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D. Korean National Election Commission, Legal Affair Division, Secretary 30 Hongchonmalgil, Gwacheon-si, Gyeonggi-do, Korea(427-727) E-mail: HYPERLINK "mailto:[email protected]" [email protected] , Tel:+82-2-503-2190 The Institutional Change of Liberalizing Production Regimes - The Cases of Japan and Korea In the 1980s, developed countries experienced the retrenchment of a welfare state and a reformed economy by the idea of neo-liberalism. The New Public Management (NPM) system, which transforms the role of government from a rowing one to a steering one was introduced, intensifying market autonomy. For example, the US government reduced the scale of the public sector and opened domestic market, demanding other countries open their market bilaterally or collaterally. South Korea and Japan adopted a similar development strategy with which the state bureaucracy led the nation’s economy through economic planning and administrative guidance. But the circumstances have been changed in the 1990s, and the two nations were confronted with the demand of change that occurred externally to restructure internal economic system. Japan has experienced ‘lost decades’ suffered from economic bubbles and leaving behind tremendous government debt. Korea experienced a liquidity crisis; however, Korea was rescued by IMF’s bail-out program, and was able to demonstrate its economic resilience after a short period of time. What were the causes of this difference between Japan and Korea? Although various studies have analyzed the production regime among developed countries (Milgrom and Roberts 1992; Streeck 1992; Aoki 1994; P. A. Hall and Soskice 2001; Thelen 2004), relatively few studies have been devoted to an analysis focusing on comparisons among East Asian countries. The goal of this study is to analyze the institutional change of the production regime in the circumstances of liberalization between Japan and Korea. The scope of research will include institutional structures, actors’ interaction, reform ideas, and process of institutional change such as social learning and abrupt changes in Japan and South Korea after the 1980s. Specifically, the research question of this study is summarized as follows. What institutional change has been made in the production regime in Japan, and South Korea and how different is the institutional change in the liberalization and globalization era? Theoretical Background and Method Production regime is defined as mutually reinforcing institutional arrangements that together support different firm strategy in international market (Hollingsworth and Boyer, 1997; King & Wood, 1999; Thelen, 2004; Ha, 2004). This approach is founded on the assumption that the economy of capitalist state is an embedded system which is composed of corporate, labor, and finance sectors. Liberal Market Economy(LME) or Stock Market Capitalism is characterized as market-centric adjustment, flexible labor reposition, empowering CEO and shareholders driven decision making, and Coordinated Market Economy(CME) or Welfare Capitalism as network-centric adjustment, long-term employment, and decision making for shareholders (Hall & Soskice, 2001; Dore 2000). As the institutional factors of production regimes are complementary each other, similar production regime would make a different results according to institutional context, and the realization of them is different from each nation (Aoki, 1994; Amable, 2000; Grief and Latin, 2004; Ha, 2004). Although previous studies concentrated on the western democratic states, the analysis of the economic liberalization’s influence on East Asian production regime is rarely observed. East Asian countries have the tradition of state-centric development that the government intervenes in the economic interaction actively as a form of mandatory regulation, and administrative guidance (Haggard and Maxfield 1996; Chang 2002; Vogel 2005). Liberalization is a trigger of changing production regime but it would have a different impact on domestic economy according to political circumstances of the nations (R. Rogowski 1989; Frieden 1991; Quan Li & Dale L. Smith 2002; B. Kus 2006). Liberalization in last two decades of 20st century is interchangeable as globalization, which is characterized as the integration of economic activities via market driven by both technological changes and policy changes to be relied on market forces, rather than the state (Wolf 2004).1 And the impact of integration into international economy will be different from the socioeconomic and formal institutions that affect the preferences and coalitional behavior of domestic actors (G. Garret and P. Lange, 1996). Thus, if one country is more adjustable to changing environment of liberalization, then it is necessary to analyze the factors to make the differences. As a result, it makes it easy to understand the essence of liberalization and its global diffusion. If we are to explain why there is difference among the states, especially among East Asian countries, it is needed to analyze between overwhelming political sector’s governance mechanism and economic activities considering these regional specifics. In relation to East Asian political economy, a previous study shows that the difference in the impacts of the crisis in 1997 and the resulting outcomes on South Korea and Taiwan is a result of existing political and economic institutions (Heo and Tan, 2003:681-682). Vogel (2001) also analyzed that Japan as a coordinated economy had an economic system in that main actors such as firms, banks, and government agencies were linked in even denser networks of interrelationship than were their German counterparts, making them even more reluctant to support reforms that might jeopardize these relationship, which makes economic reform cautious conserving the core institutions of economic model such as long-term commitment to workers. Institutional contexts constraining political and economic actor’s choice are important factors in this study. We need to analyze actors’ intention within a specific constraints and institutional feedback and persistence according a specific institutional choice. There are various perspectives of institutionalisms to explain institutional change, and they can be classified as the structure-based approach and the actor-based approach. That is to say that the driver of institutional change may not only come from the actor’s strategic choice, but also be explained by the influences of structure. Rational choice institutionalism is relevant on abrupt change of institution by actor’s strategic choice (S. D. Krasner, 1984; T. Moe, 1990; B. R. Weingast, 2002). In contrast, historical institutionalism argues that institution in itself may have the trait of persistency, and can be changed through actor’s interactions mediating the idea and value that is embedded in the institutions (North, 1990; Steinmo, Thelen, and Longstrenth, 1992; P. Hall, 1993; Campbell, 2002; Thelen, 2004). The reason why institutions persist is explained that increasing returns will formulate an adaptive expectations (Pierson, 2000), and institutions from the past are maintained as the form of transformation considering uncertainty of future (Campbell, 1997, 2002). Institutional change is a function of existing institutional regimes plus exogenous shocks that trigger institutional change. Even if the shock is big enough to impose change, persistency of prior institutions will determine the direction of institutional change (Vogel 2005:146-47). One perspective emphasizes discontinuity of institutional change via exogenous cause (S. Krasner 1984; Collier & Collier 1991) and the other perspective pays attention to endogenous factors such as internal contradiction, institutional realignment, and innovation by learning (Clemens & Cook 1999; Scott, 2001; A. Greif & D. D. Latin, 2004; J. S. Hacker 2004; Thelen 2004; Streeck & Thelen 2005). These perspectives have a good point according to circumstances, it is necessary to synthesize external and internal factors to understand institutional change clearly. Although the types of institutional change can be classified by various criteria, they are classified as continuous or discontinuous by result of change and as abrupt or incremental by process of change (Streeck & Thelen 2005). This study is different from the previous studies in that institutional change is viable through gradual transformation which is incremental in process and discontinuous in result. Institutional change is also to be varied by the drivers that initiate institutional change. Peters & Pierre (1998) analyzed the type of institutional change as the matrix of contingent, disruptive, organic, and enacting model. The previous study analyzed with the criteria of origin, process, and result, which is helpful to understand change of production regime wholly, but cannot provide sufficient leverage for explaining the differences among countries. This study shall clarify the dynamics of institutional change using the tools of social leaning, governance mechanism, and feedback loop of institutional change. Type of institutional change whether it is exogenous or endogenous depends on existence of social learning, which is determined by prior institutional conditions and events as change of trigger. If institutional change is discontinuous and abrupt, then the possibility of social learning shall be decreased. On the other hand, if institutional change is continuous and incremental, the possibility of social learning shall be increased featuring endogenous institutional change. Especially, institutional change is not a single shot game, but an incremental and accumulative process. Results of institutional change at previous time shall restrain institutional change at next time; repetition of this process makes the genesis of institutional evolution change (Mahoney 2000:515; Thelen 2002). If institutional change is processed during long period transmitting reform idea into other sectors, then endogenous institutional change shall be occurred, on the other hand, institutional change is processed during short period at a unilaterally confined area, which shall result in exogenous change. Founded on these theoretical backgrounds, conceptual framework of this study is suggested as following <Figure 1>. <Figure 1> Conceptual Framework Explaining the Institutional Change of the Production Regime from Economic Liberalization Prior conditions to economic liberalization (late 1970s-early 1980s) Restrictive conditions are needed to be explained to analyze the institutional change of the production regime from economic liberalization. Restrictive structures are embedded conditions that shape actors’ behaviors. According to historical institutionalism, pre-existent institution restricts actors’ choice, which is a cause of incremental institutional change (D. C. North, 1990:3-4). Strong state autonomy in the developmental process is a common condition between Korea and Japan, which restricts successive processes after economic liberalization. Japanese capital system has recorded an unprecedented rapid growth with a help of state leading economic coordination and stable relations between corporation and labor, and credible main bank system until the 1980s. Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) seized power in a long-term in a cooperation with bureaucracy and intermediary organizations such as Keidanren and Chamber of Commerce in setting u p e c o n o m i c p o l i c i e s w i t h , w h i c h m a d e J a p a n e s e e c o n o m y m o r e c o m p e t i t i v e i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t ( A o k i , 1 9 9 4 ; NŒT, 2 0 0 2 ; V o g e l , 2 0 0 5 ) . P e r m i t t e d f r o m p o l i t i c a l a r e n a , b u r e a u c r a c y h a d p l a y e d a s u b s t a n t i a l r o l e i n m a k i n g a l e g i s l a t i o n a n d b u d g e t i n t e r c o n n e c t e d with social interest groups, and also called as No. 1 bureaucrats appraising its economic performance (C. Johnson, 1975). Japanese corporation and labor have maintained cooperative relations between employers and unions under the state planning and administrative guidance. State-centric corporatism has been a common characteristic of East Asian production regimes including those of Korea and Taiwan (Cotton, 1992; Heo and Tan, 2003). Japan tried to partially liberalize economy in the 1980s, but it was not a whole scale change of its economic system. However, the Japanese coordinated economy had recorded a tremendous trade surplus against the US through the export of competitive products like steel, electronics, and automobiles in the 1970-1980s, which provided an important moment for the US to call for the opening of the market. As the economy of capitalism got to be interconnected with a hegemonic country, the change of economic policy in the US affected the other country. For example, the Fed of US maintained high interest to fight against inflation, though fiscal deficits continued in the result of increasing tax-cut and defense budget, this caused trade deficits on a large scale in the 1980s. The US came to carry out devaluation of dollar by means of Plaza Accord among the developed countries to resolve trade deficits in 1985. It has triggered the increase of international capital transactions in floating exchange rate system, and the demand of liberalization has been increased to open capital market. At last, Prime Minister Nakasone announced the implementation of the proposition that would change Japanese economy from being export oriented to one that promoted domestic consumption and international cooperation in the summit between the US and Japan in 1986 according to the Maekawa report of the Research Group on Economic Restructuring.2 The drivers of liberalization in Japan were apparently exogenous pressures from the US. On the other hand, the Korean government practiced state-leading developmental capitalism that had recorded rapid industrialization oriented toward exporting with the advantage of cheap labor forces. The Korean government had used the strategy of catching up to developed countries, although it was politically authoritarian in the 1970s-80s, and administrative branches oversaw corporate, finance, and labor sectors under presidential leadership (Kohli 1994, Sarel 1996). So, it was a sort of bureaucratic authoritarian industrial regime that strengthened state autonomy for the purpose of developing the nation (Cotton, 1992). This characteristic of the state-centric developmental production regime restricted institutional change after economic liberalization. Conglomerates consisting of individual companies that were mutually supportive had grown up under a fleet-like operation, and the President Jung-hee Park was a sort of CEO of Korea Ltd. Although he was assassinated as a result of internal conflicts, his successor, President, Doo-whan Chun, who seized power through a coup in 1979, basically maintained the bureaucratic authoritarian regime. The demands made by workers to improve their work conditions were suppressed to reduce production costs, which caused a hostile and political labor movement after democratization. The financial sector was controlled by the government to allocate resources to export-competitive companies. Reflecting over investment in the 1970s, economic policy was converted from growth first to stability first in the 1980s. So, cutback management was introduced partially in the authoritarian regime. President, Duh-hwan Chun and his economic staffs expanded the autonomy of private company and downsized the scope of government, but it was not a fundamental change of developmental state financial sectors being still controlled.3 Trigger of institutional change The forces of institutional change can be classified as external and internal factors (Vogel, 2001). External factors are exemplified as forces from the international environment such as the increase in trade and capital flow, changes in US economic policy like deregulation, pressure from international organizations; on the other hand, internal factors are changes of industrial structures, economic fluctuation and budget deficits. Economic liberalization as external factor begins in Anglo-American states to overcome crisis of welfare state in the 1980s. When conservatives held powers in the early 1980s, they adopted economic liberalization to secure sustainable growth in the long run, which was reflected in economic policies in international relations. The US has not only required to open domestic market and improve trade deficits via bilateral agreements, but also established international regimes such as WTO, IMF, and World Bank to facilitate free trade and capital mobility, which were important external changes to Japan and Korea that were export-oriented and state leading economy. Japan partially liberalized its corporatist economy partially in the early 1980s, but this didn’t mean a fundamental change of its economic system. As Japan had recorded excellent economic performance until mid1980s and the trade surplus against the US had been soaring, the US required Japan to evaluate the yen via the Plaza Agreement in which 7 advanced countries participated and agreed on devaluation of the US dollar. The increase in international capital mobility made the Japanese economy more vulnerable to external factors, which made it difficult for the Japanese government to control and coordinate its domestic economy. In addition to the exchange rate policy, Prime Minister (PM) Nakasone suggested reducing the export-oriented policy, stimulating domestic demand, and strengthening international cooperation according to the Maekawa Report on the economic restructuring. Globalization of production was also an external factor that changed the Japanese economic structure and mode. Japanese firms that were abundant with capital had been moved to Southeast Asia, China and the US, which impaired the ability of the government to guide and coordinate corporations. On the other hand, internal factors also caused changes in the Japanese production regime. As the interest rate and foreign exchange transaction were liberalized, the Act on Finance and Trading Futures was enacted in 1987, and various financial derivatives were invented out of a booming domestic financial market, which led to an overinvestment of financial assets such as real estate properties and stocks. When the economic bubbles burst, resulting in the crash of asset prices in the early 1990s, both banks and households came to hold tremendous non-performing loans, which was a main cause of the long economic recession. A long recession accompanying the insolvency of households and banks as an internal stimulus necessitates institutional reform in the Japanese economy. Institutional change in Korea is also analyzed as having had external and internal factors. Like Japan, the external factors for Korea are, for example, pressure from the US and the opening of the financial market through globalization. Korea’s trade surplus against the US had continuously increased in 1980s, and the US government tried to open the Korean market and improve the unfavorable trade balance using coercive measures. The US used massive retaliation measures against unfair trade leaning to American interests by applying the Super 301 clause, and pressured Korea to open its domestic market via multilateral agreements like the WTO. The US government also required the Korean government to accept the floating exchange rate and liberalize foreign exchange transactions in the financial market, which facilitated the liberalization of the financial market in Korea and Korea’s gaining OECD membership in 1995. At first, the Korean government strived toward partial and incremental liberalization like Japan;, however, the foreign currency crisis in 1997 forced Korea to take measures to liberalize financial and stock transactions and to reform its market structure into that of American capitalism immediately as a condition to receive IMF bail-out funds. The change of the Korean production regime came from mostly external factors, and fundamental change was exhorted to Korea by foreign actors. However, Korea had its own trial to liberalize economy since President Young-Sam Kim, an elected civilian, proposed his commitment to correct past statecentric development strategy and launch globalization policy actively. He regarded prior institutions in the authoritarian government as objects that should be abolished and emphasized change and reform. However, these reforms were stuck in a clash between the ruling and opposition parties, which resulted in the delay of legislation and the resistance of bureaucracy. Although foreign exchange trade was liberalized by entering the OECD, fundamental reforms to change the economic system and monitor speculative capital movement were sluggish, which led to the liquidity crisis, and the need for bail-out funds from the IMF in 1997 (Kang, 2006). In the case of Korea, institutional reform proceeded in a incremental manner by external and internal factors;, meanwhile, the critical event of the liquidity crisis made institutional change abrupt and swift. Institutional change from economic liberalization Impact on actors The impact of the trigger of institutional change on actors needs to be explained to understand the process of institutional change from economic liberalization. The main actors in Japan of institutional change were the Diet and the bureaucracy. Japan has been a parliamentary regime in which the Ji-Min (Liberal Democratic) party as a hegemonic party has dominated the Diet, but not without the disruption of opposition parties. Although the cabinet had the authority of proposing laws and budgets, the bureaucracy decided on the substance of policies in advance. As political leaders in the Diet were related to local interests and many a legislator was recruited from core bureaucrats, there were limits for politicians in controlling and reforming administrative bureaucracy. For example, bureaucrat c a r e e r e d p o l i t i c i a n s o c c u p i e d 2 0 - 3 0 % o f t h e D i e t i n 1 9 8 0 s ( -N¨àz‡ ùz N“‹, 1 9 8 7 ) . W h e n t h e b u r e a u c r a t s r e t i r e , t h e y u s u a l l y b e c o m e m a n a g e r s , a m a k u d a r i , i n s u b s i d i a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , w h i c h w a s e m b e d d e d s t r u c t u r e o f t i e b e t w e e n s t a t e b u r e a u c r a c y a n d p r i v a t e s e c t o r ( Okimoto, 1989:161-169). The intention of the politician is to be reelected, and that of bureaucrats is to maintain their organization and budget to wield their power and prestige. Thus, these two actors formed a cooperative coalition to make a national plan and recorded an high economic performance by coordinating economic actors in the civilian terrain. The Japanese model of economic development has been a system in which the private sector realizes the self-regulating innovation of productivity under the government’s planning and assistance. The Federation of Economic Organization (FEO: Keidanren) enrolls big enterprises in its society, and the Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry (JCCI: nihon shorakorakaigisho) enrolls merchants and industrialists in its society. The ruling LDP was a coalition of conservative politicians and business sector (jaikei), and there are a lot of factions competing in the party. There is a decision making arena called the Policy Research Council of LDP in which bureaucrats and interest groups coordinate to reflect their interests before the regular process of Diet takes place. It is an internal organization of the LDP with divisions of specific fields (LDP constitution Art. 42), which resulted in a vertical administration linked to regional or special interests. When actors such as the ruling party, bureaucrats, FEO, JCCI, and other interest groups have a commons interest in coordinating economic policy, even though there is the requirement of economic liberalization from the international terrain, it is difficult to change the economic system fundamentally, if the system produces increasing returns of scale. That is why mutual interests among actors are intertwined, and vested main actors such as politicians and bureaucrats cannot ignore the influence from the disruption of trust and the network that sustains their status. Although there were external requirements of economic liberalization, fundamental changes in the Japanese production regime did not take place. The ruling Ji-Min Party did not need to change existent institutions, if they could guarantee voters’ support by maintaining high economic performance. Bureaucrats also resisted reducing their powers to regulate and coordinate economic activities with a politician’s consent. Corporations were satisfied with continuing long-term revenues and reputation maintaining a life-time employment system, and banks were intended to maintain long-term trust and prevent corporate bankruptcy by means of providing long-term loans to corporations (Suzuki 1987; Aoki and Patrick 1994). Also, labor unions are organized as units of a factory, and their goal is to secure their long term employment and welfare with controlling labor strikes autonomously (Vogel, 2001, 2005; Thelen, 2004). It is the institutional legacy of Japan to maintain institutional stability regardless of external pressures. On the other hand, Korea is a presidential regime, the power of which is endowed to executive branches for the purpose of managing the state efficiently in its developmental era (1970s-80s). The influential power of the president, presidential chief staff, and high level bureaucrats on the Economic Planning Board (EPB) and the Ministry of Finance (MOF) was so overwhelming that the Korean Government was defined as practicing bureaucratic authoritarianism (Cummings, 1988:254; Cotton, 1992), but the National Assembly was too inexpert to perform checks and balances in such administrative supremacy.4 Under such circumstances, the intention of the president as a rational actor is assumed to maintain his power and respect, but that of bureaucracy is assumed to be promoted to high level ministers through the president’s recognition. During the industrialization in the 1970s-80s, the power of National Assembly was very vulnerable, and technocrats such as the EPB, MOF, and the Ministry of Commerce and Industry (MOCI) planned out the laws and budgets substantially (Jung, 2001:35-36).5 Corporations and banks were the means to achieve the national goal all in all, and the decision regarding financial assistance provided to conglomerates were made under bureaucratic discretion and with the consideration of policy goals. Although the autonomy of the National Assembly had been strengthened since 1987, the administrative branches were empowered to introduce budgets and laws to the National Assembly constitutionally. This is in contrast to the US constitutional system in which Congress took initiative in institutionalizing an economic liberalization. Under these circumstances, there were limits to liberalizing the Korean production regime into one like that of the US because of institutional persistence from the authoritarian developmental regime, although economic liberalization had been continuously required from the international terrain. The inauguration of the civilian president, Young-sam Kim, who was prosecuted by the authoritarian regime and distrusted the prior bureaucratic system, was a turning point for changing developmental institutions into a new liberal system. Bureaucrats have begun to lose their power since elected politicians began to control and evaluate their discretions with constitutional and legal authorities. Although Korean society has been democratized, the power of the president has not diminished much. The agenda in which the president is interested, i.e. globalization and entering the OECD, was implemented as quickly as possible by the president’s own will. Conglomerates called as Chaebol was grown up rapidly by means of policy finance and cheap labor resources in economic developmental era, their intention was to keep their size as big as possible not to be failed dependent on government guarantee. As foreign exchange and capital movement came to be liberalized, they increased short-term loan like hot money without institutional provision to monitor financial soundness, which led to insolvency of corporate and state bankruptcy sequentially. Intermediary business organizations like the Federation of Korean Industry (FKI) and the Korean Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCOI) were sort of interest groups in essence, but their autonomy was so vulnerable as to be influenced by the government guidance. In labor sector, the organization of unions had been suppressed by the authoritarian government to industrialize economy rapidly. The movement of labor unions has been intensified after the democratization of 1987 inclined to political issues. The intention of labor unions was to ensure job stability and high wage going to a strike, if the employer would not accept their demand. Financial sector of South Korea has long been controlled by the government to lend money to specific firms that exported goods profitable to national economic growth. But the intention of banks has been changed to lend money firms by the economic criterion such as profitability with their own responsibility without political consideration after 1997. The liquidity crisis of 1997 was unintended consequence that initiating actors of institutional change sought after policy change while institutions from developmental states persisted. Change in ideas Institutional change is occurred through changing ideas in a given restrictive conditions. The existent idea of Keynesian economics could not manage unexpected problems like stagflation and long economic recession in the 1970s, Counter-attacking idea came from the supply side economics to relieve a state from stagflation through endorsing strict monetary restraint and simulating supply through tax cuts that encourage consumption and investment in private sector in Anglo-American Countries. As transnational companies came to be actively engaged in global business, sovereignty of nation state is mitigated increasing capital and labor mobility in 1990s because of globalization. Enlarged international trade and capital got to have an impact on domestic political economy, and foreign direct investment has also slackened state sovereignty to handle economic matters in domestics. Taking advantage of this trend, international regimes such as the IMF, the GATT, and the OECD put pressures on membership states to change their internal laws and customs by the name of global standards that was reflected by the American idea. The advance of regulatory reforms was a response of national policy makers to exogenous pressures from various international sources on national policy communities, but it was international institutions acting at least partially as agents of the United States, that are the sources of this change(D. Levi-Faur, 2005:25-27). Japan had also tried to benchmark the US economic reform partially without impairing important value of the CME such as the maintenance of corporate groups, tenure employment, and governmental guidance using economic networks in the early 1980s. The main actors in Japan involved in forming the idea of reform were the ruling Ji-Min Party and core economic bureaucrats, who were hesitant to change the coordinating economy into the neo-liberal economy. They believed such a change would impair the dense network of interests among politicians, bureaucrats and interest groups that were important foundation for sustaining their powerful status.5 The idea of governmental coordination of economic matters was not yet changed at that time and bureaucratic power persisted in the 1990s. They were stuck on the Keynesian economics that used massive government expenditures to resolve long run economic recessions without recognizing the essence of the problem to be a system risk. The measures of the government were not effective to handle the Japanese structural problem but rather resulted in a huge government debt like <Figure 2>. In Japan, government size was increased in the rapid development era and bureaucratic dominance was established. When domestic consumption and investment were decreased because of equity and real estate prices, the Japanese government tried to revitalize its economy through fiscal expanding, which resulted in a sharp increase of government liabilities. The government size was sharply expanded to solve the bubble economy and asset deflation in Japan. Although Ministry of Finance(MOF; jamushou) and Ministry of Economy and Industry proposed the omnibus policy package to decrease interest rate and increase government expenditure to overcome recession in the 1990s, which was turned out to be non-effective resulting in non-performing loans and fiscal deficits. As it is shown at <Figure 2>, government liabilities per GDP was increased sharply in the 1990s, distrust to the bureaucratic policy making has been aggravated. On these matters, newly inaugurated Prime Minister Hashimoto, in coalition with the Japan Socialist Party(JSP) and the New Party Sakigake, came to explore the way toward fundamental reform of financial institutions by financing the ‘Big Bang’ project in 1997. The restrictions in the capital market were lifted and the combination of banks, securities and insurances and the establishment of holding companies were to be allowed via the Finance Revitalization Act. As a result, Japanese financial companies were reorgani z e d a s f i v e h o l d i n g c o m p a n i e s s u c h a s M i t s u b i s h i T o k y o F i n a n c i a l G r o u p , R e s o n a H o l d i n g s , U F J H o l d i n g s , M i z u h o H o l d i n g s , a n d M i t s u i - S u m i t o m o H o l d i n g s ( NŒT, 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e d e r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e f i n a n c i a l m a r k e t c a l l e d B i g B a n g w a s a l a y e r i n g o f n e w e l e m e n t s o n t o t he prior institutional framework and occurred with institutional incongruence in the production regime, which resulted in business elite groups no longer feeling loyal to the bureaucratic coordination mechanism. This change of idea has been reflected in the electoral politics that dismantle a long walkover of the LDP, and a new manifesto of reforming bureaucracy and the economic system was suggested by Junichiro Goizmi in 2001, and his policy was supported by winning the election. PM Goizmi established political leadership to control bureaucratic policymaking by centralizing powers and information into the Cabinet Office and reducing the number of ministries from 1 Office and 22 Ministries into 1 Office and 12 Ministries. Most of all, Ministry of Finance (okurashou) called bureaucrat of bureaucrat was abolished and transformed into Ministry of Finance (jaimushou) to turn over function of drawing up budget and inspecting financial organizations to CO and Financial Service Agency (FSA) respectively. MITI was transformed into Ministry of Economy and Industry (MEI) that had the role of deregulating industry, facilitating domestic investment and furthering corporation environment. Political control was intensified in administrative reform by placing parliamentary vice minister and officer for political affairs over each ministry, which means that bureaucracy leading system of economic development was transformed into political administrative regime ( ï˜>\d o, 2 0 0 7 ) . T h i s r e f o r m m e a n s t h a t b u r e a u c r a c y g e t s t o b e s u b o r d i n a t e t o p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p , w h i c h i s t h e c h a n g e o f i d e a i n r e d u c i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c p o w e r i n m a n a g i n g e c o n o m y . T h e L D P h a s w o n c o n s e c u t i v e e l e c t i o n s i n 2 0 0 3 a n d 2 0 0 4 a p p e a l i n g t o t h e v o t e r s b y the reform of restructuring. Thus, ideational change of Japanese production regime took a long time to resolve economic problems and social learning through electoral politics takes place, which affected the change of production regime endogenously. On the other hand, to see the transformation of Korea’s ideational change, state planning and export-centric industrial policy had been overwhelming, but presidential economic advisors who had studied in the US steered the policy direction to fortify the autonomy of the private sector, reflecting upon the overinvestment in the 1970s. The Doo-whan Chun regime tried to partially cutback funds for the public sector without giving up the core mechanism of the developmental state and weighed economic stability more than economic growth (Jung, 1994). As you see in <figure 2>, in Korea, the government had tried to reduce its intervention in economy and revitalize private economic activities from 1980, maintaining low government liabilities until the 1990s. Economic liberalization, at first, was only a benchmarking of US economic reform, and the idea of state-centric development had not changed, and the rigidity of state regulation had been maintained. Companies including the Chaebol (corporate groups) still depended on government subsidies and guidance, which gave rise to a politicaleconomic scandal. As South Korea was on the path toward catching up to developed countries, the state leading mechanism of resources allocation had not changed much. The financial sector was underdeveloped, for the government to control banks, securities and foreign exchange market strictly until the 1990s. Meanwhile, the political and economic circumstances had changed to convert economic policy into globalization in the early 1990s. Full-scale liberalization had been launched since President Young-sam Kim, the civilian president to be elected, tried to reform authoritarian political and administrative institutions from the past and actively drive globalization policy. Although Korea made progress in liberalizing its foreign exchange market and opening its capital market as momentum, it experienced the increase of short term foreign debts due to lack of financial monitoring. While the reform of the financial sector was delayed due to the lack of political leadership and a bureaucratic pork barrel between MOFE and Bank of Korea (BOK), a shortage of liquidity in the dollar occurred, which caused the foreign currency crisis in 1997 to accompany the self-fulfillment of a speculative hedge fund. The Korean government, thus, requested IMF relief financing, and the IMF required the Korean government to implement the Main Measures of the Economic Program to be Supported by a Stand-by Arrangement that included the reform of financial regulatory institutions and corporate governance, the clearance of non profitable financial organizations, the liberalizing foreigners’ equity acquisitions, public announcements of corporate performance and abolishment of the trade barriers in exchange for 55 billion US dollars. This means that institutional reform which had not been attained by an internal political economy got to be resolved in an instant as a result of international organization in economic crisis. Financial reform by the IMF was realized as the establishment of financial supervision authority, liberalization of equity and foreign currency, and publication of corporate performance. The consolidation of democracy was a factor to change economic governance from governmental control to autonomy of market, but there was no guarantee to discipline the economic actors with well organized institutions. Unexpected consequence such as foreign currency crisis in 1997 was a critical juncture to change the idea of economic governance. There was no choice but to accept the proposal of IMF program that reflected the idea of economic liberalization such as restructuring of corporate governance, flexibility of labor mobility, and deregulation of equity market. New incumbent government, Dae-jung Kim’s administration, although he was ideologically left, also had to accommodate the requirements of IMF program in 1998 and suggested the Third Way to incorporate the core idea of neo-liberalism. Institutional change in Korea after economic crisis was swift and discrete under the influence of international regimes, which was a substantial paradigm shift of economic policy. Thus, the ideational process of liberalization in Korea was characterized as an exogenous shock that provoked a swift path deviating change with the restraints of institutional inertia. <Figure. 2> Change of General Government Gross Financial Liabilities per GDP Source: OECD Economic Outlook Database(Vol 2008 release 02) Social learning process Institutions change through the social interaction among actors under the restrictive conditions, but social interaction is diverse depending on specificity of countries. Social learning is easy to take place if periods of institutional change is long enough to solve the problem, and it is not an exogenous change but a continuous process to resolve (J. Haydu, 1998). Economic policy in Japan had been made through the network of the ruling Ji-Min Party, intermediate groups and bureaucracy, and the bureaucracy had played a substantial role. When Japan encountered the pressure to open market, the cabinet office constituted Temporary Research Group to suggest reform plan(Maekawa Report) containing the agenda to stimulate domestic consumption and facilitate capital mobility, which reflected the interest of Japanese economic intermediate groups and multinational corporations. The knowledge to be produced in the relation between Keidanren and bureaucracy at this time still didn’t mean overall transformation of economic system. As capital movements were interconnected internationally, a crash of foreign liquidity market and change of asset price was quickly reflected in change of Japanese asset price. Overinvestment in stock and real estate led to bubble economy accompanying crash of asset price, which was a starting point of long-run recession. On this matter, Japanese politico-bureaucracy induced booming up economy through tremendous fiscal expansion, which was ineffective. After experiencing ‘Lost Decade’ throughout the 1990s, private economic think tanks centering on Keidanren came to recognize that economic liberalization in globalization era meant a crisis of economic system required fundamental change (FAIR, 1998). As it is shown <Figure 3>, Japan has recorded rapid growth rate until 1970s and stable growth rate of 3-7% until late 1980s. The growth rate has been decreased since the 1980s-90s. The reason why social learning was delayed is that the bureaucracy to make and implement policy substantially was vertically divided by each ministry and central and local interest groups are interconnected through the networks of bureaucratic distribution of resources. Nevertheless, as learning about negative effect of bureaucratdependent reform has been accumulated, the people’s dissatisfaction has also risen. Innovative group such as Junichiro Goizmi who felt uncomfortable to be threatened to maintain their incumbency in the Ji-Min Party proposed the Manifesto of Neo-liberal economic reform and won general election in the 2000s. This is a social learning process through election to change ideas of reform fundamentally. Civil society came to learn that Japanese economy encountered systematic crisis, and political powers threatened to lose their power tried to find proper policy tools to meet voter’s expectation, which explains policy change. Although Goizmi cabinet tried to reform government structure for the first time, bureaucratic authorities to decide resource distribution didn’t changed much. Long-lasting economic recession made people change their loyalty to the ruling party, and the people supported the opposition Democratic (Min-chou) Party to reform the bureaucratic system. At last, institutional change of production regime in Japan has been done through accumulative learning process by negative feedback of reform, which made the preference of voters changed. On the other hand, institutional change of production regime in Korea has been done abruptly by economic crisis, and there was not sufficient time in doing social learning. Even though there was partial trial of economic liberalization from the 1980s, authoritarian regime was limited to launch economic liberalization on a full scale. As Korea has enter competitive international market from protective developmental state, although necessity of institutional change were raised autonomously, knowledge learned in authoritarian regime was still maintained in a self-enforcing manner and the behaviors of corporations, banks and labor unions were not changed much. Main actors’ idea came to be changed after democratization in the 1990s, civilian president, Young-sam Kim were to reform the allover political and administrative system for the purpose of abolishing authoritarian regime inherited from developmental state and expressed active ‘Globalization Policy’ with entering WTO and OECD as a momentum, which means a full-scale introduction of Neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, while institutions appropriate to internationalization and economic liberalization had not been enacted due to a political clash between the incumbents and the oppositions, economic actors in the private sector were too reckless to be monitored and regulated, which caused a turning point as economic crisis. As it is shown at <Figure 3>, Korea had recorded rapid growth rate of 7-10% from 1980 to mid 1990s, however, the growth rate became minus temporarily because of economic crisis in 1997. Although growth rate was recovered after the intensive restructuring of economy, the basic economic condition got to be weakened. To address foreign exchange crisis, institutional change has been made at one swoop with a help of international organization and radical measures were included regardless of Korea’s own will, for both the IMF and World Bank can advance funding to states in financial need that follow their economic recipes, while withholding funds from the states that refuse to abide by these recipes (Dryzek and Dunleavy, 2009:310). Even though institutional change at first was made by external forces, actors should behave in new restrictive conditions as result of institutional change, and the success of reform shall depend on whether consciousness and behaviors of actors acquired in the prior institutions shall be changed or not. But Korea came to adapt itself to new environment in a directive manner. The newly inaugurated Dae-jung Kim took measures to reform four sectors such as corporate, labor, bank and public, and to enforce private autonomy of financial inspection and labor flexibility in 1997. Responding to these presidential commitments, political agents executed neo-liberal reformative programs such as restructuring Chaebol, lay-off of public employees, and coercive merger of commercial banks using disciplined bureaucracy to obey their directives, and Korea came to get out of IMF bail-out program in only two years. For example, Dae-jung Kim government resolved the ‘Big Deal’ wherein the Chaebol exchange subsidiary firms through merger and acquisitions wielding the strong state-intervention(Song B., 2006: 46) and Dae-woo conglomerate was dismantled to give an example to be no longer effective for Chaebol to depend on the too big to failure policy. The factor of this success can be suggested that political leadership could control bureaucracy formed from authoritarian regime effectively and implement reformative measures in top-down way. Social learning in Korea was also done in a state centric way due to the situational restraints such as economic crisis and inertia of the strong state institutions. <Figure 3> Change of GDP and Current Account Balance in Japan and Korea INCLUDEPICTURE "C:\\Documents and Settings\\OWNER\\Local Settings\\Temporary Internet Files\\Content.IE5\\Local Settings\\Temp\\UNI00000dc00013.gif" \* MERGEFORMAT Source : OECD Economic Outlook Database(Vol 2008 release 02) Results of Institutional Change and Feedback The result of institutional change in specific time shall influence on the feedback of next-time change. Institutional feedback to restrictive conditions in Japan was endogenous process negatively performed. The Japanese policy makers wanted to preserve their production regime that guaranteed the tenure employment, the stable relationship between company and labor, and the industrial financial system, which resulted in institutional incongruence, i.e. a system risk. Nevertheless, the Japanese government adopted hybrids model that mixed the market model with the traditional coordinated economic systems. So, the direction of economic evolution will be determined by the interaction between changing forces of new institutions and restrictive forces of traditional institutions. Institutional change in Korea was exogenous and critical juncture occurred to take a new trajectory of institutional development. Newly introduced institutions like LME of American style was contradictory to the previous model of developmental state, because economic condition of Korea was on the step of catching up to developed countries. Enforced institutional change was swift enough to reduce the cost of transformation, and it was not a social learning process but a puncture of change. It is probable that new institutions may cause institutional conflicts against the previous institutions because of institutional persistency. This study analyzes what new factors were introduced by economic liberalization and what influence they shall make on the future change of production regime. Change of Corporate Structure and Activity The traditional structure of a Japanese corporation was a group of subsidiary companies making much of reputation and scale, and emphasizing long-run stability rather than profitability. But, as the economic recession lasted for more than ten years, a trial to introduce structure of the Anglo-American corporate governance appeared. Limits for holding companies were released in a revision of the Anti-Trust Law in 1997. Stock options and the outside director system of American style institutions were introduced by revision of the Commercial Code in 1999 and 2002 respectively. Also, an optional clause of installing committees in the company (American type) substituting auditors has been introduced in revising the Commercial Law in 2005. By 2005, sixty-seven conglomerates had adopted American system (KIEP, 2006:194). Then, did this institutional change affect the behaviors of corporations? We can ascertain this with indicators such as the ratio of recurring profits to the capital and ratio of net worth. As it is shown in <Figure 4>, the ratio of recurring profits to the capital in Japan was between 2.0 and 4.0 in the 1990s. The ratio of recurring profits to the capital after institutional change in late 1990s steadily increased, showing that Japanese companies became to be more attentive to profitability. The structure of the Korean company, on the other hand, had been that of a huge corporate group with mutually investments and that was sustained with a policy too strong to fail. When companies witnessed the bankruptcy of conglomerates such as Hanbo, Kia and Daewoo during the foreign economic crisis, they came to recognize that the tacit guarantee of the government could no longer offer them security more. The Chaebol that managed its subsidiaries like a fleet was dismantled and American style corporate structure was introduced by the IMF program in 1997. The outside director system was introduced in the Commercial Law to prevent arbitrary decision-making by the owner, and the rights of stock-holders were strengthened. The ratio of the outsider director in companies listed on the stock exchange market was 31.4% in 2001, and the average number of them reached 2.3 persons (KDI, 2007:150-153). The penalty for account fraud was fortified and the independence of auditors was enhanced following the revision of the Stock Transaction Law and the Commercial Law. Then, did economic reform change the behaviors of companies in Korea? As it is shown in <Figure 4>, the ratio of Korean recurring profits to the capital in manufacture increased steeply after economic crisis in 1997. This means that manufacturing companies became more attentive to profitability than ever before. As Korean native companies were exposed to hostile M&As from abroad, major companies tried to defend their management rights by accumulating surplus capital in their own assets instead of investing in facilities and projects. Thus, the ratio of net worth was low before the economic crisis in 1997, but it increased steeply after 1997. <Figure 4> Ratio of Recurring Profits to the Capital in Manufacture> Source: Japanese Bureau of Statistics, statistics of company management ( HYPERLINK "http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/06.htm" http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/06.htm ). Yearbook of Japan Statistics ( HYPERLINK "http://www.stat.go.jp/data/nenkan/index.htm" http://www.stat.go.jp/data/nenkan/index.htm ), Bank of Korea, economic statistics system: Company management analysis ( HYPERLINK "http://ecos.bok.or.kr/" http://ecos.bok.or.kr/ ) <Figure 5> Ratio of Net Worth in Manufacture Source: Japanese Bureau of Statistics, statistics of company management ( HYPERLINK "http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/06.htm" http://www.stat.go.jp/data/chouki/06.htm ). Yearbook of Japan Statistics ( HYPERLINK "http://www.stat.go.jp/data/nenkan/index.htm" http://www.stat.go.jp/data/nenkan/index.htm ), Bank of Korea, economic statistics system: Company management analysis ( HYPERLINK "http://ecos.bok.or.kr/" http://ecos.bok.or.kr/ ) Change of Labor Market The practice of employment in Japan had been a guarantee of tenure and the existence of a labor union by each factory without a strike, which was an unchangeable factor in the Japanese production regime ( \ `lŒT7u, 1 9 7 7 , 1 9 9 4 ; ΑQgckæ[, 1 9 9 3 ; V o g e l 2 0 0 5 ) . R e c e n t l y , h o w e v e r , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e e m p l o y m e n t p r a c t i c e i n J a p a n h a v e b e g u n t o b e c h a n g e d b e c a u s e o f a l o n g r e c e s s i o n a n d e c o n o m i c l i b e r a l i z a t i o n . A t f i r s t , m e t h o d s o f e m p l o y m e n t c o o r d i n a t i o n s u c h a s r e g u l a ting overtime work, and the displacement and dispatching employees were mostly used to preserve the stability of employment. But, as the economic recession continued until the 2000s, measures to enhance the flexibility of lay-off and voluntary retirement were increased (KIEP, 2006). For instance, Japan has revised the Labor Standard Act to stipulate the right of lay-off and its limitation in 2003. The change of the labor market can be ascertained as the ratio of regular workers. As it is shown in <Figure 6>, the ratio of regular staff in Japan decreased gradually and the ratio of temporary and part-time workers increased. This means that the flexibility of labor in Japan has increased, but it cannot be evaluated as a fundamental change of labor market, for the ratio of regular staff is still exceeds 60%. The labor market in Korea was similar to Japan’s in that it maintained a tenure employment system. Nevertheless, the labor movement was more active and political in Korea in the process of democratization in the 1980s. The influential power of the labor union was reflected in the Labor Law to stipulate the liberalization of the establishing labor union in a unit factory and the deregulation of the labor movement. The flexibility of labor was also strengthened in the Labor Law in Young-sam Kim’s government as a momentum of entering the OECD and pushing globalization policy. The retrenching of lay-offs and flexible work-hours was introduced in the Labor Law draft to reduce labor costs, and regulations on labor unions were fortified to suppress their influential power in 1996. This draft of government labor law resulted in political clash in the National Assembly, and its enactment was delayed until the liquidity crisis struck in 1997. The economic crisis made the National Assembly pass the Labor Law according to the recommendations of the IMF in 1997. As neoliberal management has been introduced, the number of irregular workers increased resulting in massive unemployment. To protect irregular workers, Muh-hyun Rho’s government revised the Law on Protection of Temporary and Part-time Workers and the Law of Dispatched Workers which stipulate that irregular workers working at the factory over than 100 workers should be changed into regular workers after 2 years’ employment in 2006. To ascertain the flexibility of the labor market in Korea, the ratio of regular staff and the ratio of temporary and part-time workers can be used as a variable. As it is shown in <Figure 6>, the ratio of temporary and part-time workers increased between 1995 and 1999, but it decreased in the 2000s. This means that neo-liberal reform and the economic crisis enhanced labor flexibility in a short period, but it did not continue owing to the protection laws for irregular workers in the 2000s. This indicated that labor stability in Korea is hard to change like Japan, similar to the situation of Japan. <Figure 6> Change of Employment Status INCLUDEPICTURE "C:\\Documents and Settings\\OWNER\\Local Settings\\Temporary Internet Files\\Content.IE5\\Local Settings\\Temp\\UNI00000dc00005.gif" \* MERGEFORMAT Source: Statistics Bureau of Japan( HYPERLINK "http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/roudou/lngindex.htm" http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/roudou/lngindex.htm ), Statistics Korea( HYPERLINK "http://kosis.kr/nsportal/abroad/abroad_03List.jsp" http://kosis.kr/nsportal/abroad/abroad_03List.jsp ) Note: * Data source of Japan is "The Special Survey of the Labour Force Survey" from 1984 to 2001, "Labour Force Survey(Detailed Tabulation)" since 2002. ** Ratio of regular staff(Korea) data has begun to be surveyed since 2003, but temporary and part-time worker data has begun to be survey since 1960. As component of survey items has been changed since 1989, time-series analysis of Korea begins after 1989. Change of the Financial Market One of traditional characteristics of the financial sector in the Japanese production regime was a main-bank system in which a specific bank provided long and stable finances to a company. This system provided credible relationships between companies and banks to sustain the Japanese production regime (Aoki, 1994; Vogel, 2005). However, economic liberalization caused changes in the financial market. The government had liberalized the interest rate of deposits and foreign exchange in the 1980s and enacted the Finance and Futures Transaction Act of 1987 to facilitate the buying and selling of financial derivatives. The economic liberalization from the financial field made the Japanese economy vulnerable to the foreign economy. As the amount of foreign exchange holdings increases, the opening of the capital market is facilitated more and more and the company’s loans from the equity market also increased due to the ban foreign exchange being abolished in 1984. Actually, although MOF and MITI of Japan lowered the interest rate to overcome recession and planed united economic measures containing the expansion of fiscal expenditures and tax cuts in the 1990s, the effect of the policy was unsound to escape from the long run recession; this resulted in an increase of fiscal deficit and Non Performing Loans (NPL). Financial organizations such as Nissan Life Insurance, Sanyo Securities, Yamaichi Securities, Nihon Long-term Credit Bank filed for in 1997. Under these circumstances, the banks could no longer provide stable finances to companies for fear of bankruptcy. As it is shown in <Figure 7>, the ratio of loan to manufacturing began to decrease in the 1980s-90s, but, the ratio of net worth in manufacturing was increased <Figure 5>. This means that manufacturing companies reduced their dependency on bank loans and that the main bank system had changed. On the other hand, the financial system of Korea was composed of mainbank system that was directly controlled by the government. Although banks were privatized gradually in the 1980s, government regulation remained continued in order to intervene in policy matters. The Korean government had been hesitant to open its financial market to foreign countries, but the financial crisis in 1997 made its domestic financial market to be opened to foreign investors to a drastic degree. Nonperforming financial institutions were disorganized and a new surveillance system instead of the prior bureaucratic mechanism was established according to the IMF program. For example, 1/3 of all financial companies including 14 banks, 29 general financial companies, and 18 insurance companies were withdrawn and, 4,528 of 6,575 financial companies remained as a result of financial restructuring during 19972004 (BOK, 2005). The financial holding companies that combine banking, insurance, and securities were institutionalized and foreigner’s investments on stock market were expanded, in case of banks, foreigner’s investment was 0.6% in 1997 and 18.2% in 2004, in case of securities, 4.0% in 1997 and 22.3% in 2004 respectively. The behaviors of banks have changed much, resulting in an interest in profitability and soundness rather than political considerations as a result of liberalization. The net worth ratio of the average Korean bank had been 7.0% during the economic crisis in 1997, but by 2005 it steadily improved to 12.4%. A strong indicator to ascertain whether the relation between a bank and company has changed is the ratio of loans provided by banks. The ratio of loans to manufacturing by banks decreased from 1992 to 2002 <Figure 7>, and the ratio of net worth in manufacturing increased after 1997 <Figure 5>. This means that the pattern of corporate finance had been changed. <Figure 7> Ratio of Loan Provided to Manufacture Sector by Banks INCLUDEPICTURE "C:\\Documents and Settings\\OWNER\\Local Settings\\Temporary Internet Files\\Content.IE5\\Local Settings\\Temp\\UNI00000dc00010.gif" \* MERGEFORMAT Source: Statistics Bureau of Japan( HYPERLINK "http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/chouki/14.htm" http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/chouki/14.htm ), Statistics Korea( HYPERLINK "http://kosis.kr/nsportal/abroad/abroad_01List.jsp" http://kosis.kr/nsportal/abroad/abroad_01List.jsp ) Conclusion This study’s aim is to explore what influence economic liberalization in the 1980s has had on changes in the production regimes of Japan and Korea. To sum up, the trigger of change was launched as response to the change of environment from economic liberalization; however, the process and methods were different between the two countries. As to prior restrictive conditions, the Japanese government coordinated private economic activities with administrative guidance centering on mutual concession and distributing interest, while the Korean government controlled the distribution of resources directly and made top-down orders regarding economic activities using powerful presidential authorities. In the case of Japan, an intertwined network among politicians, bureaucrats, and multilateral interest associations relegated powers to bureaucrats with the tacit concession of politicians, which made institutional change sluggish and incremental until the negative feedback of institutional incongruence would change voters’ loyalty to the incumbent long ruling Ji-Min Party through the election process. On the other hand, Korea had been a bureaucratic authoritarian industrial regime in which important economic policy was made by the president and his staff and was effectively implemented by disciplined bureaucrats until democratization in 1987. Although Young-sam Kim’s government after democratization strived to reform institutions and sever itself from past legacy, a political deadlock in the National Assembly prevented the reform acts from being enacted. Meanwhile, the liquidity crisis occurred during this delay of institutional reforms in 1997, which led to abrupt and discrete institutional change with Korea’s acceptance of an IMF proposal in exchange for receiving bail-out funds from the IMF. The institutional change of Japan proceeded through endogenous social learning caused by interaction between internal and external factors, but that of Korea proceeded in an abrupt and punctuated process caused by mostly external factors, and social learning has begun from new institutional equilibrium. Comparing the results of institutional change in the two countries, Japan’s incremental changes initiated by bureaucrats has resulted in a long-run recession accompanied with a crash in asset prices, increasing non-performing loans and government debt; however, Korea’s swift institutional change resulting from a foreign liquidity crisis was implemented through economic restructuring and has overcome a short-term shock. This means that changes of production regimes is affected by actors, power relationships, and the structure of governance. To make some suggestions in this study, firstly, the reform of economic liberalization that started in Anglo-American states triggered critical changes in Japan’s state-centric economic system and, in the case of Korea, following a financial crisis. Even if vested political power accepted the measures of economic liberalization partially, a crisis of a system in itself would threaten the whole economy. The recommendable resolution is for political leadership to control bureaucracy and implement restructuring policy with public support. Secondly, the institutional persistence of prior institutions can affect the results of institutional change from economic liberalization. In Japan, institutional legacy such as policy networks comprised of politicians, bureaucracy, and conservative business and interest groups hindered the swift and fundamental changes in existent relationships. On the other hand, Korea was more viable to reform from the start, for the government’s power was centralized to the president. Thirdly, the structure of economy in Japan and Korea is now being changed influenced by economic liberalization. Nevertheless, there may be controversies to recognize this phenomenon as a transition to American capitalism. The direction of institutional change shall be determined as a result of interaction between the existent institutions and the newly introduced institutions. As long as positive feedback from the existent institutions is maintained, it is more probable for production regime to be transformed into hybrid-capitalism in which merits of American capitalism are mixed with the inherent production regime. Fourthly, the institutional capacity of political arena should be enhanced to design the institutions that harmonize inherent characteristics of production regime with a necessity of institutional change, which will make a difference in economic performance. Notes 1. There are pros and cons about effects of liberalization on the national economy nowadays. On the advocacy of liberalization, see. A. Giddens(1998), Weiss(2003). And also on the critics of liberalization, see Stiglitz( 2002), Milanovic( 2003), and Putzel( 2004). 2. Research Group is a policy consultation organization for the Prime Minister in private. See. NŒT ( 2 0 0 2 ) . 3 . T h e l i b e r a l r e f o r m o f R e a g a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h e U S a l s o i n f l u e n c e d o n c o r e p o l i c y m a k e r s i n K o r e a n g o v e r n m e n t . A l t h o u g h P r e s i d e n t C h u n w h o s e i z e d p o w e r t h r o u g h c o u p d E t a t i n 1 9 8 0 w a s n o t e x p e r t i n e c o n o m y , h e a p p o i n t e d e c o n o m i s t s w h o h a d studied in the US as presidential staffs and ministers and was advised in critical decision making of national economy. 4. EPB was the ministry that took the charge of compiling budget and drawing up the national development plan and its minister had the competence of coordinating economic policy as vice-prime minister and more actively inclined to liberalization. In contrast, MOF was the ministry that took the charge of tax, foreign exchange, financial inspection and conservative to financial liberalization and MOCI that was in charge of industrial policy got to be shrunk from its role to control and guide industrial sector after the law of regulating individual industry and policy finance had been abolished or retrenched. 5. On the policy making in Japan, see. 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Saeroun Hanguk Gyoungjebaljunsa: Chosunhugiesuh 20segi Godosungjanggaji[New History of Korean Economic Development: From the Latter Part of Chosun Dynasty to Rapid Development in 20th Century]. Nanam Publications. Jung, Jung-gil. (1994). Daetongroungui Kyoungje Leadership[Economic Leadership of the President]. Korean Economic Daily. Ha, Yeon-seob. (2004). Shinjedojuiui ironjuckjinhwawa jungchack yeongu[Theoretical Revolution of the New Institutionalism and Policy Studies]. Korean Journal of Public Administration 44(2): 217-246. [Japanese] \`lŒT7u, ( 1 9 7 7 ) . w€4Xn0/ùÕRD} T ÃS R- ÞRnjܕÂO åes|Ôk . qg m“}ßo°e1X>y. \`lŒT7u, ( 1 9 9 4 ) . åe,gn0Ç–(u·0¹0Æ0à0]0n0nfM'`h0:_0. qg m“}ßo°e1X>y. ΑQgckæ[, ( 1 9 9 3 ) . È0è0Æ0¤0º0à0- åe,g‹Wu#u·0¹0Æ0à0n0 bŸqh0Š‹¹[. ß0Í0ë0ô0¡0 Á)¼ XgQ-f©•. ( 1 9 9 9 ) . åe,g“} nh0 ù‡qS_j. ©\âløf—^. NŒT|ù N. ( 2 0 0 2 ) . êiªŠ åe,g“}ßoòS : ÑþsãN. qg¬N'Yx[úQHr O. ‰Qg Tck. ( 2 0 0 3 ) . åe,gn0 ù‡6R¦^9ei—. qg m“} n°e^€>y. 0u-NôvÅk. 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Ð „˜þ Æ Ð ^„Ð `„˜þCJ OJ QJ o( ·ð „˜þ Æ ^„ `„˜þCJ OJ QJ o( o ˜þ Æ p ^„p `„˜þCJ OJ QJ o( §ð „˜þ Æ @ ^„@ `„˜þCJ OJ QJ o( §ð € „ „ „p „ „@ € € € „ „˜þ Æ ^„ `„˜þCJ OJ o( QJ o( QJ o( QJ o( QJ o( QJ §ð € „à „˜þ Æ à ^„à `„˜þCJ OJ §ð € „° „˜þ Æ ° ^„° `„˜þCJ OJ §ð € „€ „˜þ Æ € ^„€ `„˜þCJ OJ §ð € „P „˜þ Æ P ^„P `„˜þCJ OJ „` „0ý Æ ` ^„` `„0ýo( §ð . „° „@ „Ð „` „ð „pþ Æ ^„ð `„pþ‡h „€ „pþ Æ „pþ Æ „pþ Æ „pþ ° @ Ð Æ ^„° `„pþ‡h ˆH ^„@ `„pþ‡h ˆH ^„Ð `„pþ‡h ˆH ` ^„` `„pþ‡h . . . ˆH ð ˆH . . „pþ Æ € ^„€ `„pþ‡h „ ˆH . „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . „ „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h „pþ^„ `„pþOJ QJ o( ‡h ˆH lð QJ o( ‡h ˆH nð QJ o( ‡h ˆH uð QJ o( ‡h ˆH lð `„pþOJ QJ o( ‡h „pþ^„ð `„pþOJ QJ o( ‡h ˆH ˆH . „ „° „pþ^„° `„pþOJ „@ „pþ^„@ `„pþOJ „Ð „pþ^„Ð `„pþOJ „` „pþ^„` „ð ˆH nð uð „€ „pþ^„€ `„pþOJ QJ o( ‡h ˆH lð „ „pþ^„ `„pþOJ „0ýo( „° „@ „Ð „` „ð „pþ Æ ^„ð `„pþ‡h „€ QJ o( ‡h ˆH nð QJ o( ‡h ˆH uð . „pþ Æ ° ^„° `„pþ‡h ˆH „pþ Æ @ ^„@ `„pþ‡h ˆH „pþ Æ Ð ^„Ð `„pþ‡h ˆH „pþ Æ ` ^„` `„pþ‡h . „ „pþ^„ „` „0ý Æ . . . ˆH ð ˆH ’ . `„pþOJ ` ’ ^„` ` „pþ Æ € ^„€ `„pþ‡h „ ˆH . „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH „ „pþ Æ ` „0ý Æ ` ^„` „° „pþ Æ ° „@ „pþ Æ @ „Ð „pþ Æ Ð „` „pþ Æ „ð „pþ Æ ð ^„ð `„pþ‡h ˆH „€ . ’ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . `„0ýo( . ^„° `„pþ‡h ˆH . ^„@ `„pþ‡h ˆH . ^„Ð `„pþ‡h ˆH . ` ^„` `„pþ‡h ˆH . „ ’ . ’ „pþ Æ € ^„€ `„pþ‡h „ ˆH . „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . ’ „ „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ø „˜þ^„ø `„˜þo( . € „° „pþ^„° `„pþ‡h ˆH „@ „pþ^„@ `„pþ‡h ˆH „Ð „pþ^„Ð `„pþ‡h ˆH „` „pþ^„` `„pþ‡h „ð „pþ^„ð `„pþ‡h ˆH . € „€ ˆH . . . . ˆH ‚ € € . „ ‚ „pþ^„€ `„pþ‡h „ ˆH . € „pþ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . ‚ „ „pþ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . ` ^„` `„0ýo( . € „° „pþ Æ ° ^„° `„pþ‡h ˆH „@ „pþ Æ @ ^„@ `„pþ‡h ˆH „Ð „pþ Æ Ð ^„Ð `„pþ‡h ˆH „` „pþ Æ ` ^„` `„pþ‡h „ð „pþ Æ ð ^„ð `„pþ‡h ˆH . € „€ „` . . . ˆH ‚ € € . ‚ „0ý Æ „pþ Æ € ^„€ `„pþ‡h „ ˆH . € „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH „ „pþ Æ « „åü Æ « ^„« „° „pþ Æ ° „@ „pþ Æ @ „Ð „pþ Æ Ð „` „pþ Æ „ð „pþ Æ ð ^„ð `„pþ‡h ˆH „€ . ‚ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . `„åüo( . € ^„° `„pþ‡h ˆH . ^„@ `„pþ‡h ˆH . ^„Ð `„pþ‡h ˆH . ` ^„` `„pþ‡h ˆH . € „ ‚ € € . ‚ „pþ Æ € ^„€ `„pþ‡h „ ˆH . € „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . ‚ „ „pþ Æ ^„ `„pþ‡h ˆH . 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