Tenacious assumptions of person-centred care? Exploring tensions and variations in practice Öncel Naldemirci University of Gothenburg, Sweden Doris Lydahl University of Gothenburg, Sweden Nicky Britten University of Exeter, UK Mark Elam University of Gothenburg, Sweden Lucy Moore University of Exeter, UK Axel Wolf University of Gothenburg, Sweden Abstract In recent decades the “tenacious assumptions” of biomedicine regarding the neutrality and universality of its knowledge claims have been significantly challenged by the growth of new collaborative and patient-focused models of healthcare delivery. In this paper we discuss and critically reflect upon one such alternative healthcare model developed at the University of Gothenburg Centre for Person-Centred Care (GPCC) in Sweden. This centre uses three clinical routines of narrative, partnership and documentation to provide healthcare to people recognized as unique individuals rather than patients. Person-centred care in Gothenburg and more broadly is based on the assumption that a person is independently capable of reasoning and verbal 1 expression and willing to provide clear and genuine narratives and cooperate with healthcare professionals. However, we argue that by emphasising individual capabilities of reasoning and verbal expression, an unnecessarily limited conception of personhood risks being imposed on these routines. Drawing upon semi-structured interviews with researchers in three very different GPCC research projects – about healthy ageing in migrant communities, neurogenic communication disorders, and psychosis – we highlight that how persons are recognized as unique and capable varies significantly in practice across different healthcare settings. Thus, we assert that PCC’s own potentially tenacious assumptions about the attributes of personhood risk distracting attention away from the variety of creative ways that professionals and persons promisingly find for translating the ideal of PCC into practice. Keywords: Person-centred care, patient narrative, partnership, person Introduction Almost three decades ago, Deborah R. Gordon argued how the blindness of biomedicine to its own social practices and “cultural scaffolding” has continually undergirded its belief in the neutrality and universality of its knowledge claims (1988: 20). As these “tenacious assumptions” of neutrality and universality have become embodied in professional practice and being, so the introduction of healthcare reforms recognizing other forms of knowledge and understanding has become harder to achieve (1988: 21). However, in the face of a mounting chorus of criticism problematizing biomedicine’s “objectivism”, “dehumanizing procedures” and “disease-focus”; so a host of more holistic and patient-focused healthcare models have progressively won growing favour and support (Institute of Medicine (U.S.) Committee on Quality of Health Care in America, 2001; Mead and Bower, 2000; Stewart, 2003). Person-centred care (PCC) is such a 2 model which seeks to reconcile biomedical advances with humanism by recognizing and caring for patients as persons. In this paper, we focus on three research projects developed at University of Gothenburg Centre of Person-centred Care (GPCC) in Sweden. We aim to explore how new models of care can risk compromising themselves by acting to replace the tenacious assumptions of biomedicine with similar assumptions of their own. In particular, we will discuss how a guiding assumption of individual capabilities of verbal expression risks limiting the perception of personhood guiding the development and delivery of PCC. In this way we wish to claim that the introduction of a new model of healthcare should not be seen as necessitating the adoption of a uniform set of practices faithfully representing underlying principles. It should rather be accepted as remaining dependent upon the inventiveness of health professionals and patient-persons alike in collaboratively adapting new practices to the particular circumstances of care at hand. The structure of the papers is as follows. First, we shall briefly introduce PCC and trace how an assumption of individual capabilities of reasoning and verbal expression has become influential in conceptions of personhood in person-centred models of care. Secondly, we will describe the GPCC model and the practices, referred to as “routines”. Thereafter, we shall introduce our purposeful choice of three research projects at GPCC and present our methods of data collection and analysis. Then, we shall describe and discuss adaptations of routines in these three research projects. Person-Centred Care Person-centred care is anchored in a history of humanizing medicine and holistic care stretching back to the 1960s, which has been designated under different labels and approaches (Hughes et al., 2008) such as person-centeredness (Leplege et al., 2007), client-centred care (Rogers, 1961), 3 patient-centred care (Mead and Bower, 2000; Stewart, 2001), person-centred nursing (McCormack and McCance, 2006), and person-centred caring (Edvardsson et al., 2008b). All these “-centred” approaches have responded to the impersonal and disease-focused approach of biomedicine that largely ignores how patients experience, understand and express their illness in the delivery of healthcare (Kleinman, 1988; Mattingly, 1998; Charon, 2006). Client-centred and patient-centred care have sought to enhance communication between healthcare professionals and patients as well as improve diagnosis, treatment and care practices by focusing on the clients’ and patients’ individual needs and resources. Even though there is not a commonly agreed definition of person-centred care and the terms “patient,” “client”, and “person” are often used interchangeably (Sidani and Fox, 2014), personcentred care is arguably more concerned to go beyond seeing people as “individuals,” “clients” or “patients” and take into account the whole person. The difference between “patient” and “person” may seem a nuance, but it has been argued that it underlines a change from a focus on patient’s medical condition and symptoms to a more holistic approach including a person’s preferences, wellbeing and wider social and cultural background (Health Foundation, 2014; Britten et al., 2016). In other words, patient and client- centred care imply an individualized therapeutic relationship, whereas person-centred care attempts to build upon a more interpersonal relationship. In some models of PCC, a person seeking professional care is expected and encouraged to share their experiences, provide an account of their symptoms and goals, and participate in decisionmaking processes and care plans (Ekman et al., 2011, 2015; McCormack, 2004). In this way a shift is envisioned from a paternalistic biomedical tradition where healthcare experts are 4 omniscient decision-makers to a more humanistic, dialogic and collaborative relationship where lay people in need of medical care are still recognized as resourceful and capable. The Person in Person-Centred Care: Rogers and Kitwood The complex origins of person-centred care make it difficult for PCC “to become a consistent unified and comprehensive concept” (Leplege et al., 2007: 1564). However, there have been several attempts to trace the genealogy of PCC. For instance, McCormack et al. (2012) identify two important antecedents of PCC in the writings of Carl Rogers and Tom Kitwood and we argue that these are also crucial for understanding the assumptions about the person in PCC. Carl Rogers (1961) proposed client-centred care in the early 1940s emphasising the qualities, resources and potentials that individuals possess. As a psychologist, he contested the omniscience and expertise of the therapist. He suggested that given appropriate guidance and a facilitating environment, individuals should be able to find ways of recuperating their autonomy and wellbeing. In Rogers’ view, human beings are positive, forward-moving, constructive, realistic and trustworthy (1957: 200). In his optimistic view of human nature, a person’s “inner resources” are valuable for the therapeutic relationship (Thorne, 2003). Even though this approach aims to deconstruct the directive and interpretative role of the clinician, it has been criticized for being too individualistic and undermining the importance of the person as embedded in other social and interpersonal relations. The view of the client as an individual continues to be discussed and contested in models of person- (McCormack, 2004), relation- (Nolan et al., 2001) or familycentred care (Rosenbaum et al., 1998), which situate the person in a web of relations rather than as an individual. Moreover, whether and how a person can express and make use of their capabilities and resources in a clinical encounter is not to be taken for granted. In this respect, the assumed capability of Rogers’ clients also resonates with the prevailing idea of the person we 5 typically find in models of PCC (Harding et al., 2015). Here, we do not wish to discount or ignore the resources that a person may have. Rather, we want to point to the fact that persons may not always be willing or able to deploy their resources; this may require the cultivation of a longstanding relationship based on trust, mutual understanding and cooperation between healthcare professionals and patients. A second antecedent of recent models of PCC is Tom Kitwood’s research in the field of dementia pointing to the significance of seeing those with dementia as persons still participating in interpersonal relationships. Kitwood’s (1997) definition of the person, informed by the philosophies of Martin Buber (1970) and Carl Rogers (1961) goes beyond the vision of a person endowed with rational reflective capabilities. Kitwood defines personhood as “a standing or status that is bestowed upon one human being, in the context of relationship and social being” (1997:8). His contribution places emphasis on personhood as developed and sustained in a context. Rather than looking for “inner resources” of the person or the “congruence” between “what the person is undergoing, experiencing, and communicating” (1997:16), Kitwood’s contribution is to see the importance of interpersonal and embodied relations when defining the person. Despite criticisms of Kitwood’s ideas (cf. Dewing, 2008) and methods (Adams, 1996), his work and ways of understanding the person continue to shape models of PCC, especially in the field of dementia (Edvardsson, 2008). A recent international report summarized PCC as care practices rooted in a philosophy of people as “purposeful, thinking, feeling, emotional, reflective, relational, responsive to meaning” (Cassell, 2010). Similarly in Rogers’ client-centred approach (1951), we find one underlying premise imported into recent models of PCC that persons can be reflective and communicative about their wishes, emotions, and resources. This can be seen as a naive assumption that 6 underestimates the complex and sometimes established relationship between healthcare professionals and patients. Persons can suppress their emotions and goals in circumstances where their previous experiences have been shaped by a particular paternalist relationship that has disregarded their personal experiences in favour of signs or other standardized procedures (for a discussion of symptoms in PCC, see Brink and Skott, 2013). A further assumption is that, based on a person’s rational and reflective judgement, they may be willing to participate in PCC despite having other priorities or divergent ideas from professional caregivers. This idea of active participation in care may turn into “a form of enforced empowerment in which individuals are given responsibility for things they sometimes may not want to be responsible for” (Cribb and Gewirtz, 2012: 510). This is also relevant for goal setting between healthcare professionals and patients where developing mutual understanding and trust is required. Another critique of the imagined person in PCC is that it assumes that a person can verbally communicate their own story in a coherent, structured and trustworthy fashion. In this way the “patient perspective” and their reported illness experience are seen as complementary to biomedical knowledge of disease. However, this has been questioned by researchers like Pols (2005) for assuming that patients perceive themselves as individuals and that they are able to verbally communicate their experience and perception. Rather, Pols suggests involving patients as subjects in research and taking performativity as a starting point. Focusing on situations and activities, Pols argues that patients “enact appreciations, making known what they like or dislike by verbal or non-verbal means in a given material environment, in situations that are co-produced by others” (2005:203). This points to the importance of patient positions rather than perspectives 7 and how the inability of a patient to speak does not necessarily mean that he or she is unable to provide a narrative (Goodwin, 2004). Developing person-centred care: Three ‘routines’ at GPCC Despite these assumptions about the person and the importance of attending to the whole person, the implementation of PCC remains tentative in the mainstream (Harding et al., 2015). In 2010, GPCC was established as a Swedish research centre for the study of PCC in long-term illnesses. Drawing upon the philosophy of personalism, GPCC defines PCC as care that “highlights the importance of knowing the person behind the patient – as a human being with reason, will, feelings, and needs – in order to engage the person as an active partner in his/her care and treatment” (Ekman et al., 2011:249). This definition is operationalised through specific practices, which GPCC calls “routines” so that they can be embedded and sustained in everyday clinical practice. The model of PCC developed at GPCC was pioneered in a project in coronary care and led to the formulation of three routines concerning the patient narrative, partnership and documentation. The first routine involves collecting the patient narrative and this “constitutes the starting point for PCC and lays the ground for partnership in care” (Ekman et al., 2011:250). The narrative is seen as the patient’s personal account of their illness, its symptoms, its impact on their everyday life as well as an account of their beliefs, feelings, needs, capabilities, goals and experiences. The second routine concerns the use of narrative communication to establish a partnership between patient and caregiver, enabling the sharing of knowledge and experience, providing “a good basis for discussing and planning care and treatment with the patient” (Ekman et al., 2011:250). The third routine concerns documentation of the patient narrative as well as the history of partnership and patient involvement in care and treatment decision-making. Moving 8 beyond the initial project in coronary care these three routines have been adopted by professionals willing to follow and implement this model of PCC in different contexts and with different populations (Moore et al., forthcoming). In other words, these three routines have served as a blueprint for the implementation of PCC across different healthcare settings. However, as described above, these routines can only serve to initiate, integrate and safeguard the GPCC model if persons share their narratives with professionals and agree to take part in decision making. In other words, the GPCC model is based on the assumption that a person is capable of reasoning and verbal expression and willing to provide clear and genuine narratives and cooperate with healthcare professionals. This is conceived as the foundation for an emancipatory and empowering approach to the relationship between the healthcare professional and the patient, enhancing collaboration and enabling respect for the dignity and uniqueness of the person. However, there needs to be a continuous critical analysis of what happens in the situations where persons are not able or willing to cooperate and communicate. After briefly presenting our research methods in the next section, we will turn our attention to how the ruling definition of the person in the GPCC model is challenged in light of three different projects that attempt to develop PCC. While the first project questions the elicitation of narratives, the second project investigates how narratives could be used by healthcare professionals and how persons’ capabilities are dependent on the context. The third project suggests how seeing a person as a unique individual may undermine the relevance of social and interpersonal relations. 9 Methods Data collection The arguments presented in this article are based on qualitative data collected as part of a larger study that aims to investigate the ways of defining and implementing person-centred care in various healthcare and community contexts. One of the authors, who is also a member of GPCC, facilitated recruitment to the study by circulating information to potential interviewees. Others in the research team then contacted interviewees and carried out interviews and analysis. The research material consists of 17 semi-structured interviews with 18 researchers (one interview was conducted with two researchers), all of whom are healthcare professionals working in seven GPCC projects chosen to represent different contexts of PCC in various stages of development (Britten et al., 2016; Moore et al., forthcoming). The projects are: acute coronary syndrome, irritable bowel syndrome, osteopathic fractures, patient participation in hypertension treatment, healthy ageing in migrant communities, neurogenic communication disorders, and psychosis. Out of the 17 interviews with professionals for the main study, 8 interviews from 3 projects were purposefully selected to support the analysis in this paper. These interviews reflect tensions and variations in practice of the aforementioned routines especially due to the characteristics of the intervention population. The interviews were carried out in Swedish or English depending upon the stated preference of the interviewee. Most interviews took place at the interviewee’s workplace out of respect for their tight schedules, but four interviews were conducted at the Department of Sociology, University of Gothenburg. The interviewers used a specific topic guide covering the definition of PCC, its routines, and similarities and differences compared to other healthcare approaches such as evidence-based medicine and patient-centred care. The interviews lasted for about an hour, and the range was 45-78 minutes. All interviews were transcribed verbatim, with interviews in Swedish then translated into English. 10 Data analysis The data set was analysed using thematic analysis, comparing similarities and differences within and between different PCC research projects. Firstly, we engaged in a naive reading of the transcripts and highlighted tensions in interviewees’ accounts regarding the operationalisation of the three routines – namely collecting the patient’s narrative, establishing partnership and documenting this partnership – developed by GPCC. Consequently we set out to study the operational aspects of PCC and what the stated aims of PCC meant in practice. Thereafter, we concentrated our analysis on projects where the intervention population posed clear difficulties for the routines and the vision of personhood underlying them. This led to a focus on three particular projects concerning neurogenic communication disorders, psychosis and healthy ageing in migrant communities. Researchers in these projects questioned the assumptions of i) verbal expression; ii) partnership developed through narrative elicitation and iii) the oscillation between the person as unique and the person as representative of a larger community. After the adoption of this focus, the first two authors carefully read and coded the transcripts. We did not use a specific theoretical framework when coding the material, but rather generated codes from the data. The central codes were: verbal expression, patient narrative, partnership, capabilities, authenticity, goals, and uniqueness. Results Neurogenic communication disorders: Eliciting narratives from patients who are unable to speak One GPCC project addresses communication disorders arising subsequent to stroke or other kinds of neurological diseases affecting communicative abilities. The project is conducted in nursing homes and directed towards dyads, consisting of one patient, with some kind of communication disorder, and one healthcare professional. 11 Patients with communication disorders are often excluded from traditional biomedical research since they are not able to participate in standard research procedures such as interviews or questionnaires. However, this PCC project wants to find ways of attending to the person behind the patient even when they cannot understand or express themselves in a conventional fashion. To do so the project aims to train and supervise healthcare professionals in supported communication. Yet, as GPCC’s version of PCC builds on verbal narrative elicitation, researchers in this project have had to find ways to grapple and tinker with the notion of narrative in order to adapt it to the realities of care they face. Rather than seeing narrative elicitation as straightforward verbal communication, eliciting a narrative is perceived as a multi-faceted interaction between the healthcare professional and the person in this project. Thus, facilitating narrative elicitation is not only seen to mean talking to the person but also carefully observing and providing the person with tools through which they can express themselves in non-verbal ways. Items such as pictures, calendars or paper and pen can therefore become vital to narrative elicitation. One of the researchers explained that supportive ways of facilitating communication …can be basic strategies. You have to look at your patient; you have to listen to the patient. And also to give, to give examples of what you can do. If the person can’t tell me what’s wrong, maybe the person can point or maybe draw something, or show with movements. (…) It can be difficult to think about other strategies. Because you’re so focused on speech that you don’t even think about using paper and pen, for example. Another difficulty facing this project is the assumption that the patient narrative corresponds to the authentic and individual testimony of a unique person. The idea is that by letting the patient 12 tell their story, one will get a glimpse of the genuine authentic person. However, with patients with communication disorder the narrative is often mediated by a third person such as a family member who works as an interpreter for the person. Therefore, this project calls in a sense for a broadening of the definition of narrative, so that narrative can be seen as jointly constructed by the patient, caregiver, family members and symbolic and material aids (c.f. Moser, 2010; Hydén and Antelius, 2011; Goodwin, 2004). Consultations that include more than two participants have been discussed in healthcare research as “joint interviews”. Sakellariou et al. (2013) argue that joint interviews can offer important insights into the shared experience and co-construction of the meaning of an illness, yet they also warn against the risk of misusing joint interviews especially in cases of patient vulnerability. At the same time, a more traditional view of the patient narrative is still valued in this project. From this perspective, the narrative is seen as consisting of aspects that are unique for each person and if the narrative is co-constructed by the caregiver and/or family members, a risk arises of missing something that is essential to the person. This risk is described by one of the researchers as follows: If we talk about the narrative it is hard to be absolutely a hundred percent sure that you understand the person’s wishes and the will of that person. And also that can be hard with significant others (…) maybe the patient or if we say it’s a man with aphasia, maybe his will is different from his wife’s. And maybe she … thinks that she knows what her husband wants, but she doesn’t. So it can be a challenge to make sure, even if you can use the significant other as a resource in, in finding out the narrative. (...) And also I think that can be the same thing with, like staff at nursing homes. Because they can have an idea about these people. But maybe it’s not correct. 13 The focus on the narrative as a person’s unique account leads to uncertainty about the validity of the narrative. Mediation by a third person can be considered to alter the genuine narrative of the person compared to one she might articulate herself. The researchers in the project are therefore faced with a paradox: the context and participants in the project necessitate a broadened definition of narrative elicitation and the patient narrative on the one hand while PCC privileges the person’s own personal testimony on the other. A final challenge relates to the connection between the patient narrative and partnership. According to the GPCC model the patient narrative is considered to initiate a partnership between patient and healthcare professional. Despite this assumed chronology of routines, this project entails early collaboration or partnership as a prerequisite for narrative elicitation. Rather than starting with the narrative, one researcher contends that: The prerequisite for these narratives is that there is a partnership where the staff – the care provider – can be a resource for the patient or resident (...) as I believe we’ve gone on about in various contexts within GPCC, but conversations always mean collaboration and partnership, whatever the situation. When you and I are talking we adapt to each other, you reword things and I say “no, I don’t understand” and so on. So that’s always collaboration... and, in that sense, a partnership. Psychosis: Patient narrative authenticity questioned Another GPCC project concerns hospital-based psychosis care. Person-centeredness in psychiatric settings might differ from PCC in other settings (Edvardsson et al., 2008a). Gabrielsson et al. (2014) point to PCC’s close connection to recovery in this environment but also to how PCC in psychiatric care may offer alternatives to coercion. The GPCC project aims at developing an educational intervention for staff working on in-patient psychiatric wards and 14 exploring patients’ own goals and needs through the initiation of PCC plans. These care-plans are being developed together with patients and social resource groups (i.e. next-of-kin and other members of their social networks). Arguably, the project challenges the initial definition of PCC in three different ways. In the first instance, it raises questions about the degree of authenticity that can be ascribed to the patient narrative. One researcher invoked her previous experience in psychiatric care and underscored the difficulty of determining whether the person is telling the truth: ...sometimes it’s difficult, I mean, I had a patient who came to me and he said, we had given him permission to go out, to go to his house for two hours, and he came back after four hours. And we said ‘You had two hours. And now you have restrictions because you could not follow. We told you two hours and you came after four hours.’ And he said ‘It was not my fault, (…) because in my house, when I was eating a potato got stuck in my throat and I could not breathe and I called the ambulance, and the ambulance brought me and they, and now I’m discharged from the emergency, and [laughs] a potato was stuck in my throat.’ And we did not believe him. We said that it was just a story he made up, the potato got stuck and he almost died and all of these things, you know. And then he got restrictions that he cannot go out more until he follows the restrictions, so we see that he follows them. And I said ‘OK, but if he had actually been to the acute ward, it should be on the record’, and I looked it up and yes, he was there. He had actually had a potato stuck in his throat and all he had said was true. Experienced clinicians in psychiatric care know that patient narratives are not always immediately transparent representations and accounts but that they need to be submitted to a continuous assessment. This is not to say that these narratives are never plausible and coherent. 15 As the story related, the patient narrative is not something to be immediately believed or dismissed, but rather to be accepted as the basis for a relationship between the healthcare professional and the patient, where continuous narrative generation and assessment takes place. Similarly, people admitted with psychotic conditions might not always have insight into their illness or be alert enough to express what kind of care they require. In severe cases, hallucinations and crises might even prevent patients from telling their narratives. Therefore, the second challenge for PCC in psychiatric care relates to the first. Prior collaboration and consultation and sometimes even an intervention (i.e. antipsychotic medication) can be necessary before the patient narrative can be elicited. Another researcher in the same project underlined the not uncommon difficulties of initiating a dialogue with an acutely admitted patient: I think, for example, if you look at how this intervention has been implemented in some of the somatic care wards, it’s been like a goal to, within 24 hours of admittance to the hospital the patient should be interviewed. And then you write up a care plan together with the patient. Here this time might have to be stretched a bit because if a person arrives to the clinic with police transport and is placed in involuntary care, the first thing to do is try to get a grip of the symptoms, and it’s not until that is underway that it’s actually going to be possible to have this interview with the patient to create the care plan. (...) So it might be that we’re not going to be able to do this within 24 hours, it might take a little bit longer. ‘Cause once the medication starts to work then it’s gonna be much easier to talk and to share [laughs], to share worlds, if you like! Patients in crisis may have problems partaking in an interview and the formulation of a care plan. Here, the medical intervention appears as a way of aligning the world of the patient and that of the healthcare professional. This corresponds well with McCormack and McCance’s (2010) contention that everyone has an innate capacity for both authenticity and partnership but that 16 healthcare professionals in times of vulnerability may have to step forward or “‘leap ahead’ of the other in order to facilitate the others authenticity” (McCormack and McCance, 2010:16). A key premise of PCC in the broader literature is that all persons have capabilities and resources. During analysis we noted that interviewees articulated the use of narrative and documentation as a way of recording the person’s resources and capabilities and creating a care plan. This is reminiscent of Roger’s client-centred approach in the sense that the clinician ought to guide clients to be aware of their potential strengths. This derives from a particular understanding of human beings in interpersonal relations as always capable of actively changing the content and forms of these relations and as having important contributions to make to a care plan. This view seeks to empower patients by refusing to see them as passive care receivers and by encouraging them to participate in care plans drawing upon their resources. However, a third difficulty confronting the introduction of PCC in the context of psychiatric care is that capability does not refer to steady and unchanging resources. As illustrated below, capabilities constantly change and sometimes they cannot be deployed. As one researcher contended: But I want to make really clear that you’re capable, there are different things that you’re capable of. And what you’re capable of will change enormously over time and it will be, of course, linked in part to whether or not you’re taking medication So this is also a question, you know, we work a lot with this adherence to medication, and a big question that comes in, how far should we push that, because we think if we believe, and the Swedish Board of Health believes that the patient will be more capable if they’re on the medication. The lowest dose possible, but that they’re on the medication. So that’s also something in there. But one more thing I want to say about this capability and capability change over time, you can use that because if you know, if you have a person who’s been, in involuntary care for the 17 treatment of psychosis before. (…) So what you can do is talk to the person when they’re not in the florid psychotic state and ask them about how would you like us to help you when you’re up here again. For this researcher, capabilities are seen as variable over time. The professionals in the psychiatric care project cannot presume that a patient is capable, as they are tasked with creating the right conditions for the patient to be capable, and sometimes awarding the patient capabilities by proxy. Once again medical intervention and social support groups can be crucial. Healthy ageing in migrant communities: The person as an individual and the person in the group This third GPCC project challenging the notion of personhood in PCC is about healthy ageing among people with migrant backgrounds. The aim of the project is to lift strengths through peersupport and stimulate learning and communication among individuals who share similar experiences of ageing in a migration context. The project is mainly located in community centres and developed through senior meetings. One striking challenge of this project is that the person is already situated in a group defined as the object of intervention. As the experience of migration is the decisive criterion for inclusion in the project, the experience of a social group is the target of intervention creating tension between the person as unique and as a representative of a particular group. One researcher described this tension as follows: We have talked a lot about how they approach the participants, that all should be regarded as a unique person. And not just have stereotypic views of ageing persons who are born abroad. Both that they are ageing and that they are born abroad might create stereotypic images and try to avoid them and see everyone as a unique person instead, and still, that’s where the problematic thing for me as a researcher, I believe, ‘cause we regard them as unique at the 18 same time that we also want to point out that they are not so different from ageing persons who are born in Sweden. On the one hand, researchers acknowledge the uniqueness of each person. On the other hand, they do not want to exaggerate the difference of ageing experiences among people from immigrant backgrounds or over-interpret the uniqueness of each participant in a way that exoticizes them as a group. Within this project, the goals that a person brings into the care plan typically encompass the joint participation and experiences of others as well. Models of PCC in general do not deny the significance of other persons such as partners, family members or close relatives. However, there remains a strong need to argue for a more relational vision of personhood in an explicit way in this case. An important discussion in gerontology has been around understandings of dependence, independence and interdependence (c.f. Hammarström and Torres, 2010). Referring to this discussion, one project worker reflected over how the practice of PCC can bring into question the established ideal of independence as a goal of healthcare delivery: The culture of the healthcare system today, I would say, the medical positivistic culture, I have a very specific example in mind when I had, also at the stroke unit, ‘cause that’s where I have been working mostly, when it was a woman who didn’t come from Sweden and didn’t speak Swedish and came from a completely different culture where independence is not important. It was not important to her at all when I talked to her through an interpreter; it became clear to me that independence wasn’t important to her. It was important to spend time with her children, it was important to feel like part of a family, to be independent wasn’t important. And then when she became sick and when she got her stroke, she felt that yeah, I’m sick now, my children, it’s their mission to take care of me, and the children felt the same, but still the physiotherapist that I worked together with and the doctor that I worked 19 together with said that she has to be able to get out of bed herself, she has to be able to dress herself. And then I found it hard to come to – well to tell the doctor and the physiotherapist what the children and the old woman herself had said is important and what we should focus on. We finally reached a common intervention plan, that they would take care of her, she didn’t have to, but it was really, really difficult, and also to regard the family also as the patient in that specific case, ‘cause they lived at the hospital with her. And they were just as much in the intervention as she was, it wasn’t just her, it was the whole family who was the patient. So it was, um, to be able to be person-centred then you had to be family-centred, you had to focus on each person of the family and regard them as a family. This account underscores that PCC does not necessarily imply centring the care plan and the intervention on the individual. This is also highlighted by other projects that have had recourse to family members or social support groups in formulating a person-centred care plan. However, what we see here is a notable example of how the person is defined not only within a dyadic relation between the healthcare professional and the patient, but also with respect to a broader social context. As clearly articulated by the interviewee, PCC is not necessarily in conflict with some other healthcare approaches such as family-centred (Rosenbaum et al., 1998) and relationcentred approaches (Nolan et al., 2001 ) and cannot see the person in an individualist approach. Another challenge in this third project is the barrier of language. The interpersonal relation between the professional and the person is mediated by a translator. This is linked to a more general miscommunication between the healthcare services and the patient when Swedish is not the patient’s first language. One researcher highlighted this issue as follows: We have a number of people in this study group who speak no Swedish. And we also have those who come from a completely different culture. (…) They have very little contact with Swedish society and... they’re doing really badly. They have very little confidence in the 20 medical care and healthcare services, municipalities and generally in the services that you can get from the municipality. It started when we began to have three-way telephone calls with an interpreter. That didn’t work; it was really difficult so we moved away from that and took on a researcher, a project assistant who speaks the language. Even so it seems to be a big challenge, so we’re doing a lot of work on it now, trying to pre-empt things by providing these groups with information – for example, through their local radio or various associations. (…) This is because that’s who they have confidence in. And then working with the groups – the senior groups – using an interpreter that takes time. As becomes apparent in this account, persons can resist new collaboration with the healthcare professional because of their previous experiences of healthcare and stigmatized stereotypes that have been imposed on them. As in other medical encounters, for a PCC approach to succeed, it is vital to establish a trusting relationship (Lupton, 1996; Legido‐Quigley et al., 2014); in some cases, prior to the initial consultation or communication, especially through trusted translators and/or intermediaries. Including and enrolling such third parties is not however at odds with PCC, rather it affirms that a person cannot be isolated from other social relations in clinical encounters going beyond an individualist approach. Limitations This paper has some limitations. One limitation is that it only draws on interview material and researchers’ accounts, rather than on direct observations. While this empirical focus helps us to better understand how researchers make sense of and develop PCC, it prevents us from confirming that what individuals say also corresponds to what they do in practice. However, the strength of the paper is that it focuses on the views of researchers who are working to implement the GPCC routines. In other words, it sheds light on how researchers make sense of guidelines and assumptions about the person while working with different groups of patients. Despite its 21 limitations, the paper uncovers an important and varied range of tensions, as experienced and expressed by people who are in the process of developing and implementing PCC. Discussion Almost three decades ago, Deborah Gordon (1988) described how “tenacious assumptions” and particular beliefs concerning the neutrality and universality of western biomedicine are embodied and perpetuated in practices. PCC questions these beliefs by designing care in relation to persons’ experiences, goals and wishes and without seeing these as just “another ‘variable’ in the complete picture” (1988: 27). It attempts to overcome the distancing from everyday knowledge and understandings and the rigid hierarchy between patients and professionals that the tenacious assumptions of biomedicine impose. PCC aims to transform professional and patient relations into genuine interpersonal encounters dedicated to producing collaborative care plans and new qualities of care. In this respect, healthcare models that seek to attend to the whole person may enhance the interaction between the professional and the patient and accentuate subjective experiences in healthcare. However, as we have shown in this paper, PCC is an emerging framework rather than a panacea for previous problems. There remain challenges when translating a conceptual framework into different areas of practice and research in healthcare. As Dewing (2004:43) argues, “there is a double-bind situation. As a framework that is too general has big holes in it, whereas, one that is too specific can be non-applicable in certain practice situations. It seems an impossible venture to develop a detailed framework that can still have space for the diversity of persons”. Thus, PCC needs to combine a general approach powerful enough to counter biomedicine’s claims of 22 neutrality and universality and a specific approach capable of responding to the endless diversity of healthcare settings and persons. Given this situation, it is important to recognize that PCC may risk embedding its own tenacious assumptions and beliefs in everyday practice instead of respecting the need for greater contextual sensitivity. The GPCC model of PCC seeks to promote routines to introduce, integrate and safeguard PCC in different health care contexts. However, these cannot be implemented in a uniform way. In addition to contextual factors that pose a challenge to implementation of the model (Moore et al., forthcoming), there are also assumptions that may threaten the robustness of the model in practice. PCC may risk becoming too firmly anchored in a particular understanding of the person as having individual capability of verbal expression, and willingness to provide clear and genuine narratives and cooperate with healthcare professionals. As we have argued and illustrated in the case of GPCC, there are likely to be situations where patients do not and cannot fit these specifications. This requires that healthcare professionals maintain an awareness of the more general assumptions built into models of PCC. Therefore, PCC related routines should be continuously debated and reassessed in order to avoid the insufficiently reflexive adoption of a one-size-fits-all approach. Here, two points should be highlighted. The first is about the person as narrator. Previous research has shown that narratives are important tools for patients to make sense of their illness experience (Greenhalgh and Hurwitz, 1999). Patient narratives have also been said to add the perspective of illness, and of suffering, to the perspective of disease and biomedicine (Frank, 1995; Kleinman, 1988; Hydén, 1997). Our analysis of three different PCC projects at GPCC points to the relevance of understanding narratives and elicitation differently depending on the clinical situation and the persons concerned. We suggest a broader definition of 23 the patient narrative with a more open, relational and experimental approach to narrative elicitation. Such a definition of narrative would include next-of-kin and family members in joint interviews and recognize the variable importance of technologies of elicitation such as symbolic aids or even medication. Hence, the focus would be on the interaction – that which connects different actors – rather than on the individual person (cf. Moser, 2010). Narratives can be nonverbal as well as verbal and they are not always coherent and established once and for all in the first encounter. Rather they are typically reconstructed, changed and unfolded over time and in practices other than dyadic interview settings. Even though formalized narrative elicitation and collection may be crucial to change healthcare routines, there must be more space, time and support for healthcare professionals to engage more dynamically, creatively and continuously in narrative collection. The second point concerns the tension between the person as a unique individual and the person as embedded in social and interpersonal relations. We wish to argue that an emphasis on and belief in the uniqueness of the person generates a tension with the idea that persons are always situated in social and interpersonal relations and that narratives are embedded, created and reshaped within and through these relations. Similarly, an overemphasis on the person as an interchangeable representative of a particular group creates friction with attempts to underline the significance of the uniqueness of the person. The endeavour for PCC is to find a middle ground between treating each person as a unique individual and seeing them “in the context of relationship and social being” (Kitwood, 1997:8). Arguably, those who develop and implement PCC models should be aware that their attempt to attend to the whole person can turn into another individualist approach at the expense of ‘more relational and political forms of involvement’ (Cribb and Gewirtz, 2012). One way to face this challenge would be to support the 24 ‘uniqueness’ of every person while not ignoring that this uniqueness is shaped and can only be expressed through a web of relations, including the one between the health professional and the person. Conclusion The GPCC model of PCC is based on three routines which have been developed in specific healthcare contexts. As these routines carry assumptions reflecting these contexts it becomes problematic to directly import them into other healthcare settings with highly diverse patient populations. The emphasis on individual capabilities of reasoning and verbal expression limits the conception of personhood. PCC’s own potentially tenacious assumptions about the attributes of personhood risk distracting attention away from the often highly creative ways that professionals and patient groups find for translating the ideal of PCC into practice. Architects of models of healthcare like the GPCC model may need to offer suggestions and guidelines for practice, yet how these become “routines” must depend on how people are encouraged by their circumstances to interpret and operationalise them. Acknowledgements The study was supported by the Centre for Person-Centred Care (GPCC) and LETStudio at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. It was also supported by the University of Exeter. Nicky Britten was partially supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Collaboration for Leadership in Applied Health Research and Care South West Peninsula at the Royal Devon and Exeter NHS Foundation Trust. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. 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