Losing Weight: The Organizational Promotion of Behavior Change
Author(s): Barbara Laslett and Carol A. B. Warren
Source: Social Problems, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Oct., 1975), pp. 69-80
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems
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Losing Weight
69
tion." Psychiatry23(November):
Goffman,
Erving
1963 Stigma.EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:
323-341.
Prentice-Hall.
Simmel,George
1949 "The sociology of sociability,"
Riesman,David, RobertJ. Potter,and
trans. Everett C. Hughes. AmerJeanneWatson
ican Journal of Sociology 55
and
1960 "Sociability,permissiveness,
formula(November): 254-261.
equality:A preliminary
LOSING WEIGHT: THE ORGANIZATIONALPROMOTION
OF BEHAVIOR CHANGE*
BARBARA LASLETT
and
CAROL A. B. WARREN
of SouthernCalifornia
University
This analysis explores the sociological dimensionsof obesityas a type of deviance througha studyof the strategiesused by one voluntaryweight loss organization to change the behavior of fat people so they will become thin. Goffman's
concept of stigma and Lemert'stheoryof secondarydeviationare applied to these
strategies.The study concludes that under certain circumstances,stigma may be
used to changebehaviorfromdeviantto normaland that a deviantidentity,deviant
behaviorand a deviantway of life do not always varytogether.
Fatness,or as it is more politely However, unlike other formsof devicalledin oursociety"obesity,"'is both ant behaviorsuch as checkforgeryand
a medicaland a socialproblem,since shoplifting,obesityis not against the
in our societythe fat are stigmatized.law. Reactionto thisdeviantstatusand
* An earlier version of this paper was
read at the 1973 meetings of the Pacific
SociologicalAssociation,Scottsdale,Arizona.
This researchwas supportedby the Social
Science Research Institute, University of
SouthernCalifornia.
1 Under the more technicalrubric"obesity," two types of problem are included:
overfat and overweight.A person can be
slenderand overfat,and overweightbut not
overfat.For example, a footballplayer may
weigh more than ideal for his height, as
specifiedby life insurancecompanytables,
but his body may not have any excess fat
over muscle. A slender, sedentaryperson
may,in contrast,have an excess of fat cells
in his or her body and be "overfat"but not
overweight.We use the terms "fat" and
to referto persons
"obese" interchangeably
who are perceivedas too large by significant
othersand who perceivethemselvesthatway
as well.
behavior cannot, therefore,be channeled throughthe criminaljustice system as a means of control.
One purpose of this analysis is to
explore the sociological dimensionsof
obesityas a typeof deviance by applying the conceptof stigma,as developed
by Goffman(1963), to the strategies
used by one voluntaryweightloss organization2 to combat obesity. In this
organization,effortsto change the behaviorof fatpeople so thattheywould
become thin included,as a centralfeature, the application of stigmatizing
labels. The insightswhich thisanalysis
2 Permissionto use the name of the organization studies was denied. Therefore,we
referonly to the "weightloss organization"
in the discussion.
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70
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
variation.3
In our society,
alhistorical
thoughslimnessis a generalsocietal
of fatand slimvary
ideal,definitions
to
social
class,ethnicity,
according
age
area.Adolescents
are
and geographical
The use of stigmaas a strategy
for
as fat
moreinclinedto viewthemselves
fromdeviantto norbehavior
changing
than are adults,femalesmore than
mal presentsa challengeto labelling
and peopleof highersocio-ecoto males,
theoryin generaland in particular,
nomicstatusmore than lower status
Lemert's(1967) theoryof secondary
et al. 1970). Fatnesscan also
deviationwhichassumesthatfurther (Dwyer
in
affectsocio-economic
opportunities:
deviancefollowsfromthe application
obesemaygo
New York,theextremely
of stigmatizing
labels.We will argue
on welfarepermanently
sincetheyare
that the social labelinginvolvedin
as essentially
regarded
unemployable,
stigmatization
may also be used to and in one California teachers
city,
may
behavior
in theoppositedirecchange
notbe morethan25%'7overweight.4
If this is
tion,i.e., towardnormalcy.
Goffman (1963:3-4) emphasizes
a stigmatizing
label
true,thenwhether
that while stigmamightbe seen in
has a positiveor negativeeffect
on betermsof individualcharacteristics,
"a
haviorwilldependon otherfeatures
of
of relationships,
notattributes
language
the situation
thanthe labelingprocess
is reallyneeded."The socialmeaning
alone. The empiricalexampleupon
with
is derivedin interaction
of
whichthis analysisis based presents obesity
alone.It
fromtheattribute
not
others,
some suggestions
of what thesefeais forthisreasonthatGoffman's
furturesmay be, and theywill be disfeatures
of discrediting
distinction
ther
cussedin theconcluding
sectionof the
thatare or are notvisibleto othersis
paper.
to thestudyof obesity.
relevant
to occur,thedisFor stigmatization
STIGMAAND OBESITY
mustbe knownby
attribute
crediting
takes
Stigma,as Goffman(1963:3) puts theotherswithwhominteraction
like
Some
attributes,
is
is
attribute
that
stigmatizing
it, "an
deeplydis- place.
not
are
and
In
is
Lemert's
it
a
homosexuality,
criminality
terms,
crediting."
Goffman
label.
Goffman
(1963:
immediately
apparent.
negative
distinguishes
threetypesof stigma:1) perceived
"blemishesof individualcharacter," 3 In classical Hawaiian culture,forexama man's wealth,and a woman's beauty,
such as criminality,
2) the "tribal ple,
were both measuredby the amount of fat
stigmaof race, nationand religion" accumulated.
and 3) "abominations
of the body4 Occupational health standardsof such
variousphysicaldeformities."
Obesity large-scale employersas the Los Angeles
is one typeof "abomination
of the City School system,and the Los Angeles
includeas one
Cityand Countygovernments
which
is
affected
body"
by criteria
particularly
in all jobs, thatthe
for employment
culturaldefinitions.
Not onlydo phys- individualbe withina rangeof weightspeciof obesity fiedas normalfor a given age, height,and
iologicallybased definitions
of beauty-where sex group, usually accordingto Metropolivary,butdefinitions
tan Life Insurance Company tables. (See
obesity
mayor maynotbe discreditingMetropolitanLife InsuranceCo., New York:
-are particularly
liableto cultural
and 1969.)
provides will then be used to specify
variation in the meanings, uses and
consequencesof applyingstigmatizing
labels.
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71
Losing Weight
4) refersto thosepersonswhose stigma
is invisible as discreditable.Other attributes,such as obesity,providevisible
cues to stigma: their bearers are discredited. The obese cannot "pass" as
thin; they must either lose weight or
remain stigmatized.
Obesityas a sourceof stigmain contemporaryAmerican society has been
documented in both the popular and
professional literature (Stuart and
Davis, 1972; Allon, 1973). Dwyer et
al. (1970) point out that "normal"
persons (using the term as Goffman
does, to contrastwith the stigmatized)
stereotypefat persons as weak willed,
ugly, awkward and immoral and the
fat themselveshave negative self-images to matchthe stereotypes.Fat peoAmericansociety,
ple in contemporary
are
the
therefore,
subject of the stiglabels
used
matizing
by others and
themselves.5
THE LABELING PERSPECTIVE
The labeling perspectivedefinesdeviance and normalcyin terms of the
reactionsof social audiences.6 Lemert
(1967:41) extendsthis perspectiveto
the theoryof secondarydeviation.
The essence of the theoryof secondary deviation is contained in two
5 The only counter-trend
to the negative
labeling of obesityis the developmentof a
"fat power" movementto destigmatizethe
category"fat persons" ratherthan to destigmatize fat persons by making them thin.
(See Allon, 1973.)
8 "Stigma" encompasses the same phenomenaas "deviant,"exceptthat (1) stigma
focusesmoreclearlyon the audiencereaction
than deviance (and more than the labeling
theoryof deviance,which includes the definitionallyillegitimateconcept "secret deviance"), and (2) stigmaencompasses"bodily
abominations"and "tribal stigma" whereas
deviance is generallyrestrictedto "defects
of character."
propositions,one explicit and one implicit: 1) Furtherdevianceis promoted
by audience labeling of personsas deviant, and 2) the "furtherdeviance"
promoted by labeling is made up of
a deviant identity,deviant behavior,
and a deviant way of life which vary
together. This study questions these
propositionsby showing that the use
of negative or stigmatizinglabels, in
this case the label "fat," can be used
to promotethe normalizationof deviant behavior,i.e., to make fat people
thin. Additionally, we question the
logically assumed connectionbetween
identity,behavior and way of life.
METHODOLOGY
The data were collected in six
months of systematicparticipantobservationby the two authors in two
differentgroups of the organization's
weekly meetings.We observed three
lecturersand severalhundredmembers
in interaction.One of the authorshad
been a long-termmemberof the organization (for over three years), and
could provide additional informaldata
on more than 6 other lecturers.The
other author joined the organization
for the purpose of the research.
Each observerparticipatedas a member, and it was only as a memberthat
access to the organizationwas permitted. Leaders of the weight loss organization itself suggested the tactic of
becoming a memberwhen a representative denied our request for permission to do overt research.The authors
were thereforein the unusual situation of doing secretresearchwith the
implicit permissionof the institution
involved.
The lack of overt permission did
presentcertainproblems for data collection. Each observer attempted to
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72
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
take notes in the field on the content
of the weekly meetings.During one
meeting, however, another member
(who, to our knowledge, was not a
researcher)was asked notto takedown
what the lecturerwas saying, despite
her claim that she was just practicing
her shorthand.Note-taking therefore
was covert.The themes,however,were
frequentlyreiteratedin the lectures,facilitatingaccurate field notes.
The focus of analysiswas the organization's strategiesfor promotingbehavior change, particularlythe use of
a stigmatizedidentitylabel as a way of
promotingnormalizedbehavior and a
normal way of life. Using Glaser and
Strauss' (1967) model for the generationof groundedtheory,theanalytic
categorieswere generatedduring data
collectionand preliminaryanalysis.
STIGMATIZING IDENTITY AS A
STRATEGY FOR BEHAVIOR CHANGE
The major strategyused by the organization to promote the desired behavior (adoption of a rigidlydefined
programof eating) is intensivestigmatizationof the membersas fat persons
and the continuedapplication of the
label "fat" as an essential identity.
Members are told that the world is
dichotomizedinto two typesof people
with referenceto food and weight: the
fat, and the "civilians" (the slender).
The stigmatizedidentityof the fatperson is permanent.It cannot be erased
by weight loss, although it can be
shifted from a visible stigma to an
invisibleone-from discreditingto discreditable.For the fat person who has
become thin,weightloss is always potentially reversible and is an everdangerous invisible stigma which
threatensthe individual:
I am a fatpersonwhogotthin.
Lecturer:
Member(250 lb. loser): I stillthinkof
as reallyheavy.
myself
At most, then, the fat person can
expect a partial destigmatization:the
destigmatizationof behavior reflected
in appearance, but not the destigmatizationof identity.'Accordingto the
weight loss organization,a change of
identityfromfat to thinwould remove
one of the best safeguardsthe fat person has against future weight gains.
The continualawarenessof an essential
fatidentity,
whethervisible (in pounds
and fat) or invisible,acts as a warning
device against the type of eating behavior promoting the discreditedfat
state.
Lecturer:
One doctorat UCLA saysthat
he wishesthattheword"obese"would
when
appearon fatpeople'sforeheads
sincethat
theybecome5% overweight,
muchbody weightchangeschemistry
so you can'tuse thesamedrugs.Furfat can be concealedby
thermore,
clothes.It is thosewomenwithlovely
faces and good dresssense who are
worseoffthananyone,
becausetheycan
put it on and notevennotice.
Althoughidentitycannotand should
not be changed, eating behavior is
amenable to change. The behavior
change promoted by the organization
is a permanentchange in the quality
and quantityof the food consumedso
that externalslendernesscan be maintained for life. The threatof compulsive eating,however,is alwayspresent.
Thereforecompulsive eating behavior
must be changed, eithertoward more
moderationin eating habits or toward
less fatteningobjects:
You will learnmoderation
Lecturer:
here,
too-to have1/2cup of ice creamand
withit. You will learn
feel satisfied
that4 teaspoons
of sourcreamwill be
plentyon a bakedpotatoand 1 teaspoon of creamcheeseis enoughon
yourbagel.
7 For a general discussion of the phesee Warren,
nomenon of destigmatization,
1975.
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Losing Weight
73
Lecturer:I am still a compulsive
eater, on traditional recipes using "legal"
butnow I eat lettucecompulsively.
ingredients,like lobsternewbergmade
The fact that food must be con- with blended cauliflower for sauce,
foods.
sumed to live gives the weight loss ratherthan completelydifferent
Members
are
forbidden
to
use
dietetic
a
tactical
in
organization
problem promoting the desired behavior change foods except for sugar-freesoda and
unlike the self-help organizationsfor substitutesweeteners.So while stressof a totalchangein
smokers, drug addicts and alcoholics ing the significance
which forbidthe undesirablebehavior. eating habits,the organizationattempts
Instead,an exactlyoppositemechanism to charm the membersby focusingon
is substituted--continuously
focusing their favoritevice, food, as a central
on food and stressingto the members symbol and by promisingslenderness
that they must eat. Members who do through this "totally new way" of
not eat breakfastor who have a skimpy using old recipes. The sin of gluttony
lunch are lecturedto about the dangers can be satisfiedthroughthe back door.
of not eating enough. For fat people, One of the organization'sslogans is
being hungryis a violation of their "you will neverbe hungryon our proessentialself. They must be sure both gram."
The preoccupationwith food and
to eat regularlyso that they do not
become hungry,and to exercise con- eating,which comprisesa large part of
the program's rhetoric,of lecturers'
stant vigilance over food.
Lecturerto a memberwho complained materials,and informalinteractionat
about havingto eat the weeklyliver the weekly meetings, relates to this
portionwhichis required:You must common feature of fat people's eseatit.Everything
youputinyourmouth sential
The weightloss organidoesnothavetobe a thrillofa lifetime. zation'sidentity.
is
to change the eating
goal
Lecturer:Set up a barrierbetweenyou
behavior
of
the
obese. One of their
and food. A barrierthatthinpeople
haveautomatically,
butforyouit must strategiesto achieve their end is to
be a consciousmatter.
emphasize the identityof "being a
is
a
violation of the fatty"and fat people's obssessionwith
Being hungry
essential self, and carries with it the food and eating.Negative labels, then,
which reinforcethe essential identity
danger to which fat people are always
the fat as fat,are used as a means of
exposed: the "bad," uncontrolledeat- of
behavior from deviant to
changing
ing which may occur if the member
normal,
thereby
presentinga challenge
too
The
gets
hungry.
organizationproto
the
of
theory secondarydeviation,
motes the conceptionof food as a vital
force in a person's life. Meetings are which would predict an escalation of
characterizedby this focus on food, deviant behavior to follow from the
which also contributesto reinforcing act of stigmatization.
the individual'sidentityas fat,since fat
LIFESTYLE
CHANGE
people are seen as preoccupied with
eating.
"Lifestyle"or "way of life" are illThe organization encourages a defined terms, used by both Lemert
change in behavior where one set of (1967) and the weight loss organizafoodstuffs(thinning, good, "treats") tion to describe the typesof behavior
are substitutedfor another (fattening, changepersonsundergothatare related
bad, "monsters"). There is an emphasis to but are not composed of the be-
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74
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
havior under consideration. Persons
losing weight are presented by the
organization as undergoing not only
behavior change related to eating but
also to change in other personal attributesand the social life that accompanies both eating and a size that
is stigmatizedin our society.
WhenI was fat,I couldnever
Lecturer:
balancemy checkbook. My husband
had to do it for me. But now I am
more independent
and more able to
takecare of myself.You have to be
moreindependent
and youcan do it.
instance,lecturersstate that a variety
of positive changes accompaniedtheir
weight loss-sparkling wit at parties,
more energy,a greaterabilityto cope
with life's vicissitudes.They suggest
greater business and professional,as
well as social,successare a consequence
of eliminatingthe visible stigma of
fat. Thus, there is no need to force
membersto exercise,quit smoking,or
have betterhuman relationships:these
good things will automaticallyfollow
fromthe transformation
in lifestyleaccompanyingweight loss.
The organization reinforces the
The organizationis concernedwith
image that the life-styleof fat people life stylein thecontextof attributes
and
is full of embarrassing and self- activitiesunconnectedwith
eating bedemeaning experiences. Lecturerstell havior; it also claims that a life long
of getting stuck in theatre seats and commitment
to its weightloss and lossbehind the wheel of a car, or requiring maintenance
mustbecomepart
program
other people to push as one tries to of the
individual'sway of life. Because
pull oneself out of a pool. They tell the person's essential fat identityis
storiesof not going places theyreally
always present, the threat of rewanted to go because of having to sit
turning to "bad" eating behavior is
in the back seat of a small car and
always possible. This lifelong commitfearingtheywould not be able to get ment is
expressed linguisticallyin the
out of it, or not having clothes that
distinction between a
fit.They also emphasizethatfatpeople organization's
"diet" and a "program."
are self-deludingand make irrational
A "diet" is what fat people go on
excuses for themselves and their
and off;it involvesa temporarybehavstigma:
ior change followed by relapse. A
Member:I have to have cookiesin the
is a changed lifestyleand
cometo "program"
housein casemygrandchildren
of
pattern eating lasting a lifetime.A
visit.
Lecturer:Where do yourgrandchildren"diet" implies the illusorypromise of
live?
the destigmatizingof the individual,
Member:In New York! (This studywas the shedding of the fat self for a redonein California.)
bornthinone. A "program"establishes
While such storiesare oftentold to the alternative ideal of a lifelong
amuse the membership,their serious struggleto divorceeatingbehaviorand
meaning is clear: until fat people way of life from an inevitably fat
reduce theirweight theywill live with identity.
Linked with the concept of "propainfully reduced self-esteem in a
restrictedrange of activities,and a gram" is a view of time encompassing
correspondingly
unsatisfactory
lifestyle. a whole past, present and future of
Lecturers promote an imagery and eating habits. The lifetimeprogramis
provide examples of the "better"way divided into three stages the initiate
of life automaticallyaccruing to fat must pass through before the attainpersons as they become slender. For mentof a stigmawhich is discreditable
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75
Losing Weight
only: the basic weight loss program,
the "leveling" program (beginning
when the person is within 10 lbs. of
goal weight) and the "maintenance"
continuedforthe
programtheoretically
remainderof the person's future.Free
lifetime membershipin the organization accrues to people who have
achieved their goal weight, complete
the "maintenance"program,weigh in
monthlyand do not gain more than 2
pounds above their goal weight. Initiates to the organizationare given a
master plan for their entire life,
divided into four distincttime tracks:
threeas a memberof the organization
and one (always in the past) as a discredited fat person.
A tacticalproblem for the organization is posed, however,by the factthat
members do not follow the master
plan: theydo notalwayslose weight(or
worse still,sometimesgain) duringthe
timetheyattendmeetings.They return
to the organizationafter losing forty
pounds and regaining fifty.For such
contingenciesthe organizationhas another perspective on time: it is the
presentonly,just the immediateday or
even meal at hand, which counts-not
the past, and not the future.The members are told, on the one hand, thatthe
programis a masterplan for theirentire lives, and on the other hand that
no past action constitutesfailure.This
paradox is illustratedby two quotes
from an organizationalpamphlet: "If
you do the best and the most you can
today, don't worry about tomorrow";
"Perfectionis attainedby slow degrees;
she requires the hand of time." Since
all acts will eventuallybecome past,
successis alwayspossible and organizational membershipis always available.
No matterhow often one joins or rejoins, lecturerstell new members"Today is the firstday of the restof your
life."
The mixed perspectiveon time and
an emphasis on the permanence of
their fat identityenables the weight
loss organizationto place the responsibilityfor failureon the individual and
not the organization.The membership,
at any one time,includes many former
memberswho failed to lose weight,or
who lost weight and later regained it.
They are welcomedback and reassured
thatbehaviorchange is alwayspossible.
Through theuse of stigmaas a strategy
for individual behavior change, the
organization constructs a foolproof
ideology: successcomes fromfollowing
the organization's program, while
failure is the responsibilityof the
individualmemberreflecting
his or her
essentialidentity.
Lemert's theoryof secondary deviation implies that a deviant identity,
deviant behaviorand a deviant way of
life vary together. The weight loss
organization's separation of identity,
behaviorand life style-throughitsuse
of stigmaboth as a means of changing
behavior and as a basis on which to
attributeresponsibilityfor failure to
individualmembers-presentsa further
challenge to the theoryas it has been
formulated.Not only can a stigmatized
identitylead to non-deviantbehavior,
but "normal" behavior can lead to a
"normal" way of life despitethe retention of an identitywhich bears a negative label. A life stylechange is only
possible, though,when the stigma becomes discreditable (i.e., when it is
no longer visible).
ORGANIZATIONAL STRATEGIES FOR
THE PROMOTIONOF BEHAVIOR
CHANGE
The two major strategiesof change
employed by the organizationto promote and reinforcea stigmatizedfat
identity, normalized eating behavior
and a better lifestyle are 1) the
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76
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
bothbecause
of an an ingroup-outgroup
do notuse thesubstance,
fostering
and 2) the use of change everyoneuses food, and because so
sentiment
successful much of the member'slives are inagentswho are themselves
of theprogram.
forand
volvedwithfoodpreparation
graduates
with"civilians."But the
The ingroup-outgroup
differentiation
consumption
to disare exhorted
is dual: betweenfatmembers
and fat members
mentally
from
who
associate
themselves
nonmembers
of theorganization,
civilians,
and,
more important,
betweenfat "food- are picturedas dedicatedto the memaholics"and thin"civilians."Civilians bers' failure.
are regarded,
muchas Goffman
defines Lecturer:Friendswantus to failbecause
them:as "normals."Fat non-members thatis theonlyway theycan succeed
are unenlightened
. . . you have to be preparedfor
potentialmembers;
them... or theymaybe a civilian,
if theyare not attempting
to become
and thentheydo not understand.
thintheyare slothful
and immoral.
At
besttheyareto be pitied,andmembers Weeklyorganization
meetingsare
mayserveas modelsto helpthemto a presentedas a kind of inoculation
futurein whichtheymaybe discred- against external pressures which
itablerather
thandiscredited
If weakenwill-power
and resolve:waitpersons.
childrenbegging
theyare followingsomeotherweight ressesin restaurants,
program,such as diet pills, theyare for homemadecookies,husbandsasdoomedto failure.Whateverthecase, sertingthattheylike cuddlywomen,
they are potentialconvertsthrough are all threats:
and organizaefforts
of bothmembers
We musthavefreewill notto
Lecturer:
tionaladvertising.
eat and resistothers. . . fatpeople
Unlike some behavior changing
in
are afraidof assertingthemselves
to eat by restauthe faceof pressures
institutions
suchas Synanon,
theweight
fatpeopleand others.
rants,hostesses,
loss organization
is not a totalinstituBesides,theydon'twantto resistprestion (Goffman,
and
set
cannot
1961),
sure.Whenyousay"no" and meanit
and
up wallsbetweenthemembership
thereis a tonein yourvoicethatsays
the civilianworld.Worse,housewives
you meanit. But a fatperson's"no"
to a secondhelpingmay be accomforma largeproportion
of thememberand panting.
by salivating
panied
have
the
traditional
female
ship; they
role tasksof makingmeals for their
While the outgroupis the nonfamilies-mealswhichincludedesserts, fat world,the in-groupis the world
cookies, potatoes and creamysalad of foodaholics,
and mostparticularly
So themembers
are encour- themembership
In
of theorganization.
dressings.
either theearlydaysoftheorganization,
there
aged to quarantinethemselves,
or mentallyfromthe sur- was more stresson in-groupparticiphysically
of theireveryday pation(forexample,members
rounding
temptations
tempted
lives.
to eat would telephoneanothermemQuarantineinvolvesboth removal ber for moral support),but at the
fromthe non-quarantined
has beand associ- presenttimethe organization
ation with otherquarantined
of
"interthe
that
notion
so
come
large
persons
(the ingroupimpulse).Unlike Alco- dependenceof members'
goals" is not
holicsAnonymous,
though,theorgani- used as a social controlmechanism.
zation can rarelysuggest that,the Unlike otherself-helpgroupssuchas
members
socializeonlywiththosewho Synanonand AA, grouptherapyand
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Losing Weight
77
othergroup dynamicstake at mosta
mothersand eating it all up because of
the starvingpeople in so-and-socounthe
a
to
lecture
as
secondary
place
pribut we must no longerbe victims.
try,
maryfocusof organizational
meetings
behavior
(see Crosbieet al., 1972). The differ- As withmanyotherself-help
ence may lie in the profit-making
modification
thepurgroups,however,
natureof theweightloss organization. suitof "causes"suchas thishypothetiHavingmoreandsmallergroupswould cal one remainscompletely
secondary
reducethemoneywhichtheorganiza- to the "major"goal of changingbetion makes by increasingstaff(lec- haviorin thehereand now.
turers,weighersand clerks) and hall
Lecturer: I am not concernedwith why
rentalcosts.
you are fat because of past factors.You
are rollingin mud because of yourown
In additiontoquarantining
andinocchoice. But if thereare deep reasonsfor
ulation,which promoteingroup-outthat, you should go to a doctor who
group differentiation,
ingroupsentican take care of you up here (points
ment is fosteredby organizational
to his head).
rituals.Amongthe mostimportant
of
As an enterprise,
this weightloss
these are group ritualsinstituted
by organization
has an additionalreason
theorganization
to rewardpersonswho
to refrainfrom seekingthe hidden
lose weight;theseincludegraduation
and medical causes of
ceremonies
fromthe threephases of psychological
Lecturers
obesity:
legal
responsibility.
the program,
specialpins,and certifistress
that
are
notpsyconstantly
they
cates of merit.Other rituals,which
chiatrists
and will notdispensepsychisocializeand cementthe groupas an
atric advice, nor will they dispense
are the semi-public
institution,
weekly authoritative
medical or
nutritional,
weighingof each member,showsof scientific
about
knowledge
obesity.
handsof personswho had gained,lost
Memberswithspecialproblemsare alor remained
at thesameweightduring
told to consulttheirdoctors.A
theweek,and roundsof handclapping ways
of scientific
is yetandenial
expertise
bothforpersonswho had lost weight
other
of
the
way establishing organizaand otherswhowere"trying."
tion's lack of responsibility
for any
Since goal interdependence
and in- member'sfailure,and of
the
placing
is hardto managein blameon theindividual.
groupsentiment
Thustheycana nontotalinstitution
of a large size notbe heldaccountable
fora failureof
which cannot forbid the addictive the
(the product)whichthey
program
substanceto members,the organiza- sell.
tionstresses
thethemeof self-discipline
morethanthatof disciconsiderably
THE CHANGEAGENT
pline by peers: "it's up to you" is a
usedbythelecturers. We foundthe changeagentto be
phraseconstantly
facilitators
Along with the theme of self- one of the mostimportant
discipline,however,thereis the con- for the "escalation"of behaviorfrom
thatpressures
from deviantto normal(as definedby the
tinuingsuggestion
the out-group-thenon-fatcivilian organization).All the lecturersand
society-isthesourceof external
pres- otherorganizational
personnelare fat
sureon the individual:
persons turned thin-on-the-outside:
Lecturer:We are victimsof patterns theyprovidea vitalsymbolof identifiwhobelievethat"no
taughtus in childhood of obeyingour cationforpersons
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78
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
one everlosesweightand keepsitoff." zation gives them the abilityto reThe majorwaysin whichthelecturers coup failuresquicklyand effectively):
for the
accomplishsuch identification
members are stigma display (linking
I ate threebarrelsof sauerkraut
Lecturer:
over the weekendand gained seven
pounds,but now I knowwhatto do
and have takenalmostall of it back
thepastof thelecturer
withthesoonof
the
member)and devito-be-past
off.
ance display (linking the lecturer's
presentwiththe members').
Deviancedisplayservesto promote
reiteraStigmadisplayis theconstant
underlines
thecontinued
identification,
tion by the lecturersof their own
of
necessity
organizational
membership,
as essentially
fatpersons,once and
identity
the necessityfor
highlights
discredited
butnow discreditable.
This
behaviorand an ultimate
comis accomplished
in variousways: dis- changed
mitment
to "a new way of life," at
play of "before"and "after"pictures the same time as it reinforcesthe
of the lecturer,
anecdotesof the past
essentialidentity.
sins of eating,and sad tales of the stigmatized
fat
lifelongmiseryof the discredited
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
and thecounterpoint
happinessof the
discreditable(leavened quite often
Our data lead us to the conclusion
withhumor):
thatan empirically
groundedelaboraLecturerF told a storyabouthow her tion of Lemert'stheoryof secondary
husbandhad givenher (now thatshe deviationis bothpossibleand needsto
is thin) a blacklace nightgownand be testedin variousbehavior
change
black satinsheetsforXmas. "Before,
Our elaborationof Lemert's
whenI was a fatlady,we had a king settings.
size bed. He stayedon his side and theoryof secondarydeviationor, as
I stayedon mineand we didn'tmeet would be moreaccuratein the situain the middleveryoften.Satinsheets tion described here, a theory of
are veryslippery.
You slideoffthem."
secondarynormalization,adds the fol-
lowing propositionswhich delineate
of thelabelingsituation
identification
of thechangeagents'past thosefeatures
which
make
withthe members'trialsand tribulasecondarynormalization
more
than secondarydevitionsis a fundamental
of
most
probable
aspect
ation.
self-help
typeorganizations.
in
1. The centralchangestrategy
But a sorrypast does not always
qualifyone to winpresent
peeridenti- organizationswhich use "ex's" as
as studiesof drugaddictswho changeagentsis thepermanent
fication,
accepbecome "fat cat" bureaucratshave tance of a stigmatized
This
identity.
shown.Lecturersin this organization strategy
is in opposition
to thestrategy
use a secondtactictopromote
members' of the promotionof a "cured" or
identification
withthe changeagent's "normal"identity,
byorganiattempted
presentexperience:deviance display,a zationswhich are staffedby profestacticforbiddenorganizations
as AA sionalagents,suchas mentalhospitals
whichban theuse of thedeviantsub- and jails. Successfulbehaviorchange
stance.Change agentsunderlinethe underthe conditions
describedabove,
factof lifelongtemptation
food
however,
by
mayrequirelifetimeorganiby
thatthey,too,aresometimes zational membershipto enable the
indicating
to be reinforced
as
temptedand fail (but thattheorgani- stigmatized
identity
As Hurvitz (1968:4)
notes, such
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
79
Losing Weight
of normalbehavior done,thegrossclassweightlossforthe
a "positive"feature
and a normalwayof life.
monthwas over a hundredpounds,
2. Individualsmaychangetheirbe- but the grossweightgain was nearly
haviorand wayof lifefromdeviantto a hundred-leavinga totalweightloss
normalon some relevantdimension, of a few pounds to be distributed
or so members!
but may retaina stigmatized
identity amongsixty
withthatsamedimension.
connected
Failing the ideal test of Lemert's
of secondarydeviation (inThe ideal test of the theoryof theory
measuredratesof success
dependently
would, like and failurewhen
secondarynormalization,
negativelabels are
a testof thetheory
of secondary
deviusedas a strategy
for
deviant
changing
evaluative
ation,involvea long-term
thatthe
thisanalysis
behavior)
suggests
follow-up study of organizational
studiedheredoes
organization
whichhas never self-help
graduates,
something
not acceptthe view thatescalationto
been fully accomplishedwith any
deviantbehavioralwaysfollowsnegaSince the weightloss
organization.8
tive social labels. Furthermore,
under
does not give permission
organization
certain
suchlabelingcan be
conditions,
for social or medicalresearch,
it was
used as a meansto normalizedeviant
notpossibleto obtaininformation
per- behavior.It is also clearthat,in conus to evaluatethesuccesswhich
mitting
flictwiththetraditional
of
formulation
claim
fortheirprogram.
they
the theoryof secondarydeviation,
This stanceis typicalof behaviorstigmatizationor normalizationof
whichgenerchangingorganizations,
can be viewedas independent
identity
ally resistindependentevaluationof of and notcoterminous
withdeviantor
theirsuccessandfailurerates.Somebe- normalbehaviorand
wayof life.
havior changingorganizationskeep
sociallabeling,
In summary,
negative
their own statisticsof success and or
may have fateful
stigmatization,
failure;this weightloss organization consequencesfor the individual,but
records theseare not
claimsnot to keep systematic
alwaysin the expected
of anykind,andonlyoccasionally
gives direction.In an expandedstudyof
of thesuccessor failure
anyindication
behaviorchangegroupsdealing
For example,thelec- many
of themembers.
withdruguse and childabuseas well
turerssometimesquoted gross total as
we foundthatgroupswho
obesity,
weightlossesfortheclass (or forthe used ex's as changeagentsall used
city),but thesewereoftenmisleading strategies
in
stigmatization
of identity
sincegrossweightgain was not sub- order to
normalization
of
facilitate
tracted.In one class wherethis was members'behavior
(Warren, 1974).
thrust
Suchdatagivefurther
empirical
8 A few empirical (but not organizathat
or
devinormal
to
the
conclusion
tional-evaluative) studies of the effectsof
way of life and behavior
stigma do, however exist. These studies il- ant identity,
lustrate that the process of stigmatization are empirically
separablephenomena,
involves the exchangeof meaningsbetween erroneously
analyzedunder the umparticipantsand is not simply a matterof brella
deviation."
"secondary
and
Furtherlabel-sticking passive receiving.
more, "mental labeling" or stereotypingis
not the same thing as the behavior that is
directedtowardthe person so labeled. (See
for example, Fisher, 1972; Foster et al.,
1972; Schwartzand Stryker,1970.)
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80
SOCIAL PROBLEMS
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions