Principles and Parameters (I)
Rajat Kumar Mohanty
[email protected]
Department of Computer Science and Engineering
Indian Institute of Technology Bombay
Outline
 X-bar

theory and non-lexical Categories
X-bar structure of S
• Spec-head Configuration
• VP-internal Subject Hypothesis
• Extended Projection Principle


Small Clause
X-bar structure of S`
• [+Q]-CP Principle
 Binary
Branching and VP-shells
Levels of Representation
in Universal Grammar (UG)
Lexicon
Theta roles
X-bar rules
Constrained by theta criterion
D(eep)-Structure
Move-alpha
S(urface)-Structure
Transformational rules
PF
(phonetic form)
Constrained by EPP
LF
(logical form)
Projection Principle

Representations at each syntactic level (i.e., LF,
DS and SS) are projected from the lexicon, in
that they observe the subcategorisation
properties of lexical items.
X-bar Theory

It tells us how words are combined to make
phrases and sentences.

It captures the commonality between different
types of phrases, which PS-rules cannot.
X-bar Projection
XP (Maximal projection)
YP
X `(Intermediate projection)
X (Zero projection)
ZP
X-bar Projection
XP (X-phrase)
YP (Specifier)
X`
X (Head)
ZP
(Complement)
X-bar Projection
XP
X`
YP
(Specifier)
X`
X (Head)
ZP
(Adjunct)
ZP (Complement)
X-bar Projection
NP
N`
NP
John’s
N
PP
solution
to the problem
X-bar Projection
NP
N`
Det
the
N`
N
discussion
PP
PP
of the cricket match
In the cabinet
meeting
C(onstituent)-command


C-command is a structural relation among the
terminal and non-terminal nodes in a syntactic tree
 c-commands  iff:


the first branching node dominating  also
dominates 
 does not dominate 
A
B
C
E
D
F
G
C-command
NP
Det
N`
PP
N`
the
discussion
NP
P
PP
N
of
P
NP
of
the cricket match
Det
the
N`
N
meeting
Government




governs  iff
 is a lexical head (or tensed I)
 C-commands 
No barrier (VP, NP, PP, AP, or tensed IP)
intervenes between  and 
X-bar structure of S : IP

I(NFL(ECTION)) as the Head of S
IP
( = S)
I ` ( = Aux)
Spec(ifier)
NP
I
Tense : [+/- FINITE]
Φ-features: [PNG, case]
…
VP
……
Spec-Head Agreement

A head (X) and its specifies (Spec-X) must agree
in relevant features
IP
I`
NP
Case: NOM
PNG: 3sg
I
Case: NOM
PNG: 3sg
…
VP
……
VP-internal Subject Hypothesis
IP
I`
Spec
…
The external argument
of a verb is generated
within the VP.
( = S)
VP
I
Tense
Φ-features
…
V`
Spec
NP
V
NP
…
…
John likes his teacher.
IP
I`
Spec
VP
I
[Tense]
[AGR]
[+ EPP]
…
V`
NP
V
John
like
NP
his teacher
Extended Projection Principle

There must be a subject in a clause.

Examples


John likes his teacher
*(There) is a unicorn in the garden
John likes his teacher.
IP
I`
NP
Johni
VP
I
[Tense]
[AGR]
[+ EPP]
…
V
ti
Movement rule
V`
NP
like
NP
his teacher
There is a unicorn in the garden.
IP
NP
There
I`
VP
I
V`
Spec
Insertion rule
[Tense]
[AGR]
[+ EPP]
…
V`
V
be
PP
NP
a unicorn
in the garden
IP
John considers Bill to be incompetent
I`
NP
I
John
[Tense]
NP
[AGR]
[+ EPP]
ti
…
VP
V`
V
consider
IP
NP
Bill
I`
VP
I
To
[+EPP]
V`
NP
ti
V
be
AP
incompetent
Small Clause

John considers Bill to be incompetent
 *John considers Bill to incompetent
 *John considers Bill be incompetent
 John considers Bill incompetent
Small clause
IP
John considers Bill incompetent
I`
NP
I
VP
John
[Tense]
[AGR]
[+ EPP]
…
NP
ti
V`
V
consider
AP
NP
A`
N`
A
N
Bill
incompetent
X-bar structure of S-bar : CP

C(omp(lementizer)) as the Head of S`
CP ( = S` )
C`
Spec
C
[+/- Q]
IP ( = S )
……
IP
I`
NP
N`
N
I think that John should leave
I
+ EPP
…
VP
NP
V`
V
I
think
ti
CP
Spec
C`
C
[-Q]
IP
John should leave
that
IP
I`
NP
N`
N
I want for John to leave
I
+ EPP
…
VP
NP
V`
V
I
want
ti
CP
Spec
C`
C
[-Q]
IP
John to leave
for
IP
I`
NP
N`
N
I wonder if John has left
I
+ EPP
…
VP
NP
V`
V
I
wonder
ti
CP
Spec
C`
C
[-Q]
IP
John has left
if
CP
Who did Mary see?
C`
Spec
[+Q]-CP Principle:
C
[+ Q]
IP
A [+Q]-CP must have a specifier
NP
NP
did
I`
I
whoj
Maryi
…
+EPP
Aux
VP
Spec
NP
V`
V
NP
see
tj
i
Binary Branching and VP-shells

A node can dominate at most two branches

John put the book *(on the shelf)
 John put *(the book) on the shelf

Put: [V; _ NP PP]
 S V (NP) (PP)
vP
VP-Shell
v`
spec
v
VP
V`
NP
light verb
V
PP
put
Head-to-head
movement
constraint
V-raising
IP
John put the book on the shelf
I`
NP
N`
v`
spec
N
John
vP
I
Tense
AGR
+EPP
…
ti
v
put
VP
V`
NP
V
PP
the book
ti
on the shelf
Summary








Projection Principle: Lexical information (such as theta roles)
is syntactically represented at all levels of representation
X-bar Theory tells us how words are combined to make
phrases and sentences.
The head of S is I(NFL(LECTION) and the head of S` is
Comp(lementizer)
VP-internal Subject Hypothesis: The external argument of a
verb is generated within the VP.
Extended Projection Principle (EPP): A clause must have a
subject
[+Q]-CP Principle: A [+Q]-CP must have a specifier
Transformational rules can be
 movement rules
 insertion rules
Rules must be maximally constrained, otherwise they could
produce anything (e.g., Head-to-head movement constraint,
EPP, etc)
Sources and further readings



Comsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of
Syntax. CUP, Cambridge.
Comsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on Government
and
Binding. Foris, Dordrecht.
Ouhalla, Jamal. 1994. Introducing Transformational
grammar. Arnold, London.
THANK YOU