143
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
Sang Jik Rhee
(Chungnam National University)
Rhee, Sang Jik. 2008. Syllable structure without codas in Korean. Studies in
Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology. 14.1. 143-163. The present paper adopts
the view that a final consonant is syllabified as an onset rather than a coda: the
onset in turn is followed by an empty nucleus. The empty nucleus does not receive
phonetic interpretation when certain conditions are met. This final-onset view is
empirically supported by various phonological phenomena, such as stress
assignment, vowel length distribution, and phonotactic constraint on consonant
sequences in other languages. Furthermore, the final-onset view can also be
extended to internal codas so that Korean can dispense with codas altogether.
Specifically, it is assumed that [ɨ] is lexically represented by an empty nucleus and
surface consonant clusters are syllabified as two onsets with an intervening empty
nucleus. The absence/presence of [ɨ] determines the well-formedness of consonant
clusters, i.e. the absence of [ɨ] indicates that the cluster is well-formed and its
presence indicates that it is ill-formed. It is shown that the phonetic interpretation
of an empty nucleus is regulated by the Empty Category Principle. In this way, this
relatively simple structure can more adequately account for phonotactic constraints
on consonant clusters in native and loanword phonology. (Chungnam National
University)
Keywords: final-coda view, final-onset view, empty nucleus, coda-onset cluster,
the vowel [], Empty Category Principle
1. Introduction
Following earlier proposals (Kaye 1990, Harris 1994, Harris and Gussmann
1998, among others), this paper motivates the claim that a final consonant
occupies an onset rather than a coda in the syllable structure of Korean.
This approach is radically different from the mainstream one, among other
reasons, because this syllabification requires a following empty nucleus.
That is, under certain contexts, this nucleus receives no phonetic
interpretation at all. It is further argued that this final-onset view can be
extended to internal codas as well, so that Korean syllable structure can
dispense with codas altogether. I will show that this codaless syllable
structure can provide a more adequate account of the phonotactic
constraint on consonant clusters in native and loanword phonology in
Korean.
* Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Phonology Seminar organised by the
Modern Linguistic Society of Korea in April, 2007 and the Spring Meeting hosted by the
Language Research Institute, HUFS, in July, 2007. This work has been greatly benefited by
valuable comments from Meejin Ahn, Hyeonkwan Cho, Won-hoi Kim, Ponghyung Lee and
Jeroen van de Weijer. Also, I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful
comments. The remaining errors, of course, are mine.
144
Sang Jik Rhee
Normally, a word-final consonant is assumed to occupy a coda position.
This final-coda view, however, has certain disadvantages. For instance, a
final coda behaves differently from an internal coda in stress assignment:
the latter contributes to syllable-weight but the former does not in the
quantity-sensitive stress systems. For this reason, this final consonant is
treated as extrametrical (Hayes 1982). This paper provides more evidence
for the asymmetrical behaviour of final codas by drawing on language
typology, vowel length variation and consonant phonotactics in various
languages. On the basis of the discussion on these topics, the present paper
supports the final-onset view: a final consonant is syllabified as an onset
followed by an empty nucleus.
With respect to the syllable structure of Korean, the final-onset view
applies to internal codas as well, so that codas are not part of syllable
inventory of Korean at all. That is, not only are final consonants syllabified
as an onset followed by an empty nucleus, but surface coda-onset clusters
in internal position are syllabified as two onsets with an intervening empty
nucleus. This paper assumes that an empty nucleus is phonetically realised
as [ɨ] when certain conditions, which are regulated by the Empty Category
Principle (Kaye, Lowenstamm and Vergnaud (henceforth KLV) 1990,
Charette 1991, henceforth ECP), are met. This implies that the
absence/presence of [] can determine the well-formedness of consonant
sequences, i.e. the absence of [] indicates that the surrounding cluster is
well-formed but its presence does not.
The paper is organised as follows: Section 2 critically examines the
final-coda view by presenting various phonological phenomena such as
vowel-length distribution in internal and final position, language typology
with respect to internal codas and final consonants, and the distribution of
consonant clusters in internal and final position (cf. Harris & Gussmann
1998). Section 3 is concerned with the syllable structure of Korean. I
consider the distribution of [ɨ] in mono-morphemic words with respect to
the consonant clusters it appears in. It is shown that the occurrence of [ɨ]
depends on the well-formedness of coda-onset clusters in question and
hence its distribution is predictable. To capture the highly regular
distribution of the presence of [], the notion of empty nuclei is employed.
The ECP determines the phonetic interpretation of empty nuclei so that the
presence (or absence) of [] is correlated with the well-formedness of
consonant clusters. Furthermore, we take loanword phonology into account
to discuss some implications of codaless structure. The final section
summarise the main point of this paper.
2. Against the final-coda view
In mainstream approaches, it is taken for granted that final consonants are
invariably represented as codas. This final-coda view, however, fails to
capture the asymmetrical behaviour between internal and final codas. In
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
145
many stress systems, for instance, CVC syllables count as heavy wordinternally but as light word-finally, as shown in (1.).
(1.) (a) tormént
lamént
collápse
(b) cajóle
maintáin
caróuse
(c) édit
astónish
cáncel
(1.) shows a sub-regularity of the stress patterns in English verbs: the final
syllable attracts stress when it is heavy; otherwise it is the penultimate
syllable that is stressed. (1.a) and (1.b) illustrate final stress and (1.c) the
penultimate pattern. The examples in (1.c) clearly indicate that the final
consonant fails to render the preceding rhyme heavy and so the penultimate
syllable attracts stress. This is formally characterised as extrametricality
(Hayes 1982). Employing extrametricality is based on the negative
premises that a final consonant does not count as a coda for stress purpose.
In addition to extrametricality, another asymmetrical behaviour of a final
consonant is that it fails to influence the length of a preceding vowel.
2.1 Vowel length
Modern Icelandic exhibits the widespread phenomenon of metrical
lengthening: a stressed open syllable has a long vowel (Gussmann 2002
and relevant references therein). Furthermore, any stressed rhyme must be
heavy in Icelandic so that a word-final stressed vowel must be long, as
shown in (2.).
(2.) bú [pú:] ‘estate’
tvó [tvɔ́:] ‘two, ACC. MASC.’
fœ́ [fáɪ:]1 ‘I get’
Stressed vowels are also long before a single consonant, which
uncontroversially is represented as the onset of the following syllable, as in
(3.a), and before two consonant clusters which form a complex onsets, as
in (3.b). Note that a vowel must be short before an internal coda-onset
cluster, as in (3.c).
(3.) (a) lúða [lú:ða] ‘halibut’
stara [stá:ra] ‘stare’
(b) apríl [á:pril] ‘april’
flysja [flɪ ́:sja] ‘peel’
(c) lampi [lám̥pɪ]2 ‘lamp’
banki [báŋ̊cɪ] ‘bank’
1
fœri [fái:rɪ] ‘opportunity’
hjón [çóu:n] ‘couple’
betri [p́:tri] ‘better’
nepja [n́:pja] ‘cold weather’
senda [s́nta] ‘send’
stúl̥ka [stúl̥ka] ‘girl’
There is a contrast between short and long diphthongs in Icelandic, e.g. gleyma [klei:ma]
‘to forget’ and gleymdi [kleimdɪ] ‘I forget’; ár [au:r] ‘year’ and árs [aurs] ‘year GEN. SG.’.
2
In Icelandic, a sequence of a sonorant followed by an aspirated stop is phonetically
realised as a voiceless sonorant followed by an unaspirated plosive. In other words, aspiration
is interpreted as the devoicing of the preceding sonorant.
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Sang Jik Rhee
(3.) illustrates that the heaviness of a syllable containing a stressed vowel is
achieved by either a long vowel or a short vowel followed by an internal
coda. Given this pattern, let us consider monosyllabic words ending in a
consonant. If a final consonant is deemed a coda, then it predicts that only
a short vowel would occur, as in (3.c). However, this prediction is not
borne out, as shown in (4.).
(4.) tap [tá:p] ‘loss’
bak [pá:k] ‘back’
rit [rɪ ́:t] ‘written work’
hús [hú:s] ‘house’
The presence of a final long vowel in a stressed syllable in (4.) indicates
that a final consonant should not be automatically represented as a coda.
This observation is supported by the examples in (2.) where a final vowel
is realised as long without a final consonant. In other words, a final
consonant fails to influence the length of a preceding vowel. A similar
distributional pattern of vowel-length is noted in English. Normally, long
vowels can freely appear before an internal onset, as in final, booty, lady,
loiter, Peter etc. But a short vowel occurs before an internal coda, as
shown below.3
(5.) (a) chapter
factor
doctor
after
wisdom
(b) blister
whisker
whisper
timber
finger
(c) pamper
winter
anchor
(d) shelter
balcony
dolphin
In English, the segmental content of internal coda-onset clusters is largely
subject to the Syllable Contact Law (Vennemann 1988) which prohibits a
rising sonority over a syllable boundary. The examples in (5.) show such
sonority profiles in that the sonority of codas should not be less than that of
following onsets. Thus, the coda position after a short vowel is occupied by
a fricative (5.b), a nasal (5.c) or a lateral (5.d). In particular, the relevant
distributional constraint on the coda plosives as in (5.a) says that a coronal
plosive cannot occur in this position.4 However, the restriction on vowel
length before an internal coda is not maintained in final position.
3
There are some exceptions to this statement. These examples contain a long vowel (either
a monophthong or diphthong) followed by an internal coda, which forms a super heavy
syllable. But there are quite severe restrictions on the nature of the coda consonant which can
appear in these VVC rhymes:
(i) C must be a fricative or a sonorant, e.g. pastry, oyster, danger, council, boulder, ancient.
(ii) If C is a sonorant, it must be homorganic with the following onset, e.g. council, launder,
shoulder, poultry.
(iii) In the case of (ii), the place of the consonants is almost invariably coronal (cf. chamber,
cambric). For detailed discussion on these findings, see Selkirk (1982), Borowsky (1986) and
Harris (1994), among others.
4
Apparent counterexamples to this restriction are kidney and atlas. One mainstream
analysis proposes that the sequences -dn- and -tl- are syllabified as a coda-onset cluster
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
147
(6.) (a) lid, run, back, top, step, foot, fill, spliff, rich
(b) slide, spoon, take, soap, boot, feel, leaf, reach
(6.a) and (6.b) show that, before a final consonant, a short vowel occurs in
the former and a long vowel appears in the latter. It indicates that a final
consonant imposes no systematic constraints on the length of the preceding
vowel. This asymmetrical pattern is also borne out by vowel length
alternations involving closed-syllable shortening (Myers 1987). In certain
contexts, it is observed that a preceding vowel is shortened by a following
consonant that is a part of a coda-onset cluster, as shown below.
(7.) Final
perceive
scribe
five fifth
intervene
Internal
perceptive
scripture
wise
intervention
Final
describe
reduce
wisdom
retain
Internal
description
reduction
retention
(7.) illustrates that a long vowel occurs before a final consonant but this
vowel alternates with a short vowel that appears in the internal closed
rhymes resulted from suffixation. This phenomenon can be dealt with by a
dynamic process involving derivation from common underlying
representations (Chomsky and Halle 1968, Myers 1987, among others), or
by a purely static distributional regularity (Harris 1994). Irrespective of
whether it is treated dynamically or statically, what is crucial here is that
no such shortening takes place before a final consonant.
To summarise, the view that a final consonant is syllabified as a coda is
not compatible with the fact that this consonant cannot contribute to
syllable weight to account for the distribution of vowel-length in final
position as discussed with respect to metrical lengthening in Icelandic.
Furthermore, the failure of closed syllable shortening before a final
consonant in English indicates that the final-coda view is negative. The
negative view is further supported by reduplication in Ponapean (McCarthy
and Prince 1986 and see relevant references therein). Durative aspect is
signalled by reduplication in this language. The shape of the reduplicative
prefix is determined by the quantity of the base. In mono-syllabic words, if
a base is heavy with a long vowel, its corresponding prefix is light with a
short vowel, and it is heavy if a base is light with a short vowel, as shown
below.
(Kenstowicz 1994: 257-258), on the basis of the assumption that any internal consonant
sequences that are not represented as a branching onset (e.g. atrocious) are treated
automatically as a coda-onset sequence. An alternative solution is that they are treated as a
bogus cluster in which an empty nucleus intervenes between the two consonants (Harris 1994:
67). The notion of empty nuclei will be introduced in section 2.4.
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Sang Jik Rhee
(8.) (a) Light base
pa
paa-pa
pu
puu-pu
(b) Heavy base
pei
pe-pei
wai
wa-wai
‘weave’
‘bent’
mi
lo
‘fight’
‘sneak’
pou po-pou
lou lo-lou
mii-m
loo-lo
‘exist’
‘be caught’
‘cold’
‘cooled’
(8.) shows the complementary distribution in vowel length between a base
and a reduplicant, depending on the weight of the base. Bearing in mind
(8.), let us consider examples ending in a single or two consonants.
(9.) (a) duup
leŋk
(b) rer
dil
du-duup
le-leŋk
rer-rer
din-dil
‘dive’
‘acrophobic’
‘tremble’
‘penetrate’
miik
mand
dod
kik
mi-miik
ma-mand
don-dod
kiŋ-kik
‘suck’
‘tame’
‘frequent’5
‘kick’
The bases in (9.a) consist of either a long vowel or a short vowel followed
by a consonant cluster. In these cases, the corresponding reduplicants are
light. This shows that the base is heavy. Thus, with respect to (9.b), if a
single final consonant really contributed to the weight of the base, the
reduplicants would be light as in (9.a) and so the shapes of prefixes are
expected to be CV forms. However, the reduplicants are composed of a
short vowel followed by a consonant. This strongly suggests that final
consonants in Ponapean do not count for heaviness of the bases.
2.2 Language typology: internal codas and final consonants
Another piece of evidence for the asymmetrical behaviour between an
internal coda and a final consonant is drawn from language typology.
According to one traditional classification, there are two main types of
syllable structure, i.e. the CV type permits open syllables and the CVC
type permits both open and closed syllables. Given these syllabic types,
two structures are typologically possible:
(10.)
(a)
Any CV language simultaneously lacks both internal
codas and final consonants.
(b) Any CVC language simultaneously allows for both internal codas
and final consonants.
For instance, Zulu, Yoruba, Desano (Kaye 1990) and Hawaiian belong to
(10.a) and English, Polish and Korean belong to (10.b). As Kaye (1990)
points out, cross-linguistically, there are two additional types that the
5
The base-final consonants /d/in dod, /l/ in dil and /k/ in kik undergo nasal substitution to
become [n] and [ŋ] to conform to the phonotactic constraints on consonant-clusters in
Ponapean.
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
149
taxonomy in (10.) fails to account for. One inhibits internal closed syllables
but allows final consonants as illustrated by Luo, spoken in Kenya,
Yucatec Maya (Harris and Gussmann 1998) and Yapese, a member of
Austronesian languages (Piggot 1999). The other allows internal closed
syllables but prohibits final consonants, as in Italian and Axinica Campa
(Payne 1981).
These typological facts show that languages have two independent
choices: i) whether or not to have internal codas and ii) whether or not to
have final consonants. The combination of these two options produces four
different types of syllable structures, as shown below.
(11.) (a) Languages allow both internal codas and final consonants.
(b) Languages allow internal codas but lack final consonants.
(c) Languages lack both internal codas and final consonants.
(d) Languages lack internal codas but allow final consonants.
The four-way typology in (11.) demonstrates that the presence of internal
codas does not necessarily imply the presence of final consonants.
Furthermore, the reverse is also true: the presence of final consonants does
not necessarily imply the presence of internal codas. These implication
relationships, however, cannot be derived from (10), since this approach
treats final consonants in the same way as internal codas in terms of
syllabification. Accordingly, this treatment is unable to predict that
languages do not permit internal codas but allow final consonants, as in
Yapese and Luo. Final consonants in these languages obviously have no
internal coda counterparts. In other words, these language facts also
undermine the assumption that final consonants are automatically
represented as codas with the presence of internal codas.
2.3 The distribution of internal and final codas in English
In this section, the distribution of codas in English is taken into account to
see how the traditional approach syllabifies consonants into codas in
internal and final position (Fudge 1969, Selkirk 1982, among others).6 In
this approach, dubbed the final-coda view in this paper, a final consonant
or consonant cluster is uniformly represented as a coda. In comparison
with final codas, note that only a single consonant occupies an internal
coda. Given this syllabification, one noteworthy fact is that the distribution
of segmental content in internal codas, as in (5.) and (12.) below, is highly
constrained in comparison with final codas. In particular, the mismatch is
6
The basic domain of syllabification in English is not word-level but root-level (Selkirk 1982,
Harris 1994). This effectively excludes word-level derived forms containing inflectional or
derivational suffixes. Forms with the past tense suffix, e.g. dived, summed, or with the plural
suffix, e.g. dames, books, fall outside the domain for syllabification. Thus, these forms are not
treated here.
150
Sang Jik Rhee
conspicuous in monomorphemic words ending in a single consonant, since
any consonant is free to occur in this position. 7 In this respect, the number
of consonants occurring in a final coda far exceeds that of occurring in an
internal coda. Thus, it shows that internal codas and final consonants have
a different coda-profile. Another mismatch is observed between internal
and final codas. Only a single consonant can occupy an internal coda but
two consonants occur in a coda when words end in a cluster. One
noticeable fact is that two-consonant clusters in internal position obey the
same sequential restrictions on those in final position, as shown below.
(12.)
internal
final
internal final
(a) stop-stop
(b) sonorant-stop
chapter
apt
pamper damp
vector
sect
winter
flint
wrinkle
sink
filter
guilt
scalpel
help
(c) fricative-stop (d) sonorant-fricative
mister
mist
cancer manse
after
raft
dolphin golf
whisper
wisp
As Harris (1994) points out, the final-coda approach cannot capture the
parallel distribution of internal coda-onset clusters and final two coda
consonants. The final-coda treatment would state these regularities
separately, i.e. as internal coda-onset clusters and as complex coda clusters.
Thus, these identical distributions are dealt with as purely accidental. In the
next section, an alternative proposal is put forward to account for this
parallel behaviour.
2.4 The final-onset view
Evidence drawn from the discussion in the previous section contends that
the final-coda view cannot be upheld. This implies that final consonants
are not represented as codas. An alternative view is that they are in fact
syllabified as onsets. Regarding the examples in (12.), both internal twoconsonant clusters and final two consonants are characterised in the same
way as coda-onset sequences, as shown below.
7
One exception would be /r/. In a non-rhotic accent such as R.P. in British English,
a final r is never phonetically realised in this position.
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
(13.)
(a)
O
pamper
R
O
N1
(b) damp
O R
R
N2
x
x
x
x
x
p
æ
m
p
ɚ
O
N1
x
x
151
R
N2
x
x
x
p æ m
p
(O: onset; R: rhyme, N: nucleus)
In (13.), a final consonant cluster behave just like an internal coda-onset
cluster, since the segmental content of the two clusters in question is
exactly the same. This means that these clusters are syllabically identical,
both internally and finally so that the phonotactic generalisation is stated
only once. One prominent difference between the two is that (13.a) ends in
a nucleus with phonetic content but (13.b) ends in an empty nucleus that
remains silent (The discussion of empty nuclei will follow).
This final onset view is empirically supported by vowel-length. Recall
from (5.) that only short vowels are present before internal codas but either
long vowels or short vowels can occur before internal onsets, as shown
below.
(14.) (a) city, ladder, petrol, baton
(b) Peter, booty, putrid, capon
As illustrated in (6.), the same vowel length distribution is observed before
a final consonant, i.e. either long or short vowels can occur in this position.
These identical distributions of vowel-length are accounted for by the final
onset view, as shown below.
(15.)
(a)
O
lid
N
O
N
(b) lead
O N
x
x
x
x
x
x
l
ɪ
d
l
i
x
O
N8
x
x
d
So far, we have argued that a final consonant behaves just like an internal
onset rather than a coda. As in (13.) and (15.), the final-onset view assumes
that an onset position is licensed by a nuclear position irrespective of
whether or not the nucleus is empty. The assumption is formally expressed
by following two principles.
8
In KLV (1990), the left branch of every rhyme is the nuclear constituent. In other words,
the rhyme is a projection of the nucleus. In (15.), however, the rhymal node is omitted for
notational convenience.
152
Sang Jik Rhee
(16.)
(a)
The Coda Licensing Principle (Kaye 1990: 311)
Post-nuclear rhymal positions must be licensed by a following onset.
(b) The Onset Licensing Principle (Harris 1994: 160)
An onset head position must be licensed by a nuclear position.
One significant effect of the Coda Licensing Principle is that a final
consonant cannot be syllabified in a coda. Rather, it occupies an onset
position which is licensed by an empty nucleus due to the Onset Licensing
Principle. These two principles in effect guarantee that all syllable
structures end in a nucleus. I am now in a position to discuss the issue of
empty nuclei. A key question is as to whether or not empty nuclei
phonologically play an active role. In other words, can empty nuclei
influence a given phenomenon in a phonological way? In this respect,
Korean provides a positive answer to this question. In the next section, we
explore syllable structure to see how empty nuclei have an effect on
Korean phonology.
3. Syllable Structure in Korean
Most phonologists assume that Korean is classified as a CVC language.
Accordingly, it has nuclei, onsets and codas in the syllable inventory. In
fact, regarding the distribution of coda consonants, this approach seems to
be plausible in that the segmental content of coda consonants is almost
identical both in internal and final position. In monomorphemic native
Korean words, internal codas contain two lenis stops ([p], [k]), and four
sonorants ([m], [n], [ŋ], [l]). In final position, on the other hand, [t] can
occur along with other six consonants occurring in internal coda position,
as shown below.
(17.)
(a)
[kolmok] ‘alleyway’
[mpo] ‘threat’
[mps’i] ‘appearance’
(b) final coda
[tal] ‘moon’
[kurm] ‘cloud’
[sŋkak] ‘thought’
[ahop] ‘nine’
internal coda
[pnk] ‘lightening’
[ŋt’uŋ] ‘extraordinary’
[kkc’ŋ] ‘worry’
[tutun] ‘backing up’
[ŋmaŋ] ‘mess’
[tat-(ta)] ‘to close’
In (17.), in comparison with final codas, we find that internal codas lack
[t]. The absence of this consonant appears to be an accidental gap. It is,
thus, contended that the final-coda view can be adopted to represent
Korean syllable structure. This paper, however, proposes a different view,
arguing that Korean does not require codas. Theory-internally, due to the
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
153
effect of the Coda and the Onset Licensing Principle, as in (16.), a single
final consonant cannot be syllabified as a coda, precisely because there is
no onset following it. Furthermore, as (17.) demonstrates, the segmental
content of internal and final codas is almost identical, which suggests that
internal codas are also dealt with in the same way as the final single
consonant. The consequence is that all surface internal coda-onset
sequences are separated by an empty nucleus and a final consonant is
syllabified as an onset followed by an empty nucleus. Concretely, let us see
how the word [kolmok] ‘alleyway’ is lexically represented.
(18.)
/kolØmokØ/ (Ø: empty nucleus)
O1
N1
O2
N2
|
|
|
|
x
x
x
x
|
|
|
|
k
o
l
m
O3
|
x
|
o
N3
|
x
|
k
O4
|
x
N4
|
x
In (18.), two empty nuclei are present in the lexical representation, viz. N2
and N4. The phonetic form of this word shows that these two do not
receive phonetic interpretation. Note that the absence of phonetic
interpretation of N2 and N4 yields a surface well-formed consonant cluster
and makes the word end in a consonant, respectively. The consonants
occupying O2 and O4, which are traditionally treated as a coda, occur
before N2 and N4 that are, in turn, not phonetically realised. In other
words, a coda is equivalent to an onset followed by a silent empty nucleus.
In this way, we can alternatively treat the coda distribution in Korean.
However, as we will see below, not all empty nuclei are inaudible in that
they sometimes receive phonetic interpretation when certain conditions are
met. If we assume that the phonetic realisation of an empty nucleus is the
vowel [] in Korean, the presence of this vowel between the two
consonants in question implies that they are not a well-formed cluster. For
instance, consider the phonetic form [cinrmi] ‘fin’ that contains the
sequence -nr- separated by []. This cluster is not allowed as a coda-onset
cluster in Korean. This strongly indicates that the presence of the vowel []
is an indicator for the well-formedness of coda-onset sequences. It shows
that the distribution of the vowel [] is not random but highly constrained,
unlike other lexical vowels. If we find adequate conditions on the phonetic
interpretation of the vowel [], the codaless approach has a formal
advantage over the mainstream approaches to syllable structure in Korean.
Specifically, in comparison with the codaless approach, the mainstream
approach has treated the vowel [] in the same way as other lexical vowels
so that it cannot coherently capture the phonotactic constraints on codaonset clusters in a systematic way.
154
Sang Jik Rhee
3.1 Empty nuclei and the vowel []
The postulation of empty nuclei is motivated by the phonological behaviour of
the vowel []. Unlike other lexical vowels, this vowel is unique in the sense
that it is subject to /zero alternation in suffixation and to epenthesis in
loanword adaptation. These topics have been analysed in various theoretical
frameworks (Ahn 1985, Sohn 1987, and Hong 2001 for /zero alternation
and Cho 1998 and Kang 1996 for loanword phonology, among others).
What previous analyses have not dealt with is the distribution of [] in
monomorphemic words, since this vowel has traditionally been regarded as
lexically specified. However, there is positive evidence that this vowel must
be treated differently from other lexical vowels, because its occurrence is
highly constrained in monomorphemic words.
In final position, the vowel [] normally does not occur. 9 Morpheme
internally, the occurrence of [] is sensitive to the surrounding consonants.
(19.) summarises the distribution of internal [] and relevant data are shown
in (20.) (Heo 1995, Rhee 2002).
(19.) C1
C2
L
N
LO
TAO
L
ø
ø
ø
ø
N

ø
ø
ø
LO



ø
TAO



10
(L: liquid; N: nasal; LO: lenis obstruent; TAO: tense or aspirated obstruent;
ø: absence; : presence)
(20.)
(a) Absence of []
(i) between L+L
[kjəløle] ‘a pair of shoes’
[tuløle] ‘girth’
(ii) between L+N, L+LO, L+TAO
[kətlømək] ‘arrogant’
[tasløki] ‘gastropod’
[kaløpi] ‘ribs’
[saløpi] ‘to consider’
[tløs'ək] ‘moving slightly’
There are three exceptions to this statement, viz. [k] ‘he’, [jən] ‘other’ and [ən] ‘which’.
In this respect, an anonymous reviewer points out that there are not only a large vocabulary of
ideophonic words ending in a vowel [], e.g. [urr] ‘all at once’; [cwarr] ‘with a splash’, but
also there are several interjections containing a final [] such as [ik] ‘dear me!’. Note that the
final [] in these cases is preceded by either [k] or [r], which are not allowed to occur in final
position due to the effect of neutralisation. The presence of [] in this position preserves the
phonetic identity of a preceding consonant in loanwords such as [leik] lake and [c’ar] tsar.
This implies that this set of ideophonic words require the same special treatment as the set of
loanwords with respect to the final []. See Rhee (2002) for a detailed analysis of the final []
in loanwords.
10
The vowel [] intervenes between aspirated stops in loanwords, such as naphthalene [naptallin].
9
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
155
(iii) between N+N
[simømani] ‘ginsengdigger’ [ənøni] ‘sister’
(iv) between N+LO, N+TAO
[pənøk] ‘lightening’
[simøpurm] ‘errand’
[əŋøtəŋi] ‘hip’
(v) between LO+TAO
[sikmøci] ‘spinach’
[əkøcək] ‘tough’
[nkøt'] ‘wolf’
[skøs'i] ‘laday’
(b) Presence of []
(i) between N+L, LO+L, TAO+L
[cinrəmi] ‘fin’
[hətre] ‘trash’
[pusrəm] ‘ulcer’
[k'ak'raki] ‘bits of rice’
(ii) between LO+N, TAO+N
[nakne] ‘stranger’
[sløkməni] ‘secretely’
[kjaløc'mak] ‘slender’
[hamatmjən] ‘on the verge of’
(iii) between LO+LO, TAO+LO
[potki] ‘dwarf tree’
[p'ottk] ‘crunching’
[təløktək] ‘click’
The generalisation that we can make from (19.) and (20.) is that the
distribution of the internal [] depends on whether or not a surrounding
consonant sequence can form a surface coda-onset cluster. As in (20.a), the
absence of [] indicates that its surrounding consonants form a well-formed
sequences. Note that these coda-onset clusters require the presence of a
following vowel. Without this vowel, [] must appear between the two
consonants, e.g. [kərm] ‘fertiliser’ in liquid + nasal sequences; [turp]
‘aralia shoot’ in liquid + lenis obstruent sequences. In other words, a wellformed coda-onset cluster must appear intervocalically. In (20.b), when the
order of consonants is the reverse, however, [] is present between the two
consonants in question, irrespective of the presence of a following vowel.
This indicates that the distribution of [] is not arbitrary in comparison with
other lexical vowels. Rather, it is highly regulated by the presence/absence
of a following vowel and the quality of surrounding consonants.
In order to capture the predictable distribution of internal [], the Empty
Category Principle (ECP) is introduced to show how this principle
regulates the phonetic interpretation of empty nuclei.
(21.) The Empty Category Principle (ECP)
A licensed (empty) category receives no phonetic interpretation licensing
under the following circumstances:
(a) When it is domain-final (parameterised).
(b) It occurs within an inter-onset domain.
(Kaye 1995, Heo, 1995, Rhee 2002, among others)
156
Sang Jik Rhee
The ECP basically dictates that an empty nucleus is not phonetically
realised (i.e. silent or inaudible) if it is licensed. The condition (21.a) is a
parameter, i.e. some, but not all, languages license final empty nuclei.
Informally speaking, a language that has consonant-final words, such as
English, Dutch, German and Arabic, licenses a final empty nucleus that is
not phonetically manifested. However, in languages without consonantfinal words, such as Hawaiian and Italian, a final empty nucleus is not
licensed and so must be phonetically interpreted, i.e. words in these
languages must end in a vowel. Korean allows consonant-final words, so
that the parameter-setting for (21.a) is ‘on’ in this language.
The notion of inter-onset government is responsible for the phonetic
interpretation of internal empty nuclei, as in (21.b). As with the final empty
nucleus licensing, an internal empty nucleus is not phonetically realised
when it is licensed; otherwise it is phonetically interpreted as the vowel [],
as discussed earlier. Inter-onset government involves two onsets separated
by an empty nucleus. For the phonetic interpretation of internal empty
nuclei, the licensing conditions of inter-onset government in Korean are as
follows (Rhee 2004).
(22.) The Licensing Conditions on Internal Empty Nuclei
X O1
N1
O2
N2
Y
|
|
|
|
x
x
x
x
|
↓
|
|

[ø]


↑
↓
inter-onset government
(a) N1 is licensed iff:
(i) O2 governs O1
(ii) An unlicensed government-licenser, i.e. N2, must be present.
(b) Governing hierarchy
liquid < nasal, lenis obstruent < aspirated or tense obstruent
(c) Government-licensing
For a governing relation to hold between a non-nuclear head  and
its complement ,  must be government-licensed by its nucleus.
(Charette 1991:101)
The notion of inter-onset government concerns a governing relation
between two onsets in question and determines the phonetic interpretation
of an intervening empty nucleus. In (22.a), if O2 governs O1 and N2 has
phonetic content (i.e. unlicensed), then N1 does not receive phonetic
interpretation. Thus, N1 becomes silent so that the sequence of O1 and O2
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
157
become a well-formed coda-onset cluster on the surface. On the other
hand, if O2 fails to govern O1, the intervening empty nucleus phonetically
is realised as []. Thus, the cluster in question does not constitute a wellformed consonant sequence. For the sake of concreteness, consider the
phonetic forms [kolmok] and [krmro] in (23.).
(23.)
(a)
O1
|
x
|
k
↑
/kolØmokØ/ [kolmok]
N1
O2
N2
|
|
|
x
x
x
|
|
↓
o
L11
[ø]
N3
|
x
|
o
↓
inter-onset government
(b) /kØrəmØro/ [krəmro]
O1
N1
O2
N2
|
|
|
|
x
x
x
x
|
↓
|
|
k
[]
L

↑
↓
||
inter-onset government
O3
|
x
|
m
O3
|
x
|
m
↑
N3
|
x
↓
[]
||
O4
|
x
|
k
N4
|
x
O4
|
x
|
L
↓
N4
|
x
|
o
In (23.a), an inter-onset governing relation is established between the
liquid in O2 and the nasal in O3 intervened by the empty nucleus N2.
According to the governing hierarchy in (22.b),12 the nasal in O3 can
govern the liquid in O2 so that the empty nucleus N2 is licensed (i.e.
silent). In addition, the governing onset O3 requires a following unlicensed
11
This paper will not deal with the topic of what is the underlying segment of liquids in
Korean. It suffices to say that [r] occurs intervocalically and [l] occurs elsewhere. The
underlying liquid is represented by the ‘archiphonemic’ L.
12
Though the detailed discussion on governing hierarchy among consonants in Korean is
beyond the scope of the paper, some important notions relevant to this paper are briefly
introduced. This paper adopts a view that the ultimate unit of segments is the monovalent
element (KLV 1985, Harris 1990, Ploch 1999, among others). Thus, the contrasts among
segments are represented by the presence/absence of relevant elements. There are two types
of consonants with respect to governing properties. The headed segments possess governing
properties and so can occur in a governing position to govern headless segments. Headed
segments contain laryngeal properties such as [constricted glottis] and [spread glottis].
Informally speaking, headed segments such as tense and aspirated obstruents can govern
headless ones such as lenis obstruents and sonorants. Among headless segments, more
complex segments can govern less complex ones. Segmental complexity is calculated in terms
of the number of elements that a segment is composed of. In terms of segmental complexity,
lenis obstruents and nasals are treated as more complex than liquids. Accordingly, liquid +
lenis obstruent or liquid + nasal clusters are regarded as well-formed coda-onset clusters, as in
(20..a.ii) above. For the detailed discussion on element-based consonant representations in
Korean, see Rhee (2004, 2005, 2006).
158
Sang Jik Rhee
nucleus N3 as a government-licenser, as in (22.c).13 The phonetic form
[kolmok] emerges.
In (23.b), we can set up two inter-onset governing relations, viz. between
O1 and O2, and between O3 and O4. The liquids in the governing position
cannot govern the preceding lenis obstruent or nasal so that the intervening
empty nuclei, N1 and N3, receive phonetic interpretation. The phonetic
form is [krmro] in which the presence of [] indicates that lenis
obstruent-liquid and nasal-liquid sequences are not well-formed coda-onset
ones. In this way, the well-formedness of coda-onset clusters is determined
by the notion of inter-onset government.
One could argue that this codaless approach to syllable structure in
Korean might complicate phonological representations due to the
introduction of empty nuclei. In this paper, however, it is contended that
the postulation of empty nuclei does not involve unnecessary stipulations.
According to Kaye (1989), one of the purposes of phonology is to help the
hearer parse a contiguous input string into distinctive cognitive units. One
of these units includes phonological ones regarded as consisting of
sequences of Onset-Nuclear (ON) pairs, as shown above. These ON
sequences dominate a tier of timing units, i.e. the skeleton tier. The
skeleton plays an anchoring role relating the segments to the (syllabic)
constituents including empty ones. Also, (inter-onset) government and
licensing relations are established on this tier (KLV 1990). Thus, the
phonetic realisation of empty nuclei is a result of proper parsing of a given
phonological representation on the basis of the application of the ECP in
(21.) and the Licensing Conditions on Internal Empty Nuclei in (22.). To
the extent that the presence of empty nuclei plays an active role to
determine the well-formedness of coda-onset clusters in Korean, the
postulation of empty nuclei do not form unmotivated machinery for the
grammar as a whole. In the next section, we will see that the notion of
empty nuclei sheds light on the occurrence of [] in loanword phonology.
3.2 The epenthesis of [] in loanword phonology
Since the publication of Yip (1993), research on loanwords in Korean has
been flourished within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT) (Kang
1996, Cho 1998, among others). Unlike Yip’s proposal, in which the
loanword phonology is part of the native phonology in Cantonese, there is
a consensus among the constraint-based analyses that loanword phonology
in Korean constitutes a separate component from native phonology, due to
the fact that the epenthetic vowel [] occurs in final position.
13
If an unlicensed government-licenser is not present in an inter-onset governing relation,
its intervening empty nucleus receives phonetic interpretation. For instance, consider
/kLØ1mØ2/ ‘fertiliser’. In this representation, despite the fact that the nasal /m/ can govern
the preceding liquid, a potential government-licenser Ø2 is licensed due to the parameter
setting in (20.) so that the requirements of (22.) are not satisfied. Thus, the intervening empty
nucleus Ø2 is phonetically realised as [] and so its phonetic form is [krm].
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
159
Apart from the final [], however, the OT analyses do not pay attention
to the occurrence of [] in other positions. The epenthesis of [] in these
positions is captured by the constraint *COMPLEX that does not allow
complex onset clusters. For instance, the word drama has the following
input: /trama/. The optimal output [trama] is selected due to non-violation
of *COMPLEX in comparison with [trama]. Thus, in most OT analyses, the
general pattern of the constraint hierarchies of the native and the loanword
phonology is as shown below.
(24.)
(a) Native phonology
*COMPLEX, CODA CONDITION ≫ DEP-IO ≫ MAX-IO
(b) Loanword phonology
*COMPLEX, CODA CONDITION ≫ MAX-IO ≫ DEP-IO
In these hierarchies, a difference of the native from the loanword component
is that MAX-IO outranks DEP-IO in the latter. For instance, the stem-final
consonant /s/ in the native form /ps/ ‘friend’ undergoes neutralisation,
emerging as [pt]. If MAX-IO were to be higher ranked than D EP-IO, as in
the loanword phonology, an optimal output would be [ps]. This form
corresponds to the loanword bus. Thus, in the native phonology, D EP-IO
must be higher ranked than MAX-IO in order to prevent the vowel [] from
occurring in final position, interacting with the constraint CODA CONDITION.
This example provides crucial evidence that the native phonology is
distinct from the loanword phonology in Korean.
With respect to the epenthetic sites, the interactions between *COMPLEX and
DEP-IO produce multiple []-epenthesis in loanwords containing complex
onsets and ‘codas’ from the source languages. What the constraint-based
analyses have overlooked is that the sites of the occurrence of [] coincide
with those of native words, apart from [] in final position in loanwords.
Relevant examples are shown in (25.).
(25.)
(a) Absence of the vowel [] between two consonants
[pilølm]
film
[kløle]
‘a pair of shoes’
[siløk]
silk
[tløktk] ‘click’
[pnødiŋ]
vending
[cnøduŋ] ‘thunder’
[pŋøk]
bank
[sŋøkm] ‘with big stride’
[køt]
actor
[akøcak]
‘toughness’
[sekøs’i]
sexy
[skøs’i]
‘young lady’
(b) Presence of the vowel [] between two consonants
[piprapon] vibraphone
[sinapro]
‘gradually’
[tresiŋ]
addressing
[kotrm]
‘icicle’
[piakra]
Viagra
[ciŋkrp]
‘creepy’
[treiniŋ]
training
[ktrki] ‘piece’
160
Sang Jik Rhee
(25.) illustrates that the presence or absence of [] in non-final position is identical
in native and loanwords contexts. Given this distribution of [], the question
arises as to whether the constraint hierarchies in (24.) can handle the parallel
behaviour of [] in a unified way. Like the mainstream approaches, the OT
analyses also assume that the internal [] is lexically specified and DEP-IO
outranks MAX-IO in the native phonology, as in (24.), to prevent the vowel []
from occurring in final position. This treatment of [] in the OT approaches,
however, cannot capture the parallel distribution in a non-arbitrary way, precisely
because the nature of the vowel [] is different in each case, i.e. the vowel [] in
native words is lexically specified and the vowel [] is inserted in loanword.14
Thus, the identical distribution is considered as an accidental result.
As we anticipate from the discussion above, the codaless approach
demonstrates that the occurrence of [] in non-final position is dealt with in
the same way as that of native Korean. Consider the following examples.
(26.)
(a) /sinapØro/ [sinapro] ‘gradually’ (Ø: empty nucleus)
O1
N1
O2
N2
O3
N3
O4
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
|
|
|
|
|
↓
|
s
i
n
a
p
[]
r
↑
↓
||
inter-onset government
(b) /pipØraponØ/ [piprapon] vibraphone
O1 N1
O2
N2
O3
N3
|
|
|
|
|
|
x
x
x
x
x
x
|
|
|
↓
|
|
p
i
p
[]
r
a
↑
↓
||
inter-onset government
14
O4
|
x
|
p
N4
|
x
|
o
O5
|
x
N4
|
x
|
o
N5
|
x
n
An anonymous reviewer points out that the presence of internal [] in native Korean can be
captured by epenthesis (cf. Rhee and van de Weijer 2003). Specifically, the phonetic form
[krmro] may be derived from /kLmLo/ (L: archiphonemic liquid, cf. footnote 11) whereby
ill-formed coda-onset clusters, e.g. kL and mL, are repaired by the epenthetic []. Thus, this
epenthesis approach can dispense with the notion of empty nuclei. However, the vowel [] does
not always intervene between ill-formed clusters. For instance, in loanwords beginning with a
nasal-obstruent (NC) cluster from Bantu languages, the vowel [] occurs before the NC cluster
rather than between N and C, e.g. Mbeki [mbek’i] *[mpek'i]. In loanwords ending in a codaonset cluster such as from English, e.g. tent [tent] and camp [kmp], this vowel occurs in
final position. The presence of [] in peripheral position is motivated differently from that of [] in
internal position in that the former induces well-formed clusters to be present in intervocalic
position. Though the discussion of this topic is beyond the scope of the paper, this phonotactic
requirement is independent of the presence of internal [] so that the postulation of empty nuclei
is necessary to account for the occurrence of [] in initial and final position in loanwords.
Syllable structure without codas in Korean
161
(26.a) and (26.b) are the lexical representations of the native word /sinapØro/
and the loanword /pipØraponØ/, respectively.15 As discussed earlier, the
phonetic interpretation of empty nuclei is subject to the ECP in (21.) and
the Licensing Condition on Internal Empty Nuclei in (22.). In (26.b), the
final empty nucleus N5 is licensed due to the parameter setting. With
respect to the internal empty nucleus N2, it is phonetically realised as []
due to the failure of inter-onset government between O2 and O3, as in the
native word in (26.a). Thus, the examples in (26.) indicate that the
treatment of internal empty nuclei in loanwords is the same as that of
native words. This strongly suggests that the identical distribution of
internal-[] cannot be captured without the postulation of empty nuclei. An
empirical consequence is that the epenthesis of [] in loanwords is no
longer part of the grammar of Korean.
4. Summary
In mainstream approaches, a word-final consonant is assumed to occupy a
coda. This paper, however, argues against this final-coda view in that a
final consonant is syllabified as an onset followed by an empty nucleus.
The final-onset view is empirically supported by phonological phenomena,
such as stress assignment, vowel length distribution, and phonotactic
constraints on consonant sequences in various languages. With respect to
syllable structure in Korean, the final-onset view extends to internal codas,
so that Korean can dispense with codas altogether. Concretely, final
consonants are syllabified as an onset followed by an empty nucleus and
surface internal coda-onset clusters are lexically represented by two onsets
intervened by an empty nucleus. The ECP and the Licensing Conditions on
Internal Empty Nuclei control the phonetic interpretation of empty nuclei
in internal and final position. This codaless structure is empirically
supported by the identical distribution of internal-[] in native and
loanwords in Korean. Thus, the recognition of empty nuclei enables us to
account for fact that the distribution is identical in a non-arbitrary way.
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Regarding inputs to the loanword phonology in Korean, this paper assumes that the
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Sang Jik Rhee
Dept. of Linguistics
Chungnam National University
220 Gung-dong, Yuseong-gu, Daejeon
Korea 305-764
e-mail: [email protected]
Received: November 21, 2007
Accepted: April 10, 2008