UPSC CSE
Series
Mains
2016
Test
Download
UPSC CSE IAS Prelims 2016 Question Paper Set A and D Download PDF
UPSC Prelims 2016 General Studies Paper – I Analysis
Questions Repeated in Prelims 2016 From Previous Year Papers
Prelims 2016 CSAT Gs Paper 2 PDF Download
Source: xaam.in
K. Jayaganesh, A waiter who
became an IAS Officer
K. Jayaganesh’s story is a perfect example for well known
saying ‘Try Try till you Succeed.‘
He failed the Civil Service Examination Six times but never
lost his hope. His seventh trial was his last chance and the
coin of luck worked this time. He passed with a rank
of 156 and got selected for Indian Administrative Service.
Jayaganesh belongs from very poor family in a village
from Tamil Nadu. Although he studied to be an Engineer but had
to do Odd works, even worked as a writer for sometimes in
order to realise his dream of IAS.
Jayaganesh Was Born And Brought up in a small village
called Vinavamangalam in Vellore District.His father used to
work in a Leather Factory. His father did his studies only up
to 10th standard. His mother was a Homemaker.Jayaganesh was
eldest in the family and had two younger sisters and a
brother. Jayaganesh studied up to 8th in his village school
and completed his schooling in a nearby town.
He was always good in studies and stood first in class. The
only one ambition of his life was to get a job as soon as he
could and assist his father in running the family.
After finishing his 10th, he joined a polytechnic college as
there he was told that as soon as they pass out they will have
a job in their hand. He passed with 91% there and got a chance
to join Government Engineering College. Then he studied
Mechanical Engineering. His father always supported him for
his studies.
He finished his engineering in 2000 then he went to Banglore
in search of a job and got one job without difficulty for
Rs.2,500/-. When he was in Banglore he always had a thought of
miserable conditions of the people of his village.People in
his village were poor and he wanted to help the people of his
village.
In order to become an IAS officer he resigned his job and went
back to his village to prepare for the examination. His father
wholeheartedly supported him by providing money to buy study
materials. He was unable to clear Preliminary round in his
first two attempt due to lack of knowledge. On guidance of Uma
Surya, he took Sociology as his option but even then he
failed. Uma Surya was also preparing for the UPSC examination.
Then he came to know about coaching in Chennai by Government.
He then cleared the entrance and got selected in that
coaching. There he was given accommodation and was also
provided food while training. He was supposed to vacant the
room after the exams were over. He then cleared the
preliminary and was to vacant the room, but he decided to stay
in Chennai. He then decided to do the part time job.
Eventually, He got a job as billing Clerk in a Canteen and
also happen to serve during the peak hours.
He again Started From The beginning And failed In The
Preliminary for the 5th time. He passed the preliminary and
Main Exam and failed in the interview on 6th attempt.
He prepared hard for his last attempt and passed the
preliminary and mains examination.His interview was in Delhi.
In his interview, he was asked about the link between Politics
and Cinema, Kamaraj, Periyar, Tamil as a classical language.
Finally, the result was out and this time with flying colours
as he has scored 156th rank out of more than 700selected
candidates.He never lost his faith to realise his dream.
Source: xaam.in
Rajya Sabha passes maternity
benefits amendments
A record of 10 out of 15 parliamentarians who discussed the Bill were
women.
A Bill seeking to enhance maternity leave from 12 weeks to 26
weeks was passed on Thursday in Rajya Sabha.
The Bill, drafted in consultation with the Women and Child
Development Ministry, was moved by Labour Minister Bandaru
Dattatreya.
A record of 10 out of 15 parliamentarians who discussed the
Bill were women. While everyone supported the Bill, MPs such
as Jaya Bachchan, Vijila Sathyanandhan and Ashok Siddarth
sought to increase the leave period upto one year.
Many MPs suggested including paternity leave in the Bill.
Nominated MP Anu Aga said, “Men leave the burden of bringing
up kids to women. By bringing paternity leave, we can
sensitise them on bringing up children.”
BSP MP Satish Chandra pointed out that while the Bill includes
adoptive and commissioning mothers, it doesn’t mention
surrogate mothers. He was supported by Kanimozhi and Derek
O’Brien.
After Mr. Dattatreya assured the House the issue would be
examined, the Bill was passed. It will now go to Lok Sabha to
get its clearance.
What the Bill gives you:
1
12 weeks Maternity Benefit to a ‘Commissioning mother’ and ‘Adopting
mother’.
2
Increase Maternity Benefit from 12 weeks to 26 weeks for two surviving
children and 12 weeks for more than two childern.
3
Facilitate ‘Work from home’ if such a provision is provided by the
Employer.
4
Mandatory provision of Creche in respect of establishment having 50 or
more employees.
5
The amendments is believed to help approximately 1.8 million women
workforce in organised sector.
Source: xaam.in
Upscportal Indian National
Movement 1937 Election Result
Download pdf
Upscportal Indian National Movement 1937 Election Result
Material Chapter 29
UPSC CSE IAS Prelims 2016 Question Paper Set A and D Download PDF
UPSC Prelims 2016 General Studies Paper – I Analysis
Questions Repeated in Prelims 2016 From Previous Year Papers
Prelims 2016 CSAT Gs Paper 2 PDF Download
Source: xaam.in
How we cooked our goose at
WTO (Trade disputes,WTO,GS
3,Mains,Hindu)
The US could prevail in the solar and poultry cases only
because our ministries did not coordinate their strategies
India lost two high-profile trade disputes at the World Trade
Organisation recently — both to the US. These could be good
case studies on how not to handle such matters.
In both the poultry dispute and the fight over domestic
sourcing clause in the country’s solar power programme, it was
a case of too many cooks spoiling the broth.
The bigger of the two botch-ups is, without doubt, the
handling of the solar dispute. Two years ago in September,
India gave up the opportunity of imposing anti-dumping duties
on cheap solar panels imported from the US and China, despite
the Directorate General of Anti-Dumping (DGAD) recommending
such duties.
The finance ministry refused to notify the duties as the
ministries of new and renewable energy (MNRE) and road
transport and highways rallied against the move, arguing there
wasn’t enough domestic manufacturing capability.
One might have imagined the US would, in turn, drop its case
at the WTO against India’s domestic content norms in its
national solar power generation programme (that it lodged in
2013 and again the next year) — but that did not happen.
Defies logic
Now, it would be quite naïve to paint the US as the villain of
the story in the ruthless world of global trade. What is
difficult to understand is: why did India not use the proposed
anti-dumping duties to strike a deal with the US on domestic
sourcing?
Levying anti-dumping duties following processes laid down by
the WTO and after duly establishing dumping and injury to
domestic industry is considered legitimate by the multilateral
trade body. Therefore, deciding not to impose the anti-dumping
duties without making the US give anything in return seems to
defy common sense.
Possibly to ease its conscience, the MNRE, under Minister of
State Piyush Goyal, decided to make things right for the
domestic industry by stepping in to handle the WTO dispute
with the US. With almost no experience in dealing with a
powerful negotiator such as the US, the MNRE could make no
headway. Officials in the commerce and industry ministry
stepped back and watched quietly as MNRE failed to make any
dent in the US resolve to make India withdraw its compulsory
sourcing norms.
Arguments that the mandatory local sourcing of components was
limited in scope, was part of government procurement and a
small move to encourage the nascent domestic solar industry
fell flat both with the US and the WTO.
Our own making
Commerce ministry officials would tell journalists off-the-
record how they distanced themselves from the negotiations as
they did not want to be blamed for MNRE’s failure.
Such was the chasm that once commerce and industry minister
Nirmala Sitharaman officially told reporters that they should
direct all questions on the solar dispute to her colleague
Piyush Goyal, as his ministry was handling the negotiations.
When the WTO announced its judgement early this year against
India, Goyal saw red, launched a verbal tirade against
America’s hypocrisy in media interviews.
He quoted from a commerce ministry study outlining the large
number of programmes run by various US States such as
California, Texas and Michigan which insisted on domestic
sourcing.
India, however, realised that quoting such instances at the
appeal filed by it against the WTO verdict on domestic
sourcing would not really help in reversing the judgement (as
two wrongs don’t make a right). It instead, decided to file a
number of cases against the US’ domestic sourcing policy, and
Sitharaman said as much in a Parliament reply.
While retaliatory cases would have certainly helped in sending
the US the message that it should not play dirty with India,
unfortunately, New Delhi is again dragging its feet. It is yet
to make its move.
It is quite obvious, though, that India will not be able to
continue with its domestic sourcing clause in the present form
in the third phase of the ambitious Jawaharlal Nehru National
Solar Mission (which seeks to generate 100 gigawatts of
electricity annually from solar power by 2022).
The WTO’s verdict on India’s appeal is unlikely to be
favourable in the absence of any fresh arguments. New Delhi
has none but itself to blame for its predicament.
Matter of interest
The second case that India lost recently at the WTO — the one
related to the ban on import of US poultry — could also have
been handled better, had the ministries worked in tandem.
The WTO ruled last year that India’s ban based on the risk of
low-pathogenic (low intensity) avian influenza was
unscientific and went against global norms. It was obvious to
the commerce ministry that more genuine and convincing reasons
would have to be found to continue with the ban.
New Delhi had one year to come up with newer justifications,
as the WTO gave it a year’s time to weed out the older
restrictions considered as unscientific.
Since the Department of Animal Husbandry officially notifies
import restrictions on animal products, it became the nodal
ministry to examine the validity of alternative reasons to
stop imports, such as use of genetically modified feed by US
farmers or the practice of deep freezing meat for months.
The commerce ministry remained involved in the exercise and
held meetings with the poultry industry for a few months but
lost interest (after another ministry was officially entrusted
with the matter).
Unable to come up with anything new, the Animal Husbandry
Department decided to lie low and continue with the ban even
after the WTO deadline had lapsed.
The US, however, was not sleeping, and threatened India with
economic sanctions after waiting for a few weeks. Just a day
later, New Delhi, came up with a new notification removing the
older restrictions, and not surprisingly it was not ready with
any new barriers.
The lesson to be learnt from these two experiences is this:
trade disputes have to be taken ownership of and handled
jointly as a team by the responsible Ministries and
departments and not as individual entities.
Source: xaam.in
SOLVED HINDI UPSC CSE Mains
COMPULSORY PAST PAPERS
Download
UPSC CSE IAS Prelims 2016 Question Paper Set A and D Download PDF
UPSC Prelims 2016 General Studies Paper – I Analysis
Questions Repeated in Prelims 2016 From Previous Year Papers
Prelims 2016 CSAT Gs Paper 2 PDF Download
Source: xaam.in
India decides to put the
brakes on HFO in foam sector
for now (GS 3,Down to Earth)
The Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC)
has suggested that it will propose for the funding of foam
industries to ease shift from using ozone-depleting
Hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFC) to chemical Cyclopentane. The
transition will be funded by the Executive Committee of the
Multilateral fund as per the Montreal Protocol Agreement in the
second stage of HCFC phase out.
Cyclopentane is a hydroflorocarbon with zero ozone depletion
potential and low global warming potential.
India is in the process of phasing out HCFC by 2030 as per the
existing agreement signed by India in the Montreal protocol.
HCFC is a commonly used refrigerant gas. It is also used in foam
blowing agents, solvents, aerosols and fire extinguishers. India
has completed its first step of phase out, achieving the target
of 10 per cent reduction by 2015 and is now working towards
phasing down 35 per cent by 2020 in the second stage.
“India is entering stage II with a lot of hope and expectations
but also know that there will be a lot of challenges” said R R
Rashmi, special secretary, MoEFCC at a stakeholder meeting on
the HCFC phase out management plan.
Rashmi added that small and medium enterprises are crucial in
the phase out because even though their individual emissions are
low, the volume is very high collectively.
The executive committee of multilateral fund has allowed for a
25 per cent increase above the cost-effectiveness threshold for
introduction of low-GWP alternatives. It has also decided that
SMEs in the foam sector with consumption of less than 20 metric
tonnes can apply for up to 40 per cent additional funds as per
the ExCom decision 74/50 to incentivise the SMEs to shift.
“Foam sector is always the preferred sector to move because most
of them use HCFC 141b which has an ODP of 0.11 and is a priority
to phase down,” said Jacques van Engel, director of Montreal
Protocol/Chemicals Unit, United Nations Development Programme,
the implementing agency in India. He also informed that stage II
will focus on reducing HCFCs in foam and Refrigeration and Air
conditioning (RAC) sectors. No other sector can be added till
the end of the second stage in 2022.
Incentive to foam industry
UNDP surveyed the foam manufacturing sector and suggested the
industry to choose from the three alternatives in the
survey—Cyclopentane, Methyl Formate and Hydrofluoroolefin (HFO).
Industry
size
Technology choosen
Large scale
23 (17 Cyclopentane and 6 HFO)
Medium scale
47 (33 Cyclopentane, 5 HFO and 9 Methyl
Formate)
Small scale
401 (256 HFO and 119 Methyl Formate)
The result was surprising to officials as many of the SMEs chose
HFO, which is an expensive patented gas. And as it is a drop in
replacement, MLF will only pay for its cost for the first year
unlike for Cyclopentane for which it will pay for the capital
cost. On enquiry, it was found that most representatives of the
industry were unaware and relied on the chemical supplying
companies to make the decision. Some SMEs also expressed their
reservations against using cyclopentane due to its flammability
and the need for skilled technicians to handle it.
Manoj Kumar, joint secretary, MoEFCC clarified that cyclopentane
is a cheaper alternative without any patents associated with it.
It is also environment-friendly due to its low global warming
potential. He suggested that there is no need to be concerned
about the flammability as there are existing case studies on
safe use of cyclopentane and that the government will establish
a training center for technicians to train them to safely use
cyclopentane. Hence, the government proposed that it will apply
for funding the transition to cyclopentane on behalf of the
SMEs. But at the same time it would also re-apply if some SMEs
want to move away to HFOs at a later date.
This move will lead the industry away from HFO, which is
unusually expensive because of the patents owned by a few
chemical companies. Astudy by non-profit Centre for Science and
Environment says the HFC phase down benefits few companies and
brings uncertainty over the pollution these chemicals may cause.
This decision will also support India’s stand in the ongoing
Montreal protocol negotiations of not moving to another
transition gas like HFO which may be phased down later.
In his closing remarks, Manoj Kumar, suggested forming a core
group with industry representatives, Industry associations and
relevant civil society organisations that can meet more often
and discuss addressing the issues.
Source: xaam.in
IMF's Autocritique of Neoliberalism? [ EPW , GS Paper
3 , GS 2]
A group of three economists in the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) research
department have written a joint paper criticising some key aspects of IMF’s
creed of neo-liberalism. Since it is only “some” aspects that are criticised, it
may be more appropriate to call it semi-autocritique. However, the significance
of this even less than full-fledged criticism cannot be overstated. It is as
significant as it would be if one day, a group of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
ideologues were to write in Organiser that some aspects of Hindutva politics are
harmful for the Hindus, or a group of Chinese Communist Party leaders were to
write in People’s Daily that some aspects of the party’s programme had harmed
the cause of communism.
The paper titled “Neoliberalism: Oversold?” by Jonathan Ostry, Prakash Loungani
and Davide Furceri in the June 2016 issue of IMF’s official magazine Finance and
Development brings out for the first time the flavour of the internal debates
raging at the IMF, and builds upon many well-known criticisms of IMF’s policy
paradigms of market fundamentalism that advocates privatisation, deregulation,
market liberalisation, and austerity policies.
The acceptance and use of the word “neo-liberalism” by IMF economists is
remarkable in itself. The word has been used pejoratively mainly by left-wing
critics of the IMF’s and World Bank’s policy paradigm known as the “Washington
Consensus” (so named because both organisations are based in Washington and
share the ideological framework of free-market capitalism). It proves the point
that if a criticism is robust and is carried on consistently, it may be brushed
aside as uncomfortable in the beginning but it tends to have a lasting impact in
the long run. The authors of the paper in subtitling it as “oversold” seem to be
aiming at suggesting that not everything in the IMF policy package is wrong. The
abstract of the paper sums up their intent of criticising the overselling of the
IMF policy package by referring to only “some” aspects of neo-liberalism:
“Instead of delivering growth, some neo-liberal policies have increased
inequality, in turn, jeopardising durable expansion” (Ostry et al 2016: 1).
The paper praises the role of increased international trade in reducing poverty
and that of increased foreign direct investment in increasing competition and
efficiency. The paper then focuses on criticism of neo-liberal agenda on three
aspects. One, that the evidence from a broad range of countries suggests that
the claim that neo-liberalism always contributes to economic growth is difficult
to sustain; two, that even if growth takes place in some countries, it leads to
increase in inequality; and third, that continuing inequality is harmful for
sustainable (or more appropriately continuing) growth. All these three selfcriticisms from the horse’s mouth, so to say, deal a severe blow to the
apologists of the neo-liberal agenda.
On the face of it, it might seem like a contradiction that if one aspect of the
neo-liberal policy framework, namely, increased international trade, reduces
poverty, how can another aspect, namely of economic growth, lead to increase in
inequality? The confusion over this apparent contradiction—reduction in absolute
level of poverty coexisting with increased inequality—sometimes reaches the top
echelons of the decision-making process. A few years ago, the then president of
the World Bank James Wolfensohn came for a lecture to Oxford where anti-World
Bank students staged a protest against his visit and lecture. One brave young
woman even managed to enter the lecture hall in disguise and harangued him by
saying that World Bank was contributing to Third World poverty, an accusation
that he stubbornly denied. During the question time, I asked him that I would be
willing to accept his claim that World Bank and IMF might be genuinely
interested in reducing poverty, but that does not invalidate the argument that
their policy framework contributes to increase in inequality. My acceptance of
the World Bank/IMF claim in being genuinely interested in poverty reduction was
based on the understanding that reduction in poverty by expanding market for
capitalism is in the interests of capitalism.
In his reply, Wolfensohn said that he was baffled by my argument that reduction
in poverty does not necessarily lead to reduction in inequality and suggested
that we resolve this matter after the lecture. During the private conversation
later on, I clarified that if while absolute poverty is being reduced, but the
income of the rich is going up at a rate higher than the rate in reduction of
poverty, both the phenomenon, that is, poverty reduction and increase in
inequality can coexist. He promised to do more thinking on this and the matter
was left at that. It seems that this new confession by IMF economists over the
kind of growth promoted by neo-liberalism promotes inequality, is a step forward
in recognising the dialectic of modern capitalism where massive increases in the
income of the richest strata of society coexists with some modest improvements
in the living conditions of the very poor.
That the state needs to intervene through welfare measures to reduce poverty and
inequality is also conceded in the IMF paper. Also, unrestrained privatisation
promoted by neo-liberalism is criticised and austerity policies pursued by many
governments both in the countries of advanced and developing capitalism are
considered counterproductive. The counterproductive role of austerity and
increasing inequality is recognised purely from the angle of their adverse
consequences for economic growth. That having more equal societies might be
intrinsically more desirable from a moral point of view is of no concern to the
IMF economists. One might conjecture that if empirical evidence were to show
that inequalities of various kinds, but especially income and wealth
inequalities, were actually conducive to economic growth, the worshippers of
economic growth might even argue in favour of increasing inequalities.
Additionally, there is no evidence of any rethinking that in this era of global
climate change and global warming, there are ecological limits to economic
growth if humanity has to be saved.
The positive role of the state in putting restrictions on the easy flow of
short-term capital, that is, capital account liberalisation has been generously
appreciated in the paper as contributing to reduction in economic volatility and
instability. The experience of China and India in experiencing less shocks than
the United States and European economies during the financial crisis of 2008
onwards seems to have been recognised as a positive outcome of the limited
capital account liberalisation in China and India.
Some Keynesians might jump at this semi-official IMF critique of austerity
policies as harming economic growth as a confirmation of their criticism of neoclassical economics and an indirect endorsement of their stimulus-oriented
policies for sustaining economic growth. However, any such celebration by
ecologically-uninformed Keynesians would be as misguided as the uncritical
approach to economic growth by the ecologically-uninformed neo-liberal
supporters of austerity (for a further elaboration of this argument, see Singh
and Bhusal 2014). A glaring weakness of this otherwise praiseworthy IMF paper on
many points remains the absence of recognition of the ecological implication of
capitalist economic growth. Another set of sustained criticisms is perhaps
necessary to make the IMF policymakers or other uncritical supporters of
economic growth aware of the historic need to embed ecological sustainability
into any model of economic growth if humanity has to avoid the threatening
implications of global warming to our planet.
References
Ostry, Jonathan D, Prakash Loungani and Davide Furceri (2016): “Neoliberalism:
Oversold?” Finance and Development, June, Vol 53, No 2, pp 38–41.
Singh, Pritam and Lok Nath Bhusal (2014): “Austerity, Welfare State and Ecosocialism with Special Reference to the United Kingdom,” Economic & Political
Weekly, Vol 49, No 39, pp 111–18.
Tags:
International Monetary Fund
IMF
Neo-liberalism
Inequality
Economic growth
Gross Domestic Product
GDP
Finance and Development
Washington Consensus
Free-market
Capitalism
Austerity
Privatisation
Deregulation
Liberalisation
Source: xaam.in
New
forward
looking
Guidelines
issued
by
Department of Expenditure,
Ministry
of
Finance
to
improve the efficiency with
which Public Funded Schemes
and Projects are appraised
and approved
New forward looking Guidelines issued by Department of
Expenditure, Ministry of Finance to improve the efficiency
with which Public Funded Schemes and Projects are appraised
and approved; In order to bring-in the concept of outcome
evaluation to improve the delivery of public goods and
services to the citizens.
In order to build a growth friendly eco-system,
financial processes and systems are as important as the fund allocations. The
Department of Expenditure, Ministry of Finance has issued comprehensive
guidelines on 5th August, 2016 for appraisal and approval of public funded
schemes and projects.
With the announcement in the Union Budget, 2016-17 of
doing away with Plan Non-Plan distinction at the end of the 12th Five Year
Plan, it has become necessary to put into place a Plan Non-Plan neutral
appraisal and approval system. The Department of Expenditure has accordingly
undertaken a comprehensive review of the instructions issued over the last
three decades, and replaced them with a simpler framework which will greatly
improve the efficiency with which schemes and projects are appraised and
approved in our system. The new guidelines will help bring-in the concept of
outcome evaluation to improve the delivery of public goods and services to
the citizens.
This will indeed be a part of the major Expenditure
Reforms initiated by the present Government in the last two
years.
The revised guidelines prescribe institutional
arrangements and formats for appraisal and approval of schemes (program based
costs centers for delivery of public goods and services) and projects (which
involve one-time expenditure for creation of capital assets yielding
financial/economic returns). The implementing Ministries have been delegated
powers to appraise schemes and projects costing up to Rs. 500 crore through
their Standing Finance Committee and Delegated Investment Boards
respectively. Specific time frame for appraisal have been laid down for
speedier decision making. The revised guidelines are forward looking and will
help the Departments restructure their schemes in a framework that is
independent of the Plan Non-Plan distinction.
Source: xaam.in
PFRDA
slashes
minimum
contribution
and
minimum
balance limits under NPS,
unfreezes accounts
In a major move to ease flow of contributions from National
Pension System (NPS) subscribers, the Pension Fund Regulatory
and Development Authority (PFRDA) has decided to slashes the
minimum annual contribution under Tier-I account from Rs 6,000
to Rs 1,000.
For Tier-II accounts, PFRDA has decided to waive the
requirement of maintining minmum balance of Rs 2,000 at the
end of the financal year and having at least Rs 250 per year.
Earlier, the minimum contribution of Rs 6,000 was required per
financial year for keeping NPS Tier-I account in ‘active’
status. If the limit of investment was not met during the
financial year, the account would get frozen and the
subscriber was not able to make any further contribution. The
subscriber was also not able to view his account online or
make any request for making any changes in the perosnal
details before unfreezing the account.
Similarly, for NPS Tier-II account the minimum contrinution
for a financial year to keep the account active was Rs 250 and
the balance at the end of the financial year in Tier-II was
requred to be Rs 2,000.
Tier-II is like a savings account providing liqudity along
with the potential to earn highe returns.
According to PFRDA, as a one-time measure all accounts under
Tier-I and Tier-II that have been frozen in the past due to
non-contribution of minium contribution and minimum balance
requirements would be unfrozen. All subscribers can now make
contribution to their NPS account in a noraml way
However, in a release, the pension regulator has advised
subscribers to make the maximum contribution possible to NPS
for a decent income after retirement. “Even though the minimum
balance requirement has been reduced subscribers are advised
to contribute to their Permanent Retirement Account Number
(PRAN) account as much as possibkle to get a decent pension
and live a dignified life post retirement,” PFRDA has said.
Source: xaam.in