterns emerged, linkages among open coding categories were sought,
and meaning and significance were attached to the analyses (Patton, 1987).
"Convergence" (Guba, 1978) was sought during both open and axial coding. This entailed consideration by each researcher of each segment of data encoded within a category and determination of whether it was coded within the
most appropriate classification. If there was divergence among the researchers on
how to categorize data, each researcher provided a rationale for her determination
and discussion ensued until consensus was obtained (Scanlan, Ravizza, & Stein,
1989). In all cases, consensus was obtained among the three researchers. This
form of triangulation was used to check for bias, distortion, or potential inaccuracies in the data analyses (Patton, 1987).
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It is important to acknowledge that although it became apparent in the first
interview that Susan was an ego-oriented athlete; interview questions and data
categories were not derived based on achievement motivation theory. As noted,
the researchers attempted to obtain her perceptions and explanations for her sport
behaviors. The researchers were careful to allow themes and categories to emerge
from the data. Only in the final stage of the data analysis, when category labels
were finalized, was achievement motivation theory specifically applied. At this
time, the labels of emergent categories were chosen consistent with the theory,
only after the content of the categories had been finalized.
Results and Discussion
Most of the experiences described by this gymnast can be framed within achievement motivation theory, which helps explain many of her behaviors, attitudes, and
psychological states throughout her gymnastic career. It was evident that Susan
was very ego-involved, focusing on demonstrating her competence and superior
skill in relationship to her teammates and competitors. There are ample examples
throughout the interview showing her excessive focus on winning, defeating her
competitors, and the need to prove her competence, as well as the consequences of
this focus. Axial coding of the data resulted in three dimensions: Motivational
Climate, Evidence o f an Ego Orientation, and Correlates of Ego Involvement.
Motivational Climate
Individuals' goal orientation will be greatly affected by the motivational climate,
or the emphasis placed on winning or mastery by significant people within the
athletic environment. Significant adults in the sport context set the criteria for
evaluation, and set the tone for external and internal rewards. These criteria create
a motivational climate that reinforces the development of a particular goal orientation (Nicholls, 1989; Roberts & Treasure, 1995). The demands placed on an individual will lead to adoption of either task- or ego-involved goals. When athletic
environments stress public evaluation, normative feedback, outcome-focused goals,
and interpersonal competence, athletes are likely to develop an ego-involved orientation (Seifriz et al., 1992).
Susan's environment was rife with emphasizing winning, perfect performances, performing through pain, and exemplar body appearance. The significant
adults in her world of elite gymnasts (i.e., parents and coaches) created an athletic
environment that strongly established normative comparisons and striving for perfection as the only acceptable goals. The coaches of this gymnast clearly reinforced her ego goal orientation. Recognition was given through acknowledgment
of normatively based achievements which reinforced the gymnast' need for external recognition. Susan's coaches demanded perfection, insisted athletes participate in practices when injured, and scrutinizedthe athletes' food intake and weight.
All of these coach behaviors reinforced an ego-involved motivational environment that demanded perfection and complete compliance. As she described, her
first coach "would hand gold stars out so that people can see. . . . He'd give out
recommendations like 'you're team captain or you're leader.' He would give out
both personal awards and team awards and recognition both personally and like on
the wall for people to see." She also described:
Elite Gymnast
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[Coach 11 would say 'you don't speak to competitors, they are enemies.' It is
an important time, as soon as you walk through that door you don't speak to
anyone. . . . He was extremely, extremely competitive-minded. . . .whatever
he says is gospel. I mean, he was just, he was a god-like figure to me. He had
that power.
Susan's coaches also pushed her to physical extremes. The coaches often
placed unhealthy physical demands upon the gymnasts and rewarded an unyielding dedication to achieving physical perfection. Susan recounted her physical training at age 10 to include 8 hours of gymnastics practice, plus an additional two
hours of conditioning, and "I was doing 300 push-ups without stopping, close to
200 to 250 sit-ups without stopping." When perfection was not attained, coaches
often resorted to physical punishments. For example, "if you fell off the beam,
each time you fell off, even if you were learning a new skill, you did 10 push-ups.
So by the end of a 4-hour practice you were doing about 400 push-ups."
Additionally, her coaches often pushed her to continue training through injuries, no matter how serious they were. Susan noted the following responses of
one of her coaches to an injury:
[Coach 11 would get mad if I got an injury. He would be so pissed off. He'd
be like, 'oh no, not again,' and then he'd want me in the gym working out
and everything. . . . [He] thought that [an injury] was a lack of concentration.
So, he was mad at me because if I was concentrating better, I wouldn't have
[gotten injured].
This gymnast's descriptions of her coaches' actions shows her ambivalence
yet acceptance of their demanding mannerisms. On several occasions she noted
the "cruelty" in their techniques but then acknowledged that they were excellent
coaches who taught her important lessons. For example:
[Coach 2 had an] extremely different concept. This woman, Russian born,
would place bottle caps on the bottoms of your feet, if you fell on your heels
off of the balance beam, then you would have them, the Pepsi bottle caps, go
into your heels. [She was] excruciating, die hard, she was wonderful. You
either love her or hate her. I was a person who loved her because she made
me so infuriated sometimes and because she was good and that's why I liked
her.
It seems that Susan and her parents were socialized to believe that these excessive
training techniques were a necessary aspect of elite sport performance (Duquin,
1994).Without being presented with an alternative training perspective, they obediently subscribed to techniques of these "highly successful" elite level coaches.
Although Susan noted the "cruelty" of this approach, that she could withstand
such training was interpreted as a sign of superiority, especially when other athletes could not succeed under the extreme conditions. As she explained:
[Coach 11 came from a background of a football coordinator, strength and
conditioning, this guy was excellent, I mean he had, he was excellent in my
eyes as far as conditioning, but he was also cruel. Things I can remember
him doing to us, he would make us run a mile after 6 hours of practice. If we
did not complete the mile within the time he had stated for us, which was
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basically an 8- to 10-minute mile, then we had to run another mile. We had
to run 10 to 15 sets of stairs, the stairs themselves were 8 to 10 flights of
stairs and then run a mile. . . .Our conditioning would be 2 hours after a 6hour practice. The kids, a lot of girls besides me, would be throwing up. A
lot of kids' parents would come and say 'what are you doing to our children?' A couple children's parents, kids were taken out of it.
The coaches also created an environment in which a certain body image was
expected. The girls were supposed to be very thin and petite. From an age as young as
10 years old, Susan's food intake was scrutinized by her coaches. As she described:
We had to tell [Coach 11everything we ate every single day. We had a diary
and if we ate something that he did not approve of, he would tell our parents,
he would make us feel so ashamed in front of everybody, he used public
humiliation. 'Oh [Susan] ate a candy bar today, I can't believe she did that,
and she won't do it again, right?'
Susan's parents also contributed to the ego-involved motivational climate.
Overall, she described her parents as very supportive. But it also was evident that
they, too, were focused on the outcomes of her performances and accepted the
coaches' intense training and eating regimes. As she described:
My parents always expected more of me. Always. I was always expected to
act a lot older than what I was. When I was 5, I was acting like I was 8. When
I was 8, I was acted like I was twice [as old]. I really had a very high maturity level because they made me that way. My father expected perfection.
Not only did Susan's parents reinforce perfection, but after several serious injuries
and recommendations from doctors to reduce or cease gymnastics training, they
allowed her return to her rigorous training. After Susan's serious neck injury and
paralysis, her doctors told the family that she should retire from gymnastics because one wrong move could result in permanent paralysis. Still, her parents allowed her to return to gymnastics.
The behaviors of Susan's parents and coaches clearly set an ego-involved
motivational climate. Susan's parents perceived the environment as "normal" and
required for success. They reinforced the outcome much more than the process,
and they reinforced many unhealthy practices in the quest for high-level performances (i.e., outcomes). The impact of this motivational climate on her own goal
orientation is evident in her strong adherence to an ego-involved goal orientation.
Evidence of an Ego-Involved Goal Orientation
The Evidence of an Ego Involved Goal Orientation dimension was composed of
data that directly and specifically described characteristics of an ego orientation
evident in Susan. This dimension comprised two themes: Social Comparison and
External Feedback and Rewards.
Social Comparison
As numerous researchers have ideritified, social comparison is a defining characteristic of an ego orientation (e.g., Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993; Williams, 1994).
Elite Gymnast
61
Susan used performance outcome as the primary source of information regarding
her ability. In doing so, being successful was equated with winning or scoring
higher than the other gymnasts in a competition. For example, she stated, "In my
mind, second was a loser, third was just embarrassing. If I did not get a 9.0 in
something within the meet, then I would go home and feel like a failure."
Similarly, she viewed competition as her opportunity to compare herself to
others: "I was mainly driven by knowing that there was going to be competitors,
knowing that there was going to be a place to be won." Thus, Susan's focus on
social comparison as the basis for information about ability is evident in her view
of competition as a forum for social comparison.The normative standards by which
Susan judged herself focused her attention and energy toward outcome measures,
which, in turn, are evidence of an ego orientation.
External Feedback and Rewards
Also indicative of her ego involvement was the importance placed on external
rewards. For example, when planning for the first interview, Susan asked if she
should bring her trophies, ribbons, and other mementos with her. Then, on many
occasions throughout the interviews, she referred to them and noted that she looked
at them everyday. As she described, "I have a book of approximately 400, maybe
500, ribbons that I have won from anywhere from 6th place to 1st place, primarily
lst, 2nd, and 3rd." She continued to note that "these medals, these trophies, these
ribbons are my life."
Another example of Susan's focus on external rewards is the emphasis placed
on the reward system used by one of her coaches. Coach 1 would award the athletes patches, that could be sewn on their warm-up suits, for exceptional performances. As Susan stated:
The stars were patches and you would stick them on your warm-up and
whoever had the most stars, of course, was the better athlete. And I had them
to the point where I was the only one who had them start going down the
arm.And, I don't know why that was such a wonderful thing, but it was at
that point and time. It was a personal acknowledgmento f . . . 'hey look, this
goes to show you that I am a hard worker and I'm good at it.'
The external rewards were a form of recognition. They also served to show others
her superior ability. The importance of recognition also is evident in Susan's response to being a team captain:
I was always a leader in everybody's eyes. . . .Kids always coming up to me
asking for my autograph. And here I was, I wasn't that great. But to them I was
and that made me feel like, hey, I am special.And I do mean something to them.
So I would drive myself harder to, to keep going and to maintain my status.
The importance of external feedback and rewards is clearly indicative of
Susan's ego involvement. She focused on the outcome of an event as an indication
of success, put much emphasis on the significance of external feedback and rewards, and reveled in the material tokens of her achievements.Consequently, feedback from significant others and rewards were of great importance because they
were symbols of her accomplishments and ability. The impact of these beliefs on
her mental states and behaviors can be seen in the next segment of the data.
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Correlates of Ego Involvement
The third dimension derived from the data is Correlates of Ego Involvement. These
correlates include psychological and behavioral manifestations that have been theorized to result from an overemphasis on an ego orientation. These consequences,
as observed in this gymnast, are contained in two themes: Psychological Correlates and Behavioral Correlates.
Psychological Cowelates
The psychological correlates of an ego-involved goal orientation included the data
categories of Need to Show Superiority, Need for Perfection, Self-Worth, and
Transitioning.
Need to Show Superiority. A common attitude of ego-involved athletes is
the desire to demonstrate their superior ability (Duda & Nicholls, 1992; Seifriz et
a]., 1992). The motivational attitude of this gymnast often was revealed as the
need to prove that she was superior to her teammates and competitors. As she
stated, "I wanted to be king of the hut, . . . my position had to be over them." Susan
also described that "whenever [her teammates] were trying something new, I had
to do it. I had to be better than them." Ego-involved athletes tend to judge their
own success through demonstrating superior ability, especially while making it
appear effortless (Duda & White, 1992). As Susan stated: "I had to make [everything] look so easy and so talentless." Similarly, practice was viewed as a means
to increase the likelihood of defeating others. As Susan stated, "If I knew there
was a meet coming up I would work extra hard and twice as hard than on offseason time."
Susan also manifested a need to "conquer" her opponents as a means of
exhibiting her superiority. To this gymnast, "conquering" meant defeating her
competitors, coming in first place. Similar to Coach 1, she often used war-like
terminology in describing her gymnastic experiences, commonly referring to her
opponents as her enemies. For example, she stated:
[The opponents] are my enemies, threats, challenges, but all of them had to
be conquered. Everything was a challenge to me and I had to conquer it.
Everything I dealt with in my life was always, it wasn't good enough unless
it was smashed into the ground.
Need for Perfection. Although much of the interview data suggests that
this gymnast is highly outcome focused, at times she also indicated some concern
with personal improvement. This inconsistency can be explained by consideration
of the interaction between an ego orientation and perceived competence. As
Glyn Roberts and Darren Treasure (1995) described, an outcome orientation
combined with high perceived ability will lead to high effort and persistence
in the face of failure. This was evident when Susan stated: "as I progressed
with skills, the way I stayed content was to learn something new, and to practice it and to perfect it." Susan's constant quest for perfection often was described as: "Nothing ever was perfect. I mean, I always could be able to do
something better."
Carol Dweck and Ellen Leggett (1988) emphasized, however, that only when
confidence was high would an ego-involved individual exhibit high effort and
Elite Gymnast
63
achieve superior performances, yet it is very difficult to sustain high confidence
when solely focused on comparative outcomes. This was exemplified in Susan's
behavior. She would expend great effort and persistence in perfecting new skills.
At the same time, however, she would suffer from anger, frustration, and depression due to her inability to demonstrate high competence. Consistent with previous research (Newton & Duda, 1993a, 1995), Susan exhibited self-doubts and
high anxiety when perfection was not attainable. As she described: "I never gave
myself credit. Behind everything I was scared to death because I could not manage
to be perfect." This drive to perfect her skills was actually grounded in her desire
to win and be better than her competitors. For example, when describing coming
back from one of her injuries she stated, "The only thing that is in your mind is to
win and to get back in there. And you know that you can't do that unless you're in
there, in the gym, and you're practicing, and you're competing." So while Susan
was focused on improving and perfecting her skills, the ultimate goal and acknowledgment of success still was winning. Once her skills were mastered, she again
would focus solely on the outcome: winning and achieving high scores.
Self-Worth. Whenever an athlete believes that her sense of worth is based
on her athletic performance, ego involvement clearly exists (Duda et al., 1995).
Such was the case with this gymnast. Unless she received 1st place in a competition, she not only felt like a failure related to gymnastics, she felt personally inept. For example, when she did finish a competition in 2nd or 3rd place,
she noted:
I would be like, 'all of that hard work is down the drain and here you are in
3rd place. You are such an idiot. You are so low, I cannot believe you are
here; you are not supposed to be up there.' . . . and it was like someone was
telling me 'you're a loser because you did not get first.'
That she would feel like a failure for a 2nd or 3rd place finish reflects her decline
in self-worth with less than perfect performances. When asked how she would
define a loser, she stated, "in a competitive way, a loser is always the person who
doesn't win." She continued,
I pictured 2nd or 3rd to be, I don't know, what I pictured as a loser. I only
knew how to envision a winner because a loser was not even, was not in my
world. That picture may be weird but that's the way it was. It was just tops,
everything's always gotta be the top.
Interestingly, as she reflected back on her behavior, she noticed the imbalance:
I was always, always, no matter what I did, was very hard on myself. I don't
know what was always driving me, but it was there. And it was controlling
me, I was not controlling it and I look back on it now and it was like a
monster to me.
Transitioning. At some points in Susan's career she seemed to be highly
confident yet bored with her competition, and at other times she seemed to lack
confidence but revealed high levels of motivation. This behavior is reflected in the
category of transitioning. Transitioning included Susan's psychological states that
occurred as she moved either from a lower competitive level up to the next
64
Krane, Greenleafi and Snow
competitive level, or as she was making a comeback after rehabilitating an injury.
In both cases, her motivation, behaviors, and other psychological states were consistent with what would be predicted by achievement motivation theory. For example, when describing the situation in which she was one of the best gymnasts at
one level she stated:
At age 10, I knew that I had to go to a different level because I was going to
meets bored. I had no competition, I purposely would sit back and relax
because I wanted people to have a fair chance.
Because this gymnast was easily winning events, she was not motivated to put
forth additional effort beyond what was needed to win. External sources of criteria
seem to reinforce that demonstration of normative ability is a viable achievement
strategy (Lochbaum & Roberts, 1993). In this case, the previous quote shows how
her effort seemed to dissipate as long as she was able to demonstrate her superior
competence.
Conversely, as Carol Dweck and Ellen Leggett (1988) suggested, ego-involved individuals will feel incompetent when they cannot demonstrate high ability. When an athlete is ego-involved and winning, her confidence will be high;
however if this athlete is not in a winning position, confidence will decline, as
evidenced in this gymnast. As Susan began training at a new level, with new requirements and demands, she was put in a situation in which she would not be
successful compared to the more experienced gymnasts at that level. Hence, she
became frustrated, angry, and lacked confidence. As she described, "I'd cry a lot
and I'd be angry a lot and I'd get frustrated." This is consistent with previous
research showing failure will negatively impact the affect of ego-involved athletes
(Dweck & Leggett, 1988). For example, upon moving up to a new level, Susan
acknowledged a lack of confidence, as suggested in the following quotes describing situations of transition:
Even if I was bored, I did not want to [move up] because here I was being
introduced to something that I didn't know. And God forbid someone see me
do something I did not know how to do perfect. So, I think a lot of it was the
fear of not being able to complete something right away.
The stress of learning something new and not having it perfected and having
to go through falling and having to go through not being able to perfect it
and not being able to do it would really frustrate me and anger me and, and
make me so mad.
Another aspect of transitioning was Susan's reactions to her injuries: "I always felt guilty, you know, I'd be upset, like I let [my coach] down. I let my team
down." She also described:
It was real frustrating for me because I didn't like anybody giving me help or
assistance in any way and, you know, to be carried out by the coach, it was
really humiliating for me. It made me feel like I was weak and that's probably the worst thing for me is to feel weak or powerless. And when I don't
have that power, when T don't have that control, I feel very empty, in anything, and always in gymnastics.
Elite Gymnast
65
To Susan, being injured was a sign of weakness which undermined her need
to demonstrate superiority over her teammates and opponents. Injuries were viewed
merely as an impediment to her ultimate goal of winning and recognition; hence
they were treated inconsequentially, often to her detriment.
Susan's transitioning mental states seemed to result from her ego-involved
goal orientation. As she moved to a new level with new demands, her self-confidence was shaken and her ability to demonstrate her high ability lessened. This
resulted in much frustration and negative mental states. Rather than viewing the
upward move as a sign of progress, Susan dwelled on the mistakes that she would
be making as she learned new skills. Consistent with previous research (Dweck &
Leggett, 1988), Susan displayed negative self-cognitions, negative affect, and a
pessimistic stance in the face of failure, even when learning new skills.
Behavioral Correlates
The behavioral correlates of an ego-involved goal orientation are evidenced in this
gymnast in the following categories of data: Interactions With Teammates, Excessive Practice Behaviors, Acting Out Behaviors, Participation Through Injuly, and
Unhealthy Eating.
Interactions With Teammates. Susan's need to show superiority was reflected in her interactions with her teammates. She used the gymnastic team setting as a forum to show her superiority. She would support her teammates, as long
as she clearly was better than them. As soon as their performances neared hers,
Susan would begin to view them as an opponent. As she stated: "I [was] very
supportive of my teammates, only if they never beat me." She also noted:
I had no problem coaching somebody up. I had no problem supporting somebody up as long as they stayed underneath that clear window. I mean window ceiling. Ya know, if they even came close to me, forget it. I'm not helping you. But I never had a problem with helping anyone.
Excessive Practice Behaviors. Consistent with previous research (Roberts & Treasure, 1995), practice was viewed as a time to perfect her skills with the
goal of being superior over others. Susan viewed practice as a means of gaining an
advantage from which to dominate her opponents and as a method to increase the
likelihood of winning. She explained:
In my mind, practice made perfect. I had believed that pain is gain. . . . And
the more it hurt, the better it was; and I don't know why it was like that, and
sometimes I think about that and I think I was becoming psychotic, but I
would purposely hurt myself to make myself better. To almost make myself
feel like I was existing.
Practice also was misused when Susan would experience a substandard competitive outcome. Susan's drive for perfection and need to "conquer" her opponents affected her subsequentbehavior and motivation in that it led to an obsessive
approach to her training. Upon a poor performance, Susan would endure endless
hours of additional practice on her own. Sometimes this would include working
out on her beam at home and hours spent reviewing her routine and music. As she
noted, after a poor performance:
66
Krane, Greenleafind S n o
I would be in the gym that very evening after school. And I just work, work,
work, work. That trick that I fell off on, I would work on it extremely hard.
I mean if I fell off the beam on a split leap, I would do 100 split leaps that
night.
Acting Out Behaviors. Susan often recounted feelings of frustration, anger, and despair upon not attaining a near-perfect score or 1st place performance.
The behavioral implications of these feelings are reflected in the Acting Out Behaviors category. Sometimes Susan's "poor performances" (i.e., 2nd and 3rd place
finishes) resulted in throwing things, crying, not supporting teammates, and not
eating or overeating. For example,
If I did not place first, I would bawl my head off, I would act like an idiot.
We had stuffed animals that we would carry into meets with us, I would
throw them. . . . It got to be so bad sometimes that my parents would be
ashamed of the way I acted in the meet because I would refuse to go get a
ribbon or a medal.
Participation Through Injury. Susan's behavior reveals what may be considered maladaptive or self-destructive concerning her reaction to her injuries. As
previously noted, Susan suffered numerous serious injuries, yet rarely constrained
her training as suggested by medical personnel. As she described, "many times I
practiced and I went to meets with separated bones, tom ligaments, severe 3rddegree sprained ankles, sprained wrists, rips." When Susan was injured, she would
focus on what she felt was needed to remain competitive and to satisfy her coaches.
Susan believed that practice was the only path toward winning and proving to her
coaches that she was mentally tough. "I just doubled everything [the therapists]
told me to do because I just wanted to get back so bad and I would try walking on
it way before I should." When asked how she was able to train and compete with
such severe injuries, Susan shared that "I'd mentally say that I don't feel it. I feel no
pain. . . . I would not feel it. To me, it did not exist because it was a sign of weakness to admit that I was in so much pain that I couldn't go on." She continued,
I would do whatever it took. I would go to bed with aloe-vera and vitamin E
capsules, break them up, open and put on my hands. There's all kinds of
tricks of the trade you can do and I don't remember exactly how I would find
this stuff out, but I would use it. And, you know, taping, I taped myself for
years. . . . I would resort to a lot of Ibuprofens. . . .At one time my body was
so deteriorated that they had to place me on animal protein and animal collagen, and they were [using] actual cartilage from animals to try to rebuild
some of my muscle tissues and tears and sprains.
Unfortunately, this attitude toward her injuries often resulted in additional
injuries. Susan recalled one particular incident in which she had just come out of
rehabilitation for tom ligaments in her ankle. Instead of gradually working back to
her regular training routine, she pushed herself beyond what she should have been
doing. This resulted in her compensating for a bad ankle and, in turn, injuring the
other ankle. As she stated:
[The second ankle sprain] was really frustrating; I was mad at myself because I knew I shouldn't have been on the balance beam. I was mad at my
Elite Gymnast
67
body because my body once again failed me. I was mad at my sport because
here I was working so hard, but I was failing. And then, I was just angered,
angered at my teammates because they were going on without me, angered
with the fact that here 1was, I had just gotten out of so much hard work, and
here I am back to square one.
Even when Susan suffered what would have been a career-ending injury for
most athletes, she remained motivated throughout her year-long rehabilitation by
the thought of returning to her status as a successful elite gymnast. She also insisted on returning to competition despite the doctors' assertions that another fall
could render her permanently paralyzed. Throughout Susan's discussion of training through her injuries, she consistently maintained that it was essential to continue practicing no matter what. She felt that if she strayed from her usual training
regimen, that would result in decreasing her opportunity to reach her ultimate goal
of the Olympics. Susan's unwillingness to listen to doctors and maintain a healthy
approach to injury rehabilitation, which was corroborated by her parents and
coaches, shows the unnecessary dangers of an overemphasis on ego involvement.
Unhealthy Eating. The final category of behavioral correlates of an ego
orientation is Unhealthy Eating. Unhealthy or disordered eating is common in the
gymnastics environment (Petrie, 1993) which places great emphasis on looking
thin, small, and graceful. This leads many gymnasts to greatly limit their food
intake to unhealthy levels (Brownell, 1995). Susan also resorted to this type of
behavior. A strong indication of her concern for the ideal body image was revealed
when discussing her reaction to puberty:
I was about 13, 14 years old and I weighed 115, 120, and I was starting my
female, you know, building and developing and at age 13. I was a size 34 C
cup. And here I am, a gymnast, a very tiny gymnast and I have 34 C breasts.
I'm like, 'what in the world am I going to do with these things?' So I would
tape them, my mom would tape them, we'd take athletic tape, put a bra on
me and tape over the bra, so I would look thinner. . . . I went through a whole
period of adjustments [after pubertylgrowth]. I had to adjust my bar width, I
couldn't run, I hated running, it hurt. I had to adjust my vaulting. I mean,
anything with propulsion or um, throwing the body weight, I was totally off.
. . . So I went through a very bad depression between 13 and 15 because I
hated my body. . . . So I begged by parents for two years to get me a breast
reduction and they wouldn't do it. I guess I'm glad of that now.
Susan also revealed that "I was totally consumed with my weight and my
perfectionism that, you know, I was overworking my body." She stated that this
was "because I was so unbelievably engrossed in my sport." She described her
disordered eating as:
I would eat but I would, I'd cut my food up in real small pieces, so it looked
like I was eating more than I was, and I would eat half of it, and say I'm full.
And I'd drink a lot of water. There's ways around it. I mean you can drink a
lot of water before you sit down to eat, warm water will expand your stomach, there's just a lot of tricks.
Each of the behavioral correlates observed in Susan are consistent with what
would be expected of an ego-involved athlete. The behaviors in which she engaged
68
Krane, Greenleaf,and Snow
were done with the goal of enhanced likelihood of success (i.e., winning). Overtraining, viewing injury as an impediment to training and success, and disordered
eating can be linked to her ego-involved goal orientation because the purpose of
these behaviors, ironically, was to become more successful.
Conclusion and Practical Implications
It often is difficult to understand the inner drive that would lead an athlete to engage in the types of behaviors described by Susan. To many people, her behaviors
represent an ironic contradiction: her intense desire to excel in gymnastics fueled
by an unhealthy approach to training, nutrition, and rehabilitation. Feminist critiques of sport have deplored the high value placed on objectifying and alienating
one's body by overtraining and ignoring pain and injury (e.g., Duquin, 1994;
Messner, 1990).Although gymnastics is typically considered a "feminine" sport,
the environment described by Susan reinforced negative attributes of sport often
construed as "masculine behavior" (Lenskyj, 1986).These values were reinforced
in an ego-oriented motivational climate. Further, the elite gymnastics environment
that Susan described glorified a petite, child-like body, yet expected it to endure
extreme training conditions. Such a focus reinforced unhealthy eating and training
in the quest for the perfect body and athletic success. In this study, Susan resorted
to acting out behaviors, practicing and competing while seriously injured, employing unhealthy eating practices, overtraining, and refusing to listen to medical
advice in order to continue her quest toward the Olympic team. While Susan referred to the importance of a strong body as "my body is my temple," one may
read into this that Susan viewed her body as a tool for success, rather than something to be cared for (Duquin, 1994).
Framed within achievement motivation theory, the underlying incentives for
Susan's behavior become apparent. The intensely outcome-focused motivational
climate surrounding Susan reinforced what Mary Duquin (1994) described as "the
legitimization of physical abuse and sado-ascetic sport practices" (p. 272). Extreme practice and competition conditions became accepted as the only way to
become successful. Susan was willing to resort to unhealthy training practices,
and her training practices were rationalized and reinforced by her coaches and her
parents as important methods toward the attainment of her Olympic goals. The
experiences of Susan all too graphically represent the negative impact of a highly
outcome-focused athletic environment. However, this type of environment can be
avoided and a more healthy environment fostered.
A task-oriented motivational climate can be attained through changing the
goals, expectations, and reinforcements in the environment described by Susan.
Rather than stressing the importance of normative, outcome-based goals, a focus
on personal improvement and long-term, healthy training techniques should be
sought. To do so, we must begin with the administrators, coaches, and parents,
who need to be educated about alternate training methods and the physical and
psychological implications of different sport environments.
Administrators, coaches, and parents can employ a variety of techniques
that will lead to the development of a task-oriented motivational climate. Because
young athletes learn their competitive focus (i.e., goal orientation) from significant others, such as parents and coaches, it is important that adults support and
reinforce task-oriented behaviors. Whereas an ego-oriented motivational climate
Elite Gymnast
69
focuses on interpersonal competition, public evaluation, and normative feedback,
a task-oriented motivational climate would emanate from an emphasis on development, effort, personal improvement, and positive peer relations (Theeboom,
DeKnop, & Weiss, 1995). Both parents and coaches should minimize the use of
normatively based external rewards (e.g., patches for top scores) and keep winning in perspective. Although everyone loves to win, it should be stressed that
there are other important outcomes of an athletic event (Smith & Smoll, 1996),
such as enjoyment, improvement, and self-satisfaction. Coaches should be using
positive and instructional feedback, including the athlete in decision-making, and
using cooperative activities. Evaluations should be based on how much an individual athlete improves rather than if she or he scored better than other athletes.
Parents should express acceptance and support regardless of performance outcome
(Woolger & Power, 1993). They also should praise effort and improvement, and
avoid social comparison. Because children often model the behaviors and attitudes of their parents and coaches, adults must be aware of their comments and
actions, ensuring a task focus. In some cases, leaving the current gymnastics training environment in search of a more task-oriented environment may be the best
thing parents can do for their young athletes.
Duquin (1994) stresses the importance of considering the ethics involved in
coaching and educating athletes and the "morality of the rules themselves" (p.
276). Parents and athletes should be encouraged to question coaches' requirements
concerning training, injury rehabilitation, and athlete weight. Administrators should
be ethically and morally obligated to ensure that safe and healthy training environments are fostered and maintained. Research (Seifritz, Duda, & Chi, 1992;
Theeboom et al., 1995) supports that a task-oriented motivational climate may
have a positive impact on athletes. Compared to an ego-oriented motivational climate, a task-focused climate has been associated with higher intrinsic motivation,
greater enjoyment of the activity, lower anxiety, believing success is due to effort,
and better performance. Who is to say what level of physical excellence and personal adjustment Susan may have achieved with more appropriate training, rehabilitation, and nutritional advice. Susan's experiences only underscore the need to
educate administrators, coaches, and parents of the importance of a task-oriented
motivational climate and the harmful impact of an outcome-involved motivational climate.
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