EDUCATING FOR EU CITIZENSHIP:
Identifying the characteristics and potential conditions that could
enhance awareness of European citizenship among school students
Supervisors:
Wieger Bakker, Utrecht University
Vit Hloušek, Masaryk University
Dominic Berkeley
[email protected]
5767091
Executive Summary
Education for citizenship has gained increasing importance in education systems in European states in
recent years, with ideas of creating enlightened and engaged citizens, prepared for active participation
in society. The Maastricht Treaty, which came into force in 1993 not only created the European Union
as we know it, but instituted the concept of a European-level citizenship, with concrete political and
social rights afforded to all citizens of EU Member States. This has added an extra dimension to
education for citizenship, as the wider, European dimension of citizenship is now considered. The
importance of promoting and incorporating both knowledge of the EU and concepts of European
citizenship in the formal education system and existing or developing citizenship education
programmes has become more widely recognised. The aim of this thesis is to examine citizenship
education policies and practices in three Member States, namely France, Ireland and Croatia. The
European dimension of such education will be examined, to assess the contact students are given with
the EU, its institutions and the rights it offers all EU citizens during second-level education in particular,
as young people begin to discover their nation and its role in the wider world. By creating a framework
for analysis and examining the characteristics of citizenship education in these countries, a number of
ideal conditions will be outlined for education systems that could potentially enhance the level of
awareness and engagement of students with their citizenship at a European level.
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Table of Contents
Executive Summary .............................................................................................................................. 1
1.
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 4
1.1 European citizenship .................................................................................................................. 4
1.2 Education for citizenship ............................................................................................................ 5
1.3 Strengthening democracy ........................................................................................................... 6
1.4 The bEUcitizen project ............................................................................................................... 7
1.5 Research outline .......................................................................................................................... 8
2.
Towards a framework for analysing European citizenship education................................... 11
2.1 Defining ‘citizenship’ ................................................................................................................ 11
2.1.1 Active citizenship ..................................................................................................... 12
2.1.2 Public citizenship ..................................................................................................... 13
2.2 Educating citizens ..................................................................................................................... 13
2.2.1 Necessary characteristics of citizenship education ................................................. 14
2.2.2 Imparting knowledge ............................................................................................... 15
2.3 Citizenship beyond the national level ...................................................................................... 16
2.3.1 Nested citizenship .................................................................................................... 17
2.3.2 Cosmopolitan citizenship ......................................................................................... 17
2.3.3 Post-national citizenship ......................................................................................... 18
2.3.4 Link between national and supranational conceptions ........................................... 19
2.4 Political orientation ................................................................................................................... 20
2.5 Role of formal schooling ........................................................................................................... 21
2.6 Establishing a framework for analysis .................................................................................... 22
2.7 Variables for examination ........................................................................................................ 23
2.7.1 Dependent variable.................................................................................................. 23
2.7.2 Independent variables.............................................................................................. 24
3.
Methodology ................................................................................................................................ 29
3.1 Data collection and analysis ..................................................................................................... 29
3.2 Qualitative interviews ............................................................................................................... 29
3.3 Case studies................................................................................................................................ 30
4.
Citizenship Education in France ............................................................................................... 32
4.1
France and citizenship ........................................................................................................ 32
4.2
France and the EU .............................................................................................................. 34
4.3
Democratic tradition ........................................................................................................... 35
2
4.4
Education for citizenship .................................................................................................... 35
4.5
Enseignement moral et civique (EMC) ............................................................................. 37
4.5.1 Curriculum themes and objectives .......................................................................... 39
4.5.2 Textbook analysis .................................................................................................... 40
5.
4.6
Nature of EMC as a Subject............................................................................................... 43
4.7
Teaching EMC .................................................................................................................... 43
4.8
Réserve citoyenne ................................................................................................................ 44
4.9
Characterising Citizenship Education in France ............................................................. 44
Citizenship Education in Ireland ............................................................................................... 46
5.1 Ireland and the EU.................................................................................................................... 46
5.2 Democratic tradition ................................................................................................................. 47
5.3 Education for citizenship .......................................................................................................... 48
5.3.1 CSPE Curriculum .................................................................................................... 49
5.3.2 Textbook analysis .................................................................................................... 50
5.4 Changing position of CSPE in the school system ................................................................... 53
5.5 Senior Cycle ............................................................................................................................... 54
5.5 Teaching Citizenship Education .............................................................................................. 55
5.6 Characterising Citizenship Education in Ireland .................................................................. 56
6.
Citizenship Education in Croatia .............................................................................................. 58
6.1 Croatia and citizenship ............................................................................................................. 58
6.2 Democratic tradition ................................................................................................................. 59
6.3 Education for citizenship .......................................................................................................... 61
6.3.1 Politics and Economy .............................................................................................. 62
6.3.2 Human Rights Education ......................................................................................... 64
6.4 Role of Civil Society .................................................................................................................. 64
6.5 Place of subject in the school system ....................................................................................... 66
6.6 Teaching practices .................................................................................................................... 66
6.7 Characterising Citizenship Education in Croatia .................................................................. 67
7.
Comparing the findings: Towards a formula for European Citizenship Education? .......... 69
7.1 Outcomes of framework analysis............................................................................................. 69
7.2 Assessing the independent variables ....................................................................................... 70
8.
Concluding remarks ................................................................................................................... 74
Sources ................................................................................................................................................. 76
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1. Introduction
1.1 European citizenship
The concept of European citizenship was introduced with the Maastricht Treaty, signed in
1992. EU citizenship, as supplementary to national citizenship, provides a wide range of rights
and protections for citizens of EU Member States, who are also given the right to actively
participate in EU decision-making processes. These rights included the freedom to move about
unhindered and to settle within in the European Union, to vote and run as a candidate in
European Parliament elections, to receive protection from EU Member State embassies, as well
as petitioning power to the European Parliament and Ombudsman (Naval, Print & Veldhuis,
2002: 111). These rights and responsibilities have gradually taken effect in EU Member States
over the past number of years. The Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997 reaffirmed the EU’s
commitment to the development of European citizenship, both in legal terms and also in a wider
vision, which sees citizens as the active protagonists for citizenship in Europe, rather than
governments (Naval, Print & Veldhuis, 2002: 111). In a publication entitled Education and
Active Citizenship in the European Union (1998), the EU defines European citizenship as one
based on “shared values of interdependence, democracy, equality of opportunity and mutual
respect” and the need to educate people “for democracy, for the fight against inequality, to be
tolerant and to respect diversity” (European Commission, 1998: 16). The Council of Europe
has also been very active in promoting awareness of European citizenship, notably through the
Council for Cultural Cooperation (CDCC) responsible for education and culture, who aim to
promote awareness and the development of a sense of European identity or consciousness that
transcends the national level (Naval, Print & Veldhuis, 2002: 112). 1997 saw collaboration
between the EU and the Council of Europe in the organisation of a seminar on Education for
Democratic Citizenship in Strasbourg. A comprehensive three-year project resulted from this
meeting, emphasising the agreed necessity for a minimum knowledge of the functioning of
democracy and democratic institutions among young citizens. It also recommended citizenship
education programmes and curricula to be included at all education levels, as well as the
development of teacher training in this area. The project gained significant political support,
and finally produced a set of recommendations, to be applied at the national level. These
included giving priority to education for democratic citizenship, aiming to create responsible
citizens able to balance rights and responsibilities on the local, regional, national and
international levels, as well as encouraging an integrated approach to such education, engaging
people to become active citizens (Naval, Print & Veldhuis, 2002: 113-114). The EU, in its 1998
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publication, not only identified the need to educate people for democracy, tolerance and
diversity, but recognised the contributions of a number of projects aiming to enhance European
citizenship, such as Socrates, Youth for Europe, Leonardo da Vinci (Naval, Print & Veldhuis,
2002: 115). Furthermore, the educational dimension of the Lisbon Strategy, which aimed to
make the EU the most competitive, knowledge-based society in the world, included a focus on
the need to support active citizenship, equal opportunities and social cohesion in Europe. The
European Commission included ‘social and civic competence’ as well as ‘cultural awareness
and expression’ in its proposed set of eight key competences for lifelong learning in the EU
(NCCA, 2016a: 10). In 2012, a new recommendation from the Council of Europe encouraged
Member States to include democratic citizenship in all forms of education and training, whether
formal or informal and especially in teacher education courses (Arbues, 2014: 227).
1.2 Education for citizenship
Education is key to developing a new generation of European citizens, as knowledge about the
EU and the citizenship rights granted to its citizens, as well as real experiences of citizenship
in action, should greatly enhance the participation of young people at both a national and EU
level, as they learn to exercise their citizenship rights and responsibilities. While a number of
theories of citizenship focus primarily on the concrete rights and protections afforded to
citizens by law and laid out in the Charter of Fundamental Rights, other theories focus more
on active citizenship, and the exercise of these rights and responsibilities through participation
on a national and EU level. Many Member States have included civic or citizenship education
as part of the school curriculum, especially at second-level. Ideas of citizenship are interpreted
in a variety of ways, which has an impact on the way such ideas are taught in schools, and such
ideas are covered by a wide range of terms across countries, comprising many subjects, such
as social sciences, life skills, civics, history and geography (Kerr, 2003: 7, 15), while other
states teach such concepts in separate, stand-alone subjects. Citizenship education is seen as
crucial to enlighten and critically engage young citizens and thereby strengthen democratic
societies through such developments (Schugurensky & Myers, 2003: 149). Programmes
generally draw not only on traditional learning about government, democratic institutions, the
legal system and national political history, but also expands these themes in the context of a
globalised world. Education for citizenship is often used by states to foster a sense of national
allegiance or patriotism among students. This occurs primarily at the national level, with
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national history, society and symbols included as major themes in such programmes, aiming to
create and develop a sense of shared identity and belonging in young people as they learn about
the community or communities in which they live. Education for democratic citizenship
therefore is far more than the simple acquisition of knowledge for citizenship, and often
includes interactive, engaging teaching and learning strategies focused upon issues of
importance for the students, with participatory student activities, such as student councils,
school elections, class parliaments and similar initiatives included as part of the broad
curriculum in many schools (Naval, Print & Veldhuis, 2002: 110). Given the importance for
the development of societies at a national level, a European dimension to such citizenship
would aim to have similar effects in enhancing the cross-border democratic and participatory
nature of the EU, as well as aiming to foster a shared sense of belonging and identity in the
wider European community.
1.3 Strengthening democracy
In the final decade of the 20th century, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and passage to
democracy in several Central and Eastern European states, a number of actors including
researchers, philosophers, political organisations, schools and governments in many countries
became concerned about the state of their democracies, especially the lack of active
engagement of young citizens in the democratic structures. A number of reviews and studies
were commissioned in the 1990s that pointed towards a new approach to citizenship and civic
education, through a number of policy documents and curricular initiatives. Such initiatives
have strengthened, revitalised or created new programmes for democratic citizenship in the
school curriculum, focusing on making knowledgeable, active citizens to sustain the state
democracy through civic engagement (Naval, Print & Veldhuis, 2002: 107-108). In Europe,
there is a consensus that citizenship goes beyond mere rights and legal status, but is also seen
as a competence and a lifestyle, which should be developed through schools and other
environments. Citizenship education is seen now more than ever as a pressing need, given the
moves towards creating and developing a supranational citizenship within the European Union,
which will require the reconciliation of both national identity and the plurality of cultures in
Europe in order to build a solid, stable foundation for society (Naval, Print & Veldhuis, 2002:
107). In March 2015, the Ministers responsible for Education in all EU Member States met in
Paris, with the EU Commissioner for Education, Culture, Youth and Sport, and agreed upon a
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Declaration promoting citizenship and the common values of freedom, tolerance and nondiscrimination through education. The Declaration reaffirmed the shared European values
including respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect
for human rights, emphasising the need to pass on such values to future generations through
education, to create more inclusive and cooperative societies. At a local and regional level, the
main objectives were to strengthen the contribution of education to personal development,
social inclusion and participation, promoting critical thought and judgment in pupils and
dialogue and cooperation between education stakeholders. At a European level, the Declaration
highlighted the need for cross-border cooperation and coordination with a view to promoting
democratic values and fundamental rights, social inclusion and active citizenship, intercultural
dialogue and anti-discrimination (European Commission, 2015a: 2-3). These shared values
would form the basis for the active promotion of ideas of European citizenship and the need
for students to look beyond the national level in achieving many of these objectives.
1.4 The bEUcitizen project
On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Treaty in 2013, a number of researchers from
universities all over Europe came together to begin assessing ideas of European citizenship and
how European citizens have been made aware of their citizenship rights, as well as certain
barriers to accessing these rights. A large, pan-European research project entitled bEUcitizen
was launched, with funding from the European Commission for four years. This project, which
brings together 26 institutes in 19 countries, both in Europe and elsewhere, and coordinated by
Utrecht University in the Netherlands, aims to examine the development of European
citizenship across Europe and to identify obstacles to the exercise of European citizenship
rights. Among the Work Packages created within this project, economic rights, social rights
and civic rights are covered, as well as political rights, which is the topic for Work Package 8.
Within the topic of political rights, the aim is to identify how citizens can come to realise their
political rights at an EU level and potential barriers to such a realisation. It is here that education
plays an important role, and has been highlighted as an important aspect of this investigation.
Utrecht University collaborated with the University of Zagreb within this Work Package on
the issue of citizenship education in a number of target EU Member States, producing a number
of country reports and further qualitative studies on the reality of the European dimension in
such education (bEUcitizen, 2013). I was fortunate enough to work on this project, which
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greatly helped me in my research in this area. While the bEUcitizen study of citizenship
education focused on seven EU Member States, we will add to this study with an examination
of some countries not included in the project.
1.5 Research outline
In this thesis, we will examine the realities of citizenship education in a select number of
Member States. The European dimension of such education will be examined, to assess the
contact students are given with the EU, its institutions and the rights it offers all EU citizens
during second-level education in particular, as young people begin to discover their nation and
its role in the wider world. Such a study will highlight potential factors in education systems
that help the development of EU citizenship.
A number of international studies into citizenship education and its characteristics have been
completed by the Eurydice Network and the International Association for the Evaluation of
Educational Achievement (IEA), among others. Here, we will delve further into the countryspecific contexts and the development of such policies in the chosen states. Progress in
citizenship education will be explained and analysed using a number of independent variables,
in order to gain a deeper understanding of the potential challenges and opportunities in these
states relating to further development of citizenship education. Particular attention will then be
paid to the European dimension of this education, and how such national policies can aim to
promote ideas of European citizenship and greater interest in the EU, thereby leading to more
active participation in national and European issues and potentially leading towards a wider,
European outlook and new forms of identity. There are two distinct sections in this research.
Firstly, we will examine the objectives and definitions of citizenship education, to determine
what is meant by it in each country, relating it to theories developed by many scholars in
relation to education for citizenship and the reasons for its inclusion in formal education
systems. Secondly, the characteristics of citizenship education in these states will be examined,
namely how the aims and objectives transfer into curriculum documents and textbooks used in
the practice of citizenship education, i.e. what is being done in education for citizenship? Given
the relatively small scope of this study, concrete outcomes of citizenship education practices
will be difficult to assess, however by comparing the content and characteristics of such
education, we hope to draw some hypothetical conclusions, highlighting certain aspects that
we feel could lead to greater awareness and therefore should ideally be present in education for
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citizenship. It must be considered that what brings success in one particular example cannot
necessarily be readily transported directly to another, and for this reason, contextual factors in
each example will be emphasised. The drawing of positive aspects from the policies and
practices could be used to form a wider, theoretical model for European citizenship education.
A number of independent variables relating both to political context and the realities of
education for citizenship will be examined. The proposed countries of study are France, Ireland
and Croatia. These examples present diverse political, democratic and educational traditions
which affect the expected outcomes regarding citizenship education.
The case of France is interesting, first and foremost, as France represents a founding member
of the European Union and a key player in all progress made in Brussels due to its population
size, international influence and strong democratic tradition, among other factors. Historically,
France represents an ideal example for the study of citizenship in any form, given the
development of such ideas during the French Revolution in the late 18th century, where civil
equality and its shared rights and obligations were established and where political rights were
institutionalised for the first time in a form of national citizenship (Brubaker, 1989: 30). Here,
it can be expected that citizenship education features strongly in the school curriculum,
however emphasis on national citizenship may significantly outweigh references to a wider,
European dimension.
The citizenship education policies and practices in place in Ireland will also be examined.
Ireland represents a long-standing member of the Union, with a strong national and traditional
heritage. Despite its deep, embedded conservatism for much of the last century and its long
struggle for national independence, Ireland has consistently relied on its neighbours and
regional partners for its continued development and success. Entry to the EU arguably
transformed the Irish economy, and with the effects of globalisation and ensuing economic and
social development, Ireland has undoubtedly profited considerably from membership of the
European club. It is widely acknowledged that Ireland’s place very much lies within a strong
Europe, where Irish interests and identity can be further promoted and developed, alongside
developments in the Union as a whole, and as such, we can expect that education for democratic
citizenship is well-established, with a positive view of the EU. Examining citizenship education
practices in Ireland is particularly resonant for me on a personal level, having experienced this
system first hand during my own schooling.
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The case of Croatia provides a very different perspective on citizenship education and its
European dimension. As the newest Member State, Croatia is still undergoing significant
Europeanisation in its policies and structures, and would have much less recent experience with
democratic governments than a country such as France. The founding years of the new Croatian
state were characterised by ethnic conflict and political uncertainty during the 1990s, which
has had a significant impact on concepts of citizenship and belonging on a national and regional
level. Twenty years on, Croatians continue to come to terms with such concepts domestically,
and their recent accession to the EU adds an extra dimension to such ideas. We can expect that
citizenship education is a sensitive issue in school curricula given the recent regional conflict.
However given Croatia’s recent accession to the EU, the European dimension may also be
gaining significance, as Croatians look beyond their borders, primarily westward. However,
the continued success of such projects also depends on the domestic political factors, which we
can expect to play an important role in the development of education policies.
The central research question therefore, is divided into two distinct parts:
i)
What are the characteristics of citizenship education policies and practices in these
three Member States?
ii)
Which of these characteristics could potentially enhance the awareness of
European citizenship among secondary school students?
A framework for analysis will firstly be formulated from the many theories and literature
concerning citizenship and education for citizenship. In addition to this framework, an outline
of the variables for examination in each of the country examples will be presented. The first
question will be answered over three chapters, through research of the realities of citizenship
education in the three examples listed, as we discover what has been and what is being done to
educate students for citizenship in these countries. Contextual background to each country will
be followed by an examination of current citizenship education policies and practices, with a
special focus on the European dimension. While the first question necessitates a more
descriptive approach, the second question requires deeper analysis. Using the established
theoretical framework and a number of independent variables, we can assess the progress of
citizenship education in each country, and in the final chapter, draw some tentative conclusions
regarding conditions that we feel could enhance awareness of the European dimension.
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2. Towards a framework for analysing European citizenship education
In order to establish a coherent theoretical framework for the analysis of education for
European citizenship in the target countries, a number of individual related theories must first
be considered. From the theories advanced in the literature, we aim to create a framework of
ideas through which to examine citizenship education in the target countries. Among these
theories are ideas relating to citizenship itself, as well as its broader definitions that go beyond
the nation-state, theories relating to education and the teaching of citizenship and democracy
in particular, as well as overall aims for citizenship education in schools. From these many
ideas, key aspects will be highlighted and pieced together to form a framework which can be
used to guide the empirical examination and analysis of the target countries, where we can see
if such theories are being put into practice. This framework will be accompanied by a broader
set of independent variables, where we can combine the analysis with wider, contextual factors
which can strengthen and shape the results to be obtained.
2.1 Defining ‘citizenship’
There is a multitude of ideas and theories relating to citizenship, the examination of which
would require a much more extensive study. As such, we will define this concept briefly before
focusing on theories specifically related to citizenship education, as well as the European and
transnational dimensions of citizenship, important when we consider the relationship between
the national and European level in this regard. The notion of citizenship in western political
thought has its origins as far back as Ancient Greek philosophy, however it has been argued
that the French Revolution at the close of the 18th century constituted the foundation of a
modern idea of citizenship and the nation state (Brubaker, 1989: 30). The Revolution brought
with it the establishment of civil equality, entailing rights and responsibilities, and the
institution of political rights, as well as formal distinctions between citizens and foreigners
(Brubaker, 1989: 30), concepts which are familiar in most democratic states today. Early ideas
of citizenship rights served to regulate who was and who was not included in the legal
community, but such membership meant little more than being subject to the authorities of that
community. The meaning behind such membership gradually changed with the transition to
the democratic nation-state. Citizenship gained the added political and cultural meaning of an
achieved belonging to a community of empowered citizens that actively contributed to its
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maintenance (Habermas, 1996: 129). Haas defines the idea of citizenship as “what it means
for individuals and groups to belong or to be a member of a political and/or socio-cultural
community” (Haas, 2001: 1). He interprets citizenship as both a political and a sociological
concept. The former focuses on the formal status of citizens and the legal framework of
citizenship rights and duties, where individuals and groups are bound together by the
institutionalisation of these rights and duties on a number of political levels. The sociological
dimension of citizenship on the other hand, relates to the creation and reproduction of sociocultural identities among members of the community (Haas, 2001: 1). Both of these dimensions
are significant when it comes to education for citizenship both at a national and European level.
Citizenship, therefore, can be understood as a conditional relationship between rights and
responsibilities (Lawson, 2001: 164). These two dimensions of citizenship will be referenced
when examining citizenship education in the selected countries, as we examine how these
dimensions are dealt with in the education system, the relationship between both dimensions,
and how they relate to the European level.
2.1.1 Active citizenship
Ideas of an active citizenship have expanded the strict definition of citizenship as a mere set of
rights and obligations to include a much broader view which includes engagement in civil
society through organisations, involvement in political debates, volunteering and awareness of
topical issues, among other newer manifestations of citizenship in modern society (European
Youth Forum, 2013: 3). There have been attempts at a shift in understanding of citizenship at
a state level, from one merely based on rights, to a notion of citizenship based on mutual
obligation, underpinned by active citizenship (Lawson, 2001: 170). Through active citizenship,
a certain degree of responsibility for welfare is passed from the government to individual
citizens, whose motivation to become active stems from their own personal morality and the
potential approval of others, rather than from ideas of communal endeavour and belonging
(Kearns, 1995: 157). This also links to theories of thick citizenship, which emphasise social
practices and citizen engagement on a number of levels, rather than a thin citizenship merely
focused on status and rights (Pashby, 2011: 433). The active dimension of European citizenship
will also be discussed when examining the goals and content of citizenship education in the
target countries.
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2.1.2 Public citizenship
The majority of EU Member States focus on what Kerr describes as the public dimension of
citizenship (Kerr, 2003: 10). Here, citizenship is seen primarily as a public concern, which
gives rise to a significant role for education in the process of informing citizens. This relates
strongly to ideas of a thick form of citizenship education, which further emphasises the role of
formal schooling and curriculum content in developing notions of citizenship. This contrasts
with private views of citizenship which would instead emphasise the stronger role of family
and community structures over formal teaching in schools (Kerr, 2003: 10). A more private
view can be linked to a thin conception of citizenship education, where there is a limited role
for formal schooling, and where the hidden, or informal curriculum plays a stronger role. The
countries for examination here, like many countries, focus on the public dimension of
citizenship, opting to include such topics in the formal education system, to varying extents.
2.2 Educating citizens
Citizenship education as a concept entails a variety of practices and theories. The classical
Greek view of citizenship education was explicitly political, designed to educate the citizen for
intelligent and active participation in the civic community (Giroux, 1980: 329). Heater
describes a citizen as “a person furnished with knowledge of public affairs, instilled with
attitudes of civic virtue and equipped with skills to participate in the civil and political arenas”,
emphasising the firm foundation that must be laid down in schools to ensure such learning at
an early stage and in a systematic manner (Heater, 2004: 343). He holds that the citizen needs
to be educated to a frame of mind which embraces a willingness to be critical and a capacity to
question information, policies and views and to change them with contrary evidence or
argument. Pupils must develop confidence in their own abilities to participate in public affairs.
He even goes as far as stating that citizenship is meaningless if learning does not take place,
and if the educational process for developing citizenship in pupils is not thorough (Heater,
2004: 345, 326). Here, we will focus on this role of citizenship education in strengthening
democratic societies through the development of enlightened, critical and engaged citizens
(Schugurensky & Myers, 2003: 149). Through empirical examination and analysis, we can also
13
see if these young citizens are also taught to be enlightened and engaged on a wider European
level.
There is considerable debate regarding the nature of citizenship education, as either ‘valuesexplicit’, promoting distinct values that form part of a wider, nationally accepted system of
values and beliefs, or ‘values-neutral’, one which adopts a more neutral stance to values and
controversial issues, emphasising the role of the individual. The former approach has been
criticised for its potential indoctrination and inherent bias, while the latter can be questioned
over its effective preparation of students for issues in the wider world (Kerr, 2003: 9)1. The
approach taken by individual countries can very much impact upon the policies and practices
that are adopted for citizenship education.
2.2.1 Necessary characteristics of citizenship education
There are several characteristics of citizenship education which are considered as necessary in
order to develop ideas of active and engaged citizenship among pupils. Heater outlines some
of these important elements. A range of skills should be added to knowledge and attitudes,
including basic skills such as information collection, organisation and evaluation and ability to
argue based on reason and evidence. Education in judgment is also necessary, as the young
citizen comes to understand the values central to his judgment of issues, as well as empathy
and a critical approach when making decisions or judgments. Communication skills are also
key to education for citizenship, as pupils learn to express themselves orally and through
writing, and to understand the communication of other views and to be able to exchange such
views effectively (Heater, 2004: 345). Working in a group or team can serve to develop such
communication skills, as pupils become aware of potentially diverging opinions and how to
deal with them through dialogue and debate. This examination of citizenship education will
1
The notion that a ‘values-explicit’ approach to citizenship education can result in indoctrination is a problematic claim for
those aiming to theorise an optimal approach for such learning. Heater outlines two justifications for what might be perceived
as indoctrination, which are important in any discussion about teaching and influence over young citizens. Firstly, while it is
undoubtedly the case that certain tenets of citizenship education practices can be classified as indoctrination, such as teaching
unwavering loyalty to the nation state or constant political participation, if teaching aims to promote values of justice, fairness
and freedom and ideas of multiple forms of citizenship, it can be argued that such an approach deals with universal goods to
society, rather than merely subjective ideas. Secondly, an important aspect of citizenship is the formation of an individual that
is a rational being with the capacity for independent judgment. Indoctrination occurs when this capacity and its development
is deliberately restricted. Citizenship education therefore, in trying to provide young citizens with this capacity to think for
themselves, can be said to represent the opposite of indoctrination (Heater, 2004: 347).
14
assess if certain skills are adequately promoted as vehicles for further engagement and
participation at all levels of citizenship. The focus will be on information collection and
evaluation, argument based on reason and evidence, critical judgment and communication.
2.2.2 Imparting knowledge
In this study of the diverse interpretations and realities of European citizenship education in a
number of Member States, a theoretical view on the imparting of such knowledge is also
important. Here, we consider framing theory, to somewhat explain the reality of education and
curriculum formation in Member States. Framing, according to Chong and Druckman, refers
to the process by which people develop a particular conceptualisation of an issue or change
their thinking on a certain issue (Chong & Druckman, 2007: 104). The use of frames in
communication is important, insofar as it affects the attitudes and behaviours of the audiences
involved, as frames may consist of symbols and links to particular ideologies which may serve
to shape opinions, often in a heuristic manner (Chong & Druckman, 2007: 111). There is much
debate concerning the positive and negative nature of such framing of issues, however such
ideas are relevant when it comes to formal education through curricula written and promoted
at the national state level, which are invariably influenced by a number of national contextual
factors. When examining the content of citizenship education curricula in a number of states,
as well as gaining an insight into the practices that carry such content, we can analyse these
through the use of frames, what is intended for the development of pupils’ knowledge and
understanding, and how the method used serves to shape the opinions and worldview of the
target audience, namely school students. An issue as contentious as the EU and the citizenship
it entails can depend on the method of transmission through education, and how issues
surrounding European citizenship are presented to the students.
Giroux also identifies theories regarding citizenship education and the assumptions inherent in
such approaches. The citizenship transmission model places knowledge above the social
realities and relationships of those who produce and define it, thus objectifying such knowledge
and supporting, through its methods and content, adoptive and conditioned behaviour instead
of active and critical actions. The view of teachers and students as mere passive transmitters
and consumers of knowledge in this model arguably gives more importance to what knowledge
is omitted in this process rather than what is included, due to the lack of critical engagement
with such knowledge. The potential structural failings in this approach can go unrecognised,
15
often attributed to lack of student interest and teacher indifference, rather than focusing on the
limits of such a pedagogical approach (Giroux, 1980: 337-339). Contrary to the positivist
assumptions evident in such approaches, Giroux points to a hermeneutic rationality in
citizenship education, which stresses negotiation, participation and the importance of values in
such education (Giroux, 1980: 342). Rather than taking a priori forms of knowledge for
granted, it aims to understand how social realities contribute to our understanding of the world,
rejecting the notion that humans are passive recipients of information, but instead can produce
meanings and interpret the world around them through language and thought, and methods of
‘coming to know’ (Giroux, 1980: 341-342). For Giroux, a theory of totality is needed in
citizenship education, one in which ideological and structural dimensions of teaching practices
can be adequately linked to the social, political and economic realities in wider society, and
where schools are analysed historically and sociologically through their interactions with
external economic and political institutions (Giroux, 1980: 350-351). Such an approach is
highly pertinent as we examine how ideas of citizenship on a European level are taught in
various Member States.
2.3 Citizenship beyond the national level
Citizenship has been previously understood as membership of, and relationship with, the
nation-state. It is unsurprising therefore, that the aims of citizenship education have primarily
revolved around building a common identity and shared history, encouraging a certain degree
of patriotism and loyalty to the nation (Lawson, 2001: 165). Indeed, many states have focused
primarily on education for national citizenship, with the objective of informing young people
about their present and future roles within the constitutional and legal framework of the state
in which they reside, and to provide socialisation into the community of the nation (Olsen &
Starkey, 2003: 245). However, over the past number of decades, globalisation and the
interconnectedness and interdependence of states has brought about a reality where individuals
may have multiple identities and loyalties, which directly questions the appropriateness of a
focus purely on national citizenship (Olsen & Starkey, 2003: 244). Many commentators have
suggested that a reassessment is needed of the concept of citizenship, in order to take into
account the different levels, and to recognise that civil, political, social, economic and
environmental rights and responsibilities transcend national borders (Lawson, 2001: 165).
16
Habermas claims that the nation state can no longer provide the appropriate frame for the
maintenance of democratic citizenship in the future, advocating the development of capacities
for political action on a level above and between nation-states (Habermas, 1996: 137).
2.3.1 Nested citizenship
These developments have led to the redefinition of the concept of citizenship as extraterritorial (Kastoryano, 2003: 2), which in the European context was arguably furthered by the
institutionalisation of EU citizenship in 1992. Kivisto and Faist outline the idea of nested
citizenship. According to this theory, national identities become embedded in the larger,
overarching trans-state entity (Kivisto & Faist, 2007: 103). Nested citizenship is seen as a form
of multiple citizenship, with full membership on a number of governance levels, where these
levels are highly interconnected rather than operating autonomously (Kivisto & Faist, 2007:
122). Since the establishment of EU citizenship rights with the Maastricht Treaty, the EU
context can be seen to represent such an idea, where individuals' national citizenships have
become nested in a wider European citizenship. Full membership, however, in reality can be
described as a thin form of citizenship for many at the European level, as many people enjoy
the rights and opportunities afforded to them since the Maastricht Treaty, yet considerable
shortcomings still exist in developing a thick, engaged citizenship on a wider level. Thus far,
it can be argued that the interconnectedness of these levels of citizenship have served mainly
to reinforce the emphasis on national level and more immediate citizenship in many European
states. Individuals and governments appreciate the freedoms and rights emanating from their
membership of the EU to the extent that it benefits national agendas and forms a more cohesive
national citizenship within Europe. It can be argued that ideas of nested citizenship in reality
do not bring about equality in the levels of citizenship, despite these levels being widely
recognised.
2.3.2 Cosmopolitan citizenship
Citizenship education, with its goals of enabling students to understand human rights,
democracy and to live in harmony with those from diverse backgrounds, has therefore been
developing towards the idea of a more cosmopolitan citizenship. Education for such a
17
cosmopolitan citizenship aims to recognise multiple communities at a local, regional, national
and international level for individuals, and making the connection between the immediate
context and wider, global contexts (Olsen & Starkey, 2003: 252), described elsewhere as the
concept of extension or expansion of one’s citizen-identity from the local to the global (Pashby,
2011: 432). This lends itself well to discussions regarding education for European citizenship,
which constitutes the main focus here, as students are made aware of their citizenship and
identity at a more international level. Here, we see how the thick citizenship approach can be
considered more pertinent in modern education as it considers this wider engagement and the
existence of many forums and a variety of citizenship practices. Ideas of a cosmopolitan
citizenship have faced a number of challenges however, relating to the balancing of state and
cosmopolitan authority. These include the division of a citizen’s loyalty between the national
level and the cosmopolis, difficulties in determining the extent of the powers exercised by both
levels, as well as the unwillingness of states to cede authority to an overarching body, which
have served to critically assess this idea (Heater, 2004: 327). To overcome these challenges,
the notion that an individual can simultaneously have multiple civic identities and loyalties
needs to be recognised. The supposed struggle between the national level and the cosmopolis
for power could be eased with a recognition of the benefits of such a diffusion of power across
levels. Heater uses the example of medieval England to demonstrate the type of multiple loyalty
that can exist, with different relationships to authority both as man to lord, at a more local level
and man as a subject of the king. The view of a state (or Union in this case) as a conglomeration
of communities inherently suggests that multiple loyalties do exist (Heater, 2004: 328-331).
2.3.3 Post-national citizenship
Theories regarding a wider dimension of citizenship education tend to assume the citizens as
national citizens first, with a particular citizen identity, who have a responsibility to look
beyond themselves and to include others that may differ from this subjective idea of citizenship
(Pashby, 2011: 436). This is not particularly problematic here, as the aim is to analyse the
European perspectives in the policies and practices used to educate young citizens of particular
Member States, rather than focus on those who may not embody the archetypical citizen of the
country in question. In fact, while identities may remain territorially defined, ideas of postnational citizenship point to the decoupling of citizenship identity and citizenship rights in an
EU context (Keating, 2009: 137). Here, emphasis is placed on the citizen as a member of a
18
political or civic community, instead of a cultural, ethnic or historical community usually found
at the national level, and means that citizens can identify with and belong to a variety of
communities in many contexts (Keating, 2009: 145). This echoes ideas outlined by Habermas,
whereby the level of a shared political culture is separate and distinct from the level of
subcultures and pre-political identities. These other identities and cultures should be protected
equally but should all conform to generalised constitutional principles. With this idea,
Habermas hopes to replace nationalism with a sort of constitutional patriotism, what he sees
as crucial if diverse ethnic and religious subcultures are to coexist and interact on equal terms
within the same political community (Habermas, 1996: 133). European education policies have
furthermore recently shifted the concept of citizenship away from the state and state borders,
towards common civic values, educational skills and a shared future rather than common
culture or history (Keating, 2009: 136). In this examination, attention will be paid to content
dealing with citizenship at a wider, cosmopolitan or post-national level, and how sections
dealing with the EU include such ideas, focusing not only on the political rights dimension of
citizenship, but also on the more sociological dimension concerned with collective identity and
belonging.
2.3.4 Link between national and supranational conceptions
The way countries frame ideas of European citizenship is very important and interesting when
determining the treatment of such ideas in education policy and practice. There is a general
tendency in many countries, to reframe ideas of a supranational citizenship to suit the historical
and socio-political context of the country in question, thus resulting in differing versions of
what European citizenship is and how it is perceived. Such a tendency shows that there is very
little consensus on ideas of a supranational European citizenship and what they mean, at a
national or subnational level. Such an individualised, country-specific approach also means
that such ideas are centred at the nation-state level, often serving to reinforce national
citizenship, rather than develop a sense of supranational citizenship alongside it. It is also
argued that if supranational citizenship is constantly being framed in reference to the nationstate level, then European citizenship means very little without national-level citizenship. Such
framing can limit the potential of such ideas. Crucially, however, ideas of a wider dimension
to citizenship can have an impact on what is taught regarding national citizenship. While it may
still constitute the dominant frame of reference, the focus on nationalistic symbols and history
19
for example could be somewhat diluted as a result of a more global focus. (Philippou, Keating
& Ortloff, 2009a: 295-296).
2.4 Political orientation
Key to discussions regarding citizenship education is the examination of the relationship of
individuals to the political structures and processes of the state. Almond and Verba deal
extensively with ideas of a political culture, which they describe as the pattern of orientations
towards political objects among the members of a nation (Almond & Verba, 1963: 15).
Orientation here is described as the internalised aspects of objects or relationships and includes
three distinct elements: firstly, cognitive orientation, which includes knowledge of and beliefs
about the political system and its roles, as well as the outputs and inputs involved. Secondly,
Almond and Verba refer to affective orientation, namely the feelings about the political system,
its roles and performance. Thirdly, evaluational orientation, which includes the judgments and
opinions regarding political objects, often as a combination of value standards and criteria with
knowledge and feelings. They consider political objects as encompassing specific roles and
structures of government, particular legislators and administrators and also public policies and
decisions, involved in either policy making or policy enforcement. The three types of political
culture, parochial, subject and participatory, are therefore defined by the frequency of different
kinds of orientation, cognitive, affective or evaluative, towards both the inputs and outputs of a
political system, as well as the role of the individual as a political actor (Almond & Verba,
1963: 15-17). Orientations towards political objects are particularly important, as we can assess
the characteristics and content of citizenship education according to the types of orientation
listed above. While the cognitive orientation towards political objects is most likely dominant,
the affective and evaluational orientations could serve to increase engagement and participation
in the political system, both at the national and EU levels.
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2.5 Role of formal schooling
When we examine citizenship education, we do so primarily with reference to the formal
education system, and the curricular materials and classroom practices that constitute such a
setting. We can define the formal education system as “the hierarchically structured,
chronologically graded education system, ranging from primary school to university and
including...a variety of specialised programmes and institutions for full-time technical and
professional training” (Van Driel, Darmody & Kerzil, 2016: 17). Rather than examine the
entire formal education system, we will focus on secondary school education in the target
countries, which is the most common forum for citizenship education. There are considerable
differences between states regarding the stage of secondary education that incorporates such
education, with some states assigning such topics to the junior or lower secondary level, with
others focussing on such education throughout the entire secondary school period. An
important question here is the extent to which schools contribute to the formation of future
citizens and ultimately, the importance in focusing on schools rather than other fora where
citizenship can be taught. The recent International Civic and Citizenship Education Study
(ICCS) on civic knowledge, attitudes and engagement in 38 countries found that socioeconomic background and parental interest in political issues were very important. However,
the evidence shows that civic engagement in schools contributed more to civic knowledge and
likelihood to vote among students, and that schools provide an open forum for discussion of
issues associated with civic knowledge and participation than other environments (IEA, 2009:
258). Schools can also be seen as important places for children to experience diversity and can
promote pro-social behaviour, helping and interacting with those from often different ethnic or
social groups, respect and tolerance for others and inter-cultural learning opportunities, thereby
reducing the potential for prejudice and conflict. Within the formal education system, we must
look once more at the curriculum as an instrument for education. A more inclusive and
culturally responsive curriculum which focuses on diversity can be seen not only to inform
students about other countries and cultures, but foster an atmosphere of tolerance and respect,
which can form a useful basis for the examination of a wider, inclusive supranational level
citizenship in schools (Van Driel, Darmody & Kerzil, 2016: 24-26, 33-34). The curriculum is
both influenced by views on education at a state level, and also greatly influences the direction
to be followed in the future, thus playing a key role in setting the agenda for learning.
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2.6 Establishing a framework for analysis
An approach to citizenship education which considers the importance of active participation
and engagement from a more heuristic perspective and on a number of levels beyond the limits
of national borders can be seen as most appropriate for the development of the concept of
European citizenship among young people. Bearing in mind this approach and its importance,
we can more effectively analyse the current policies and practices in the target Member States.
We will draw from a number of the above theories to focus on a number of key elements of
citizenship education and what priorities exist in this area. As described in the table below, we
will examine both of Haas’ dimensions of citizenship, namely how education for citizenship
deals more with the political dimension or the sociological dimension, or if both are visible.
We will then see if the content and policies reflect an active, or thicker conception of citizenship
as outlined above. The objectives relating to the acquisition of skills in each state will be looked
at, to see if they match the ideas advanced in the literature. As previously stated, the skills for
examination are information collection and evaluation, argument based on reason and
evidence, critical judgment and communication. The types of political orientation promoted in
citizenship education, according to Almond and Verba, will then be analysed, to determine
how states seek to form their citizens and the priorities for education. Finally, the national or
international focus of the content will be analysed, whether education for citizenship focuses
primarily on the national level, or whether ideas of a wider, international citizenship come to
the fore. We have discussed a number of these ideas, which will be included in a somewhat
simplified National vs International examination. This can relate to the use of frames in
education documents and curricula, either advancing the state view on education and
citizenship, or using particular contextual factors to determine the direction taken.
The table below represents the model with which we will analyse citizenship education content
and the characteristics of citizenship education in these states.
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France
Ireland
Croatia
Political/Sociological
Active/Thick Citizenship
Necessary Skills
Types of Orientation
National/International
Table 1. Main theories for analysis in each country.
Through empirical analysis, the above table will be filled, with a brief description of each of
the criteria and how it relates to citizenship education in each state. After analysing each
country’s citizenship education content in this way, we can more easily identify what
characterises this education, and the approach that is taken. We can then begin to draw
conclusions from these observations, relating to the ideal approach to the European dimension
of such citizenship education, the elements that could enhance the awareness of students
towards EU level citizenship, and what the desired outcomes and necessary conditions for
achieving them may be in accordance with the theories that have been outlined. This will help
to determine, at least in theory, what will work in promoting awareness of European citizenship
in schools across Europe. The characteristics represent a more descriptive view of citizenship
education, while the focus on ideal conditions will represent a more analytical approach to this
issue.
2.7 Variables for examination
2.7.1 Dependent variable
The dependent variable to be examined therefore is the references that are present, if at all, to
concepts of European citizenship in the official documents and practices of citizenship
education in the target states, as well as the awareness that is raised among students about the
EU and citizenship at a European level. This includes a subtopic for examination, namely
23
knowledge and understanding about the EU and its processes, and how the country in question
interacts with and relates to the EU. While the existence of citizenship education curricula, or
lack thereof, is easily determined in the target countries, the aim here is to delve further into
the content and methods associated with and recommended for such education. The mere
existence of citizenship education in schools does not presuppose that citizenship is dealt with
at more than the national or local level. What is of importance here is to examine the references
to the wider, European dimension of citizenship and how the institution of European
citizenship, in place since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, and the rights and
responsibilities it entails, are transmitted to young students. For this to occur, broader, more
encapsulating ideas of citizenship need to be promoted officially through the curricula in order
to raise awareness of the European perspective on citizenship. Knowledge of the EU, its history
and processes are also key for students’ understanding about what European citizenship means
for their lives, both at home and abroad. There is considerable overlap expected between the
knowledge dimension and the awareness of citizenship rights at an EU level, as much of what
is broadcast to populations about the EU in terms of knowledge, directly or indirectly relates
to the rights that these populations hold as citizens of Europe. With this interweaving of both
aspects in mind, we can explore this as a single, broad variable, and test a number of
independent variables against this main objective in order to observe any patterns or trends that
may emerge in the relationship between them.
2.7.2 Independent variables
Independent variables in this study could be very numerous, and a much larger study would be
required in order to do justice to the large number of ideas and potential factors of consequence
when discussing European citizenship in schools. However, a number of key factors will be
examined as we compare and contrast country experiences in order to draw conclusions about
necessary conditions and factors for the development of such European-focused citizenship
education.
1) An important variable to discuss when dealing with issues of European integration as a
whole, and the likelihood of displaying a European dimension in education, is the relationship
of the country in question to the EU. It is likely that differences exist between countries, with
length of membership perhaps playing a role, as more established EU members may be more
familiar with the structures and processes of the EU, as well as the goals and objectives that
24
have been both successful and unsuccessful over the past number of decades. Longer
membership may imply a more ingrained sense of European-ness among the general
population, with education perhaps reflecting this, as ideas of Europe do not represent a
particularly new aspect of life for many people. Newer Member States may not have the
experience of the EU or the benefit of time to determine their position on EU issues and the
form that education on the EU takes in schools. It may be that time is necessary for
consolidation of relations with the EU and the subsequent development of education about the
EU and European-level citizenship. However, it could be argued that newer members, many of
whom are small states with recent histories of authoritarian rule, could see the EU as a positive
actor, linked with democratisation and modernisation efforts in the country. Length of
membership aside, current and recent perceptions and attitudes towards the EU could have a
significant effect on the approach taken to the subject in schools and to ideas of a wider
European citizenship in these countries. Diverse histories, traditions and national motivations
for joining the EU may bring about some interesting results in this regard.
2) Another variable related to education on topics such as politics and citizenship is the recent
democratic history of the country in question. Traditions of democracy in state structures, as
well as popular perception of democracy and democratic participation are incredibly important
for the development of ideas of citizenship at all levels. A strong democratic tradition would
imply that the people are familiar with democratic government and the voting process, and at
least somewhat aware of some basic rights and responsibilities associated with citizenship,
even at a national level. One could expect that such knowledge at a national level may transfer
more easily to a supranational level, as the concept of their citizenship broadens. Strong
democratic tradition in countries could also be an important determinant of the existence and
nature of citizenship education in schools, as democratic governments may, from an early
stage, have included learning about democracy and state structures to some degree in the
national education curricula. Weaker democratic traditions in countries may show lower
engagement in democratic structures and less experience with such concepts, with perhaps less
relevance or importance given to concepts of citizenship. Education for citizenship can in this
way be somewhat expected to be less well-developed. The new states in Europe may also be
struggling to consolidate ideas of citizenship at a national level, which would impact largely
on their ability or willingness to expand such a tentative and ill-defined concept to the European
level. This links heavily with the political context in the target countries, the political system
25
in place as well as the position of recent governments politically and their interactions with the
European level, which will also be considered.
3) An important variable relating to the nature of citizenship education itself is the placement
of such education in the overall schooling structure, both how such topics are included and
where they are dealt with in the education system. While previous studies have shown that
many countries have opted to include education for citizenship in the school curriculum, there
has been no consensus as to how it should be included. Citizenship education tends to fall into
one of three categories regarding its place in the wider school system. Firstly, in certain states,
citizenship education is offered as a stand-alone, specific subject; secondly, as a subject
integrated into other more established subjects; thirdly, as a cross-curricular theme, (IEA, 2009:
56). The existence of a separate subject, with titles often representing the key issues to be
learned, such as political education, civic and social education, or life skills could serve to
compress information and knowledge to be transmitted into a more comprehensive and clear
format, more easily understood and received by the students. More established subjects such
as social studies, geography or history, can incorporate democratic ideals and citizenship
learning as parts of a wider curriculum related to their main focus area. Inclusion as a crosscurricular theme can be seen through extra-curricular activities, classroom ethos or special
school events, or in a variety of subjects across the entire school system. This approach is often
seen as complementary to a stand-alone subject or integration into another subject (IEA, 2009:
46). It is the first two approaches that are most important here, as we aim to identify a more
explicit and measurable engagement with citizenship issues, especially at the European level.
It will be interesting to examine which model serves to develop these concepts further elements
of citizenship education observed in a variety of subjects across the entire school system in
schools, or if any clear observations can be made.
4) The next independent variable linked to citizenship education relates to the teaching of such
content. Topics such as the EU or European citizenship require that teachers have considerable
knowledge about the structures, processes, rights and responsibilities that they are transmitting
to their students, in order to more effectively raise awareness of these issues and to deal with
questions and discussions that may arise. The awareness that is raised among students
regarding the EU and European citizenship very much hinges on the capacity of teachers to
deal effectively and appropriately with the content outlined in the curriculum and to translate
26
it to the classroom setting. The attitudes of the teachers and their own ideas of citizenship and
European integration as a whole are also significant, as teaching such issues may be affected
by underlying political or social convictions. This is especially pertinent in countries where
education on such matters is outlined in vague and broad terms in the official documents,
leaving lots of room for teacher influence on the content covered in class. Discussions
regarding the knowledge of teachers points to the training of such teachers and the process of
selection for teachers of citizenship education. Are there specialised courses to be completed
for teachers to become qualified to teach citizenship education, or are such topics merely an
extra subject taken on by teachers of other, more established subjects in the school system? In
previous studies on civic and citizenship education, such as the CIVED study of the late 1990s
by the IEA, factors such as the teachers responsible for citizenship education and the quality
standards laid down for such courses are very much linked to the status of the subject in the
overall school system. The Eurydice report of 2005 further found that the different approaches
taken to citizenship education in national curricula align with teachers’ backgrounds, as
specialists in other subjects in the school system. It was found that those teaching citizenship
education topics are generally faced with a lack of resources and training in this area, with
adequate training seen as difficult to design and implement given the diversity of approaches
to citizenship education in schools in different Member States and the diverse backgrounds of
those teaching the subject (IEA, 2009: 53). Both studies found that teacher training at both preservice and in-service levels was limited, sporadic and inconsistent, and while dedicated
programmes existed for in-service teachers specialising in this area, such topics were only dealt
with in brief sessions for all teachers in initial teacher education (IEA, 2009: 53). The Council
of Europe recommended in 2012 that democratic citizenship should be included at all levels of
education, including in teacher training, while also calling for developments in teaching
methodology and assessment strategies for such topics (Arbues, 2014: 227). Such an
examination will tell us a lot about how the state in question prioritises education for citizenship
and the requirements for teaching such issues.
In sum, the variables for examination in the case of France, Ireland and Croatia are the
following:
27

Democratic tradition

Relationship of the country to the EU

Placement of citizenship education in the school system

Type of training for teachers in this area
Having examined these factors behind the realities of citizenship education in each country,
citizenship education characteristics will then be examined according to the aforementioned
framework. Using the observations both from the theories discussed and the variables
examined, we will later draw some conclusions about what are deemed necessary conditions
for effective dealing with the European dimension of citizenship education in schools.
28
3. Methodology
3.1 Data collection and analysis
In order to identify the characteristics of citizenship education in the target countries, we must
analyse what is taught in schools. The most accurate representation of the content dealt with in
schools can be found both in the curriculum documents as well as the textbooks used by
teachers and students. As such, data was collected through official curriculum documents, as
well as guidelines and outlines for particular courses, often published by state education
agencies. These were readily available online, while a considerable amount of literature and
previous studies also contained references to these documents. Textbooks for subjects in
second level education can be numerous, and often replaced and updated. While different
textbooks may take slightly different approaches to certain issues, an examination of all
textbooks used across the country in question is unnecessary. Therefore, this study focused on
the most widely used textbook in each country, examining its content in detail as well as the
themes covered, relating them back to the objectives of the outlined curricula for the subject.
Special attention was paid to the European dimension and its inclusion, as well as references
to the wider, global community and concepts of citizenship that transcend national borders.
The textbooks in question can be accessed through the website of the individual publisher,
often available in e-book format after purchase, thus facilitating their analysis. Relevant
passages, activities, and images were highlighted in these textbooks, and added to the content
of previous documents to form a clear picture of the approach taken to such issues. While some
materials were available in English, assistance was available when needed for the interpretation
and analysis of the Croatian documents in particular.
3.2 Qualitative interviews
This study was reinforced with a number of qualitative interviews with three experts in the
field of political and civic education, working for government agencies, independent education
consultancies and non-governmental organisations. These were conducted both by telephone
and in person, lasting approximately one hour on average, and greatly helped in delving further
into the realities of citizenship education policies and practices in these states. As those
29
interviewed represented diverse backgrounds, the insights gained were considerable, showing
a number of different perspectives on citizenship education. The individuals interviewed had a
wealth of knowledge pertaining to the subject and country in question, and served to support
the research conducted, as well as providing further insights and opinion. As such, this research
is qualitative in nature, and would require a much larger number of examples and greater scope
to engage in statistical analysis of the content in citizenship education curricula and textbooks.
The variables for examination further emphasise the qualitative approach, with the importance
given to contextual political factors, and the identification of certain hypothetical conditions
for an appropriate European citizenship education model further serving to underline the
qualitative approach adopted.
3.3 Case studies
The use of selected case studies can open up a way to consider the conditions deemed necessary
and optimal for European citizenship education, as well as potential ways that these conditions
can be realised. Three countries were examined using a multiple-case study approach. This is
necessary as the context differs in each case, and this allows us to analyse each setting and also
patterns across different settings (Baxter & Jack, 2008: 550). Choosing several cases facilitates
understanding of the similarities and differences between these cases, which we can draw upon
in our conclusions. Given the scope of this thesis, examination of more than three cases in
adequate detail proved difficult, however this paper can provide the basis for a much wider
future study, incorporating more case studies for examination. The examples of France, Ireland
and Croatia had both individual and collective motivations. As previously stated, the
importance of France to the development of citizenship was a key factor, while language
capabilities and attachment to the country were among other reasons for this choice. Ireland
was chosen for similar reasons of personal experience and attachment, as well as the
accessibility and comprehension of materials. Croatia represents a relatively new democracy,
with a significantly different political and social context, thus providing a fascinating example.
This research was also carried out in large part in Croatia, where first-hand insights into the
political situation and education policies proved invaluable. Overall, these three cases represent
a diverse sample, relating to democratic tradition, political context and EU membership, and
this diversity was a key factor in such choices. Each case will begin with a contextual
background, relating to the variables outlined, including democratic tradition and relationship
30
to the EU. The particular relationship of certain states to concepts of citizenship must also be
introduced in the cases of France and Croatia. History and recent developments in education
for citizenship are outlined, before the characteristics of such education are examined in detail,
through data collection and interpretation. Further variables relating to teaching and the
position of such topics in the school system will then be discussed. Each case will then be
briefly characterised, before the cases are analysed together in the concluding chapter.
31
4. Citizenship Education in France
4.1 France and citizenship
It can be argued that the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century in many ways defined
the modern understanding of national citizenship as we know it. France, therefore, is an
extremely pertinent country to examine in any study regarding citizenship and citizenship
education. We will briefly examine the significance of the French Revolution in particular for
the concept of modern citizenship in a French and international context. According to Brubaker
(1989), citizenship was central to the theory and practice of the French Revolution. He
highlights four perspectives from which the Revolution can be analysed, each with significant
importance for citizenship and its development. Firstly, if we consider the events after 1789 as
a bourgeois revolution, the focus is on the establishment of equality before the law – where a
class of people enjoying common rights and bound by common obligations was created with
the end of the many privileges enjoyed by certain sections of society, such as fiscal exemptions,
seigneurial rights and immunities. This replaced the privilégiés, with citoyens, bringing about
civil equality before the law for the first time. If we look at the Revolution as a democratic
revolution, the focus is more on political rights. The Revolution served to institutionalise
political rights as citizenship rights, transferring political rights from the city-state to the nationstate, and making them general rights rather than privileges. The Revolution brought together
two conceptions of citizenship in this regard – both an abstract and formal idea where
citizenship is constituted by common rights and obligations, and a more substantive
conception, where citizenship is defined by the exercise of specific political rights and
participation. Political participation thus became a general right rather than a special privilege.
In practice, there were a number of exceptions where political rights did not become general
citizenship rights, as women and passive citizens were excluded. Brubaker’s third perspective
is that it was a national revolution. At an administrative level, the Revolution abolished
jurisdictional boundaries and distinctions within France, by creating a nation une et indivisible,
with legally equal individuals standing in a direct relationship to the state. This was to create
the nation-state, while the construction of new international boundaries and the subsequent
antagonisms generated between states was to create a new type of militant nationalism, which
differed from the cosmopolitanism of the ancien régime. Brubaker claims that by inventing the
idea of a national citizen and the legally homogenous national citizenry, the Revolution also
created the modern figure of the foreigner, providing a technical basis for denying certain rights
32
or imposing certain obligations on those who could not be defined as French. Finally, Brubaker
sees the events of the 1790s as a state-building and state-strengthening revolution. By doing
away with the complex system of privileges and patchwork of jurisdictions that characterised
the ancien régime, the Revolution removed many of the obstacles for effective state power.
Without the former intermediary bodies between the state and the citizen, the indirect forms of
membership of old were replaced by a more direct, immediate form of state membership. This
“immediatisation” of membership granted the state more resources and greater control and the
codification of citizenship through clear citizenship rules served to strengthen the state’s role
in this regard. We see that there are several ways in which the French Revolution shaped
modern conceptions of national citizenship, and our understanding of such an institution bears
the mark of the above developments (Brubaker, 1989: 34-47).
The French conception of nationhood since then has been conceived in contractual and
assimilationist terms, in contrast to the more communitarian and cultural differentialist
conception in Germany for example (Kofman, 1995: 123). Such conceptions have arguably
had a significant impact on shaping the cultural and political development of the nation-state
in Europe. France had already acquired a secure and strong state by the time that ideas of nation
and citizenship came to the fore at the end of the 18th century, unlike a country such as
Germany, who struggled in forming a culturally homogenous state due to ethnic divisions
(Kofman, 1995: 123). The civic republican model of statehood adopted in France defined
citizenship in terms of political rights, which constituted the foundations of a political
community and membership of the nation. A set of agreed values, or ways to behave within
the polis underpinned the organisation of the nation-state. Under this notion, the political
became the unifying force, transcending other divisions such as language, religion or region,
with the creation of a central political culture. The addition of social rights came later, once the
political culture and the basis of citizenship in the nation had already been established. In this
way, the civic republican model aimed to forge shared values in an ideally homogenous
political community (Kofman, 1995: 124).
33
4.2 France and the EU
France was one of the founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community, and one
of the principal reasons behind such an economic project, in order to prevent further outbreak
of war between France and Germany. Despite making early progress in the community, with
initiatives such as Euratom as well as the Common Market, of which France was a strong
proponent, the De Gaulle Presidency after 1958 reaffirmed the strong national position of
France in relation to the Community. De Gaulle’s France was to reject further moves towards
supranationalism, with the infamous ‘empty chair crisis’ and subsequent Luxembourg
Agreement of the 1960s showing exactly how far France was willing to defend its interests in
the European Council. Ideas of a European citizenship to complement French citizenship at the
time would have struggled to gain support, such was the importance of the strong French nation
to the continued legitimacy of the government, in a period marked by France’s perceived
weakness during the Algerian war. The early years of the Fifth Republic indeed showed a
strongly nationalistic France, unwilling to cede any ground to its rivals, shown once again in
the continued vetoing of UK membership of the Community in the 1960s. France in the 1970s
and 1980s however, had softened its tone, allowing Frenchmen such as Jacques Delors to
initiate a profound shift towards European integration with the beginning of the Single Market
after 1986, arguably the EU’s greatest achievement to date. With the Single Market came the
necessity for a host of new social and political rights to complement the new economic
freedoms, leading to the ground-breaking Maastricht Treaty, which transformed the structure
of the now Union, and gave rise to ideas such as that of European citizenship. This was to
consolidate integration efforts and send a clear signal that further integration of Europe’s
economies and people was not only desired, but necessary. While the rights it entails are
generally accepted over two decades later and moves have clearly been made towards the
general acceptance and promotion of a European-level citizenship, the transposition of such
ideas into more traditionally-focused education curricula could take some time. Recent crises
in Europe, both economically and politically have done little to advance communal conceptions
of citizenship in France and elsewhere, paving the way for the rise of nationalism and strong
affiliation to state-level structures and the sovereignty of national borders.
34
4.3 Democratic tradition
France has one of the longest democratic traditions of all European states. The slogan liberté,
égalité, fraternité from the Revolution has come to define French democracy and dictate the
official French way of life. After the turbulence of the Second World War in particular and the
post-war period domestically, the Fifth Republic founded by De Gaulle in 1958 was to set the
tone for the type of democracy enjoyed by French people until today. Strong Republicanism,
underpinned by a President with considerable executive powers in the semi-presidential
political system, has given shape to modern French democracy, which by now is well-rooted
in the fabric of French society. With this history and strong tradition of democracy in mind, we
can expect education for citizenship in France to be well-established in schools, however
perhaps characterised by a strong affiliation to the nation-state and French citizenship.
In the French context, it is important to examine the idea of laicité, or secularism, which has
been central to the official French way of life since the separation of Church and State in 1905.
Both the fourth and fifth French republics have included laicité as a “principe constitutionnel
de la République franҫaise”, which has meant state neutrality concerning religion and
spirituality, clear separation of citizenship from religious belief and the freedom of conscience
as a fundamental right (Éduscol, 2015c: 1). The Charte de la laicité a l’école, as a contract
between students and teachers, includes the obligation for objectivity and impartiality in
schools, with teachers transmitting a common and shared culture in the classroom (Éduscol,
2015c: 1). In the teaching of moral and civic education in France, laicité is seen as a framework,
a method, a central ethic and part of the content of such teaching, incorporating values such as
freedom of thought, freedom of belief, tolerance, objectivity, and efforts to encourage research
and critical thinking. Secularism is promoted in order to guarantee the most objective view
possible of the world and the extension of knowledge, so that no subject can be free from
scientific and academic questioning. (Éduscol, 2015c: 2-3).
4.4 Education for citizenship
As expected, given the significance of such ideas in the past few centuries, citizenship
education has traditionally been high on the agenda in France. When the Third Republic was
35
restored after the defeat of Napoleon III in 1871, there was a need to consolidate support for
the new Republic. With the Jules Ferry law of 1882, Instruction morale et civique was
introduced as a national priority, even before reading, writing or the study of literature, such
was the importance of creating good and loyal French citizens. This subject has always been
intended to help to integrate a very diverse population into a single, national Republican
culture, based on the revolutionary ideals of liberté, égalité and fraternité. An underlying idea
behind this is that the state is responsible for transmitting basic values for the public sphere,
meaning that education for citizenship in France is crucial to the objectives of state-run
schooling. The French school is entrusted with defining what it means to be a citizen and
ensuring a common understanding of the rights and obligations it entails (Osler & Starkey,
2001: 289-290).
In primary schools, there has been a very strong tradition of éducation morale et instruction
civique, which were present in the school system from 1882 until 1969. In lower secondary
school, or collège, efforts towards such education were introduced after the Second World War,
but also disappeared for most of the 1970s. Such topics were reintroduced at both levels in
1985 under the title Formation de l’homme et du citoyen. In upper secondary school (lycée),
no such education had been introduced until the year 2000, when civic, legal and social
education was integrated into the programme of the lycée professionnel (Éduscol, 2013: 1112). At a primary school level, topics covered included basic moral principles and ways of
interacting with friends and classmates, appropriate behaviour and responsibility towards
others. Reviews of such education however noticed a lack of structure to the moral dimension,
as some schools tended to focus on class debates over certain issues without explicit dealing
with moral objectives, integrating moral aspects into broader subjects such as history, in a less
systematic way than previously envisaged. Republican symbols and relationship to the law
were far more emphasised by many teachers. In lower secondary school, éducation civique
gives students a first taste of the complexity of social and political life, emphasising individual
responsibility. Education at this level is designed to draw from that which was learned in
primary school, and gradually develop towards the idea of citizenship, culminating in debates
about citizenship and ethical issues in later years of school.
In the wake of the attacks on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015, the French government stepped
up plans to develop and enhance programmes for moral and civic education in French schools,
as well as the teaching of secularism and Republican values. The Minister for Education stated
36
that it was important to respond to such atrocities and attacks on French values “not…with
words alone, but with firm action” (Gouvernement franҫais, 2015).
A new programme entitled Enseignement Moral et Civique (EMC) was established in 2013
and implemented in schools from 2015 to replace the previous programme of civic education.
The primary objective of the EMC is to associate both the formation of future citizens and the
formation of critical reasoning. In this way, the expectation is that students will acquire a moral
conscience, thus coming to understand, respect and share humanist values of solidarity, respect
and responsibility (Éduscol, 2015a: 1-2). The EMC programme aims to reconcile ideas of both
individual morality and public citizenship, showing how they are strongly linked and mutually
reinforce each other (Éduscol, 2015b: 2). The EMC teaches a civic morality, linked to
citizenship values, namely those of the French Republic and the respect for rules, fellow
citizens and property. A secular morality is also encouraged in the EMC, one founded upon the
respect for religious belief and the pluralism within society, reaffirming the centrality of the
liberty of conscience to French life.
4.5 Enseignement moral et civique (EMC)
The EMC programme is founded not only on the acquisition of knowledge, but on the savoir
ȇtre and savoir faire of students. Emphasis is placed on three aspects of methodology that
include these important goals. Among these are the professionalism of both students and
teachers, which in daily school life embodies the desired civic and moral values, such as justice,
responsibility, liberty, equality and solidarity. Specific educational activities are next, and
include role plays, structured debates, and the use of real life or fictional situations in order to
confront moral questions and dilemmas, allowing the students to use and construct their moral
judgment. Thirdly, cooperative projects are promoted, which encourage democracy,
responsibility and personal and collective engagement in participatory practices. These include
student bodies and councils, where empathy and mutual assistance can be developed. EMC
aims to put the students’ voices forward, allowing them to express opinions and arguments,
giving rise to debates which bear witness to the diversity of opinions in the wider world
(Éduscol, 2015c: 3).
37
Another key aspect of the French approach to civic and moral education, which is present in
the EMC programme, is knowledge of the French Republic and its values. Many dimensions
of the French Republic are identified, in order to give students a broader, more encompassing
view of France, its history and their roles as French citizens. The Republic is not only presented
as a mode of organisation of power and government, as defined by the Constitution, but much
more than that. The EMC firstly introduces the Republic as a permanent democratic project, a
public space for politicisation, a shared foundation for values, legal principles and political
philosophy. Secondly, the moral dimension of the Republic is put forward, teaching about the
body of values linked to fundamental civic rights and the development of the citizen. The
Republic holds a moral component that goes beyond mere legal definitions and that must be
integrated in the civic formation of French citizens (Éduscol, 2015d: 1). The institutional makeup and functioning of the democratic Republic, its fundamental rights and legal principles, the
history and continuity of the Republic, the civic culture and political philosophy associated
with it, the duty to teach and create informed citizens and a body of principles and values, are
included. The Republican values taught to students include humanistic values of reason, public
good, rule of law, tolerance and peace, as well as the promotion of newer principles such as
gender equality and freedom of marriage. The study of literature and images are used to
promote such Republican values, while linking such ideas to the personal development of
students into Republican citizens serves to reinforce such ideas in the classroom (Éduscol,
2015d: 2-3).
We must take a closer look at the content of the EMC programme. Firstly, an understanding of
the different years of schooling in the French system is important. Lower Secondary school, or
collège begins at the age of 11 in the sixième (6e), and continues to the cinquième (5e),
quatrième (4e) and troisième (3e), before students complete the Brevet des Collèges
examination and begin upper secondary school, or lycée. Students then continue to the seconde,
première and terminale, where they usually complete the Baccalauréat. The system is also
divided into cycles, one of which is central to our examination, namely cycle 4, which includes
the cinquième, quatrième troisième, with students roughly aged between 12 and 15 years.
38
4.5.1 Curriculum themes and objectives
Four major themes are laid out in the EMC programme for Cycle 4. The first of these is entitled
La sensibilité: soi et les autres, and its aims include self-expression and identification through
emotions and feelings, learning to listen and to empathise, as well as feeling part of a
collectivity. The third point is most relevant to our examination, as students learn about their
membership of a collectivity by learning the principles, values and symbols not only of French
citizenship, but also European citizenship. The explicit reference to European citizenship in the
programme is noteworthy. Examples of classroom activities are outlined in the programme.
These include debates and discussions on exclusion and discrimination, role plays and research
projects on topics related to social solidarity and development, showing that such education is
designed with interactive and participatory elements.
The second theme is entitled Le droit et la règle: des principes pour vivre avec les autres. The
main aims set out for this theme include learning and understanding the reasons for obeying
the law in a democratic society, as well as understanding the principles and values of both the
French Republic and other democratic societies. Topics covered include the rule of law,
principles of justice and a variety of Human Rights declarations and their importance. While
no explicit mention of Europe is made here, students learn about the values and principles
common to democratic societies in the world, thus serving to reinforce ideas of commonality
with other members of the EU. Examples of practical activities in this area include engaging
with historical or literary examples of trials and judgments, projects relating to the setting of
school or class rules, analysis of everyday social practices in accordance with the law,
discussions on relevant topics such as doping in sport, as well as attending a real-life court
hearing.
The third theme is entitled Le jugement: penser par soi-mȇme et avec les autres. Objectives of
this theme are firstly the development of critical reflection on issues and moral judgment, and
being able to form coherent arguments, and secondly, differentiating personal interest from the
general interest in society. Topics covered include the different dimensions of equality and
potential tensions that may arise, forms of discrimination, the principle of laicité, issues of war
and peace and fundamental freedoms of democratic societies. Once again, such content serves
to reinforce ideas of democratic societies and a commonality between France and its European
neighbours in this regard. Examples of classroom practices include projects relating to the
39
media and its role in social and political life, delving into issues surrounding equality and
discrimination, and also organising competitive debates on important issues.
The fourth and final theme for the Cycle 4 EMC programme is entitled L’engagement: agir
individuellement et collectivement. This theme focuses on taking responsibility, both in school
and outside, and considering aspects of collective life, developing social and environmental
awareness among citizens. Content in this theme includes the social and political
responsibilities of citizens including participation in the democratic system, interventions, both
political, social and humanitarian, the involvement of France in European and international
situations, and issues of national defence and threats posed to democracy and its freedoms.
Here we see emphasis placed on the role of France beyond its borders, and cooperation with
other states to safeguard the previously learned democratic values and freedoms. Examples of
activities here include the election of student delegates and the entire voting process it entails,
participatory activities through student clubs, the study of French military presence abroad and
dealing with environmental risks through projects looking at the social, political and natural
consequences of such risks (Histographie.org, 2015).
4.5.2 Textbook analysis
The new textbook for Enseignement moral et civique in Cycle 4 is
called Vivre ensemble, comment?, written by a cohort of six authors and
is especially designed for the new programme, which began in
September 2015. If we examine the content of this textbook, we find
some interesting results. The first two chapters focus on living together
in school, and how to promote engagement among students in the
school community. Among the topics covered in these sections are antiFigure 1. Vivre ensemble,
comment? 2015.
discrimination, conflict resolution and solidarity, as well as processes
for student delegates and representation on a school level. The theme
of ‘living together’ is a recurring one throughout the textbook, with chapters on liberty, equality
and solidarity all focusing primarily on this idea. Particularly important for this study is Chapter
7, entitled ‘Ȇtre citoyen’. This chapter opens with the question of what citizenship is, and how
to be an active citizen, before dealing with rights and duties associated with citizenship. Legal
aspects of citizenship in the French constitution are outlined, which includes the articles
referencing the EU and how French citizens are also European citizens, as well as the rights
40
they enjoy. Interestingly, a short case study on the same page describes how an English woman
was elected to the municipal council in a town named Eymet, in the Dordogne region of France.
Accompanying questions ask students to account for this development, where knowledge and
understanding of EU law and the rights of political representation in EU Member States should
come to the fore.
Figure 2. Chapter 7 - Ȇtre citoyen
– ‘Being a citizen’, p.132.
Figure 3. Competences for Chapter 7 – ‘Knowing the rights and duties of a
citizen in France’ and ‘Understanding the principles and values of French
and European citizenship’, p.134.
Figure 4. An example of EU citizenship rights in action, and legal articles detailing
European citizenship, p.134
The following few pages deal with topics such as activism in the case of women’s rights, as
well as topics for discussion such as obligatory voting, with examples of each to bring these
ideas closer to the students. The next important heading in this chapter is ‘S’engager dans la
vie politique et sociale’, and dedicates two pages to different types of political and social
engagement.
41
These include political parties, trade unions and humanitarian organisations, each section with
suggested interactive group tasks aimed at explaining how to become involved, as well as
important terms and legal aspects behind each of these groups. The next section relates to
symbols of citizenship, with a focus on the French national anthem and flag in particular and
the meanings behind them. There is, however, a small box at the bottom of the page where
students are encouraged to think about the EU flag and the
symbols that represent EU citizenship. The last few pages of
this particular chapter contain seven exercise questions
relating to the content covered, testing the student’s
knowledge as well as reminding them of the key terms
related to citizenship.
Figure 5. Activity relating to EU symbols, p. 145.
Figure 6. Key words relating to
citizenship, p. 151.
Chapter 8 of this textbook is also of interest, as it is entitled ‘La République franҫaise, une
démocratie’. This focuses primarily on national level structures and political institutions,
explaining the separation of powers at a state level, as well as the elections in France.
Subsequent sections in this chapter also bring to light issues such as the role of media in
democracy, how public opinion can shape democracy, as well as the role of internet in political
life, each of which is allocated two pages. Once again, this chapter closes with exercises to test
the knowledge of the students and remind them of key terms and topics (Aeschlimann et al.,
2015). This chapter, while focused on the national level, includes a surprising amount of
content related to active and participatory citizenship in particular. The aims and objectives of
the EMC course are well represented in this textbook, and dealt with in a number of stimulating
ways. On each page there is a special task to be carried out or comprehension questions to
answer, which we can presume are used by teachers to varying extents. Such an emphasis on
active learning can without doubt help the teacher in dealing with such issues.
Interestingly, we see that the Geography section of the subject also includes EU-related
knowledge, under the final section entitled ‘Le role mondial de la France et de l’Union
42
européenne’. Here, France’s position in the wider world is examined, as well as brief references
to European citizenship, outside the defined EMC section (Éditions Hatier, 2015).
4.6 Nature of EMC as a Subject
Enseignement Moral et Civique, while recognised as a distinct subject in French schools, is
incorporated in a broader subject Histoire-Géographie-EMC, replacing Éducation civique
which also occupied this position. The time requirement for the broader subject has remained
the same: 3 hours per week in 6e, 5e and 4e, with 3 hours and 30 minutes assigned for 3e. In
6e, it is specified that 30 minutes per week should be assigned to EMC, while 2 hours and 30
minutes be reserved for both History and Geography. There is no specific time allocated for
each of the elements from 5e upwards however. The General Inspectorate for HistoireGéographie-EMC merely stated that the parity of hours between History and Geography should
be respected, while teachers should determine the time necessary for the teaching of EMC to
fulfil the requirements of the programme (Réforme du Collège 2016 en Clair, 2015). While
EMC does not feature as a stand-alone subject in French schools, it is consistently upheld as
an integral part of the wider Histoire-Géographie-EMC programme, despite receiving on
average less time during the teaching week.
4.7 Teaching EMC
Similarly, teaching of EMC seems to be assigned to teachers of both History and Geography,
which are seen as two subjects which contribute greatly to the formation of citizens in schools.
The teaching of EMC is deemed therefore to be most suited to the content of both History and
Geography. This means that apart from resources available for the teaching and supervision of
EMC topics and activities, there is no specific qualification required of teachers for EMC, other
than the standard teaching qualification for both History and Geography. Prospective teachers
must complete a bachelor degree, before enrolling in an École Supérieure du Professorat et de
l’Éducation (ESPE), an internal school within universities dedicated to teacher training, during
which students complete the CAPES state examination and gain teaching practice in one
subject area (Cornu, 2015: 290, 300). Professional development courses and in-service
43
supports are available for teachers at a regional level, however it has been seen that teachers in
France rank quite low in the use of these services, where a number of reforms are deemed
necessary (European Commission, 2015d: 5-6).
4.8 Réserve citoyenne
A new and highly interesting project launched in early 2015 is that of the Réserve citoyenne de
l’éducation nationale. This project is open to anyone in France over the age of 18 who wish to
share their personal or professional experiences and help to transmit the values of the French
Republic to students, alongside their teacher. This project aims to involve members of civil
society in the formation of the next generation of French citizens, and can serve as an insightful
addition to regular classes of EMC in schools. Teachers, when designing projects related to
Republican values, can contact an available réserviste, whose application is screened by the
state academic service, and invite them to come to contribute to the teaching of students through
sharing thoughts or experiences (Académie Reims, 2015). This new project represents an
intriguing method of reinforcing Republican values and creating a link between the activities
and learning in EMC and the outside world. Such a programme with a focus on encouraging
European citizenship and values could perhaps play a similar role in bringing such ideas closer
to school students.
4.9 Characterising Citizenship Education in France
From the content of the EMC course, we can see that it includes not only the political
dimension, focusing on rights and duties of citizens, but also makes reference to belonging in
the community, at a number of levels, including at a European level. We can clearly see both
political and sociological dimensions of citizenship as outlined by Haas. We notice that
interactive and participatory elements are recommended for the teaching of many of these
topics, with role plays, group projects and student elections among the ways in which students
are encouraged to engage with these citizenship topics. While the majority of learning is
knowledge-related, we can see elements of active citizenship in the EMC programme. The
programme also serves to develop necessary skills, such as communication, organisation,
44
judgment and argumentation through the many areas covered and the interactive approach to
learning promoted in the curriculum. If we consider the types of political orientation outlined
by Almond and Verba, we see all three present in the French case. Cognitive orientation is quite
strong, as students learn knowledge about the political system on both the French and European
levels, and the processes associated with them. Topics such as values and feelings towards
political entities is also included, and qualifies under a more affective orientation, while we see
an evaluational orientation, as students are encouraged to combine this knowledge with their
feelings towards political actors, to think critically about them. The active approach taken also
lends itself more to a participatory political culture. The majority of the citizenship education
seen in the EMC programme relates to the national level, and the French political scene,
however the EU and European dimension is dealt with to a considerable extent, with references
even to European citizenship included. Therefore, we can say that both levels are represented.
45
5. Citizenship Education in Ireland
5.1 Ireland and the EU
Ireland is the next case for examination with regard to citizenship education and its links to the
EU and ideas of European citizenship. The Irish Republic was instituted as late as 1949, despite
enjoying de facto independence from Great Britain since the late 1930s. Ireland subsequently
joined the EU in 1973, along with Denmark and the UK, its closest neighbour and by far the
most important bilateral partner, both economically and demographically. The EU has without
doubt transformed the country since accession, and this small, poor country on the periphery
of Europe became among the richest nations in the EU by the turn of the 21st century. The
nature of Ireland as a small, open economy has implied reliance on others for much of its
history, and it is the interdependence embodied by membership of the EU and Single Market
that has been the primary reason for its success over the past number of decades. Ireland
received huge sums from EU development budgets, with which the country has modernised,
while its low rate of corporation tax and highly educated workforce have attracted many
multinational firms, especially in the Information Technology sector, to Irish shores over the
past few decades (The Irish Times, 2008). We can point to Ireland’s EU membership as a major
factor in this economic success. As such, we can expect quite a positive outlook on the EU in
Ireland among the general population. However, a series of rejected EU treaties, namely Nice
and Lisbon since 2001 have caused concern, with many Irish people reluctant to cede national
sovereignty and control in a number of areas. The economic crisis hit Ireland quite severely
from 2008, as property speculation and an internal banking crisis resulted in a government bank
bailout, leading to soaring national debt levels and an international bailout programme granted
by the European Commission, ECB and the IMF. These developments not only precipitated
the collapse of the Fianna Fáil led government in 2011, but also considerable resentment for
the EU and its institutions, which were seen as disregarding Irish interests and using coercive
tactics to ensure compliance to the bailout terms. The harsh austerity measures pursued by
successive Irish governments during this period impacted negatively on the perception of the
EU institutions, and while membership of the EU was never questioned due to the benefits it
has brought to the country, many people were dissatisfied with Ireland’s treatment at a
European level. Eurobarometer data, however, shows that the general impression of the EU
46
during the period of economic crisis has remained relatively stable, with those viewing the EU
fairly positively consistently remaining between 30-40% of the population, rising to 43% at the
end of 2015. There was a parallel increase in those viewing it negatively around the period
from 2012-2013, however this has once again dropped according to the latest figures from
November 2015. Similarly, ideas of EU citizenship among Irish people have gradually risen
over the past number of years, with 76% of those surveyed considering themselves as EU
citizens, at least to some extent (European Commission, 2015b, c). While the economic
recovery lauded at a political level in Ireland is generally felt much less among the ordinary
population, it is safe to say that despite certain ill-feeling towards Europe in recent years, the
vast majority of Irish people see the benefits of membership and are willing to embrace the
European level to some degree. While strong nationalist sentiment persists in many parts given
the recent history of the country and the struggle for independence in the past century, we can
expect that treatment of the EU in Irish education is mostly positive, at least to the extent that
it furthers Irish interests in the international arena.
5.2 Democratic tradition
Ireland has a strong democratic tradition, and despite its extreme conservatism during the latter
half of the 20th century in particular and the dominant role played by the Catholic Church in
political affairs, the country has never experienced authoritarian rule or threats to democracy
in the modern era. This strong tradition was greatly helped by the inheritance of many British
political and legal structures, even during the struggle for independence in the early 20th
century. Even the rogue parliament that was established from 1918 onwards and not recognised
by the British Crown had many similarities with the British model, and such a trend was to
continue as further independence was won in the years that followed. The 1930s in Europe was
a time of political turmoil, with a number of Fascist and Communist movements vying for
power, however in Ireland, given the particular political context and the desire to establish a
stable system after several years of conflict, such movements never gained much traction, being
ostracised and outlawed in most cases. Even today, the Irish parliamentary and legal institutions
retain many similarities with the British system. One of the main exceptions to this rule
concerns the electoral system, as voting is done primarily through the Single Transferable Vote
form of Proportional Representation, compared to the First-Past-The-Post system traditional in
the UK. Despite using the PR STV system, Ireland generally represented a quasi-two party
47
system until the 1990s, with the two parties arising from the Civil War of 1922 dominating the
political agenda and opposing one another to this day, despite holding many of the same
positions ideologically. Coalition governments then became the norm, with the rise of a number
of smaller parties. The most recent elections in 2016 produced a political impasse for 63 days,
before a Fine Gael minority government was established, returning incumbent Taoiseach Enda
Kenny to power. Despite the period of economic austerity and collapse of the Fianna Fail led
government in 2011, Ireland is remarkable in that no extremist political party has come to the
fore. Many of the issues dealt with by such parties elsewhere include immigration and the
erosion of sovereignty by the EU. Immigration, while it has increased dramatically over the
past two decades in modern Ireland, primarily consisted of Eastern European economic
migrants, and as such did not generally have the racial or religious dimension like elsewhere
in Europe. Also, while there have consistently been voices of discontent regarding Irish
sovereignty and the powers of the EU over the country, all political parties support Irish
membership of the EU, and despite the economic crisis, membership of the Euro has also rarely
been questioned. We can see that Ireland is well-accustomed to democratic government, and
such a model has rarely been threatened in a serious way since independence, which should
result in education for democracy and citizenship being a well-established aspect of schooling
in Ireland.
5.3 Education for citizenship
Secondary school is divided into two cycles. The Junior Cycle lasts for the first three years,
culminating in the Junior Certificate state examination, usually testing knowledge in 10 or 11
subjects. The fourth year is still optional in many schools, and serves as a transition from the
Junior Cycle to the Senior Cycle, where the programme focuses on extra-curricular activities
and personal development, often including a period of work experience, volunteering
opportunities as well as life skills (Department of Education and Skills, 2014: 6). This optional
programme is followed by the Senior Cycle, culminating in the Leaving Certificate
examination at the end of sixth year, the main path for students to gain entry into Higher
Education.
48
From 1996, Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE) has been a key part of the Junior
Cycle in Irish education. CSPE has featured as a stand-alone subject in the school system and
includes a final state examination as part of the Junior Certificate qualification after three years
of study, with a total of 70 hours of teaching. CSPE therefore is compulsory in all schools for
the first three years of secondary education. It is important to analyse the CSPE curriculum in
place since 1996 and its content, especially that relating to citizenship and the EU.
5.3.1 CSPE Curriculum
The CSPE curriculum of 1996 highlights three domains of citizenship; the pragmatic domain
(doing), cognitive domain (knowing) and the affective domain (feeling). Firstly, students must
have an ability and confidence to participate in democratic society, and to practice citizenship
through meaningful action. The pragmatic dimension of active citizenship therefore is
represented in the obligation of students to undertake at least two action projects, either
individually or in a class group, during the three years of study of CSPE. Secondly, a capacity
to gain access to information and structures relating to society is important. It is necessary to
have a basis of knowledge before action can be considered, which represents the cognitive
dimension of active citizenship. Thirdly, CSPE aims to develop active citizens firstly with a
sense of belonging. The idea here is that students will only be encouraged to be active
participants in their communities if they feel a sense of attachment to them. Therefore, the
affective domain of active citizenship focuses on social inclusion and matters of identity and
values. The objectives of the CSPE curriculum are outlined in terms of knowledge, concepts,
skills and attitudes/values. Active, participatory class-work is encouraged, as learning-bydoing is seen as the most effective vehicle for achieving such objectives.
Firstly, the knowledge objective must be examined, to understand what knowledge students in
Ireland are given regarding citizenship and the outside world. The curriculum firstly focuses
on citizenship, what it means to be an active citizen, and the different dimensions of citizenship.
Human rights are then dealt with, where institutions such as the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child are outlined, with discussions
as to how these developments have influenced citizenship. Participatory elements include
learning about how to get involved and how students can influence change and make a
difference in society. Students gain an insight into the democratic system and its structures,
learning how it works and the key players involved. Sustainable development is also present,
49
as students learn about their role in protecting the environment, while globalisation elements
also feature quite strongly. This last aspect focuses on the interdependence of the world in
which the students live and the effects of actions and events on other parts of the world. Current
affairs, including topical events and issues are also dealt with, with students learning how they
affect them and their communities.
Seven key concepts are outlined which serve to inform and clarify ideas of active citizenship
for students. These are: Rights and responsibilities, Human dignity, Democracy, Law,
Stewardship, Development and Interdependence. Skills of active citizenship that are taught to
students include analysis and evaluation skills, communication, awareness and skills of action,
through the completion of various participatory class assignments. Concerning attitudes and
values, tolerance, care for the environment, respect for human rights, the rule of law and
commitment to oppose prejudice and injustice are among the attitudinal aspects promoted in
the CSPE curriculum (NCCA, 1996: 2-8).
5.3.2 Textbook analysis
There are several textbooks used for CSPE, often using different
learning approaches, while dealing with very similar content. The
textbook most widely used is Make a Difference, 3rd edition, written
by Conor Harrison and Máirín Wilson in 2011. I had the opportunity
to speak with Mr. Harrison, who gave me some insights into various
aspects of the CSPE programme. Mr. Harrison has been heavily
involved in the CSPE programme, as an educational consultant, as an
advisor to the Professional Development Service for Teachers (PDST)
and an expert in citizenship education for the Council of Europe,
Figure 7. Make a Difference,
3rd Edition, 2011.
among other key roles over the past two decades. He described how
the concept approach of the curriculum as explained above was reflected in the textbook, with
considerable room given for teachers to focus on areas of their own interest or expertise, and
how current events can also serve to direct class discussions and learning, especially relating
to more international topics, which were covered to more limited extent in the learning content
of the course. If we look at the textbook, we see an introductory chapter entitled Active
Citizenship. Here, there is an introduction to each of the seven key concepts for the three year
50
cycle, before different ideas of citizenship and its meaning are discussed. The active dimension
of citizenship is outlined, with a number of examples of participation, with stories from wellknown Irish people who have contributed to society as active citizens for example. Each of the
seven concepts is then attributed its own chapter, delving into further detail on issues such as
human, rights, democracy, the environment and development. The chapter on interdependence
is of particular importance as it is here where issues of European citizenship and the EU are
observed. This chapter opens with the idea of students as global citizens, where they learn about
other countries in the world and the interconnectedness of countries, where the clothes pupils
wear and the materials they use were made for example. Sixteen pages are then dedicated to
issues of international trade, Fairtrade and issues of justice in trade with other parts of the
world. The second section of this chapter deals with international groupings, where the EU
features quite strongly. The Council of Europe, as well as the European Court of Human Rights
are explained, before roughly fifteen pages are then devoted to the EU. Its history and Member
States are looked at, before its institutions are described, as well as a brief explanation of how
each of these institutions interacts and their functioning, seen below.
Figure 8. How the EU works p.263
The next section relates to Ireland and the EU, where the impact of the EU on Ireland is
discussed, as well as Ireland’s contributions on the European level. Irish presidencies of the
European Council feature, as well as content related to the Irish constituencies for the European
Parliament elections. Here students are encouraged to find out about their MEP and what they
do, as well as who they represent. The Stop and Think sections throughout this chapter
encourage students to reflect on certain issues, such as membership of the EU, seen below, as
51
well as identifying their constituency and also thinking about a number of Irish people working
for the EU, which constitutes the following section.
Figure 9. Activity relating to students' MEP and constituency, p. 267.
Figure 10. Stop and Think exercise on Ireland's membership of the EU, p.267.
The EU section closes by examining the benefits to Ireland from its membership, before listing
specific projects funded in Ireland by the EU, which includes a number of motorways, harbour
development and sewerage schemes in towns and cities very familiar to the students. Learning
about the United Nations and other international organisations follows on from the chapter on
the EU (Harrison & Wilson, 2011: 255-270).
52
5.4 Changing position of CSPE in the school system
The CSPE curriculum however, will soon be replaced in Ireland, as a wider Wellbeing course
will be introduced from 2017. This course will incorporate Physical Education (PE), Social,
Personal and Health Education (SPHE) as well as Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE).
This area of learning will cover the three years of the Junior Cycle, with the aim of building
upon the work already taking place in schools in support of the wellbeing of students. Learning
in the wellbeing course aims at enhancing the physical, mental, emotional and social wellbeing
of students and enable students to build life skills and develop a strong sense of connectedness
to the school and the community. The motivations behind such a reform include the
incorporation of a more caring dimension into learning, as well as the strong link between
student wellbeing and positive cognitive and educational outcomes. Each school has the
autonomy to design its Junior Cycle programme for Wellbeing, drawing on a number of
curriculum components, such as subjects, short courses and learning units, in order to provide
an engaging, challenging and enjoyable learning experiences for students (NCCA, 2016a: 57). The updated Framework for Junior Cycle details 24 Statements of Learning for the entire
Junior Cycle period. This includes the aim that “students value what it means to be an active
citizen, with rights and responsibilities in local and wider contexts”, as well as other aims
related to student wellbeing and participation in society (NCCA, 2016a: 16).
The former stand-alone subject, CSPE forms part of the Wellbeing programme. It is also
available as a short course, a number of which have been introduced to broaden the learning
experiences of students and to cover interests not necessarily covered in the general curriculum
subjects. Such short courses require 100 hours of student engagement during the three year
Junior Cycle (Department of Education and Skills, 2015: 21). According to the NCCA, CSPE
helps students to understand how their wellbeing and that of others is connected through human
rights and development. It also provides opportunities for students to consider the important
social, political, cultural and economic factors affecting individual and collective wellbeing, as
well as discovering how they are connected to a wider community and help to build a better
community. Through active citizenship, students learn to participate in actions to promote their
own wellbeing as well as that of others. I spoke to Annette Honan, who works as a consultant
to the National Centre for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA) in Ireland, and she gave me
some interesting insights into the new Wellbeing programme and how it may relate to ideas of
53
citizenship. The CSPE component of the programme includes three strands for study. The first
of these is Rights and Responsibilities, which strongly features learning about human rights.
The second of these strands is entitled Global Citizenship. This focuses primarily on
sustainability and learning about the environment, and what we can do to promote the
protection of the world around us as citizens. She mentioned that no specific mention is made
about the EU or European citizenship under this heading, despite the title suggesting that such
topics may be covered. The third strand is entitled Exploring Democracy, and focuses on
concepts of democracy, the government, and how the law is and can be used, as well as issues
such as discrimination and the role of the media in everyday life.
Incorporating citizenship education into a wider course with several components, and replacing
the stand-alone CSPE subject that has been on the Junior Cycle curriculum for the past two
decades, raises concerns that much of the content relating to citizenship and political learning
would be lost, or skipped over. Ms. Honan and Mr. Harrison presented an alternative view,
shared by many stakeholders in citizenship education in Ireland, that incorporating CSPE into
a wider course in effect served to safe-guard the subject as a key component of the Junior
Cycle, which was somewhat threatened by previous Junior Cycle reform plans. While CSPE
would no longer be a compulsory examination subject, the view was that as long as treatment
of key citizenship issues was maintained, this could be a positive step.
5.5 Senior Cycle
For some time, there has been strong lobbying to include learning about political issues in the
Senior Cycle in Ireland, for the Leaving Certificate examination. As of September 2016, a new
course entitled Politics and Society will be introduced on a pilot basis in a number of schools
in Ireland. This course aims to develop the student’s ability to engage in reflective and active
citizenship, informed by insights and skills from social and political science, and will be
classified as a full Leaving Certificate subject, requiring the same amount of hours, 180 in total,
as all other Leaving Certificate subjects (Department of Education and Skills, 2016: 8-11).
The Politics and Society course is organised in four strands based on key concepts: Power and
Decision-making, Active Citizenship, Human Rights and Responsibilities and Globalisation
and Localisation. The first strand includes learning about decision-making at an EU level and
54
its effects, as well as how the European Commission, European Parliament and Council of
Ministers are elected or constituted. Active Citizenship focuses on developing skills such as
coming to reflective and informed decisions through debate and discussion. The skills will be
continuously developed through engagement in a citizenship project, which makes up 20% of
the overall grade for the Politics and Society course. No explicit reference is made to active
citizenship at a European or more supranational level however, with the term ‘communities’ in
this sense remaining vague and ill-defined in the syllabus. Strand 3 is entitled Human Rights
and Responsibilities, and introduces the importance of Human Rights, as well as examining
international Human Rights obligations, as cornerstones of western democratic society. Strand
4 is Globalisation and Localisation, which deals with issues of national identity and its
construction, the diversity of cultures and languages within the EU, as well as issues of global
responsibility such as sustainable living and protection of the environment. These two final
strands introduce the importance of Human Rights and international obligations, as well as
issues of diversity and global responsibility, using active, participatory and discursive practices
in teaching and learning (NCCA, 2016b: 21-38). Textbooks and teacher selection and training
have yet to be finalised according to Mr. Harrison, who was also a member of the committee
for the introduction of this course. Given that it has not yet been widely implemented, it will
not be the focus of this analysis, although it represents a positive step for citizenship education.
5.5 Teaching Citizenship Education
The Primary Masters in Education (PME) is the primary method for prospective teachers to
earn a teaching qualification for all subjects in second-level education in Ireland. CSPE up until
now has been an option taken by a number of teachers in training colleges, most often as an
additional subject to add to their principal area of expertise. Many of the larger Irish universities
or their affiliate teaching colleges offer the PME course, with CSPE available as a subject
option in the majority of cases, with varying amounts of course time allocated to courses such
as methodology. The CSPE curriculum leaves quite a bit of discretion to the teacher concerned,
especially regarding the methods used in teaching but also in the topics and materials covered,
and as such, individual teachers can tailor the course to their own specific interests or expertise.
In this way, we can expect that even under the new system, the considerable leniency given
will result in a mismatch between the citizenship education available in one school and that in
another, despite having the same core objectives. In relation to the training and support that
55
teachers of CSPE receive, Mr. Harrison explained the assistance that has been available to
teachers since the establishment of the CSPE curriculum in 1996. No formal support has been
available from the Department of Education and Skills over the past two decades, however
organisations such as the Association of CSPE Teachers and the Professional Development
Service for Teachers (PDST) have provided a number of workshops and training days per year,
as well as providing assistance in the form of school visits to interested schools and teachers.
He described how there is no model in place for the selection of teachers within schools to
teach CSPE. Often, teachers with particular leanings or interest in political issues will either
volunteer or be chosen to take such classes, however it can also be the case that teachers are
conscripted into such classes in order to fill timetables and due to lack of general interest.
Training for teachers in teacher education programmes began in 2000, and as such, most CSPE
teachers will by now have training in this area, often an additional subject in their university
formation. Debates are still ongoing regarding the teaching criteria for the Senior Cycle Politics
and Society course, with different training seen as necessary, despite the likelihood of some
spill-over from the Junior Cycle in teachers willing and able to teach such a course.
5.6 Characterising Citizenship Education in Ireland
Citizenship education in Ireland contains many of the elements included in our analysis. The
political conception of citizenship, focusing on concrete political rights is noticeable in the
content of the CSPE course. The more sociological dimension is also promoted, as students
come to know the Irish state and their role as Irish citizens, developing an attachment to their
communities, especially at a local and national level. References to European and Global
citizenship are also positive in this regard. Active citizenship constitutes the opening chapter
of the textbook examined, and we can see that such ideas have a strong influence throughout
the entire curriculum, as students learn ‘how’ to be citizens, rather than merely knowledge
about rights. Participation here is somewhat limited to the local and national level, with room
for improvement relating to participatory initiatives at the European level. Skills of information
collection and evaluation, reasoned argument and communication are very much promoted in
the materials we have examined, as students are encouraged to reflect on issues, as well as give
presentations and engage in debates on certain topics. The obligatory Action Projects also help
56
develop such skills. Regarding the orientation promoted, we see cognitive learning come to the
fore in the materials examined, in the considerable amount of knowledge transmitted in the
classroom. The development of a sense of belonging and the importance of institutions and
processes bring in the affective orientation of such education, while discussions and debates
about certain issues, especially those relating to justice, Fairtrade and the environment hint at
an evaluational political orientation, as students begin to really engage critically with these
issues. Much of the focus of the CSPE curriculum and materials remains at the local and
national level, with most of the content dedicated to state institutions, processes and realities.
The international dimension is quite strong however, with a comprehensive chapter on the EU
adding to more international topics such as trade and international justice. Overall, we can
consider that up until now, citizenship education is well-developed in Ireland according to the
framework for examination.
57
6. Citizenship Education in Croatia
6.1 Croatia and citizenship
Croatia represents a fascinating case for examination of education for European citizenship,
given the turbulence of the 1990s and the recent transition to democracy, following its
separation from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Citizenship at the national level
was of prime importance during this period, as the new Croatia needed to consolidate its
statehood and to determine criteria for membership of this new political community. Ideas of
Croatian citizenship from the 1990s have very much been shaped by the political context of
the Croatian struggle for independence. The ethno-centric conception of Croatian citizenship
across borders that was reinforced through legislation and the Croatian constitution has come
to occupy a central position in modern ideas of citizenship, which are almost unquestioned at
a political level today (Koska, 2012: 397-399). In the Croatian constitution of 1990, the
Croatian nation is imagined as a transnational ethnic community, including all Croats
regardless of their residency and citizenship status. Citizenship legislation from 1991 was
passed to reflect this, with all former citizens of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and residents
of Croat ethnicity being invited to become citizens of the new Croatian state. The former
Republican notion of citizenship under Yugoslavia had become much less significant given the
citizenship rights available at the federal level, meant that little attention was paid in reality to
the regulation of the different republican citizenships when residing elsewhere in Yugoslavia.
With the break-up of the federation however, the republican citizenships became the legal basis
according to which people were granted citizenship of the new Croatian state, which led to a
large number of ethnic minority residents of Croatia losing their rights formerly enjoyed as
Yugoslav citizens, particularly ethnic Serbs (Koska, 2011: 8). The opposition of the excluded
Serb minority in Croatia led to military action, eventually resulting in the mass exodus of Serb
refugees from Croatia, as well as an influx of ethnic Croats from Serbian territory. Serbian
aggression and the subsequent displacement of people served to strengthen the authoritarian
HDZ government, with their strong rhetoric of national independence and cultural
homogeneity (Spajić-Vrkaš, 2003: 34). Despite the eventual inclusion of previously excluded
non-Croatian minorities, by the end of the 1990s, Croatia had almost become an ethnically
homogenous state (Koska, 2012: 400-401). While debates are ongoing regarding the rights of
non-resident Croats and their relationship to the Croatian state, the ethnic conceptions of
58
Croatia have remained relatively stable over the past two decades. The combination of an ius
sanguinis approach to the granting of citizenship, as well as naturalisation procedures for ethnic
Croats through legislation reflects the view of the Croatian nation as a trans-border ethnic
community. While the 2000s saw the expansion of liberal democratic principles, the dominance
of the ethnic majority in Croatia is almost uncontested, even as EU integration became the new
national priority from the turn of the 21st century (Koska, 2012: 407-408). The nationalist HDZ
were defeated in the elections of 2000, and replaced by a new left-wing coalition government.
Many questions relating to Croatian statehood had been resolved by this time, including full
control over Croatian borders, the new system of parliamentary government to replace the
semi-presidential system, as well as further development of civil society. The citizenship
development from 2000 onwards was very much shaped by a number of political realities; the
consolidation of democratic institutions in Croatia, the ethno-national homogeneity of the
political community and external pressures emanating from the EU accession process (Koska,
2011: 3-5).
6.2 Democratic tradition
For much of the past few decades, Croatia has been classified as a state in democratic transition,
as it has sought to establish and consolidate a democratic state since its independence from
Yugoslavia. This process has met with considerable challenges, particularly during the 1990s.
The nationalist rhetoric of the authoritarian HDZ government resulted in Croatia lagging
behind other transition states in Europe in the democratisation process. Rather than promoting
civil society and accountability, the ruling élite turned to arbitrariness and populist tactics,
while the emphasis on national homogeneity over human rights and freedoms served to
exacerbate divisions in Croatian society, on ideological, ethnic and religious grounds (SpajićVrkaš, 2003: 34). The unmonitored privatisation process that took place and shifts in social
ownership resulted in the disappearance of the middle class and stark economic divisions,
between rich and poor. The impoverishment of many Croatians during this period, as well as
general disillusionment with government are among the reasons behind the electoral shift
against the HDZ in 2000, towards more left-wing parties with stronger European rhetoric,
promoting the rule of law and justice (Spajić-Vrkaš, 2003: 35). Democratic transition
progressed considerably during the 2000s, especially as Croatia became a candidate country
for EU accession. With eventual accession in July 2013, Croatia became the second former
59
Yugoslav state to gain a seat at the table in Brussels, after Slovenia's accession in 2004. This
accession, for many, was crucial to advancing the country and its democratic standards, to
further align with western Europe. There has been a noticeable shift however, towards
increased conservatism in the years following accession, with the new HDZ government,
elected in 2016, coming under fire for a number of measures it has taken. These include
replacing employees of the national television station HRT with government supporters, cuts
in funding to civil society organisations, as well as increased nationalist rhetoric, which in some
cases has included symbols of the Ustasha regime during the Second World War (Hockenos,
2016). Such developments show that while democracy has progressed significantly, threats to
democratic freedoms still exist in Croatia.
6.3 Croatia and the EU
Croatia is the newest member of the EU, after accession in July 2013. The relationship of
Croatia to the EU, especially with regard to citizenship development, is particularly interesting.
While the 1990s represented a clear 'status' dimension of citizenship in Croatia, namely who
belongs to the political community, the early 2000s focused more on the 'rights' dimension, in
other words, the rights to be given to different categories of Croatian citizens. Within this
second stage, debates are ongoing regarding the position of the diaspora, and non-resident
ethnic Croats in the Croatian political scene. Many pointed to the emergence of a third phase,
in which conceptions of citizenship would further liberalise as a result of external pressures
linked to EU accession. The EU promoted the liberalisation of the citizenship regime, with
documents such as the European Convention on Nationality, which forbids discrimination on
ethnic, religious or racial grounds, requiring the introduction of residency criteria in order to
prevent against discriminatory practices. This was blocked by the HDZ in 2006, arguably to
protect the ethnic foundations of Croatian citizenship and the diaspora policies adopted under
this conception. Despite this, the EU did not seriously challenge the ethnic conception of
citizenship in Croatia. Koska also points out that Croatian accession to the EU also created
several hundred thousand EU citizens residing outside the EU, both Croats residing in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and former Serbian refugees who kept their Croatian citizenship (Koska,
2011: 31-33). As such, we see that citizenship is an extremely loaded topic in the case of
Croatia, a consideration that must be made before examination of potential transnational,
European dimensions of citizenship. Given its recent accession to the EU, as well as the
emphasis on ethnicity in the definitions of citizenship pursued at a national level, it is difficult
60
to see ideas of a wider European citizenship identity taking hold in the short or medium term.
EU accession and the citizenship that comes with it was welcomed by those on all sides of the
political spectrum in Croatia, as it represents a political move to the developed west, and allows
for many more opportunities economically and socially for Croatian citizens. It is unlikely,
however, that perceptions of EU citizenship would go beyond the concrete rights available with
such a status. More active and participatory conceptions, as well as a sense of identity and
belonging that transcends the national level, may need considerable time to develop. The EU
provides significant financial assistance to Croatia to support education reform, with a
projected €450 million coming from the European Social Fund and €270 million from the
European Regional Development Fund in the period 2014-2020 (European Commission,
2015e: 3).
6.3 Education for citizenship
The case of Croatia clearly illustrates the influence of major contextual events or paradigm
shifts on the political knowledge that is transmitted in schools. The immediate aftermath of
independence from Yugoslavia saw the introduction of a new school subject, entitled Politics
and Economy. This subject promoted more democratic rhetoric, replacing the former subject
in place under Yugoslavia, Theory and Practice of Socialist Self-Management, which was
underpinned by socialist ideology and a more Marxist world view (Doolan & Domazet, 2007:
210). The Law on Education, passed in 2008 does not include political education, but mainly
concerns areas such as the organisation and functioning of educational institutions in Croatia,
teaching regulations and student evaluation.
We see certain developments in educational approaches outlined in the National Curriculum
Framework, published in 2010, the document presenting the values, goals, principles and
content of the education system. Four central values underlie the education system, namely
knowledge, solidarity, identity and responsibility. These fundamental values arise from the
commitment of Croatian education policy to the complete personal development of students
(Ministry of Science, Education and Sports, 2010: 9). According to this document, the
curriculum includes the development of civic competences in the list of key competences for
students, including emphasis on the student firstly as a citizen of the class, school and local
community, developing into a citizen of the Croatian homeland, and ultimately as a citizen of
61
the Croatian homeland community and a citizen of the European and international community
as they progress through the educational cycles.
6.3.1 Politics and Economy
Politics and Economics is still the only subject in Croatian schools dealing with questions of
politics, citizenship and similar topics. It is generally taught in the fourth and final year of high
school education, lasting only one year. It is generally present in all types of schools, from the
Gymnasium to the variety of vocational schools. The subject was reformulated slightly in 1997,
with greater emphasis placed on democracy, citizenship and the Croatian constitution. No
major changes have occurred in the content of the course since then however, apart from a
greater emphasis on Croatian international relations, including knowledge about the EU, added
in the changing context of the Croatian accession period (Doolan & Domazet, 2007: 211).
Politics and Economy is divided into two clear parts, a Politics section and an Economics
section. The Politics section outlines the aims of the subject and the tasks to be completed,
however very little more than basic guidelines for the teaching of the subject. Three aims are
clear for the political section of this subject, which underpin three main tasks. The aims are as
follows: developing attitudes towards current political events, acquiring knowledge of politics,
political institutions and processes and encouraging participation in the political system.
Participation here relates solely to political life, rather than other forms of community
involvement or voluntary work, Skills and values are also notably absent from the aims of
political education in this course. These aims are followed by three main tasks, which are:

Developing patriotic sentiment for the Republic of Croatia

Civic commitment to its constitution, laws and symbols

Developing competences for political participation (Doolan & Domazet, 2007: 211212).
If we examine the content of the Gymnasium textbook for the Politics and Economy course,
entitled Politika i Gospodarstvo: udžbenik za gimnazije i 4-godišnje škole, we see included
topics such as: types of political orders, political parties, elections and electoral systems,
Croatian parliament, Croatian government and judiciary, human rights and freedoms, politics
62
and religion, as well as international politics and Croatia's role in
international relations. We can see immediately that a large part of
the content focuses on the national level institutions and processes,
with the final chapter, on international politics, representing the only
section in which content related to the EU is mentioned. The
textbook for other vocational schools however, Politika i
gospodarstvo, udžbenik za srednje strukovne škole, while almost
identical, contains a chapter related to the Creation, Development
Figure 11. Politika i gospodarstvo
for Gymnasium schools, 2014.
and Role of the European Union (Sysprint, n.d.). We see too that
the majority of such learning is knowledge-based, with little room for more active, participatory
approaches to learning, even regarding the national level.
Doolan and Domazet, in their analysis of the textbooks for
Politics and Economy, found that the frequency of notions
relating to the knowledge dimension far outweighed other
dimensions such as values, skills, attitudes and
participation. It points to a view of students more as
passive receivers of knowledge, rather than active
participants in society with responsibilities. Similarly,
these concepts were addressed overwhelmingly at the
national level, with little room for references to either the
Figure 12. Table of contents for Gymnasium
level, Politics section.
local or supranational level (Doolan & Domazet, 2007: 211-212).
The focus on the national level is remarkable, however if we consider that such a subject was
formulated in the early 1990s at the time of Croatian independence from Yugoslavia, the
political and contextual factors can be seen to play a significant role in determining how such
issues are framed in courses like Politics and Economy. Nevertheless, while the focus on the
national level may have been understandable in the 1990s, reformulation could be necessary in
order to more adequately reflect the changes undergone in Croatian politics and society,
especially in the context of EU accession. As Croatia is the newest member of the EU, the
problem of lack of knowledge regarding the EU, its institutions and policies seen in other
Member States, is particularly prominent, with weak information and awareness-raising
campaigns to date leaving much room for improvement in this regard. Many, including Starčić,
have called for greater integration of EU-related topics into schools, through workshops and
63
courses to inform students properly about EU structures and processes, to address the clear lack
of familiarity with such topics among Croatian students (Starčić, 2010: 23-24).
6.3.2 Human Rights Education
Croatia ranks among very few countries that have a National Human Rights Education
programme. Such a programme was developed in the late 1990s under the National Human
Rights Education Committee, Croatia's contribution to the United Nations Decade for Human
Rights Education (1995-2004). Education for human rights and civil responsibilities forms a
part of all educational and training programmes in schools. The programme aims to assist
children, young people and adults in learning the basic principles and values of a democratic
and plural society, developing intellectual and social skills for active and productive
participation in their environment. It uses a trans-disciplinary and multi-faceted approach for
learning about, for and in human rights throughout one's life, and also includes concepts such
as equality, social justice, inclusion, responsibility and tolerance (Spajić-Vrkaš, 2003: 43-44).
In primary schools, Civil Education is either an elective subject or an extra-curricular project,
while in secondary schools, this programme is included in the Politics and Economy course.
The programme is also used by a number of civil society organisations promoting education
for citizenship and human rights (International Bureau of Education, 2001: 30-31).
6.4 Role of Civil Society
A number of civil society groups, such as GONG, the Croatian Youth Network and the Centre
for Peace Studies have been promoting ideas of incorporating a separate curriculum for
Education for Human Rights and Democratic Citizenship. I spoke to Martina Horvat,
Education Centre Coordinator at GONG, who gave me an insight into the developments for
democratic citizenship education in Croatia as well as the experimental curriculum for
citizenship education forwarded by GONG and other civil society actors. Since the late 1990s,
educational projects conforming to the Council of Europe priorities for citizenship education
have been developed, however primarily as extra-curricular projects in a number of willing
schools. Many of these have related to traditional and local culture, neglecting somewhat the
wider dimension of citizenship, and the implementation struggled for many years due to low
64
uptake from schools. The GOOD initiative from 2008 aims to foster cooperation between
schools and civil society actors, with a view to furthering democratic ideals through education.
There has been considerable opposition however, to any conception of citizenship beyond the
national level, as many at the decision-making level did not see the wider, global dimension as
relevant. The presentation of an experimental curriculum for Human Rights and Democratic
Citizenship Education attracted a large number of teachers, principals and educational
professionals from all over Croatia to the Ministry of Science, Education and Sport in 2012.
The work of these organisations follows efforts at the Ministry of Education to include
Education for Human Rights and Democratic Citizenship (EHRDC) in the formal school
system. A two year implementation period was proposed, during which a pilot programme was
introduced in a number of selected schools across the country (Mreža Mladih Hrvatske, 2012).
Under this curriculum, citizenship education would be present throughout all years of school,
both elementary and high school. The first four years of elementary school would see such
topics integrated as cross-curricular topics, as children learn about their basic rights and local
communities. Extra-curricular projects would be introduced from years 5 until year 8 of
elementary school, with more of a focus on Human Rights, cultural and intercultural learning
and social skills on local, national and more global levels. Separate subjects for examination
were proposed for high school dealing with similar topics. It was considered necessary to have
such topics as obligatory in the school system. Croatia began to implement EHRDC as a crosscurricular and interdisciplinary topic at both primary and secondary levels, with an optional
subject available for those in the eighth grade in 34 pilot schools. This follows the
experimentation phase of citizenship education over two years in 12 schools and a public
consultation on the draft curriculum in 2014 (European Commission, 2015e: 6). However, Ms.
Horvat described how disappointing such a development is, as the evaluation of such a pilot
project was ignored at a government level, who decided to drop this initiative, opting for a
different approach, where human rights and democratic topics would be integrated merely as a
cross-curricular topic at primary and secondary levels. Political factors seem to have motivated
this decision, with conservative actors in Croatian society discouraging the citizenship
education programme from being developed2.
The Croatian ‘conservative revolution’ of recent years has come as a result of more traditional and
conservative views gained prominence in society, supported strongly by right-wing professional and civil
society groups, political parties and the Catholic Church.
2
65
6.5 Place of subject in the school system
Politics and Economy has been present in the Croatian school system as a stand-alone subject
since the 1990s, and while we cannot say that this subject is completely devoted to education
for democratic citizenship, such topics are present in the Politics section. However, this course
generally only lasts for one year, at the end of high school, and as such does not hold a
consistent place in the schooling of young Croatian students. The Human Rights dimension of
this is an important addition, and its inclusion at primary school level (although at a similar age
to lower secondary school students elsewhere) shows the desire to begin education in such
areas at a younger age.
Following the failure of efforts to establish real Education for Human Rights and Democratic
Citizenship throughout the entire school system, the newly adopted system merely suggests a
cross-curricular approach. In this way, such topics are integrated into the overall learning
experience and in other subjects. Ms. Horvat further described how at elementary school level,
the first four years are taught by the same teacher. There is room for one extra hour of teaching
per week, which is left to the teacher's discretion. It was during this hour that teaching for both
health and citizenship-related topics became popular, however it was done with very little
structure or guidelines. The cross-curricular nature of such topics make them extremely
difficult to monitor, despite supervision coming into play for such subjects. Training for
teachers in this area predominantly revolved around administrative issues, how to keep track
of such teaching and log the hours completed, rather than an approach to actually teaching the
subject. The frustration of many civil society actors at the seemingly indifferent attitude at a
state level towards civic education has been exacerbated by conservative shifts in government
which have acted as barriers to any meaningful reform. A window of opportunity may emerge
with the upcoming elections, where such organisations may be able to push for reform in this
area once again.
6.6 Teaching practices
According to Eurydice, the minimum school placement during initial teacher training in Croatia
was the lowest in the EU in 2013, at 20 hours. Planning for the professional development of
teachers is done solely by over-arching educational authorities, such as the Education and
Teacher Training Agency, unlike in most European states. The Strategy for Education, Science
66
and Technology, adopted in October 2014 by the Croatian Parliament aimed to establish
national competency standards based on learning outcomes and the Croatian qualifications
framework, as well as setting out a number of measures to improve quality assurance and
professional development for teachers (European Commission, 2014: 4). A recent revision of
the Act on primary and secondary education, which created the basis for developing licensing
schemes for teachers has ensured that schools now commit themselves to providing regular
professional development and play an important role in quality assurance, however it is still
awaiting implementation (European Commission 2015c: 4).
In the Politics section of the Politics and Economy course, there is only a set of guidelines for
teachers, with very little provision of suggestions about how to teach the content laid out in the
syllabus. Furthermore, neither pre-service nor in-service training for teachers cover many
topics related to democracy, civic education, intercultural education, human rights or education
for development. As such, teachers have reported that they are often unfamiliar with the
teaching methods required for dealing with such topics in the classroom (Doolan & Domazet,
2007: 211). In elementary school, the teaching of such topics remains cross-curricular in nature,
where teachers incorporate topics of citizenship and democracy into other subjects, often in an
inconsistent and ill-defined way. Very little training is given to teachers dealing with such
topics, and as such, they become just another element to be included, without any real
repercussions in the case of exclusion or unsatisfactory treatment.
6.7 Characterising Citizenship Education in Croatia
While it is difficult to establish clear outcomes from the progress made thus far, recent surveys
done regarding the political knowledge of school students in all educational streams, point to
the fact that despite courses such as Politics and Economy being present in high schools, that
it has not prepared Croatian students satisfactorily for full political participation as their
knowledge about basic tenets of the political system remained quite basic (see GONG, 2011).
Croatia typically has a very centralised education system. However, Ms. Horvat suggested that
such education becomes much more decentralised if the subject in question is not seen as
important at a state level. She believes this is the reason for the amount of projects pursued by
a variety of NGOs in specific schools, as willing principals and teachers become the main
67
drivers for implementation of new programmes, some of which are then approved at a state
level. According to our framework we can see that in the limited way in which citizenship
education is present in Croatian schools, the political dimension, focusing on rights and
political facts is present, while the sociological dimension is quite prevalent at a national level,
with emphasis on national identity formation and reinforcement. Little or no elements of active
citizenship are promoted in the formal education system, apart from those present in the extracurricular projects implemented in certain schools3. Initiatives present in most schools such as
the election of a Student Council, while widely practiced, are often limited to an obligatory
formality, according to Ms. Horvat, as the representative function of such bodies is not
understood or severely limited in the school. Despite such projects existing, we cannot say that
such a focus exists on a national level, which continues to teach a 'thin' version of citizenship,
while learning about rather than for human rights, democracy and citizenship (Spajić-Vrkaš,
2012: 411). Skills such as those for examination are notably absent in the variety of outlets
where citizenship education is pursued, with the Politics and Economy course as the main site
for such topics focusing almost solely on knowledge and the passive learning of students. Once
again, the extra-curricular projects pursued only in a minority of schools in association with
civil society organisations could be the means through which such skills are developed among
students. Regarding the type of political orientation outlined by Almond and Verba, we see the
cognitive dimension strongly in Croatia, given the focus on the knowledge of political
processes and institutions. We can also see an affective orientation, primarily linked to the
emphasis on the national level and developing allegiance and loyalty to the Croatian
constitution and state. Overall, education for citizenship as it currently stands in Croatia could
serve to promote a subject political culture, rather than the participatory model, despite
continuous efforts for curricular reform. Finally, the national level is far more noticeable in
Croatian political education, with a strong patriotism and insular focus dominating over the
international or European dimension.
3
While the formal curriculum does not deal heavily with these issues, events in recent years have shown that
Croatian citizens, especially the youth, have been capable of becoming politically active – most notably during
the student sit-in demonstration at Zagreb University in 2009 (see Doolan, 2014) and the demonstration for
curricular reform in June 2016 (Mrakovčić, 2016).
68
7. Comparing the findings: Towards a formula for European Citizenship
Education?
7.1 Outcomes of framework analysis
Having examined the curricula and materials in each country, we can bring the observations
together and relate it to the framework outlined previously, as seen below.
France
Ireland
Croatia
Both present
Both present
Both present (national
level)
Active Citizenship
Yes. Interactive and
participation encouraged.
Yes. Features strongly
Mainly passive. Active
only through extracurricular projects.
Necessary Skills
Yes, through interactive
approach.
Yes, through interactive
approach.
Not explicit - extracurricular projects.
Types of Orientation
Cognitive on both levels.
Cognitive on both levels.
Cognitive on the national
level
Affective mainly
national.
Affective mainly
national.
Evaluational mainly
national.
Evaluational mainly
national, includes some
international topics.
Mainly national but
European elements.
Mainly national but
European elements.
Political/Sociological
Political level of
focus
Affective at national
level.
National level focus.
Table 2. Completed table relating main theories to realities in each country.
We see that the results for both France and Ireland are similar according to the framework for
analysis. The approach to citizenship in the curricular materials and textbooks focused not only
on political rights, but also on the sociological dimension, encouraging a sense of belonging
69
and identity, albeit primarily at the national level. Activities outlined in the materials show a
clear active dimension to the citizenship that is being promoted, as students are encouraged to
reflect on issues and to engage actively in presentations, group work, debates and research. In
the same way, the skills focused on are seen to have a variety of outlets for development,
through these active and participatory approaches. While knowledge about political structures
and processes is strong on both national and wider European levels, we see that affective and
evaluational orientations remain strong primarily at the national level, with no real formation
of opinion or feelings towards the EU encouraged, apart from its relation to national level
structures. The Irish case shows the evaluational orientation as somewhat transcending national
borders, with issues such as Fairtrade and international trade justice occupying up to 8 pages
of the textbook examined. Croatia represents the most divergent example, with national level
structures and patriotic sentiment to the Republic of Croatia dominating the content of such
education. Despite a number of demonstrations and considerable political activism in society,
the formal education system does not seem to encourage more than a passive, knowledge-based
citizenship. In a similar way, the evaluational orientation towards politics is noticeably
missing, with little critical engagement or opinion being encouraged in the classroom.
7.2 Assessing the independent variables
Democratic tradition has proven to be an important factor, with both Ireland and France, as the
two long-standing democracies, showing overall positive results regarding the emphasis on
education for citizenship, despite room for improvements relating to the European level. The
case of Croatia shows that the transition to democracy has resulted in a much more rapid change
towards promoting democratic and political education, seen with the institution of the new
Politics and Economy course just after independence. The role of civil society has been
particularly important here, as such groups have pushed for further democratisation and
education for democracy, aiming to keep the government of the day on the right track in this
regard. This has faced many obstacles however, given the political context as well as a strong
ethnic dimension. Overall, however, we can point to a longer democratic tradition as being
beneficial to a more suitable and established European citizenship education programme.
The relationship of the country in question to the EU has also shown some interesting results.
France, the longest established member in this study, has always played a key role in the EU
70
since its conception, and therefore is very familiar with the incorporation of the European
dimension in national level policies and practices. The primacy of ideas about the French nation
and its history, as well as key conceptions of the political and social system held dear by many
in France have shown that there may be a tendency to exalt the national level to a far greater
extent, with EU citizenship being seen as an extra body of rights which citizens enjoy, rather
than a real and tangible part of daily life that could lead to a kind of supranational identity
formation. National sovereignty remains a hugely important issue, especially in young
democracies such as Croatia, with the conservatism and national focus of governments since
EU accession hindering further developments towards embracing the EU. Many actors in civil
society see the benefits of the EU for bringing Croatia forward, however it is difficult to say
that such rhetoric is widespread in the current context. Ireland, on the other hand, despite
economic difficulties over the past number of years and lingering nationalism from its recent
history, is supportive of the European project, and perhaps more disposed to wider,
supranational conceptions of citizenship. Overall, the relationship of a country and its people
to the EU does not necessarily depend on the length of EU membership, meaning that progress
in establishing education for European citizenship is not determined by this factor. Instead,
attitudes and political will are seen to be more important in bringing about such developments.
The place of citizenship education in the school system differed among the examples covered
in this study. A much larger sample of countries would give a clearer idea of the importance of
this, however we can draw some preliminary conclusions from our selected countries
nonetheless. The inclusion of civic and political education in France has a long history, both as
a separate subject, and now as an integrated subject, where the current format sees the EMC
course added to both History and Geography, with its own allocated time and content. It can
be argued that this diminishes the importance of such topics, by merely squeezing it into the
curriculum in another subject area. On the other hand, we can argue that by incorporating EMC
into this broader subject, such topics are safeguarded in the curriculum, and despite being
attributed less class time, the centrality of EMC is maintained and supported. A similar debate
could be had in the Irish case, as the long-established stand-alone CSPE course is soon to be
incorporated in the wider Wellbeing programme. In fact, CSPE as a short course in the new
system accounts for more class time, at 100 hours, rather than the 70 hours previously allocated.
Concerns still remain about such a subject losing its importance as an examination subject.
This decision, however, could serve to move further away from a cognitive, knowledge-centred
approach to such topics, towards a more active, participatory approach, which could be a
71
welcome development. The Croatian case sees the Politics and Economy course as a standalone subject, however only for one year of the school cycle. Apart from this course, however,
all other outlets for citizenship education are seen to be extra-curricular or included as crosscurricular topics under the new programme, which makes monitoring and evaluation somewhat
difficult. Proper treatment of political and citizenship topics very much depends on the will of
the teachers and principals, with such a cross-curricular approach meaning that such topics are
often forgotten or rushed, as a bureaucratic box-ticking exercise rather than really engaging
with the issues therein. Overall, it is difficult to assess which approach is best for European
citizenship education. Stand-alone subjects with established examination procedures seem like
a positive option, however the integration of such topics, if done in a consistent and coherent
way that maintains the important content of the course, could also be seen as satisfactory.
Finally, teaching of citizenship education can be seen to be incredibly important to optimise
learning about and for active citizenship at a European level. The French example lacks a
specific qualification for dealing with EMC as a separate part of the wider subject, with teachers
completing training and the state examination in the overall subject of Histoire-GéographieEMC. This could mean that EMC is taken less seriously and with less interest by some
prospective teachers. The Irish case shows that while CSPE is usually offered as an optional
subject in teacher education, with its own programme for learning, considerable discretion is
given to teachers to focus on certain aspects of the curriculum over others, perhaps resulting in
a lack of consistency we can also expect elsewhere. In Croatia, little or no pre-service training
is given to teachers in areas such as democracy and citizenship, while teachers have claimed to
be under-resourced and ill-prepared to deal with some of the topics in the Politics and Economy
course. Ideally, teachers should receive separate and distinct training for citizenship education,
and be prepared to deal with the many current and sensitive topics that are often raised. Even
if the teacher training programme combines several subject areas, as long as a clear programme
for citizenship education is visible and adequate support to teachers is available, then teachers
will go into the classroom with far more confidence in dealing with such topics. This would be
the ideal approach for education for European citizenship, and while a certain degree of
discretion is inherent in many teaching environments, a clear structure to learning about the
EU and European citizenship should be promoted, and carried out with ease by teachers that
are given appropriate training.
72
In sum, we can lay out a number of conditions for optimising citizenship education, with a
focus on the European level, outlined in the table below.
Ideal Conditions for European Citizenship Education
Democratic
Tradition
Ideally a strong, established democracy. Political will and active civil
society can speed up the process.
Relationship to
EU
Positive view of EU and European project, seeing clear benefits of EUlevel citizenship. Not dependent on length of membership.
Position in School A comprehensive stand-alone subject with the necessary characteristics
System
or a well-integrated subject with clear aims and content and sufficient
time allocated.
Teacher Training
Separate and clear programme in teacher education. Clear guidelines
and adequate in-service support to optimise teaching.
Table 3. Ideal conditions for European citizenship education.
Considering the framework used to examine the three cases, we can draw a number of
conclusions regarding the approaches necessary in order to reinforce the above factors and
which should be present in learning for European citizenship at a classroom level. The most
appropriate examples of citizenship education in this study, namely France and Ireland, both
demonstrated that citizenship was approached from both political and sociological dimensions.
These countries also showed that an active learning approach must be encouraged, promoting
the development of a more participatory political culture, as previously outlined. This must
include the acquisition and development of necessary skills for active citizenship. Adding
cognitive, affective and evaluational political orientations and more focus on both national and
transnational levels, we can see a number of conditions for dealing with the European
dimension of such education beginning to emerge. The positive practices for promoting and
developing education for citizenship seen in each of the examples covered, could form the basis
of a model for dealing with European issues and for advancing education for European
citizenship.
73
8. Concluding remarks
The research undertaken has provided a number of hypothetical conditions for raising
awareness of the European dimension of citizenship in schools in an adequate and appropriate
way. Given the limited scope of this project, the results achieved and the conditions identified
do not consider in enough depth the reality of classroom practices, the dynamic between
teachers and students, the location and socio-economic background of particular schools and
students, among other important factors, which have a real impact on how the content of both
the curriculum documents and assigned textbooks are perceived and engaged with in these
countries. Further study into this topic, using a larger number of independent variables for
examination, more in-depth and more numerous qualitative research methods and samples, and
a larger number of country examples could give a more accurate and meaningful picture of
citizenship education in Europe, and may serve to establish more clear and concrete evidence
for a model for European education for citizenship. The observations and conclusions that have
been drawn relating to the ideal conditions for the adequate inclusion of the European
dimension of citizenship education could serve to direct further research which may be used as
recommendations for the development or improvement of education for citizenship at a state
or regional level. The EU and the Council of Europe must continue in their efforts to promote
a wider, European view of citizenship across Europe and provide support and assistance to
national governments in the formulation and implementation of curricula and programmes
relating to political and citizenship issues. While education policies have largely remained the
preserve of national governments, the EU must work in cooperation with its members to ensure
that the political rights afforded to its citizens since the Maastricht Treaty are understood and
embraced by all actors in education policy, and most importantly, transmitted to students from
a young age, so that they can begin to appreciate the wider, European dimension to their
everyday lives. Understanding and interacting with political rights can be a clear step towards
further attachment to the EU and a wider sense of belonging and identity, key to fostering
further cooperation and peace between the diverse peoples in Europe. Using best practices and
learning from examples from other EU countries can be very beneficial in this regard, and
despite the presence of clear contextual and country-specific factors, all education systems
should aim to foster the development of active and engaged students, aware of citizenship and
what it means on a number of political levels. While more local and national level conceptions
may continue to dominate discourse on citizenship, students, teachers and all stakeholders in
74
education must further embrace the European level, with the realisation that interdependence
between states is central to continued collective success and prosperity in the 21st century.
75
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Interviews conducted
Ms. Annette Honan, Educational Consultant, NCCA, Ireland – [email protected]
Mr. Conor Harrison, Educational Consultant, CJH Consulting – [email protected]
Ms. Martina Horvat, Education Centre Coordinator, GONG – [email protected]
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