University of Iowa
Iowa Research Online
Theses and Dissertations
Spring 2015
Why can't we just play ball? An exploration of how
collegiate female athletes experience traditional
gender norm expectations
Jonathan Merle Sexton
University of Iowa
Copyright 2015 Jonathan Merle Sexton
This dissertation is available at Iowa Research Online: http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3187
Recommended Citation
Sexton, Jonathan Merle. "Why can't we just play ball? An exploration of how collegiate female athletes experience traditional gender
norm expectations." PhD (Doctor of Philosophy) thesis, University of Iowa, 2015.
http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3187.
Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd
Part of the Educational Administration and Supervision Commons
WHY CAN’T WE JUST PLAY BALL?
AN EXPLORATION OF HOW COLLEGIATE FEMALE ATHLETES EXPERIENCE
TRADITIONAL GENDER NORM EXPECTATIONS
by
Jonathan Merle Sexton
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy
degree in Educational Policy and Leadership
Studies (Higher Education and Student Affairs)
in the Graduate College of The University of
Iowa
May 2016
Thesis Supervisor: Associate Professor Sherry K. Watt
Copyright by
Jonathan Merle Sexton
2016
All Rights Reserved
Graduate College
The University of Iowa
Iowa City, Iowa
CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL
____________________________
PH.D. THESIS
_________________
This is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis of
Jonathan Merle Sexton
has been approved by the Examining Committee for
the thesis requirement for the Doctor of Philosophy degree
in Educational Policy and Leadership Studies (Higher Education and Students Affairs) at
the May 2016 graduation.
Thesis Committee:
____________________________________________
Sherry K. Watt, Thesis Supervisor
____________________________________________
Cassie L. Barnhardt
____________________________________________
Debora L. Liddell
____________________________________________
Christine A. Ogren
____________________________________________
Thomas R. Rocklin
To my partner and best friend Nicole,
and to both our families,
whose support made this work possible.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Writing a dissertation is an interesting and exhausting process. This particular
study would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of a number
of people. First, thank you to my partner and best friend Nicole Sexton. Without her
countless days and nights taking care of our young boys (Graham and Reed) to provide
me with the opportunity to conduct research and write, this work would not have been
possible. Your support, stamina, and patience throughout this process mean the world to
me.
I would like to thank my parents, Doug and Ana Sexton as well. They instilled a
love and passion for education in me at an early age. As a first-generation student, my
parents’ encouragement and support to pursue a college education was essential in me
getting to the point that I am at today. My dad had a favorite saying when I was younger
that has always resonated with me. He would ask, “What did can’t ever do?” The
correct answer was always “nothing”. That phrase ran through my head a number of
times throughout the writing process, particularly when I felt the most deflated. Thank
you both for your ceaseless support and for always believing in me.
Resounding thanks goes out to the faculty of the University of Iowa Higher
Education and Student Affairs program, particularly to my dissertation committee. I
started this journey as a Masters student in 2004 and several faculty members have
worked with me and provided guidance and support throughout the duration of that time
through the completion of this dissertation. I would like to send a special thanks to Deb
Liddell and Sherry Watt, whose mentorship throughout the past 10 years has been
essential in my development as a scholar and as a professional in higher education.
iii
Particular thanks go to Sherry for her guidance, counsel, and tireless energy in providing
support and encouragement as my dissertation chair. You are an amazing, gracious, and
wonderful person. I cannot imagine going through this process without you.
Finally…I can’t resist including a thank you to my two loyal lap warmers, Twister
the dog and Yaya the cat. How could I have done all that typing without you consistently
finding a way to crowd yourselves somewhere between the keyboard and me?
iv
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this dissertation study was to explore how traditional gender
norms influence the daily experiences of female student-athletes. The following research
question framed this study: How do collegiate female basketball players experience
traditional gender norm expectations in relation to their sport? A combination of sources
focused on gender norms and athletics informed this study, including previous research,
mass media publications and documentaries, and the researcher’s individual experiences
with gender norms in organized athletics.
To explore the research question, I interviewed six National Collegiate Athletic
Association (NCAA) Division I (D-I) female basketball players to obtain
phenomenological data focused on their individual experiences with gender normative
expectations or traditional gender expectations in college basketball. I facilitated semistructured interviews utilizing a feminist phenomenological qualitative design via Skype.
In order to develop an in depth understanding of how participants experience gender
norms, I used a phenomenological approach, which focuses on understanding the
meaning of events experienced by people in specific situations. The feminist lens
ensured that the study frames gender as a fluid concept consisting of multiple
intersections of power and privilege. The six participants in the study represented five
different teams from a major NCAA conference. Almost all of the participants in the
study attended a different major research university in the Midwest (two participants
attended the same institution).
Four major themes surfaced from data provided by participants. These themes
include: (1) the challenge of meeting traditional gender expectations (2) contrasting
v
gender expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings (3) the evolving dynamic of
gender perceptions in women’s basketball. These themes focus on participants’
experience of gender expectations in different settings. In athletic settings, participants
described rarely thinking about gender dynamics or expectations. Off the court, however,
players described a stronger perception of expectations for how they should look and
behave. The female players described experiencing regular questions and assumptions
about their gender identity (i.e. female, male, trans*) and / or sexual orientation (i.e.
bisexual, gay, heterosexual, queer) when wearing loose fitting basketball sweats during
the day. Gender inquiries result from the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given
culture associates with an individual’s biological sex assigned at birth while questions
about sexual orientation focus on the sex of those to whom one is attracted. While
players rarely thought about conforming to a gender identity or role on the court, they did
describe frustrations with differing expectations off the court. Additionally, they
expressed disappointment with the imbalance of media coverage between men’s and
women’s athletics.
Based on the findings of this study, I offer four recommendations for higher
education practice. Provide training and educational opportunities for all studentathletes, coaches, and administrators focused on gender socialization and subsequent
perceptions of student-athletes. Collaborate with the NCAA to provide educational
materials to recruits on how to recognize and report discriminatory and homophobic
recruiting practices. Develop mentoring programs pairing new recruits with veteran
players to help acclimate new student-athletes to the demands of the NCAA season and
explore the impact of traditional gender norm expectations on student-athletes. Develop
vi
mass media or social media campaigns to help encourage positive recruiting practices in
women’s basketball and to discourage recruiters focusing on the gender identity or sexual
orientation of players and coaches on other teams as a means of lowering interest in those
programs.
vii
PUBLIC ABSTRACT
The purpose of this dissertation study was to explore how traditional gender
norms influence the daily experiences of female student-athletes. The following research
question framed this study: How do collegiate female basketball players experience
traditional gender norm expectations in relation to their sport? A combination of sources
focused on gender norms and athletics informed this study, including previous research,
mass media publications and documentaries, and the researcher’s individual experiences
with gender norms in organized athletics.
To explore the research question, I interviewed six National Collegiate Athletic
Association (NCAA) Division I (D-I) female basketball players to obtain
phenomenological data focused on their individual experiences with gender normative
expectations or traditional gender expectations in college basketball. I facilitated semistructured interviews utilizing a feminist phenomenological qualitative design via Skype.
In order to develop an in depth understanding of how participants experience gender
norms, I used a phenomenological approach, which focuses on understanding the
meaning of events experienced by people in specific situations. The feminist lens
ensured that the study frames gender as a fluid concept consisting of multiple
intersections of power and privilege. The six participants in the study represented five
different teams from a major NCAA conference. Almost all of the participants in the
study attended a different major research university in the Midwest (two participants
attended the same institution).
Three major themes surfaced from data provided by participants. These themes
include: (1) the challenge of meeting traditional gender expectations (2) contrasting
viii
gender expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings (3) the evolving dynamic of
gender perceptions in women’s basketball. These themes focus on participants’
experience of contrasting gender expectations in different settings. In athletic settings,
participants described rarely thinking about gender dynamics or expectations. Off the
court, however, players described a stronger perception of expectations for how they
should look and behave. The female-identified players described experiencing regular
questions and assumptions about their gender identity (i.e. female, male, trans*) and / or
sexual orientation (i.e. bisexual, gay, heterosexual, queer) when wearing loose fitting
basketball sweats during the day. While players rarely thought about gender on the court,
they did describe frustrations with an imbalance of media coverage between men’s and
women’s athletics.
Based on the findings of this study, I offer four recommendations for higher
education practice. Provide training and educational opportunities for all studentathletes, coaches, and administrators focused on gender socialization and subsequent
perceptions of student-athletes. Collaborate with the NCAA to provide educational
materials to recruits on how to recognize and report discriminatory and homophobic
recruiting practices. Develop mentoring programs pairing new recruits with veteran
players to help acclimate new student-athletes to the demands of the NCAA season and
explore the impact of traditional gender norm expectations on student-athletes. Develop
mass media or social media campaigns to help encourage positive recruiting practices in
women’s basketball and to discourage recruiters focusing on the gender identity or sexual
orientation of players and coaches on other teams as a means of lowering interest in those
programs.
ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ xii
LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... xiii
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 1
Study Rationale ............................................................................................................. 14
Research Question ......................................................................................................... 18
Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................................... 19
Definitions ..................................................................................................................... 19
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................... 22
Gender Norms and the Female Athlete ......................................................................... 23
An Ecological Perspective ............................................................................................ 27
Research on Gender Norms and Women in Sport ........................................................ 30
Experiential Outcomes of Women in Sport .................................................................. 34
Negative Outcomes.................................................................................................... 36
Summary of Relevant Literature ................................................................................... 45
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODS .......................................................................... 48
Paradigmatic Framework .............................................................................................. 48
Rationale for a Feminist Phenomenological Approach................................................. 48
Standards of Rigor ......................................................................................................... 50
Participant Recruitment and Selection .......................................................................... 51
Data Collection .............................................................................................................. 53
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................ 55
Resources Necessary for Implementation ..................................................................... 60
Ethical Considerations................................................................................................... 61
Researcher Positionality ................................................................................................ 62
Personal Interest & Self Disclosure .............................................................................. 64
Limitations .................................................................................................................... 65
CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH FINDINGS ........................................................................... 67
Theme 1: The challenge of meeting traditional gender expectations........................... 68
Challenges with performing gender. ......................................................................... 69
Gendered behavior expectations. ............................................................................... 73
x
Theme 1 Summary: The challenge of meeting traditional gender expectations ........... 75
Theme 2: Gendered expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings ........................ 76
Team support and inclusivity. ................................................................................... 77
Firm public expectations. .......................................................................................... 81
Theme 2 Summary: Gendered expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings......... 91
Theme 3: The evolving dynamic of gender perceptions in women’s basketball ......... 92
Media and the sexualization of the female athlete. ................................................... 93
Support from family, coaches, and fans. ................................................................... 97
Theme 3 Summary: The evolving dynamic of gender perceptions in women’s
basketball ..................................................................................................................... 103
Chapter Summary........................................................................................................ 104
CHAPTER 5: IMPLICATIONS ..................................................................................... 107
Recommendations for Higher Education Practice ...................................................... 109
Provide Educational Training Opportunities. .......................................................... 110
Provide Educational Materials on the Impact of Discriminatory Recruiting. ......... 111
Establish and Maintain Mentorship Programs for Student Athletes. ...................... 113
Facilitate Gender Inclusive Mass Media Campaigns. ............................................. 114
Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research ............................................ 115
APPENDIX A: EMAIL INVITATION TO STUDENTS .............................................. 116
APPENDIX B: INFORMED CONSENT INFORMATION SHEET ............................ 117
APPENDIX C: STUDENT CONTACT FORM............................................................. 119
APPENDIX D: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ........................... 120
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................... 121
xi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Participant Pseudonyms and Descriptions .......................................................... 53
Table 2: Thematic Analysis .............................................................................................. 68
xii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model ................................................................. 29
xiii
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Sportswomen must balance some traits essential for athletic success with presentation of
an acceptable appearance conforming to the heterosexist norms of society. They must be
physically and mentally strong yet also portray an image of vulnerability to be perceived
as feminine. (Krane, 2001)
Strong and agile female athletes do not fit into society’s assumptions about
femininity, which results in them experiencing negative repercussions, and stereotypical
assumptions about their gender identity (Kauer & Krane, 2006). The term gender identity
refers to an individual’s sense of self as male, female, transgender, gender neutral, or
gender queer (American Psychological Association, 2011). These repercussions hint at
the often inseparable nature of gender and sexual orientation that many women in sports
labeled as masculine experience. Sexual orientation refers to the sex of those to whom
one is attracted to in a sexual or romantic manner (American Psychological Association,
2011). These expectations originate from societally socialized norms taught beginning at
birth (Garcia & Slesaransky-Poe, 2010). For example, the messages and assumptions that
female athletes learn about gender norms and expectations stem from a variety of social
influences including family members, teammates, coaches, and the media
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Each of these social groups incorporates a unique series of
norms and thus provides a different prompt for how an individual should talk and act in
different settings. Male athletes can appear physical, muscular, and aggressive
(physically and vocally), whereas female athletes experience unwritten expectations
associated with how muscular they can be, or how physically aggressive they can appear
on the court. Messages from these social groups overlap and intersect, which over time
creates a web of gender based behavioral norms that many female athletes feel pressure
to abide by that do not necessarily align with the competitive nature of sport.
1
Women’s basketball is a sport that society associates with masculine traits such as
aggressiveness, assertiveness, and physical contact (Kauer & Krane, 2006). Due to the
elite competition associated with Division I (D-I) NCAA basketball, women on these
teams can experience a high level of media exposure and subsequent scrutiny associated
with their gender identity. ESPN rankings of the top 25 programs in women’s basketball
frequently consist of D-I teams from major conferences such as the American Athletic
Conference (AAC), the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC), the Big Ten, the Big Twelve,
the Pacific 12 (Pac-12), and the Southeastern Conference (SEC). Increased coverage and
media attention focused on competitive Division I basketball leads some coaches to
create strict expectations in terms of appearance and behavior on and off the court to
maintain a public image of traditional femininity. These expectations may include rules
for how student-athletes and coaches should dress and appear in public during team
functions when not in game apparel. They might also include rules for downplaying
relationships with significant others if the player or coach is not in a heterosexual
relationship. Take for example the story of Jenifer Harris, who played basketball at Penn
State University from 2004 to 2006 (Osborne, 2007). Penn State’s coach at the time,
Rene Portland, maintained an unwritten team rule excluding lesbians from playing on the
team. The policy also forbade athletes from engaging in behavior or appearing in ways
that the coach deemed too masculine. Portland closely monitored and scrutinized
Harris’s personal relationships after she began to question Harris’s sexual orientation.
She also set expectations that Harris dress in a more feminine way (e.g. wearing dresses,
putting on make-up, etc.) to avoid being a negative influence on her teammates. In
addition, Coach Portland asked Harris to change the way she wore her hair due to coach’s
2
concerns that Harris’s dreadlocks were too masculine. At no time during this period did
Harris indicate that she was lesbian, but she refused to accept Portland’s stringent
standards regarding her appearance on and off the court. Shortly after Harris’s
sophomore year, Coach Portland cut her from the team for engaging in unfeminine
behavior that was detrimental to the team and forbade her from having contact with
anyone associated with Penn State women’s basketball. Coach Portland created a hostile
and unwelcoming environment for athletes who may not be interested in maintaining a
look consistent with traditional gender norms. Although Harris never identified as
lesbian while she was with the team, Coach Portland operated on the assumption that the
failure of her players to maintain a feminine appearance may lead to assumptions that her
program was lesbian friendly. Female athletes in socially perceived masculine sports
face frequent questions about their gender identity and sexual orientation, primarily based
on their association with collegiate athletics. Assumptions such as these lead to strong
social pressure linking gender and sexual orientation together based solely on identifying
as a basketball player.
Another very public example of a female athlete forced to decide between abiding
by feminine expectations and her role as an athlete is the story of Britney Griner, a
female basketball player who graduated from Baylor University. Griner was one of the
most dominant players in the game during her career at Baylor, which is evident in her
college career statistics. Griner compiled 3,283 points (2nd most in NCAA women’s
history) 748 blocks (more than any other NCAA basketball player in history, male or
female) recorded 18 dunks (three more than all recorded dunks in NCAA women’s
basketball history) and led her team to a national championship during her junior season
3
(York, 2013). Although Baylor enjoyed tremendous success while Griner was with the
team, she recently indicated that she did not feel fully accepted by the coaching staff who
asked her to downplay her relationship with her girlfriend at that time (Fagan, 2013).
Griner stated that coaches and teammates supported her on a personal level, but also
indicated that the staff set expectations requiring her to closet her sexual orientation to the
public to avoid hurting recruiting efforts by the team. Griner’s story helps raise awareness
of the undercurrent of homophobia and the pressure of conforming to traditional female
gender role expectations that influence the experience of women in sport.
These stories highlight instances of intolerance and discrimination for women
whose identities do not fit into the neatly framed image of the ideal female athlete that
many programs try to portray. A common stereotype of female athletes is that they are
lesbian (Kauer & Krane, 2006; Kolnes, 1995; Worthen, 2015). Some coaches in
collegiate women’s basketball use the fear of the lesbian label as a means of recruiting
athletes, by assuring them that they’ll be joining a program that is “family friendly” and
minimizes risks of being stereotyped as an individual (Fagan, 2014; Krane & Barber,
2005; Osborne, 2007). The majority of the research on the influence of gender norms in
sport is quantitative in nature, while a small body of qualitative research focuses
primarily on the experiences of female coaches. Additional qualitative and mixedmethods research is needed focusing on the modern day experience of female athletes
and their challenge of navigating traditional gender norms in the systemically binary
structure of athletics. Additional qualitative research is needed on this topic and is
essential for providing an in depth exploration of the oppression that female athletes
regularly experience.
4
Understanding how traditional gender norms influence the experiences of female
athletes provides insight into how homophobic practices continue to play out in women’s
collegiate athletics. Coaches like those mentioned in the stories of Britney Griner and
Jennifer Harris may not intentionally set out to create hostile and discriminatory
environments for LGBT athletes. Instead, the expectations they create are likely rooted
in the social context of gendered messaging that these individuals experienced
themselves on their journey toward a coaching career. In addition, some coaches engage
in behaviors like these as a misguided means of ensuring the survival of their programs.
Coaches in a number of programs ask athletes to be conservative in their gender
expression to avoid developing a label of being a gay friendly program. Fears about the
program developing a label as lesbian friendly relate to concerns that parents of potential
recruits may discourage their daughters from attending the institution (Fagan, 2014;
Krane & Barber, 2005; Osborne, 2007). In short, both coaches and players navigate an
athletics environment laden with gender expectations in terms of both appearance and
behavior.
Gender norm expectations influence the lives of female athletes on a daily basis
and create difficult competing behavioral demands. Sportswomen receive pressure to
demonstrate feminine behavior that is in line with heterosexual gender norms throughout
their athletic careers (Hargreaves, 1994; Kauer & Krane, 2006). A Duke Women’s
Initiative Report (2003) coined the term “effortless perfection” to describe gender
expectations and their influence on college women. The concept suggests that women
should be intelligent, fit, beautiful, and socially charming…all without visible effort.
Women who do not meet these expectations may risk removing themselves from the
5
social mainstream. Failure to abide by these expectations by female collegiate athletes
may lead to assumptions that an individual is too masculine and may lead to individuals
experiencing questions about their gender identity or sexual orientation. Coaches and
student-athletes often reinforce traditional gender norms (consciously or unconsciously),
creating pressure for athletes to present themselves in a manner that is inconsistent with
their genuine identity. For example, a female athlete who would prefer to wear her hair
short may feel moved to wear her hair long as an NCAA athlete to avoid challenging
traditional gender norm expectations.
The influence of gender norms in the lives of female student athletes connects
closely with assumptions about their sexual orientation. Pressure to abide by traditional
gender norms coupled with concerns related to subsequent assumptions about sexual
orientation suggest that the intersectionality of gender and sexual orientation play an
important role in the development of female student-athletes. Intersectionality is the
crossing of two different identities, a perspective that can provide unique insight into
internalized oppression (Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009; Walker & Melton, 2015).
Postmodern conceptualization of intersectionality emphasizes that identity by nature is a
fragmented and fluid construct based in performativity. The intersection of social
identity provides a unique lens through which to view the concept of development.
Intersectionality emphasizes that dynamics of power and privilege influence individuals
in systemic ways. Torres, Jones, and Renn (2009) note that a particular benefit of
intersectionality is its emphasis that an individual’s experiences cannot be disconnected
from the social structures in which they are embedded, and that majority and minority
identities cannot be separated in systemic social structures of power and oppression. The
6
environmental dynamics an individual experiences throughout their life and how they
make sense of those experiences shapes their identity (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Strange &
Banning, 2001). Homophobic fear associated with the lesbian label for female athletes is
an environmental factor likely tied to what Torres, Jones, & Renn (2009) describe as
internalized hate resulting from a desire of minority groups attempting to fit in better with
the majority.
Concerns with appearing too masculine reinforce a culture of homophobia in
women’s athletics that affects every individual regardless of their sexual orientation or
their outward gender role compliance. Kauer and Krane (2006) suggest that, “the lesbian
label is used as a weapon of power to stigmatize female athletes and create dissention
among them” (p. 44). In this way, heterosexual privilege and a desire to avoid having to
answer questions about gender and sexual orientation serve as a weapon or tool for
reinforcing the importance of maintaining traditional gender norms (Pharr, 1997). The
previous research suggests that the intersection of gender and sexual orientation plays a
critical role in the experiences and subsequent development of female athletes and for
some may serve as a barrier to playing or continuing in sports past a certain level due to
the stereotyping of female athletes. These challenges reflect barriers for women who
seek to enjoy the positive outcomes and benefits of participation in organized sport.
Fears of experiencing negative stereotypes or labels due to violating traditional
gender norms may serve as a deterrent for some women to seek participation in athletics
(Griffin, as cited by Worthen, 2014) which is unfortunate considering that there is a
significant body of literature evidencing the positive health benefits of participation in
sport. From a physical and mental wellness perspective, research suggests that there are a
7
number of positive outcomes for women who participate in athletics including increased
confidence, improved self-image, and health benefits associated with an active lifestyle
(Covey & Feltz, 1991; Miller & Levy, 1996). Benefits associated with athletic
participation in high school and college include a decreased risk for heart disease and
diabetes, improved bone health (Nichols, Sanborn, & Essery, 2007; U.S Department of
Health and Human Services, 1999) a stronger positive perception of self (Miller & Levy,
1996) and experiencing positive health benefits from ongoing physical activity after
retiring from participation in organized sport (Greenleaf, Boyer & Petrie, 2009).
Sporting environments also provide an opportunity “for girls to refine their physical
skills, develop strength and muscle tone, improve coordination, develop leadership skills,
engage in decision making and become more assertive and independent” (Greenleaf et
al., 2009, p. 723). Positive experiences with sports at an early age may also improve selfesteem (Covey &Feltz, 1991; Miller & Levy, 1996; Shaffer & Wittes, 2006). Although
there are many positive outcomes associated with participation in athletics, the influence
of gender socialization reinforcing male power and privilege throughout the history of
sport has led to barriers for female participation in collegiate athletics (Grundy &
Shackelford, 2005; Hanson, Guilfoy & Pillai, 2009; Horowitz, 1987; Karabel, 2006).
The influence of gender norms in sport is rooted in long standing assumptions
about how men and women should behave based on their sex assigned at birth. These
assumptions begin at the origin of collegiate athletics in the United States, when men
influenced most of the rules and policies associated with sport. There is a long history of
male privilege and influence in collegiate athletics (Horowitz, 1997; Rudolph, 1990).
The concept of privilege suggests that there are individuals in society who have unearned
8
benefits associated with a given identity (McIntosh, 2014; Smith & Shin, 2008).
Organized sport at colleges and universities rose to popularity in the 1870’s when college
men began to view sport as a way to display masculinity, demonstrate intercollegiate
dominance, and symbolize maturity from adolescence (Horowitz, 1987). In the early 20th
century, athletic ability was often associated with leadership and masculine virility and
used as a positive attribute in admissions considerations for Ivy League institutions
(Karabel, 2006). During this period of time “collegiate codes taught undergraduates that
only men were important, and thereby strengthened the masculine hegemony of the late
nineteenth century” (Horowitz, 1987, p. 41). Hegemonic masculinity is a concept that
assumes men are more powerful and hierarchically superior to women (Harris III &
Barone, 2011). The history of exclusion from participation in athletics for anyone who
was not male is important as it provides context for the patriarchal perspectives that
continue to drive assumptions about gender and athletics today.
Since the establishment of our society, patriarchal influence has saturated much of
organized sport. Patriarchy is “an enforced belief in male dominance and control” (Pharr,
1997, p. 8) and is an often used tool to defend the disregard for women and the high
regard for anything masculine. The establishment of patriarchy and male hegemony in
sport during the late nineteenth century continues to influence how we perceive athletics
in American culture today. For most of the twentieth century, this influence focused on
efforts to exclude women from opportunities in athletics due to a social structure that
assumed specific gender defined roles for men and women. Female interest in sport
represented a threat to violate social rules and norms that assumed athletics were solely
for men. When women demonstrated interest in organized sport, they were often
9
encouraged to participate in sports perceived as feminine, such as volleyball or
cheerleading (Hargreaves, 1994).
Gender assumptions associated with modern athletics originate from the Victorian
period when sport was associated with “images of masculinity, embodying physical
prowess, gentlemanly conduct, moral manliness and character training” (Hargreaves,
1994, p. 43). In contrast to the perception that sport was a natural outlet for men,
assumptions about women focused on beliefs that they were inherently emotional,
passive, and unsuited for the rigorousness of competitive athletics. “The belief in innate
biological and psychological differences between the sexes constituted a powerful and
pervasive form of sexism – experienced as ‘unproblematic commonsense behavior’ which systematically subordinated women in sports for years to come” (Hargreaves,
1994, p. 43). Historically, the idea that women should not participate in athletics
originated from assumptions based on female biology. The justification for the exclusion
of women focused on outdated theories that women were not physiologically suited for
the rigors of sport, and that participation would lead to gender confusion and sexual
deviance (Knoppers & Mcdonald, 2010).
Although women had access to athletics at the turn of the twentieth century,
particularly at state normal schools, societal messages associated with traditional gender
norms discouraged their participation. The invention of basketball in 1892 provided an
opportunity for women to participate in organized sport based on its discouragement of
unnecessary physical roughness. Senda Berenson helped pave the way for women’s
access to the game of basketball by creating a revision to the rules in 1899 while serving
as the Director of Physical Culture at the Northampton School in Massachusetts (Grundy
10
& Shackelford, 2005). Berenson’s adaptation of the game challenged assumptions that
women were physically fragile while also strategically honoring Victorian perspectives
that they should behave in ways that emphasized propriety, refinement and gentility. As
an increasing number of women showed interest in playing basketball; however, men on
co-educational campuses began to resist their involvement in any form of sport, citing
concerns that women were invading space and resources designed for the enjoyment of
men (Grundy & Shackelford, 2005; Horowitz, 1987). Due to this conflict, women
seeking involvement in organized athletics faced the challenge of balancing the physical
demands of participation with meeting base level behavioral expectations associated with
traditional gender norms.
Additional modifications to gameplay helped curb challenges from men who
viewed female players as a threat to their playing time. Anna Hiss contributed a
particularly significant innovation in 1931 when she created a modified basketball
gymnasium designed specifically for women at the University of Texas. Hiss’s court
dimensions, which were shorter than courts designed for men, served two purposes.
First, the modification recognized assumptions that women should not exert themselves
at the same level as men. Second, it created opportunities for women to play basketball
because men were not interested in using facilities that did not meet their standards for
the game. Although support for female inclusion in basketball would continue to grow
throughout the first half of the 20th century, resistance to women’s involvement also
increased via attempts to create rules barring women from participation (Grundy &
Shackleford, 2005; Hanson, Guilfoy& Pillai, 2009).
11
The perspective that the realm of athletics was naturally a place for men remained
consistent throughout the early 20th century (Horowitz, 1987; Karabel, 2006; Rudolph,
1990). During this period, there were significant barriers to female access to athletics.
Although individuals at women’s colleges enjoyed unabridged opportunities to
participate in sport, their peers who attended co-educational institutions faced resistance
to their inclusion (Horowitz, 1987). Women who sought to participate in sports at coeducational institutions became the victims of negative labels and assumptions that they
were abnormal, deviant, or odd (Hargreaves, 1994; Horowitz, 1987). Fear of receiving
these labels or becoming the target of negative backlash from peers, administration, or
family members served as a strong social deterrent, thus reinforcing exclusive access to
athletics for men (Wetton, Radley, Jones & Pearce, 2013).
Women gained increased access to organized sport throughout the second half of
the 20th century, but change did not come easily. Opponents feared that if women
became too active in sports they would suffer from hormonal imbalance, gender
confusion, and the masculinization of the female form (Hargreaves, 1994; Knoppers&
McDonald, 2010; Miller & Levy, 1996). Increased efforts to achieve equal rights and
access for women in a variety of societal arenas eventually resulted in the passage of
Title IX in 1972, which stated: “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex,
be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to
discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial
assistance” (U.S. Department of Justice, 2012, p. 1). The law opened up many new
opportunities for women, including unprecedented access to participation in organized
sports. This increased opportunity led to perceptions that opportunities would be
12
provided to college women at the expense of men, which in turn led to ongoing
challenges and gendered perceptions of women in sport.
The initial perception of Title IX by the NCAA and a number of collegiate
athletics programs was that it represented a threat to the integrity of sports. The NCAA
publicly responded to suggestions that women should have equal opportunities to
participate in collegiate athletics by arguing that the focus of sports should be to build the
character and leadership ability of men (Hanson, Guilfoy, and Pillai, 2009). When
administrators and alumni at institutions with established athletics programs realized that
the cost of granting equal opportunities to female athletes would be significant, resistance
intensified. The argument that full implementation of Title IX would reduce
opportunities for male athletes through costs to build proper facilities for female athletes
became popular with opponents. These costs, the NCAA argued, represented a threat to
the ongoing existence of longstanding men’s athletic programs and the traditions
associated with them. Resistance to the new law ultimately failed to prevent changes that
would create new opportunities for women interested in sports.
Though women now enjoy unprecedented access to athletics based on the
influence of Title IX, they continue to face barriers to participation in the form of
expectations they receive about the conflicting relationship between their gender and
their sport. While the law has increased access for women, it has not been able to
penetrate the patriarchal influence on traditional gender norms and expectations for
women in sport. American assumptions that men should be competitive, aggressive, and
physical make it natural for us to see them as athletes. These same assumptions lead us
13
to question how women fit in sport considering that society views many of the
characteristics required to be a dominant athlete as masculine.
Gender norms play a pivotal role in our society by creating assumptions about
how men and women should behave. In American society, we receive messages about
gender and sex beginning at a young age that teach us that men and women have different
characteristics and expectations (Garcia & Slesaransky-Poe, 2010). People often use the
terms gender and sex in a way that assumes a binary order to these constructs (i.e. female
or male, feminine or masculine). In addition, our society operates under an assumption
that women should exhibit expected feminine behaviors while men should present
masculine ones (Butler, 1999). The arena of sport systemically reinforces these
assumptions, allowing opportunities for men and women to participate in athletics while
creating a difficult environment to navigate for anyone whose gender identity falls
outside the traditional gender binary. Although there is a distinction between sex (which
refers to biological characteristics such as physiology and anatomy) and gender (which
refers to non-biological differences such as clothing preferences, attitudes, and behaviors)
incorrect and interchangeable usage of the terms is common (Hargreaves, 1994; Garcia &
Slesaranksy-Poe, 2010).
Study Rationale
The content of this study is essential given the limited amount of recent literature
focused on how female athletes experience gender norms in relation to their sport. Kauer
and Krane’s (2006) study of stereotypes experienced by collegiate female athletes is one
of the few peer reviewed articles that utilizes a qualitative lens to explore the influence of
traditional gender norms on women in sport. There is, however, a body of literature
14
describing how gender norms influence individual behavior. Social expectations
focusing on how men and women should behave in public create a powerful influence on
daily decisions focusing on behavior and appearance (Butler, as cited by Harper, Wardell
& McGuire, 2011). Kimmel & Davis (2011) describe gender norms and expectations as
“the process of influence where we learn to earnestly embrace a system of belief and
practices that essentially harm us, while working to uphold the interests of others who
have power over us” (p. 9). We receive consistent messages that women should be
emotional, gentle, empathetic, maternal, passive, and dependent, while also learning that
men should be strong, competitive, assertive, independent, and confident (Krane, 2001).
Krane suggests that the “hegemonic values and expectations of gender-role appropriate
behavior are so deeply ingrained in our culture that they rarely are questioned” (p. 117).
These same messages emphasize that masculine traits are more valuable than feminine
characteristics (Elling & Janssens, 2009). The idea that women should naturally engage
in feminine behavior, and that femininity is less valuable than masculinity demonstrates
the influence of patriarchal power in society. Any behavior inconsistent with
assumptions about how men and women should behave falls outside of patriarchal norms.
Individuals who transgress these expectations may experience negative reactions from
others (Pharr, 1997).
Female athletes who fail to follow expectations of how they should behave based
on traditional gender norms may experience ostracism from coaches, teammates, peers,
the media, and their fan base (Kolnes, 1995; Krane, 2001). These expectations are
consistent with the concept of heteronormativity, a gender perspective that assumes
individuals will operate within specific gendered behavior norms (Krane, 2001). Men
15
and women who transgress traditional gender role expectations may experience
consequences associated with their appearance or behavior. This system protects and
maintains the gender hierarchy in our society (Paechter, 2006; Elling & Janssens, 2009).
For example, collegiate female athletes who fail to abide by traditional gender norms
learn that this could influence their team’s ability to recruit new players (Osborne, 2007;
Fagan, 2013). These messages are a result of gender and heterosexuality serving as
organizing principles in athletics (Kolnes, 1995). When individuals engage in behavior
that threatens this principle, they risk becoming a target of backlash and disapproval from
coaches, teammates and potentially with fans.
Female athletes face challenges associated with navigating assumptions about the
proper behavior of women and the masculine qualities they must demonstrate to be
successful in competitive athletics. Media outlets regularly emphasize the importance of
femininity and sexuality for female athletes, in effect making women who do not fit into
neatly framed gender norms (appearing physically attractive and as sexual objects for the
purposes of men’s desire) invisible (ESPN Films, 2013; Daniels, 2012, Hargreaves, 1994;
Kamphoff: 2010; Krane, 2001; Kolnes, 1995; Messner, 2002). These messages suggest
to young athletes that women who violate feminine expectations are abnormal, odd and
deviant (Bumgardner, 2012). This emphasis on femininity results in a culture of
homophobia in women’s athletics, defined as the irrational fear and hatred of individuals
who love and desire those of the same sex (Bumgardner, 2012; Krane& Barber; 2005;
Pharr, 1997; Veri, 1999).
The culture of mainstream sport originated from a patriarchal perspective, which
includes the assumption that all athletes are heterosexual. Questions about female
16
athletes’ sexual orientation may manifest when they do not project an image consistent
with assumptions about how feminine, heterosexual women should look and act. There
is a culture in collegiate women’s basketball that reinforces benefits associated with
maintaining a heteronormative team appearance and reputation. Failure to do so may
have negative repercussions on a team’s ability to recruit new athletes and subsequently
influence the team’s ability to win. Thus, homophobia serves as a weapon to deter
female student-athletes from violating gender norms regardless of their sexual orientation
for fear of developing a negative reputation (Pharr, 1997). The belief that failure to abide
by gender norms will deter prospects from joining the team from families concerned
about the influence of teams with lesbian coaches or players reinforces this concept. This
use of homophobia to reinforce gender norms creates a powerful influence that
normalizes the out casting of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals
in athletics.
Expectations associated with traditional gender norms and homophobia in
athletics reinforce the influence of patriarchal power in sport by setting limitations on the
amount of physical training a woman can engage in (since appearing too muscular is
associated with masculinity) and the level of dominance she can display before
assumptions develop that she is abnormal or overly masculine. These same expectations
create stringent assumptions about how women should maintain their outward appearance
both on and off the court. These messages suggest that athletes in sports that require
aggressive displays of strength and physical dominance may experience mixed messages
about their roles as athletes and as women. This issue frames the current study, which
focuses on how traditional gender norms affect women in sport. I utilize a feminist
17
theory lens to ensure that the consideration of gender as a fluid concept is a central
principal in the study. Feminist theory places gender at the center of an inquiry, stressing
how this aspect of identity cannot be a fixed category used to identify a person (Jourian,
2015; Marshall & Rossman, 2011). Instead, it reinforces the idea that multiple
intersections of identity influence how individuals experience gender, and that dynamics
associated with power and privilege frame that experience as well (Marshall & Rossman,
2011). The feminist lens is essential component because the institution of sport remains a
strictly binary construct (i.e. the NCAA only provides opportunities for men’s and
women’s teams). I use Bronfenbrenner’s theory of ecological development (1979) as a
conceptual theoretical framework for the study as it places special emphasis on how
social groups and the norms associated with them can influence individual growth and
development. Bronfenbrenner’s perspective emphasizes the importance of how intimate
social influences such as friends or family frame perceptions, as well as how larger less
intimate influences mold our ideas of social norms as well (e.g. mass media and rules
administered by the NCAA or an athlete’s home institution). Bronfenbrenner’s theory
provides an excellent framework for considering not only how social groups influence
our development, but how the intersection between different social influences us as well.
Using these methods, I hope to provide insight into the lived experience of female
collegiate basketball players and how they experience traditional gender norms.
Research Question
This study explores the influence of gender norms on female athletes using a
phenomenological feminist lens through the following research question. How do
18
collegiate female basketball players at the Division I level experience traditional gender
norm expectations in relation to their sport?
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore how Division I collegiate female
basketball players experience gender norms in relation to their sport. The study
specifically explores how assumptions about how women should look and behave in
public leads to oppression for female athletes and assumptions about their gender identity
and sexual orientation based on their roles as basketball players (a sport traditionally
associated with masculinity). To explore the effects of gendered messaging, the study
will seek participation from individuals representing a variety of teams in a major NCAA
conference.
Definitions

Cisgender: Reference to individuals whose gender identity corresponds with
normative behavior expected based upon their sex assigned at birth (Jourian,
2015; Levy, 2013).

Division I (D-I): Consists of a series of competitive athletics conferences that
conduct competition between member institutions. D-I institutions must be
approved by the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). According to
Watt & Moore (2001) D-I athletes face fewer opportunities to be involved in
other activities on campus and spend the majority of their time with teammates
due to the demands of competing at the highest level of NCAA competition.

Gender: “Refers to the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture
associates with a person’s biological sex. Behavior that is compatible with
19
cultural expectations is referred to as gender-normative; behaviors that are viewed
as incompatible with these expectations constitute gender non-conformity”
(American Psychological Association, 2011).

Gender Identity: Refers to an individual’s sense of self as male, female,
transgender, gender neutral, or gender queer. (American Psychological
Association, 2011).

Gender Socialization: The social process through which we learn norms
associated with what it means to be male or female and the norms associated with
appearances and behaviors for each (Carter, 2014).

Hegemonic Masculinity: The privileged model of living life as a man, a concept
that assumes men are more powerful and hierarchically superior to women (Harris
III & Barone, 2011).

Homophobia: The irrational fear and hatred of individuals who love and desire
those of the same sex (Bumgardner, 2012; Krane & Barber; 2005; Pharr, 1997;
Veri, 1999).

Performativity: The expression of masculinity and femininity. Social
expectations and behavioral reinforcement encourage the performance of gender
through behaviors and dress. (Lev, as cited in Jourian, 2015).

Oppression: “A system that limits power, interests or opportunities of
marginalized groups” (Watt, 2012, p. 134). Hardiman, Jackson & Griffin (2007)
suggest that, “oppression provides the base from which oppressor groups define
reality and determine what is normal, real, or correct” (p. 36) and that it may exist
at individual, institutional and societal levels.
20

Patriarchy: “an enforced belief in male dominance and control” (Pharr, 1997, p. 8)
and is an often used tool to defend the disregard for women and the high regard
for anything masculine.

Power: Social structure associated with access to finances, decision making
ability, and a given groups influence over a given system. (Schoenberger, 2015).

Sex: Refers to the biological identity assigned at birth of an individual
categorized as male, female, or intersex. Indicators of sex can include sex
chromosomes, internal reproductive organs, or external genitalia. (American
Psychological Association, 2011).

Sexual Orientation: The sex of those to whom one is attracted to in a romantic or
sexual manner. The concept of sexual orientation may exist on a spectrum in
which an individual does not fall into traditionally defined categories such as
heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual (American Psychological Association,
2011).

Student-Athlete: A D-I student-athlete is a college student who competes in
athletics at their college or university. Student-athletes are eligible for athletic
scholarships from their institution and have the ability to compete for a maximum
of four seasons as long as they maintain their academic eligibility (NCAA, 2013).

Traditional Gender Norms: Societal assumptions of gender rely on the idea that
masculinity and femininity lie on bipolar ends of a single spectrum and that
individuals must fall onto one side or the other (Bem, 1974; Veri, 1999). I refer
to these bi-polar assumptions as traditional gender expectations.
21
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
This review of the literature explores traditional gender norm expectations that
collegiate female athletes experience in relation to their roles as athletes. This overview
provides a lens for understanding the existing research and knowledge on the overlap of
gender socialization and sport for female athletes. Due to societal assumptions about
how women should appear and behave in public, many women experience barriers to
participation in athletics. Many of these challenges stem from a long history of
patriarchal privilege and influence in the culture of sport. Due to societal norms
assuming that physical competition does not naturally align with concepts of femininity,
many female athletes experience assumptions and stereotypes about their identity. A
report from the Duke University Women’s Initiative (2003) coined the influence of
gender expectations on college women as an expectation to maintain “effortless
perfection”. This concept suggests that women experience assumptions that they should
maintain an image of intelligence, beauty, physical fitness, and social charm all with little
to no visible effort. Failure to maintain effortless perfection may result in social
backlash. Fear of repercussion from these consequences based on an association with
masculine sports may lead to would be athletes never participating in athletics at all. The
literature suggests that this influence remains prevalent today; resulting in unnecessary
negative outcomes for female athletes associated with traditional gender norms. The
majority of the literature summarized here focuses on quantitative research describing the
impact of gender dynamics on women in sport, and a small body of qualitative research
focusing on the experience of female coaches and student-athletes. The review
introduces a series of media publications describing the experiences of female athletes,
22
but demonstrates that more work is needed in the peer reviewed literature from a
qualitative perspective.
To explore how participation in sport affects women, this chapter begins with an
introduction to how gender norms influence the experiences of female athletes. The
second section introduces Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory of human development
(1979). Bronfenbrenner’s theory is essential in the study due to its emphasis on the
importance of social influences in framing understanding of traditional gender norms and
expectations. The third section provides a review of the research demonstrating the
impact of patriarchy and male hegemony in sports culture. The final section describes
how the influence of patriarchy and male privilege negatively influence the experiences
of female athletes. This research demonstrates how female athletes may experience
barriers from experiencing the positive outcomes of participation in athletics based on
fears that sport is not conducive to traditional gender norms for women. The final section
also provides an overview of the negative outcomes of participation in sport for female
athletes based solely on their gender.
Gender Norms and the Female Athlete
The identity of a female student-athlete encompasses two distinct roles. First,
women in sport at the D-I NCAA level face the highest possible level of athletic
competition and thus must dedicate themselves to a high level of training, assertiveness,
and aggressiveness on the court. Second, they face specific expectations and assumptions
about behavior associated with their gender identity that is often in conflict with the
requirements of competing at an elite athletic level. This section reviews literature
23
focused on how gendered expectations for women conflict with the requirements of being
an elite athlete.
Literature on the role of gender in sport suggests that this element of identity
plays a significant role in the daily experiences of female athletes. Social norms around
the concept of gender lead to constant assumptions about the identity of women in sport.
Gender as an individual construct plays an important role in how individuals view
themselves. For example, in a recent study both male and female participants indicated
that their biological sex influenced how they define masculinity and femininity
(Hoffman, Hattie & Borders, 2005). Women in the study who had strong gender selfdefinitions tended to describe themselves with traditionally feminine qualities such as
emotional expressiveness and placing emphasis on the importance of interpersonal
relationships. This research is an example of the binary way in which people in the
United States tend to view gender. Traditional binary assumptions associated with
gender assume that men and women should engage in feminine or masculine behavior in
accordance with their sex (Bem, 1974; Paechter, 2006). The arena of sport reinforces this
binary based on its systemic recognition of solely men’s and women’s sports. Paechter
suggests that, “the language we use for gender both seduces and restricts us; about how
we become caught in particular gender discourses that may have greater seductive force
than explanatory usefulness” (p. 253). Gender viewed outside of the boundaries of
traditional gender norms is simply a series of characteristics or preferences that
individuals in either sex may embody. This perspective helps clarify and normalize the
idea that women can engage in behavior labeled as masculine.
The difference between sex and gender is often confused. Sex refers to biological
24
characteristics such as physiology and anatomy, while gender refers to non-biological
differences such as clothing preferences and attitudes. (Hargreaves, 1994; Garcia &
Slesaranksy-Poe, 2010). Gender is a social construct that we learn from an early age. At
birth, individuals have an assigned biological sex, but the concepts of masculinity and
femininity are messages that we are not innately born with (Hargreaves, 1994). Systemic
messages about how men and women should behave inundate children from an early age,
resulting in the rapid acquisition of a socially constructed gender identity.
Female student-athletes experience assumptions and stereotypes about their
identities based on their roles as elite athletes since athletic competition is not always in
line with traditional gender norm expectations. There are many assumptions associated
with how men and women should behave based on their sex. For example, traditional
assumptions about women are that they should be warm, empathetic, nurturing, and
emotionally dependent (Bem, 1973). Bartky (1990) suggests that appearing feminine
consists of three main categories, maintaining a slim physique, engaging in subdued and
deferent forms of posture and movements, and displaying the body in an ornamental
fashion. A primary justification for excluding women from athletics through most of the
20th century focused on concerns that sports involvement was inconsistent with how
women should behave and would result in gender confusion for young female athletes.
“In the 1970’s psychological research assumed that labels for behavior and gender had to
match and that “cross-sex” behavior indicated a potential emotional disturbance or sexual
deviation” (Knoppers & McDonald, 2010, p. 314). Perceptions of female participation in
athletics are different today than they were thirty years ago. Research shows that women
who participate in athletics have increased feelings of self-confidence, physical &
25
psychological well-being, and athletic competence (Covey &Feltz, 1991; Miller & Levy,
1996). Although women who participate in sport do not report gender role conflict, they
do report challenges with negotiating their roles as both athletes and women due to
messages that they receive about expectations as to how they should behave.
The pressure to abide by gender norm expectations influences the experiences of
female student-athletes on a daily basis. The necessity to balance a demanding daily
schedule with the time required to maintain a feminine appearance creates unrealistic
expectations for these women. Gender perspectives play a significant role in defining
assumptions of how men and women will behave (West & Zimmerman, 1987). When
individuals fall outside of these norms, they experience messaging and backlash
discouraging them from engaging in behavior that challenges patriarchal gender
assumptions. These expectations create mixed-messages for female athletes considering
that some of the most positive benefits of participation in sports are the development of
characteristics associated with vocal leadership, assertiveness and physical dominance;
qualities traditionally associated with masculinity (Covey &Feltz, 1991; Miller & Levy,
1996). If women do not carefully navigate expectations associated with traditional
gender norms, they risk experiencing negative repercussions for challenging the
patriarchal system of power. This conflict is due primarily to the influence of male
privilege and power, also referred to as male hegemony (Paechter, 2006).
Gender norms create a challenging dynamic for female student-athletes to
navigate. In many ways, the influence of patriarchal privilege in the arena of athletics
helps reinforce negative assumptions about female athletes based on the assumption that
femininity and the physical nature of sport simply do not align. When women behave in
26
a manner that is consistent with traditional gender norms, they recognize patriarchal
power and avoid backlash for attempting to challenge this power structure (Pharr, 1997).
This hegemonic influence creates pressure for women to engage in gendered behavior
that reinforces the power and prestige of men in our society. The influence of patriarchy
and male hegemony in sport create an environment laced with expectations for female
athletes to meet traditional gender norms. This research provides importance context for
this study in that it hints at the gender expectations that female athletes likely experience
on a regular basis. In the highly competitive setting of Division I basketball, media
attention and coverage draws added attention to these women, which in turn draws
enhanced scrutiny to their identities as both student-athletes and women.
An Ecological Perspective
Social influences on an individual play an important role in their belief systems
and perceptions of societal norms. Student-athletes experience a number of groups on a
daily basis that may influence their perspectives. These groups might include family
members, peers, teammates, coaches, fans, and the media. Because student-athletes
spend the majority of their time in season with teammates and coaches (Watt & Moore,
2001), these groups are particularly influential in their overall experience.
The particular values held by the coaching staff or players on a given team play a
role in reinforcing perceptions of gender. Time spent with teammates includes sharing
living spaces, taking similar classes that work with practice schedules, and engaging in
practice, travel, and competition together on a consistent basis during the season. Watt &
Moore use Kurt Lewin’s formula to emphasize that, “behavior (B) is a function (f) of the
person (P) and their environment (E) or {B = f(P x E)}” (p. 9). Social categorization
27
theory suggests that in environments where people spend a significant amount of time
with each other, individuals may begin to focus on group perceptions, rather than their
beliefs as an individual (Sartore & Cunningham, 2009). Considering that student-athletes
spend a significant amount of time with their teammates and coaches (Watt & Moore,
2001) it is likely that team relationships and dynamics play a significant role in athlete
behavior, including their perceptions of appropriate ways to follow traditional gender
norms.
Considering the various social influences that student-athletes experience, this
study adheres to an environmental lens. This approach will consider the various social
environments and groups student-athletes interact with, and how those interactions shape
perceptions. In his work on the ecology of human development, Bronfenbrenner (1979)
defined several systems that influence behavior and growth. Bronfenbrenner’s
description of how these systems interact to shape human development provides a helpful
lens through which to view the student-athlete experience. Bronfenbrenner describes
immediate settings that an individual might engage in as microsystems. This is the
simplest social system that an individual may experience. These interactions may consist
of conversations with family at home, peers in a residence hall, teammates or coaches at
practice or in games, interactions with fans, or everyday interactions with peers in the
classroom. Each of these groups represents a microsystem. When those systems interact,
they form what Bronfenbrenner referred to as a mesosystem or, “a set of interrelations
between two or more settings in which the developing person becomes an active
participant” (p. 210). Thus, student-athletes may experience a mesosystem when they are
28
participating in a game where representatives of several microsystems are present
(coaches, teammates, fans, and / or family members).
Figure 1. Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model
Bronfenbrenner refers to settings that do not directly involve the developing
person as an active participant, yet influence the student as Exosystems. These settings
include administrative structures and subsequent decisions within a given academic
institution or athletic program that affect the students’ experience. The exosystem plays a
key role in framing social norms in that individuals must navigate policies, rules, and
procedures that play a role in influencing the everyday athlete experience, as well as
establishing norms in the athletic environment.
29
The final layer Bronfenbrenner describes is the Macrosystem, or the consistency
in which a given society reinforces cultural or sub-cultural belief systems and ideologies
(1979). Reinforcement of these belief systems take place in a variety of settings, but a
key conveyor of social norms includes messages student-athletes, coaches, and fans
receive via the media. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, the patriarchal history of
athletics may play a role in the media coverage and messaging that student-athletes
continue to experience today.
Bronfenbrenner (1979) provides a useful theoretical lens through which to frame
this study because of its emphasis on the influence of social systems on individual
development. The theory is unique in its focus on mesosystems, or the interaction of two
social groups in the same setting, considering the amount of time that student-athletes
spend in dynamics with both teammates and coaches. Finally, the theory considers the
impact of indirect social influences such as messages reinforced by the media and
administrative rules in a given system, an important layer of influence for female studentathletes.
Research on Gender Norms and Women in Sport
Gender norms in our society influence our behavior on a daily basis. According
to Bronfenbrenner (1979) social groups and social influences we interact with mold our
perceptions of behavioral norms. Societal assumptions about gender are constantly
present for female athletes based on the pressure to navigate the fine line between
competitive athlete and feminine woman. Even if a female athlete doesn’t strongly
identify with being feminine or care to perform femininity on a daily basis, she may still
feel pressured by her coaches, family, or friends to maintain her appearance in specific
30
ways to avoid influencing perceptions and stereotypes about the group as a whole (Fagan,
2014; Kauer & Krane, 2006). Research on gender norms and women in sport suggests
that female athletes experience strong expectations for navigating the expectations
associated with being a woman, as well as the expectations and demands of being a D-I
college athlete.
The influence of patriarchal perspective plays an important role in societal beliefs
about gender norms and the hierarchy of power in sport, which is evident based on the
lived experiences of female coaches. Patriarchal influence is visible in sports culture
through the imbalance of power weighted in favor of male administrators and the contrast
of media coverage between men’s and women’s athletics. Female coaches and athletics
administrators describe working in a field saturated with patriarchal power and privilege.
In a recent study, several female coaches reported feeling that their male colleagues
perceived their opinions and perspectives as less valuable based on their gender and
sexuality (Kamphoff, 2010). The imbalance of power they describe is consistent with
Shaw’s (2006) study that identified several symbolic examples of patriarchal power in
sports organizations. Using social process theory as a lens, which considers informal
work patterns and practices, as well as language used and symbolic expressions, Shaw
found several examples of unequal power distribution between male and female athletics
administrators. Specific symbols of power included the use of male social networks
(referred to as Old Boys Clubs) to build valuable career enhancing connections, the
wearing of neckties by upper level administrators as a symbol of authority (typically
associated with male wardrobe), and the regular use of sexist humor to downplay gender
31
equity concerns. The idea that sexist humor is a normal response to gender equity
concerns demonstrates how patriarchal influence continues to influence sports culture.
The importance of gender plays out in many ways for female athletes. Regardless
of a woman’s level of talent as an athlete, her value as a sex symbol ultimately may draw
more attention than her physical prowess. The emphasis that the media places on female
athletes’ sexuality is a clear indicator of patriarchal influence in athletics. Professional
female athletes who receive lucrative marketing deals often appear in ads in ways that
emphasize their sexuality, a practice that prioritizes heterosexual attractiveness over
athletic ability (Daniels, 2012; Krane, 2001; Kolnes, 1995). In the commercial world,
companies recruit young models with firm and attractive bodies to help market their
products, resulting in an emphasis on athletes with the strongest sex appeal receiving the
most prestigious marketing deals (ESPN Films, 2013). Hargreaves (1994) suggests that
placing value on sexuality and emphasizing it over athletic ability reinforces a culture of
“dominant heterosexuality” in sports. In addition to encouraging professional athletes to
emphasize their sexuality, these images likely influence young athletes perceptions of
what a normal successful female athlete should look like.
There is pressure for professional female athletes to emphasize their sexuality if
they hope to receive endorsement deals, which are particularly important since women in
sport tend to receive significantly lower wages compared to male athletes (ESPN Films,
2013) an indicator in a patriarchal society that the perception of women is that they are
less valuable than men. For example, consider the salary differentials between the
National Basketball Association (NBA) and the Women’s National Basketball
Association (WNBA). The minimum salary for WNBA players is $37,950 while the max
32
is $105,000 (Steele, 2012). During the 2013-14 NBA season, the minimum salary for a
player was $507,336 (NBA, 2012). Pay disparity in professional athletics and the
emphasis of sexuality over athletic ability results in the objectification of the female
athlete and the wholeness of her professional identity (Bartky, 1990). Because
professional female athletes receive pressure to flaunt their attractiveness over their
athletic prowess to receive endorsement deals, the public develops a skewed idea of how
female athletes should appear and behave. This practice reinforces the idea that sport is
meant primarily for the consumption of the heterosexual male. Kolnes (1995) suggests
that athlete attractiveness is a prime consideration in identifying marketing deals for
female athletes. These women are “expected to project sexuality through their
appearance and their behavior in their role as elite athletes” (p. 74). In addition, Kolnes
states that the sexuality women present to the public must meet heterosexual standards of
femininity.
The messages mass media sends about female athletes normalizes the perception
that women’s primary value lies in the level of their heterosexual attractiveness. Bartky
(1990) suggests that women learn to obsess about their bodies and receive constant
messages from the media communicating what the perfect female should look like,
indeed “In modern advertising, the need of capitalism and the traditional values of
patriarchy are happily married” (p. 28). In a recent ESPN documentary (ESPN Films,
2013) Leonard Armato, a nationally recognized marketer and brand strategist provides
support for this argument when he states, “What makes a woman valuable? Her currency
is how attractive she is. That’s really the bottom line. Don’t shoot me for it…but if you
want to be successful as a woman, who is an athlete, sex appeal has to be part of the
33
equation”. Armato’s statement is consistent with studies that demonstrate the emphasis
placed on sexuality in female athlete endorsements. In addition to the messages about
women communicated in advertisements, evidence suggests that broadcasters tend to
emphasize traditional gender norms during the coverage of women’s sporting events
(ESPN Films, 2013; Messner, 2001). For example, when the U.S. women’s soccer team
defeated China in the 1999 World Cup Championship, the media focused not on the
team’s success, but widely questioned the role modeling and decision making of Brandi
Chastain in postgame coverage of the event (ESPN Films, 2013). After scoring the
winning goal at the end of the game Chastain removed her jersey, revealing her black
sports bra, in an act of elation (a celebration frequently engaged in by male professional
soccer players). The backlash towards Chastain suggests that there is a double standard
for female athletes who must navigate expectations associated with gender norms and
assumptions about how women should behave. As Chastain’s story demonstrates,
women who violate these norms may experience shaming from the media or the general
public. This information highlights powerful social perceptions of female athletes and
suggests that the media plays a significant role in framing both how student-athletes
perceive themselves as well as how others perceive them.
Experiential Outcomes of Women in Sport
The research on how social groups and the media reinforce gender in sport
suggests that female athletes receive consistent messages that their appearance and
behavior should align with traditional gender norms and that this should take precedence
over their identity as female athletes. This creates conflict and incompatible
expectations for women who may desire to pursue athletics if barriers associated with
34
gender norms otherwise did not exist. The following sections describe barriers
preventing women from experiencing the positive outcomes associated with sport and
provides context on the negative outcomes for female athletes specifically related to their
gender. This body of research sheds light on how gender influences the experiences of
female athletes as well as providing context for the assumptions that society subsequently
makes about them. The review also reveals a gap in the literature focusing on qualitative
analysis of the experiences of female collegiate athletes with traditional gender norms.
Positive Outcomes
Since the implementation of Title IX, there has been a significant increase in the
number of young women involved in organized athletics. High school athletics
participation statistics show that fewer than 500,000 women participated in organized
sports during the 1971-1972 school year. By 2010-2011, the number of participants had
reached over 3,000,000 (U.S. Department of Justice, 2012). Women’s sports are
becoming more accessible to the public, although they continue to receive limited media
coverage when compared to men’s events (Bishop, 2003; ESPN Films, 2013; Daniels,
2012; Hargreaves, 1994). Evidence suggests that professional female athletes serve as
valuable role models and challenge traditional gender assumptions that women should be
passive, dependent, and submissive. These professionals help challenge patriarchal
assumptions about how women should behave and present a positive example for how
women can be strong, assertive, and independent (Daniels, 2010). The visibility of
female athletes also helps encourage participation in athletics, which evidence suggests
has several positive health related benefits for women.
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There are numerous benefits associated with women’s participation in sport,
ranging from the physiological to the psychosocial. First, there are positive physiological
outcomes associated with physical activity, which include improved cardiovascular
health, increased strength and agility, improved bone health, and a decreased risk of
diabetes, heart disease, and obesity (Nichols, Sanborn, & Essery, 2007; U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services, 1999). Second, evidence suggests that participation in
team sports has positive psychological and social health benefits, which include reduced
risk of feeling socially isolated and reduced risk of developing symptoms of depression
(Covey &Feltz, 1991; Miller & Levy, 1996). Participation in team-based athletics may
lead to improved self-esteem, increased positive self-perception, and increased overall
life satisfaction (Covey &Feltz, 1991; Eime, Young, Harvey, Charity & Payne, 2013;
Miller & Levy, 1996). Although there are clear benefits associated with involvement in
sports for women, barriers to participation still exist based on the historical influence of
patriarchy in athletics.
Negative Outcomes
The conflict between masculine characteristics associated with athletics and
societal pressure for women to engage in feminine behavior suggest that women in sport
receive frustrating mixed messages about how they should behave. Vertinsky suggests
that “sport [is] a powerful gender demarcator, reproducing traditional hegemonic forms
that render the relationship between sport, the body, gender, and sexuality…ideologically
challenging” (Vertinsky, as cited by Mean & Kassing, 2008, p. 127). Reinforcing gender
norms is a trend consistent in both men’s & women’s athletics. Male athletes tend to
protect masculinity norms by engaging in “hyper masculinity” (Hargreaves, 1994, p. 38)
36
and use feminization as a punishment for teammates who do not perform well. This
behavior serves as a method for protecting the system of patriarchy in athletics. Female
athletes must also navigate societal expectations that they engage in feminine behavior as
collegiate athletes. Efforts to appear and behave in a feminine manner may lead to
challenges with meeting athletic performance expectations. This is due to concerns about
appearing too muscular, aggressive, or assertive for fear of developing a perception that
the individual is too masculine, or creating assumptions that they are lesbian.
Female gender norms play an important role in how individuals behave and in
how they define what constitutes “normal behavior” (Garcia & Slesaransky-Poe, 2010;
Kolnes, 1995; Krane, 2001; Mean & Kassing, 2008). Society reinforces gender
expectations beginning as early as grade school. According to Garcia & Slesaransky-Poe
(2010) “schools feel most comfortable with what is considered ‘normal’ or ‘normative’
such as boys and girls following the script of what has been described by the majority to
be appropriate for boys and girls to do, act, like, and desire” (p. 248). These norms not
only reinforce the idea of what is normal, but leads to students assuming that those who
blur gender lines are abnormal, odd, and deviant.
When asked about the relationship between their identity as athletes and as
women, one group of elite female athletes reported that their sexuality was questioned
starting at a young age (Kolnes, 1995). Participants reported that they became keenly
aware of assumptions that they may be lesbian and responded by being intentional about
appearing and behaving in ways that emphasized their femininity. The athletes cited a
belief that the media emphasized their sex appeal over their athletic ability. The
emphasis on femininity is particularly visible in media coverage of women’s sports.
37
During event coverage, “commentators often allude or explicitly refer to a female
athlete’s attractiveness, emotionality, femininity, and heterosexuality” (Knight &
Giuliano, 2002, p. 219) while descriptions of male athletes emphasize how powerful,
aggressive, and skillful they are. A recent study of professional female U.S. soccer
players suggests that traditional gender messages are a source of frustration for female
athletes. Participants cited struggles with constantly having to balance traditional gender
norms with their roles as athletes (Mean &Kassing, 2008). Participants also described
conflicting expectations for how they should behave as women and how they should
behave as athletes. These messages reinforce traditional gender norms and suggest “that
actual empowerment of females remains elusive while traditional gendered power status
remains intact” (Mean &Kassing, 2008, p. 142). This research suggests that expectations
to project an image consistent with femininity serves as a significant hindrance and
frustration for women in sport. Two of the key frustrations women experience stem
directly from expectations that they fit into neatly constructed definitions of how women
should appear and behave and the culture of homophobia in athletics used to reinforce
traditional gender norms.
Gender expectations for women define standards for how they should appear in
public. As a result, female athletes must balance the public’s perception of how they
should appear, and how most of their teammates and competition look as a result of
training. For example, training programs in many sports focus specifically on increasing
strength, which in turn may result in increased muscle mass for athletes. Research
suggests that many female athletes develop concerns or anxiety that too much weight
training may make them appear unfeminine (Boyle, 2005; Mignano, Brewer, Winter &
38
Van Raalte, 2006; Mosewich, Vangool, Kowalski & McHugh, 2009; Steinfeldt, Carter
Benton, & Steinfeldt, 2011). Concerns about becoming too muscular may lead to
unhealthy behaviors for some athletes. These behaviors include restricting food intake
and the use of dietary supplements to reduce body fat (Muller, Gorrow & Schneider,
2009). Another outlet for women is to normalize their appearance through comparing
their body type with that of their teammates and competition.
The culture of comparison in women’s sport serves to normalize the idea that
athletes look different from non-athletes, but also defines limitations on what constitutes
a normal amount of conditioning. For example, participants in one study noted that in
competition, appearing muscular is beneficial since it not only helps maximize athletic
performance, but serves as a visual intimidation factor for opponents as well. Outside of
their sport, these same women indicated that they wanted to find a balance between
training and still being able to appear feminine (Mosewich et al., 2009). Anxiety
associated with increased muscularity suggests that female athletes understand the
negative implications associated with appearing too masculine outside of their athletic
environment. Although the benefits of strength training and increased muscularity were
clear for competition purposes, most of the participants suggested that they perceived
pressure as women to appear aesthetically appealing based on societal norms (including
pressure from friends and family members) which conflicted with their need to weight
train. Limiting training in favor of maintaining a more feminine physique and
appearance tended to take precedence, even if it resulted in a decreased ability to perform
at a peak level (Mosewich et al., 2009).
39
The desire to perform at an elite level, while still appearing feminine outside of
their sport presents a difficult dilemma for female athletes. Bordo (2003) describes
assumptions about femininity and the image of what it means to be an ideal woman as an
unbearable weight that is unattainable for most women. The images and perspectives of
the ideal woman created by the media, advertisements and pressure from other women
create unrealistic beauty expectations for performing femininity. These lofty standards
may lead young women to seek body altering plastic surgery to enhance their feminine
features or to beautify their appearance in an effort to attain the unattainable: the perfect
feminine form. Attempting to perfect one’s outward appearance may result in unhealthy
behaviors, including the development of eating disorders, over-exercising, and the abuse
of weight loss supplements in an effort to maximize one’s femininity.
Collegiate female athletes receive conflicting expectations about their roles as
women and athletes (Worthen, 2014). They receive strong expectations about how they
should appear as women and must balance this with the need to train in a way that
properly prepares them for competition at the D-I level. Due to the high value that
society places on women engaging in femininity, there is also a strong culture of
homophobia in women’s athletics, used to discourage female athletes from straying too
far from appearance expectations associated with their gender (Fagan, 2014; Kauer &
Krane, 2006). Literature focusing on the intersectionality of gender and sexual
orientation suggests that these two identities are often inextricably intertwined.
When the behavior or image of a female athlete is inconsistent with traditional
gender norms for women, questions and assumptions about their gender and sexuality
may occur (Garcia & Slesaransky-Poe, 2010; Kolnes, 1995). Female athletes who do
40
not embrace values associated with femininity run the risk of experiencing discrimination
and negative reaction from the mass media and their fan base (Krane, 2001). A particular
sign that sports culture is hesitant to embrace female athletes who do not fit into
traditional gender norms and expectations is the lack of lesbian athletes who are out about
their sexuality (Krane, 2001). “The hegemonic, homophobic discourse that prevails in
women’s athletics serves to oppress female athletes by objectifying them as social and
sexual deviants” (Veri, 1999, p. 264). Lesbian athletes and coaches at the collegiate level
face a reality where they must tone down or hide their sexuality in order to avoid
perceptions that their sexual orientation might have a negative impact on the team’s
ability to recruit.
Kolnes describes heterosexuality as an organizing principle in women’s sport
based on athletics presenting an environment laced with traditional gender norms and
expectations to engage in feminine behavior (1995). There is a perception that a female
athlete runs an increased risk of developing a perception that they are lesbian when they
do not appear feminine or abide by gender norms, regardless of their actual sexual
orientation. Athletes who do identify as lesbian face pressure to tone down their
sexuality or face repercussions in the form of backlash from teammates and the decreased
ability to secure important endorsements deals at the professional level (ESPN Films,
2013; Fagan, 2013). Veri (1999) suggests that female athletes represent a threat to the
discipline of femininity by engaging in activity traditionally labeled as masculine, which
in turn challenges the influence of patriarchal power. Homophobia and the threat of
receiving a lesbian label are a form of sexism used to reinforce the patriarchal power
41
structure and to discourage behavior inconsistent with traditional gender norms (Pharr,
1997).
Concerns about the lesbian label are widespread in NCAA women’s athletics
(Kauer & Krane, 2006). In a qualitative study of former NCAA athletes, Bumgardner
(2012) found that female athletes are keenly aware of stereotypes associated with women
in sport and the risk of developing a lesbian label. The level of concern with these
stereotypes varied between athletes. While some individuals had a high level of concern
with receiving a negative label, others suggested that stereotypes about female athletes
did not bother them because they had grown used to assumptions about their sexuality
associated with their participation in sport. Lesbian athletes in the study confirmed that
they felt pressure to engage in feminine behavior and as a result made an effort to act and
appear a certain way to avoid allowing their genuine identity to affect their ability to be
an NCAA athlete. There is also some evidence suggesting that the acceptance of lesbian
teammates may be improving from teammates and coaches (Sartore & Cunningham,
2007).
Although there may be internal support of lesbian teammates, pressure remains
for the team as a whole to present an image that conforms to traditional gender norms.
Female athletes who behave or dress outside of traditional gender norms may face
increased scrutiny from peers concerned about developing a reputation as a gay friendly
program, which may result in a decreased ability to recruit talented athletes (Veri, 1999).
Failure to abide by these expectations may result in negative backlash or repercussions
from teammates or coaches who fear that gender bending behavior may be detrimental to
the team (Krane & Barber, 2005; Osborne, 2007). Krane & Barber (2005) collected
42
detailed descriptions of the coded language used to dissuade recruits from signing with
teams with lesbian athletes or coaches. Lesbian coaches face constant pressure to
navigate their professional role and their sexual orientation, often feeling a need to hide
their sexuality from their athletes, their fans, and the administration. The women in the
study expressed frustration with the need to navigate an environment laced with
traditional gender expectations and felt a constant fear that their sexual orientation may
negatively influence their athletic program. All 13 participants in the study agreed that
there is a strong cultural norm of silencing lesbian identity in women’s basketball. The
participants indicated that several recruiters throughout the country use accusations that
other coaches may be lesbian to discourage players and their families from committing to
rival programs. One coach indicated that, “[If] the perception of your team is that you’ve
got some gay kids on it, somebody is going to use it against you” (p. 71). Coaches went
on to describe an unwritten “don’t ask, don’t tell” culture. They also described working
in a professional environment that required silence and that created a culture of fear for
lesbian coaches. This fear focused on a decreased ability to recruit student-athletes based
on knowledge of the coach’s sexual orientation, which in turn could influence their
ability to field successful teams. Since this would ultimately affect the team’s win / loss
record, it could eventually threaten the coach’s employment status. This evidence
suggests that when coaches fail to acknowledge there may be players on their team who
identify as lesbian, their perception and lack of insight reinforces a chilly climate for gay
student-athletes (Pascarella et al., 1997).
Fagan (2014) provides a detailed description of her experience coming out as gay
in her memoir of her time as a D-I athlete with the Colorado Buffaloes in the early 2000s.
43
Fagan’s story highlights her experiences both before and after coming out to the team.
Her story highlights tensions associated with internalized oppression while considering
coming out as well as fear of reactions from teammates and family. She describes a team
dynamic strongly influenced by veteran teammates involved in the Fellowship of
Christian Athletes, who feared for their coach who they felt was living a life of sin
through her identity as a lesbian. Throughout the memoir, Fagan describes feeling
intense pressure from teammates to be heterosexual. In addition, she describes stories of
family members on recruiting visits asking concerned questions about the existence of
gay players on the team who might influence their daughter as a prospective studentathlete. The memoir hints at some of the challenges lesbian athletes may experience in
collegiate athletic settings, as well as the potential influence of team dynamics leading to
pressure to perform gender in a specific way. Her story provides important insight into
the influence that traditional gender norms and heteronormative expectations can have on
individual students-athletes.
In other settings, the silencing of behavior or sexual orientations not in line with
feminine values is more blatant. A common practice of coaches in women’s athletics is
to emphasize to families that they do not endorse a lesbian program (Wolf-Wendel,
Douglas, & Morphew, 2001). Recent research and investigative journalism highlights the
widespread use of this tactic by coaches who use coded language to emphasize that their
coaching staff identifies as heterosexual (Kamphoff, 2010; Krane & Barber, 2005;
Cyphers & Fagan, 2011). Some coaches use this strategy to recruit high performing
athletes from families who cite concerns about their daughters becoming lesbian due to
the influence of the team’s culture. The emphasis on feminine behavior and values in
44
women’s athletics forces athletes to walk a fine line between their genuine gender
identity and their roles as athletes.
One response to avoid negative labels is to overemphasize heterosexual behavior
(Sartore & Cunningham, 2009). This intentional effort to perform gender the right way
suggests that the stigma associated with receiving the lesbian label influences the
behavior of all athletes regardless of their sexual orientation. “Fear of these sanctions
traps disempowered female athletes in the discipline of compulsory heteronormativity. In
order to hide her body’s athleticism…the female athlete often strives to demonstrate
compliance with feminine disciplinary practices” (Veri, 1999, p. 365). In short, the
culture of homophobia creates unnecessary stress and anxiety for female athletes
associated with meeting both their training expectations and traditional feminine gender
norms.
Summary of Relevant Literature
There are many health benefits associated with athletic competition, but barriers
to participate exist in the form of stereotypes and assumptions with what it means to be a
female athlete. A history of patriarchal privilege and influence in society has created
modern day gender expectations that inherently question the fit of women in sports
associated with masculine characteristics. The history of NCAA collegiate athletics is
one steeped in patriarchal power and perspective. Although organized sports began to
appear at colleges and universities as early as the late 19th century, women interested in
participating did not gain equal opportunity until the 1970’s when Title IX guaranteed
access protected by law. Although women are participating in organized sports at record
levels there are still significant barriers and challenges associated with their participation
45
in athletics. These challenges manifest themselves in the form of patriarchal influence
leading to the assumption that female athletes should naturally engage in feminine
behavior. These expectations include assumptions that women will act and appear
feminine at all times. When women fail to meet these expectations they challenge
patriarchal assumptions about gender and as a result may become the recipients of
negative backlash or homophobic labels.
Female athletes begin receiving messages about gender norm expectations early
in their lives, communicated by a variety of social groups and systems including family
members, peers, teammates, coaches, and the media. In short, traditional gender norms
influence many aspects of female student-athletes lives. Even in cases where public
support of women in sport has increased, many people make assumptions about a given
athletes gender identity or sexuality based on their appearance or behavior. The culture
of traditional gender norms and homophobia in NCAA athletics results in a number of
negative outcomes for female athletes regardless of their sexual orientation. Female
athletes and coaches in women’s basketball understand that developing a label that your
program is lesbian friendly may have a negative impact on the team’s ability to recruit
talented players, and thus influence the team’s ability to win. This in turn leads to hyperfeminine behavior from athletes who fear that failure to abide by gender norms will result
in their program receiving a negative label.
This review of the literature suggests that the influence of patriarchy plays a
significant role in the culture of women’s athletics. There is a considerable body of
research on the impact of gender norms and expectations for professional athletes and
women in general. These studies demonstrate that female athletes receive pressure to
46
abide by traditional gender norms, experience homophobic recruiting practices, and
receive messages that receiving a lesbian label will negatively influence their program.
There appears to be a gap, however, in the literature looking specifically at how D-I
female NCAA athletes experience these messages and how they navigate sexist and
homophobic beliefs and values delivered through traditional gender norms.
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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODS
The purpose of this study was to explore the traditional gender norms that D-I
collegiate female basketball players experience in relation to their sport. This data should
serve to inform administrators and policy makers about how female athletes experience
collegiate sports.
To explore the research question, I utilized a feminist
phenomenological qualitative design to provide detailed insight into the lived experiences
of D-I female basketball players and their experiences with traditional gender norms.
Paradigmatic Framework
This study explored how female collegiate basketball players experience
traditional gender norms in their roles as athletes. I framed the topic through a
participatory worldview (Creswell &Plano Clark, 2011). A participatory worldview
seeks to address issues such as, “empowerment, marginalization, hegemony, patriarchy,
and other issues affecting marginalized groups” (p. 41). This theoretical approach was
critical to the study based on the influence of traditional gender norms in sport, as
suggested by past research. I utilized the participatory frame as a means of emphasizing
the importance of giving voice to the ongoing conflict female athletes experience
navigating a sporting culture influenced by patriarchy and male hegemony, based on the
assumption that the participants in this study would have experienced mixed messages
about engaging in feminine socialized behavior off the court and more masculine
socialized behavior on the court.
Rationale for a Feminist Phenomenological Approach
I incorporated a feminist phenomenological qualitative design in order to develop
an in depth sense of how female athletes experience gender norm expectations.
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Phenomenology focuses on understanding the meaning of events as experienced by
people in a particular situation (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). This approach is useful as it
allows researchers to develop an in depth understanding of phenomena they themselves
are not able to experience based on their identity or lack of membership within a given
group. Phenomenological inquiry involves explaining theories or concepts through the
common experiences of people with a shared identity or membership within a given
group (Marshall & Rossman, 2011). The approach involves several important steps
including in depth inquiry of participants’ current experience and history with the topic,
researcher self-reflection on their experiences with the topic, and analysis of the
interrelated experiences that participants share which help define the themes explaining a
given phenomenon. This approach allows for a deep description of the experiences
individuals have with a specific area of interest and how that influences them on a regular
basis (Marshall & Rossman).
I couple the phenomenological design with a feminist lens in order to ensure that
gender is a central construct throughout the study. Feminist theory emphasizes that
identity is fluid and consists of multiple intersections. In addition, feminist theory
stresses that gender influences individuals, but cannot be a fixed category used to identify
a person (Jourian, 2015; Marshall & Rossman, 2011). Feminist theory places the concept
of gender at the center of any research inquiry and considers how multiple intersections
of identity influence experiences with gender in fluid ways (Marshall & Rossman, 2011).
The approach requires consideration of power dynamics or the lack thereof for participant
or researcher as a central component of the study (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). This
emphasis on the privilege and power imbalances between researcher and participants was
49
a key given that as a male researcher, I was approaching female participants to discuss
their experiences with traditional gender norms. Thus, it was essential for me to explain
my interest in the research question and how I hoped to use data from the interviews to
raise attention to dynamics associated with how female athletes experience a sport
traditionally perceived as masculine. Feminist theory was essential given its focus on
how gender plays a constant role in influencing our daily experiences and its emphasis on
how power dynamics associated with gender regularly influence our lives. The lens was
also essential for raising awareness of the power imbalances that female athletes
experience in an athletics culture steeped in patriarchal privilege and systemic
homophobia.
In this particular study, I place an emphasis on “power-and-politics” feminism to
ensure an exploration of how patriarchy influences female basketball players’ daily
experiences. I used this emphasis in the creation of the semi-structured interview
questions to encourage participants to explore and reflect on how these dynamics
influenced their experiences as Division I athletes. This approach was essential as
feminist theory focuses on the influence of patriarchal power and privilege and how these
dynamics create a system of oppression for women (Creswell, 2013). Feminist research
also emphasizes that the experiences of women are different than those of men and
recognizes that the domination of patriarchal systems of power influence experiences and
identity (Frost & Elichaoff, 2014).
Standards of Rigor
Throughout the research process, I sought to establish trustworthiness through
transparency with participants and a strong research design. By taking a rigorous
50
approach to build trust with participants I sought to create the most trustworthy process
possible (Saumure & Given, 2008). Standards of rigor in the study included providing as
much detail as possible to participants regarding the purpose of the study, establishing
credibility and trust through explaining my identity and interest in the study, providing
participants an opportunity to review their interview transcripts and provide edits to
responses if desired, and by providing participants an opportunity to review the themes
identified after data analysis.
To develop an in depth understanding of how gender influences the experiences
of female-athletes, I utilized a cross case-analysis approach. This involves focusing on
several participant interviews or cases, which in this study explores the shared experience
of competing in women’s basketball at an elite collegiate level (Blatter, 2008). Using a
rigorous study design and a phenomenological approach I explored how collegiate female
basketball players experience expectations associated with traditional gender norms at an
in depth level.
Participant Recruitment and Selection
I recruited participants from women’s basketball teams in a major NCAA
Division I Conference. I intentionally focused on Division I female athletes as they
compete at arguably the most demanding level of collegiate competition. In addition,
Division I programs draw more local, regional, and national media attention than their
DII and DIII counterparts, increasing the ecological impact of perceptions by the media
on these student-athletes. To identify potential participants, I looked up rosters on the
website for each team and then used the college or university directory to look up
corresponding email contact information for all sophomores, juniors, and seniors. I
51
declined to invite first year student-athletes to ensure that all participants had experienced
at least one full season of NCAA basketball.
Prior to inviting individuals to participate, I secured approval for the study from
the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of Iowa. Once I received IRB
approval to proceed, I sent email invitations to participate in the study (Appendix A). I
sent out information about the study in the fall to 127 candidates on various teams within
a major D-I conference, prior to the start of the 2014-15 women’s basketball season. I
initially sent an invitation and asked volunteers to participate without compensation.
After receiving no responses to the inquiry, I added an incentive of twenty-five dollars to
complete an interview. After adding the incentive, nine individuals cited interest in
participating in the study. Once an individual cited interest, I sent them the Informed
Consent information via email to ensure that had a thorough understanding of the
commitment associated with participation (Appendix B). After receiving that
information, six of the individuals followed up with arranging and completing an
interview. As I received responses, I worked with participants to arrange individual
interview times. Once we arranged an interview time, I set up electronic meetings with
participants via Skype. I also interviewed one participant via phone per her request not to
use video chat.
The NCAA conference that I focused on includes 14 institutions that participate in
women’s basketball. From these schools, my goal was to select up to eight individuals to
participate in the study, ideally with representatives from several different teams. I
managed to interview six student-athletes from five different teams. The goal of
recruiting players from different teams was an intentional effort to employ a random
52
purposeful sampling strategy (Bogdan &Biklen, 2007; Marshall & Rossman, 2011). By
recruiting players from different teams, I hoped to gain a macro level understanding of
the experience of D-I female basketball players. A brief summary of player notes
(highlighting year in school at the time of the interview along with each participant’s
assigned pseudonym) is noted in table 1.
Table 1: Participant Pseudonyms and Descriptions
Pseudonym
Participant Notes
Ella
Junior at time of interview.
Sara
Senior at time of interview. First year with team after
transferring from a different institution. Actively
practicing with team, but not eligible to play until the
following year per NCAA rules.
Lisa
Sophomore at time of interview. Self-described role
player on team who did not see a lot of court time.
Mother played for the same team during her college
career in the 1980’s.
Ashley
Senior at time of interview. One of two participants
who played for the same team.
Vivian
Senior at time of interview. One of two participants
who played for the same team.
Morgan
Junior at time of interview. International student.
Data Collection
During the interview process, I implemented a semi-structured format and utilized
a feminist theory framework to explore how female student athletes experience
traditional gender norms. Marshall & Rossman (2011) define feminist theory as a frame
used to, “place gender relations at the center of any inquiry…with a focus on women.” (p.
27). Feminist theory emphasizes the fluidity associated with multiple intersections of
identity and explores how power dynamics associated with gender and sex influences our
daily experience. Thus, it assumes that all aspects of identity including gender, sexual
53
orientation, race, religion, physical abilities, social networks, and more combine to
influence an individual’s self-perception in multiple ways. Feminist theory aims to
identify oppressive and systemic societal dynamics that create oppression for women,
often recognizing the importance of women’s subjective experiences. This theoretical
framework is important in that it recognizes student athletes have multiple identities that
interact to create a unique perspective, which I sought to recognize through the use of the
semi-structured design...allowing for additional questions outside of those I predesigned
to explore athlete experiences at an in-depth level.
Prior to each interview, participants received waivers to approve the recording of
their interview. To protect privacy, I provided each participant with a consent form
(Appendix B) and had each individual complete a contact information sheet (Appendix
C) for the purpose of following up to confirm the accuracy of transcripts and to assign
pseudonyms. To build trust with candidates, I spent the first five minutes of each
interview explaining the purpose of the study, noting that multiple questions would focus
on inquiring about information related to gender and athlete identity, and letting
candidates know that they could pass on questions if desired. I also let participants know
that if they would like to stop the interview and not continue, that they were welcome to
do so at any time. Finally, I briefly noted how I became interested in the topic through
my joint interests in working with students, supporting athletics, and advocating for
gender equity.
Each interview lasted between 30-45 minutes and consisted of a semi-structured
set of questions used to inquire about the lived experiences of participants, particularly in
regard to team culture, interactions with teammates and coaches, perceptions of
54
traditional gender norm expectations, and assumptions made by fans and the media
(Appendix D). During the interview, I asked for permission to record the conversation
using a digital audio recorder. Following the completion of each transcription, I replaced
all identifying information (such as name, team affiliation, etc.) with pseudonyms and
removal of information that could provide clues to the team a participant played for to
protect student confidentiality.
Data Analysis
Following each interview, I downloaded audio files onto ExpressScribe, a
transcription software program used for variable speed audio playback. I then transcribed
each interview verbatim into Microsoft Word. Throughout the research process, I stored
interview transcripts on a password protected computer and contact information sheets in
a locked file cabinet separate from transcription data. While transcribing interviews, I
listened for key themes, taking note of stories, phrases, or emotional responses related to
the research question. I used these notes to produce a coding system and code sheet to
identify common themes in the data. To ensure that I was aware of when I was nearing
data saturation, I began the process of transcribing audio files while continuing to
facilitate additional interviews.
I analyzed transcripts using a feminist phenomenological approach which
involved attempting to understand the perspectives of female participants and to
understand how they construct meaning around the events in their daily lives, particularly
as they relate to gender (Bogdan & Biklan, 2007; Marshall &Rossman, 2011). The
phenomenological approach focuses on an assumption that there is an essence to
participants’ experience that can be narrated (Marshall &Rossman, 2011). To analyze
55
qualitative data I used Marshall and Rossman’s (2011) seven-step method for data
analysis, which I outline below. Throughout the analysis process, I utilized a feminist
lens to look for codes and themes associated with privileged gender structures, patriarchal
gender domination, and how gender influences other aspects of identity (Creswell, 2013;
Frost & Elichaoff, 2014).
Organizing the data. In addition to transcribing the audio data from each
interview, I noted the date, time, and location of each interview for personal reference.
After completing the transcription process, I uploaded data files into Dedoose, a software
program used to organize and analyze qualitative data.
Immersion in the data. Once I completed the transcription process, I reread each
interview in full. During this process, I recorded reflective researcher comments in an
effort to fully immerse myself in the data.
Coding the data. The coding process consisted of identifying similar
descriptions, metaphors, processes, and assumptions while rereading transcripts (Ryan &
Bernard, 2002). I utilized a constant comparative method of data analysis, which
involves looking for recurrent events or key issues across multiple sources of data
(Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). The constant comparative method is a form of cross-case
analysis I utilized to identify common experiences of female basketball players in NCAA
division I athletics. While reviewing scripts for themes I highlighted relevant sections of
text and assigned initial codes throughout the process (Yin, 2011). I highlighted relevant
words and phrases on Microsoft Word transcripts and wrote potential codes associated
with them in the right margin of the document.
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Writing analytical memos. During the coding process, I wrote reflective notes,
memos and thoughts. While coding I noted reactions that I had to the data. These notes
helped with the process of identifying codes and served to maintain reflective selfawareness of my reaction to the data (Bogdan &Biklen, 2007).
Generating categories & themes. Once I completed the initial coding process, I
began to identify initial codes and sort them into categories. To analyze the data I used
different levels of unit complexity ranging from broad to narrow in order to specify key
themes (Yin, 2011). The broadest level of unit analysis focused on gender and sport. I
considered each individual interview as a single collective unit of data that I analyzed at
the sentence level to look for overarching themes that bridged interviews. The narrowest
level of analysis considered how interactions with different social groups influenced each
female athlete’s day-to-day experiences.
I identified level one codes by looking for repetitive topics across the six
interview transcripts. These themes related closely to the specific words or ideas that
participants were referencing while responding to question prompts. Once I identified
the initial list of codes, I sorted relevant data into categories using Dedoose software for
organizational purposes. After creating a set of categories, I sorted codes into broader
categories to identify overarching themes. I identified level two codes by identifying
categories that I could group level one codes under. Once analysis was complete, I
created a codebook (Table 2) which provided a detailed description of codes, categories
and themes. The final themes consist of codes grouped into overarching concepts or
phenomena identified through reflecting on how themes in the study related back to
Bronfenbrenner’s theory of ecological design (1979). Theme Analysis focused on an
57
effort to give voice to participants as a means of influencing athletics officials and
campus administrators to address overarching concerns noted by student-athletes. Giving
voice is an expression from liberation movements that seek to empower people whose
concerns would not otherwise be considered (Bogdan &Biklen, 2007).
Table 2: Codebook
Level 1 Codes
Level 2 Codes
Final Themes
Behavioral expectations of
women
Avoiding the masculine
label / stigma with over
aggressive play
The challenge of
meeting traditional
gender expectations
Behavior expectations
of women
Gendered expectations
in non-athletic settings.
Commitment to hard
work and dedication
throughout the season
The evolving dynamic
of gender perceptions
in women’s basketball
Closeness with coaches
Decisions effect team
Definition of attractiveness
Demanding schedule
Difference with men
Expectation to look
presentable
Double standard
Expectation to look
presentable
Family member played
basketball
Lesbian label associated
with female basketball
players
Looking up to female
athlete role models from
a young age
Female athlete role models
Femininity
Media focus on
attractiveness and sex
appeal
Hard work / commitment
Inclusive coaches
Inequities with men’s
teams
Improvements for
Navigating the
demanding NCAA
season
Parent influence to play
basketball / positive
family support
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women’s basketball
Lack of female coaches
Personal decisions can
have an impact on the
team
Lack of media coverage
Lesbian label
Lower expectations for
female
athletes
Perceptions of
femininity
Sex appeal =
endorsements for
professional female
athletes
Masculine label
Media focus on
attractiveness
Sexual orientation in
recruiting
Team as family /
Mental toughness
Closeness with coaches
Pressure from coaches to
look feminine
Pressure from family to
look feminine
Public recognition
Resilience
Rules against dating
teammates
Scholarship
Sex appeal
Sexual orientation
Sexual orientation in
recruiting
Stigma with masculine
play
Sweat suits = masculine
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Team as family
Young start
Offering interpretations. Once I identified overarching themes I made an effort to
present them in a story like fashion, linking themes, patterns and categories. I also
identified important examples from the data to highlight my findings when reporting
results. These examples helped to provide a detailed description of each theme identified
in the study.
Searching for alternative understandings. Throughout the process of data
collection and analysis I focused considering the perspectives and worldviews of myself
as a qualitative inquirer, participants in the study, and the audience receiving the study
through a reflexive screen; in this case gender and athlete identity (Patton, 2002). I
ensured that themes were accurate through the use of member checking. This process
involved contacting participants after I had identified the three overarching themes
identified in the studied and creating summaries that explained each one in detail. Once
these summaries were completed, I emailed them to the six participants in the study
asking them to reply within a week if they had any feedback or comments about the
themes. Two of the six participants emailed me back to indicate that they felt the
summaries were accurate during that time.
Resources Necessary for Implementation
A number of resources were necessary for the completion of this project. The
first was the time needed to interview candidates, type transcripts and analyze data.
These steps took a considerable amount of time considering the number of processes
involved, including obtaining IRB approval, identifying candidates, conducting
60
interviews, preparing transcripts, and analyzing data. Additional resource needs included
access to Dedoose software, secure computers and storage equipment, digital recorders
for individual interviews, and access to a Skype enabled computer. Each of these
resources posed the potential for financial costs. An additional cost included the financial
motivator to encourage athletes to participate ($25 per participant).
Ethical Considerations
The design of this study had the potential to raise concerns and resistance from
administrators, coaches and players who felt that gender norms were a non-issue in
athletics. It also had the potential to create risk for participants who shared specific
information about their experiences with traditional gender norms. Several interview
questions in the study inquired about relationships with teammates or coaches and
encouraged participants to explore how different people on the team talk about
expectations related to femininity. Sharing this information presented risk for athletes
because they could have shared negative perspectives or opinions about teammates, team
culture or coaches. Failure to protect identities of individuals could have resulted in
negative experiences after the study if readers had the ability to identify participants.
Due to these concerns, it was important that I conducted the study in a responsible and
ethical manner.
A number of ethical considerations such as those previously listed were important
to anticipate prior to completing the study to ensure that I made an effort to eliminate as
much risk as possible for participants (Marshall & Rossman, 2011). Data collection did
not begin until the campus Institutional Review Board (IRB) approved procedures,
materials and consent statements. All participants completed a consent form prior to
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participating in the study. A statement on the form included a note that participants could
cease participation at any time if they did not wish to continue with the study. The form
included an indication that results from the study would be anonymous. Following
through with the promise of anonymity was a critical aspect in order to minimize the
chance that participants experienced negative outcomes based on their participation.
The ethical component of respecting participants was an important aspect of this
study as its value was based on the amount of work put into the design and the level of
ethical consideration invested in it (Marshall & Rossman, 2011). Ethical considerations
in this study included avoiding harm for participants, ensuring that individuals had an
opportunity to provide feedback on their interview transcript, and utilizing data to raise
awareness of how traditional gender norms influence the experiences of female athletes
in D-I athletics. Once I began to collect data, I intentionally attempted to create an
interview environment where participants felt their voice and perspective was valued.
According to Marshall &Rossman (2011) valuing participants and recognizing the
potential impact of the study helped demonstrate that I was approaching the study in a
deeply ethical manner. Developing positive rapport and trust with the participants was
essential for collecting meaningful, in depth information (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011;
Marshall &Rossman, 2011; Yin, 2011)
Researcher Positionality
An important element to recognize in this study is my identity and how it relates
to my interest in the focus of this study as it likely framed my perspectives and
assumptions in the interpretation of data collected from participants. As a cisgender
male, my perspective and interpretation of the data is likely biased by my identity, my
62
past experiences, and my assumptions. I am also a male, heterosexual, former high
school athlete, and student affairs professional who grew up with a passion for sports.
These identities are important because they had the potential to bias my interpretation of
data.
My interest in this topic came from my own experiences as a high school athlete.
As a sophomore in high school (my first full season of organized basketball) I became
conscious of traditional gender norm expectations in men’s athletics. I recall feeling
uncomfortable with how men occasionally feminized each other in their interactions as a
way to assert their dominance. I also recall in detail the first time during a practice that
one of my basketball coaches suggested that I shot a basketball like a girl. His goal was
to motivate me to get into position faster, but I remember responding not by thinking
about how I could improve my technique and form, but about how a female player would
respond if she had heard his comment.
After high school, I attended a small, private, liberal arts college that had a strong
athletic tradition. Though I did not participate in organized athletics in college outside of
intramurals, I spent a significant amount of time with men who were active on various
teams. One of the things I noticed about several of the male athletes I spent time with in
college is that they spoke often about their sexual exploits with women. Those who were
the most sexually active with women received praise and reinforcement from other
members of the team. I also noticed a group of male athletes who were unwilling or
uncomfortable with the content of these conversations and chose not to participate. The
men who were more sexually aggressive often dismissed their non-conforming
counterparts as less masculine and labeled them as feminine or gay. In addition, many
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athletes I spent time with perceived women’s athletics as less valuable to society,
particularly at the professional level. They regularly described female athletes as boring
and women’s teams as lacking entertainment value.
The not so subtle messages I observed from coaches and male athletes are
consistent with how Kimmel and Davis (2011) suggest young boys learn how to perform
masculinity. These messages are also consistent with Kimmel and Davis’s definition of
patriarchy, “the institutionalized system that privileges men and serves to oppress
women” (p. 3). I list these experiences because they have played an important role in
framing my assumptions about traditional gender norms and their potential for
influencing the experience of student athletes. My past experiences with gender norms
and athletics have played a key role in the development of my identity as an advocate for
students or groups that may be outcast or discriminated against. Although I identify as an
advocate and supporter of women’s athletics, I am a heterosexual male whose
experiences with athletics may be very different than the individuals I interviewed and
had to be conscious not to project my own experiences onto those of the female student
athletes who volunteered to participate in this study. While I was intentional about using
a critical feminist lens to analyze scripts and generate themes, there is no method through
which I can completely eliminate potential bias in my interpretations.
Personal Interest & Self Disclosure
Yin (2011) suggests that researchers disclose personal characteristics that may
frame their worldview and assumptions associated with their research focus. I reference
these assumptions in this section and in the discussion of the study as potential limitations
and a possible source of bias, including my personal feelings and biases regarding
64
athletics, gender norms, and working with student-athletes since these likely influenced
how I interpreted the data. In qualitative studies, the researcher is a research instrument,
meaning they play a fundamental role in the collection and interpretation of data
(Marshall &Rossman, 2011). As the researcher, I had personal contact with participants
and thus had to be aware of my biases in regard to the research question and the influence
this study could have on student-athletes I interviewed.
Limitations
There were several limitations to the study. The first limitation of the study was
the lack of demographic data collected on participants. I asked each individual to rank
how feminine they perceived themselves on a scale of 1 to 10 to gain a sense of their
level of identification with femininity, but I did not collect specific information about
gender identity, gender pronouns, or sexual orientation. In addition, I did not collect
information about the participants’ racial identities. While participant selection focused
specifically on Division I female athletes, information about racial identity and gender
identity would have provided helpful context for drawing more in depth conclusions from
the data. Some of the respondents provided responses that provide context about their
identities, but there is not specific data indicating how they identity in terms of gender
and sexual orientation.
A second limitation associated with the study was a lack of resources in the form
of travel and time in order to interview participants in person. While Skype interviews
were helpful and informative, there is the possibility that in person interviews could have
led to the collection of more in depth data. In addition, I might have developed a higher
level of trust and rapport if I had completed the interviews in person.
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CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH FINDINGS
The following content summarizes responses to the research question: How do
collegiate female basketball players at the Division I level experience traditional gender
norm expectations in relation to their sport? Utilizing a feminist lens, the themes focus
on how student-athletes described their day-to-day experiences with gender expectations,
assumptions, and stereotypes. In addition, the themes emphasize how various social
groups and influences affect the day-to-day gender assumption experienced by the
participants. To frame the influence of social groups on perceptions of norms, I use
Bronfenbrenner’s theory of ecological development (1979) as a conceptual theoretical
framework. Bronfenbrenner’s theory focuses on social influences at a variety of levels
ranging from individual small group relationships (i.e. student-athlete to coaching staff)
to macro level influences such as the media. Bronfenbrenner provides an excellent
framework for considering how social groups influence our perceptions. This combined
approach provided a lens for me to provide a thorough summary of the results of the
study with socialized concepts of gender as a central idea.
Three results surfaced from the analysis: The challenge of meeting traditional
gender expectations, contrasting gender expectations in athletic and non-athletic
settings, and the evolving dynamic of gender perceptions in women’s basketball. The
first theme, which focuses on the contrasting nature of traditional gender expectations
and athlete identity, introduces behavioral expectations that female student-athletes
experience on a daily basis associated with how they should look and behave in public.
Participants described expectations to look feminine in public and provided context on
the challenges associated with balancing a demanding daily basketball schedule and the
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time necessary to appear in public in a way that is consistent with societal norms. The
second theme describes the contrast of gender expectations in athletic and non-athletic
settings. Participants described gender expectations in public as more salient than what
they experienced in athletic settings. When student-athletes wore sweats or loose athletic
apparel in public, they described increased questioning of their gender identity and sexual
orientation. In athletic settings with teammates, participants described rarely thinking
about gender dynamics or discussing them with teammates. The third and final theme
focuses on the changing experience of female athletes by providing context about how
public perceptions of female athletes have changed over time and contrasts those changes
with modern day gender perceptions of women in sport. I describe each of these themes
in rich description to address the research question.
Table 2: Thematic Analysis
Theme
Sub-Themes
1. The challenge of meeting
traditional gender expectations
a. Challenges with performing gender
b. Gendered behavior expectations
2. Gendered expectations in athletic
and non-athletic settings.
a. Team support and inclusivity
b. Firm public expectations
3. The evolving dynamic of gender
perceptions in women’s
basketball
a. Media and the sexualization of the
female athlete
b. Support from family, coaches, and
fans
Theme 1: The challenge of meeting traditional gender expectations
A key theme participants mentioned was the expectation for women to look
feminine in public. Social influences such as family, peers, teammates, coaches, and the
media all play a unique role in framing gender expectations and perceptions of female
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student-athletes (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In his work on the ecology of human
development, Bronfenbrenner defined several systems the influence behavior and growth.
Immediate social groups or settings that an individual might interact in are referred to as
microsystems. Each of the players in the study described interactions with these groups,
including family members, teammates, and coaches. Each of these groups represents a
microsystem, or a circle of people representing a single social unit. Each of the groups or
microsystems played a role in reinforcing gender expectations for the participants. Each
of the student-athletes in the study described thinking about expectations for performing
femininity on a regular basis, suggesting that this was a very salient identity for them.
Challenges with performing gender. When speaking about gender expectations
and adhering to femininity norms, the participants focused much more on appearance
than they did behavior. Several mentioned behavior briefly as part of the expectations
they experienced associated with being feminine, but spent a greater amount of time
discussing societal perceptions of the way they should maintain their appearance in
public. Krane (2001) and Hargreaves (1994) suggest that sportswomen must demonstrate
behavior that is consistent with heterosexist or heteronormative behavior in order to
maintain a perception that they are feminine. In this study, the demonstration of said
behavior strongly tied to how the women appeared in public. The strongest reactions
from people outside of athletic settings seemed to come up when athletes wore loose
fitting basketball apparel or sweats coupled with little to no makeup. While the athletes
were fine with this comfortable look in between practices, they were frustrated their
apparel resulted in an increased number of experiences with gender policing.
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Recent literature suggests that female athletes experience significant challenges
balancing the physical demands of being an athlete with societal expectations associated
with appearing feminine (Hargreaves, 1994; Krane, 2001). When asked to talk about
femininity and how society believes women should look, dress, and behave talk about the
athletes focused on an emphasis on looking pretty. Others used terms like “girly” or
“dolled up” when describing their perceptions about what it meant to look feminine in
public. Lisa provided physical descriptors to define what she thought were ideal
characteristics of femininity.
I would say um they should be um pretty. I don’t know how…if you want me to
define that, but as far as like um have more like petite features with um like, like
big hips. Skinny waste. Um large chest like…I don’t know just like the typical
figure kind of thing of a woman. And like not broad shoulders, um long hair.
Stuff like wearing makeup.
While Lisa focused on the physical features associated with femininity, Ella
described feminine expectations with appearance as always looking put together and
presentable.
In general definitely there’s just an expectation to always look put together. Um
always look your best. Uh just not be seen I don’t know. Like if you leave you
should look like you’re ready to go out somewhere. I don’t know… I’m kind of a
person who always likes to look presentable and not…I don’t know, I don’t know.
I guess I just hold myself to higher expectations, but it’s probably those, that’s
what society does to us. But um, I’m never feeling pressured to do that I guess.
Ella notes that she likes to look good when she’s in public in general and doesn’t
necessarily feel this is directly associated with her gender identity.
Most of the participants described a desire to look feminine in public, but noted
that their in-season practice schedules rarely allowed for them to prepare for the day in a
way that they normally would. Lisa recognized that the rest of the her team didn’t waste
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time getting ready after practice “at all” primarily due to the time restrictions described
earlier. She went on to describe that regardless of if there was time to get ready, women
experience judgement for their appearance if they did not meet societal expectations to
look presentable.
The way that we dress as females, like there’s a set expectation and I feel, I feel
that a lot, especially as an athlete…like I think people associate femininity [with],
“oh they’re putting time into how they look and they’re trying to look like a girl”
and things like that and they don’t necessarily do that if I’m not looking nice or
something…
Participants referenced experiencing an emphasis for women to look presentable
and “put together” when they go out in public. Based on the demands of college
basketball and the lack of time to get ready after basketball commitments, Lisa described
finding it humorous when she and her teammates observed first year student-athletes
attempting to get ready after practices or games prior to their next scheduled activity.
Um, we were just talking about this in the locker room the other day because three
of the freshmen were putting on makeup after practice to go study at the (states
specific campus building) where we study and we weren’t judging them at all but
it was just kind of funny because none of us do that at all…
When responding to a question about societal expectations associated with how women
should look, dress, and behave, Vivian noted at one point that she loves looking feminine,
“I love girly things. I love wearing heals. I love…you know…the makeup” but that she
usually does not have time to present this while navigating the demands of her schedule.
All of the players talked about the importance of time management when
describing their experience with college basketball. They described their schedules
during the season as very busy and time consuming. These demands were the result of
needing to balance practice, games, travel schedules, and academic commitments. Lisa
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noted that trying to balance all of her competing demands presents a significant
challenge.
So it’s like just in general being on a women’s collegiate basketball team it’s like
crazy. Like, it’s…it’s what I’ve always thought I would do in college, but now
that I’m actually doing it, it’s crazy that I’m actually balancing the schedule of
school…and like I’m in the honors program here too and the basketball team and
just like yeah.
Vivian noted that the schedule tends to be so demanding in season that it influences her
decisions on what to wear for the day, usually resulting in her defaulting to sweats or
athletic apparel because these clothes represented the most comfortable and quick option
as she transitioned between class and the athletics training facilities.
A lot of people think that, you know I’m always supposed to wear cute clothes all
the time and I actually am really girly, but being so busy, like it’s so hard to you
know wear regular clothes every day. Especially you know going from class to
practice or you know just busy things every day. But a lot of people think you
know, girls are supposed to only wear girly clothes all the time and that’s not
always, that’s really not the case, to athletes.
Ashley also indicated that she liked looking feminine, but shared a similar perspective
that her schedule simply would not allow for her to appear the way she’d like to in public.
I feel like when people look at me there’s no doubt that I’m like not a female.
Um I enjoy being pampered. I like to get my nails done. I like to get my hair
done. You know I like to dress up and look nice occasionally. You know even
those, I have my sweat pants days but other days I do like to get dolled up per say.
Sara described how the consistent pressure to look feminine and “presentable” in public
is in stark contrast to her role as a basketball player. She cited some frustration with
these competing expectations, as they tended to be in stark contrast with each other.
I think that society sees women as we’re supposed to be like the Barbie doll
image, so you know we’re supposed to have our hair done all the time and
makeup on and be like little princesses. Which basically goes completely
opposite from basketball…I don’t think it’s a good use of my time or money or
anything to buy a lot of expensive makeup or like a waste of my time to put on
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tons of makeup in the morning and like a dress…I don’t know just like be more
feminine in that way because I don’t think it matters that much.
While she described not valuing makeup and investing time in getting ready, Sara went
on to note that this feeling was contextual and that she invested more time in her
appearance in non-athletic settings.
When we have functions and we’d all go out together, like I’m really girly and I
carry my purse. I have my nails done. Uh but when I’m on the court like I will
be the first one showing up at six o’clock practice with no makeup and my hair
like a mess.
Although each participant’s level of dedication to look a certain way in public differed,
there was mutual agreement that societal gender norms result in pressure for women to
look and appear a certain way in public. Participants described similar expectations in
terms of how they felt pressured to behave as women.
Gendered behavior expectations. Participants described sensing strong
behavioral expectations associated with what it means to be feminine in American
society. Participants affirmed the idea that sport serves as a system to define gender
limitations (Vertinsky, as cited by Mean & Kassing, 2008) in their descriptions of
limitations both on and off the court. These gender expectations create a strong sense of
what behavior is acceptable for female athletes (Butler, as cited by Harper, Wardell, and
McGuire). Athletes described pressure to maintain a feminine appearance, an
expectation to be proper and unassertive in interactions, and an emphasis on always
looking presentable, put together, and pretty when going out in public. Morgan noted
that she felt there is an overarching expectation for women to be more polite than men.
I do feel there’s a different expectation for females than males. Um, I feel like
females are always expected to be more polite. To be more accepted in like
situations. While sometimes I guess men have the, I guess they are, it’s
acceptable if they’re more aggressive in a way.
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When asked how she would describe her gender identity using a scale of one to ten with
one representing the most masculine and ten representing the most feminine, Morgan
described how perceptions of her aggressiveness led to stopping short of ranking herself
at the highest level of association with femininity.
I think I’m very feminine, but then at the same time I have like one little part of
me which is kind of like more aggressive than most women would be so that’s
why I gave myself a nine and not a ten.
Morgan’s perception of femininity is at odds with engaging in confident, aggressive and
assertive behavior. Multiple student-athletes shared these perceptions by describing
expectations to be proper in all of their interactions. Ella emphasized the importance of
consistently looking presentable in public and behaving in a classy manner at all times.
There’s definitely a line with the way you talk. I mean, not being vulgar. Being
more I guess classy is the word. Um, you know girls have to watch what they
say, what they do. Um, the way they act. I guess you always have to act like
you’re, I don’t very proper. Not proper, but just like in a more classy fashion.
Carry yourself in a better way than guys would be expected to.
Ashley went beyond differences in behavioral expectations for men and women and
focused on society’s changing perceptions of post college gender roles.
They’re (women) portrayed to be uh the stay at home mom to be like the
homemakers and take care of their families in the more traditional American
sense. I mean today some people’s perspective have changed where you know
the females and relationships are in the household are sometimes the
breadwinners and there’s stay at home dads.
Although she references that societal perceptions of gender roles are changing, Ashley
recognizes that there are still strong messages sent to women about the roles they should
expect to take on in the future, particularly in terms of family caretaking. These
perceived limitations for how women could behave on the court reinforce the idea that
74
gender roles are deeply engrained, rarely questioned, and simply accepted as a societal
norm (Kimmel & Davis, 2011; Krane 2001).
Theme 1 Summary: The challenge of meeting traditional gender expectations
All of the players in the study used cisgender descriptors (gender in
correspondence with sex assigned at birth) while talking about their gender identity and
most described themselves as very feminine. For the most part, participants spoke
positively about appearing feminine in public whenever possible. In addition, almost all
of the participants suggested they enjoyed wearing makeup and / or wearing flattering
feminine clothing and shoes. Players described experiencing consistent expectations to
look presentable in public and described praise for their appearance as a pleasant form of
positive reinforcement.
Morning and evening practices coupled with demanding academic schedules,
however, rarely if ever allowed for participants to get ready for the day in ways they
normally would during the off-season. Almost all of the players described getting ready
quickly after morning and evening practices to be as efficient as possible with their time.
This took the shape of opting to wear athletic apparel throughout the day (usually school
provided sweat suits) and opting for the shortest prep time possible by applying minimal
amounts of makeup (if any at all) or doing much with long hair beyond throwing it in a
ponytail.
When describing behavioral expectations associated with being a woman,
participants noted consistent pressure to appear proper and poised in public. That
expectation contrasted with the need to be assertive and aggressive in basketball.
Participants described perceived limits on how physically aggressive they could be on the
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court based on expectations for women to appear proper and polite in public. Participants
described discouragement from using too much profanity and harsh language based on
these perceptions. They also described how these thresholds on assertive behavior on
the court were much less stringent for male NCAA basketball players.
Theme 2: Gendered expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings
When individuals experience two systems at the same time (i.e. practicing when coaches
and teammates are present) they form a mesosystem or, “a set of interrelations between
two or more settings in which the developing person becomes an active participant” (p.
210). Mesosystems were particularly pertinent for the student-athletes as they described
how family members, teammates, and coaches each establish gender norms in unique
ways. Players described experiencing gender expectations from family members and
coaches while suggesting that their teammates were neutral regarding conversations
about gender in team settings. If anything, teammates seemed to have little to no
expectations in terms of how they believed teammates should look or behave. Veteran
teammates seemed to have a shared understanding that preparing for their academic
commitments during the day in a way that they usually would out of season simply
wasn’t time efficient or manageable and thus got ready for the day in between practices
or game commitments in the most quick and efficient way possible. This often involved
wearing loose fitting basketball apparel, little to no makeup, and doing little with long
hair (for players who wore their hair in this fashion) beyond putting it in a ponytail.
Attempting to do anything else seemed relatively futile in terms of effectively managing
time throughout the day. Players were okay with preparing for their day in a way that
was not in line with traditional norms associated with looking feminine, but cited
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frustration when they interacted with the microsystem consisting of their peers, who they
perceived as judging them for their appearance.
In many ways the team based microsystem seemed to be the most insular in terms
of gender expectations. That said, this sense of inclusion is likely skewed by the fact that
almost all of the participants in the study alluded to being very feminine. The sense of
welcome and equal acceptance in the team dynamic might change in environments where
a student-athlete feels pressure to maintain an appearance that is not in line with their
gender identity, or a gay student-athlete feels pressured to closet her identity for fear of
how her teammates and coaches might react.
Team support and inclusivity. Participants experience a series of mesosystems
on a regular basis. For example, teammates might be together while interacting with
other peers in their daily activities outside of basketball. In athletic settings, a common
mesosystem interaction involves practices or games with both teammates and the
coaching staff present. When asked to describe how gender dynamics come up with
players and coaches, participants described rarely thinking about or talking about this
topic in athletic settings. This particular social setting was the most insular in terms of
gender perceptions and expectations. Teammates rarely engaged each other in
conversation about gender or sexual orientation, and for the most part described
respecting the identities of others. While some coaches encouraged players to look
feminine during public team outings, there was no mention of gender expectations from
coaches on the court.
At the outset of this study, I anticipated hearing more about the patriarchal nature
of collegiate athletics. While players did describe some frustration with patriarchal
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influence such as negative recruiting practices, the sexualization of the female athlete,
and minimal coverage of women’s athletics; the primary challenge and frustration
described by players was associated with the gender binary and subsequent experiences
of gender performativity. Participants elicited the most emotional response to questions
when asked to discuss their perceptions of expectations associated with how they dress.
Participants described a high level of frustration with responses from people in public
who seemed to be judging them for the way they looked, or flat out asked them about
their sex or sexual orientation.
When describing team culture and conversations focused on gender or sexuality,
players emphasized that conversations about these topics were relatively rare.
Participants suggested that teammates were aware of each other’s identity, but that these
dynamics tended not to be important as the team focused primarily on their shared goal of
playing well on the court. Several participants suggested that team dynamics played an
important role not only in feeling a sense of belonging on the team, but served as a buffer
against the demands of playing collegiate basketball as well. Ella noted that the demands
of being a college student-athlete created a very strong bond between players.
Um the teammates, the girls I play with are incredible. So that’s a family you
kind of get built into while you’re here…I mean we’re with each other every day.
We all get along so well. We go out together. Hang out together. So it’s really,
we have a really close connection.
Ashley described group dynamics as a tight bond based on the small size of the team.
I feel like being on a collegiate women’s basketball team, it’s definitely very
family oriented because there’s a small roster, especially compared to other sports
like track and field or football where there’s 50 plus people at a time, but I feel
like having the small roster of 15 people or less it definitely can create a very
intimate team where you spend a lot of time with each other…so you get to spend
a lot of time, build a lot of friendships and bond with different people. Like
players and coaches alike, so…I feel like it’s um definitely a good feeling to feel
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like camaraderie and like the warmth of kind of like having a home away from
home.
Participants’ use of the word “family” and “home” emphasize the support they receive
from other players and occasional strong bonds with members of the coaching staff.
These bonds were essential not only for helping them work through the challenges
associated with being a student athlete, but provided a venue for learning about diversity
as well. Lisa noted that participating in collegiate basketball gave her an opportunity to
meet people with very different backgrounds than her own.
I just thought oh I’ll have like a few close friends on the team and stuff and our
team is actually pretty diverse as far like, um, race and like background and um
like uh sexual orientation and like where they, just where they come, like one of
them is foreign and a few are from Texas so just like a lot of diversity that you get
with college teams and we like actually get along so well as a team. I just, I don’t
know. I like never realized that like I could connect to people so different than
me. Um, so like yeah I feel like I could actually hang out with the majority, like
almost all the people on my team. Um, and I like yeah. I don’t know I connect
with them in different ways. Like we’ll hang out as a team together and then
we’ll also like, one, a few girls I go to bible study with and a few we like always
go out to eat and stuff like that so it’s like everybody gets along in different ways,
but there’s really like not a lot of drama and like the differences you would see by
just looking at the team don’t really come as far as like as with relationships.
An overarching theme that the players describe in terms of the team as a family is the
element of time. Time spent together in a close knit environment that requires working
toward a common goal leads to a strong bond between players. For many players, this
bond serves as a key support system and forces them to learn about one another in a
setting designed to build mutual respect.
One aspect of identity that several players discussed was sexual orientation due to
the stereotype that most female basketball players are lesbian. Lisa noted that sexual
orientation is an occasional topic of conversation in the locker room and that players are
very aware of the lesbian label associated with female basketball players.
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Among teammates sometimes we’ll talk about like, kind of, about their sexual
orientation and stuff and how like that ties into women’s basketball because I
think that a lot of people think that like if you’re on the women’s basketball team
like most people are lesbian.
Lisa goes on to describe how this is a common point of conversation in her team, but that
in insular team environments the element of judging sexual orientation is relatively nonexistent.
We’re all on the same side and then we get, we’ll get in that like situation where
people judge that. But like the girls on my team, there’s like a few girls on my
team who are lesbian and like it’s super not a big deal at all. Like…its…we talk
about it like as if we were talking about guys how they talk about girls and stuff
and I feel like people on the outside don’t understand that at all. How like you
can’t, I don’t know it’s just like not different. It’s not like I think that they’re any
different from us in any way and like I don’t think I relate to them less or
anything.
Lisa described dynamics specific to her team culture as very open and accepting of
everyone regardless of their gender identity and sexual orientation. That said, she
mentioned that female players sense pressure to appear certain ways even on the court.
For example, she went on to describe how female players who failed to perform
femininity in ways society expected may experience assumptions about their sexuality.
This led to a discussion about the importance of how a female athlete wears her hair and
what this may communicate to fans about her sexual orientation.
If you look at the WNBA today, not many people wear headbands and everything.
Like I think people associate that with like, “oh they’re all lesbians because
they’re not looking pretty while they’re playing basketball”.
Several other members referenced how they wear their hair during game and how that
helps them demonstrate femininity and thus avoid being labeled as lesbian. For example,
Vivian described how her parents had encouraged her to wear her way a certain way
since she was younger to avoid looking to masculine while playing basketball.
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My parents know that I’m girly, but they like me to...you know...look girly while
I’m playing at the same time. Like um you know make sure my hair is always
done or in a, you know in a ponytail. I know some girls will play like in
cornrows. I wasn’t ever allowed to do that because my parents felt like it looked
too like boyish.
In addition to pressure from parents, some coaches may reinforce expectations to look
feminine as well. Vivian notes that this is the case for a relative that plays for a different
team. She mentioned that when her relative goes out with the team as a group, “coach
likes them to look girly”.
For the most part, team dynamics associated with gender and sexual orientation
was positive. However, players noted that the expectations set by some coaches to look
feminine in public might create environments that exclude the identities of individuals
who do not fit the mold or norm associated with traditional gender norm expectations.
Firm public expectations. Participants’ descriptions of experiencing traditional
gender norm expectations revealed a tightly woven intersection of gender and sexual
orientation. Intersectionality describes how two separate identities overlap and intersect
to create a unique experience of an individual (Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009; Walker &
Melton, 2015). The intersection of gender and sexual orientation plays an important role
in the experience of each female athlete. When participants described experiencing
assumptions about their gender identity, their recollections coupled often with questions
about sexual orientation, demonstrating how the intersection of these two identities
uniquely shaped their experiences. Players described this coupling of oppressive
inquiries in multiple environments throughout their formative years, which provided
context for how they perceived the non-verbal messaging they experienced when they
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appeared in public in loose fitting athletic apparel (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Strange &
Banning, 2001).
Participants expressed frustration with the interpretation of their gender identity or
sexual orientation when they chose to wear sweats during the day, but also saw little
point in rushing to get ready in between practices. Almost all of the participants made it
a point to note in their responses that they were attracted to men, since one of their key
points of frustration associated with regular micro-aggressions was the constant need to
clarify to others that they were heterosexual. One participant openly disclosed that she
sought out a team where recruiters endorsed heterosexual norms amongst the coaching
staff and players so that she could distance herself from assumptions that she might not
be heterosexual.
That strategy, associated with the fear of being incorrectly labeled as lesbian is
consistent with Pharr’s (1997) assertion that homophobia can be used as a weapon to
deter women from violating gender norms. These concerns are also consistent to some
extent with Veri’s (1999) suggestion that the fear of developing a lesbian label leads
heterosexual female athletes to engage in the overemphasis of their femininity. While
many of the women cited frustration with dealing with negative labels, they also
mentioned being fine with appearing in public in sweats, hair undone, little to no makeup,
etc. as that was the most realistic way for them to manage both their athletic and
academic demands.
Stigma associated with appearing too masculine or developing a masculine
reputation was a common theme. A few participants noted that female basketball players
receive a label that they are masculine due to the aggressive nature of the sport. Ella
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described this as basketball getting a negative reputation when compared to other sports
labelled as feminine.
Uh, you look at volleyball, soccer I think they’re perceived as more feminine
athletes. Um, I think basketball gets a little bit of a bad rap sometimes. Which is
probably directly from, I mean, you have volleyball and soccer in spandex and
you know short shorts. I guess it could from the uniforms, but I think basketball
gets a bad rap sometimes.
Ella focuses specifically on the bagginess of basketball uniforms, which she guesses may
be associated with masculinity. While answering the question she was resistant to the
idea that gender played a role in sport, but placed an emphasis on the idea that basketball
got a “bad rap”. She indicated that the uniform she was required to wear may have
something to do with assumptions about gender, but did not focus on the physical nature
of basketball in her response.
Sara provided a similar perspective when she described
how society might perceive basketball apparel.
We wear stuff like guys. So we only wear loose baggy basketball shorts which
society doesn’t, you know we’re supposed to wear everything tight and show a
bunch of skin, but our shorts are long. You know we, I don’t know we wear what
the guys wear, so.
Ashley focused less on the specific apparel worn in basketball and instead focused on a
frustration of constantly challenging assumptions that girls should not play sports.
Um and they’re not supposed to be so athletic or into sports and if you are you’re
considered a tom boy. And personally that’s a term that I dislike because people
are like, “Oh you were always a tom boy” and I’m like, “no I’m just a girl that
loves basketball” you know like I’d consider myself one of the girliest of the girls
out there you know.
The stigma described by Ashley focuses more on specific labels that female athletes may
experience as micro aggressions. Her emphasis on the point that “I’m just a girl that
loves basketball” highlights the frustration of regularly having to challenge assumptions
that female basketball players are not feminine.
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A repeated theme by many of the student-athletes focused on negative perceptions
associated with wearing athletic apparel or sweats out in public or in the classroom.
While athletes felt okay dressing comfortably in between practices, some of their
experiences seem to reflect those of gender non-conforming students (Seelman, 2014).
Female athletes face a choice of fitting into what peers deem “normal” behavior or
dealing with questions and assumptions about their gender identity and sexual orientation
on a daily basis based solely on their appearance.
The student-athletes consistently reported feeling looked down upon for wearing
sweats in public settings. In addition, they described feeling labeled as masculine when
wearing sweats, or deciding not to wear makeup with their sweats outside of their athletic
environment. Ashley shared that she often felt people were judging her based on her
appearance when she wore sweats.
Today I wore sweats. I’m wearing a hat like this is like my almost everyday
wardrobe being a student-athlete because it’s super comfortable from going to
classes to going to workouts right after. It just gets crazy…to really put on a nice
outfit to change and be sweaty for six hours of the day you know? So I feel like
in certain situations people may say like, like “wow like she’s in sweats” or I feel
like, I guess in certain situations like I guess I’m judged for my attire because I
think my sweats are comfortable. But um so yes, I would say sometimes I am
kind of stigmatized in that sense…I feel like especially since we are females it’s
like, “Oh you’re supposed to look this way” or “you should have worn jeans and a
nice shirt” and it’s like okay my hoodie is super comfortable and these sweats and
sneakers are doing it, so leave me alone.
Lisa shared a very similar sentiment about how she felt judged when she wore her sweats
in public.
I wear sweats to class every day and it’s not I don’t like dressing nice, it’s just
because of practice and everything. And I just feel like, not just because I’m in
(this academic building / program) but because I’m a woman, like I…I don’t
know expected not to dress like that. Like they’re giving me negative like dirty
looks or just kind of like people don’t think I’m as…I don’t know…like as
intelligent. Like girls who dress in nice business clothes or even just like a
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fashionable outfit, like when they’re presenting or when they’re saying a
comment in class or something like I feel like people think they’re more smart or
they’re smarter like than me because I look more like a scrub. You know what I
mean?
Vivian mentioned similar competing demands noting that it was tough to look the way
society seemed to expect her too while also managing the demands of being a studentathlete.
A lot of people think that, you know I’m always supposed to wear cute clothes all
the time and I actually am really girly, but being so busy, like it’s so hard to you
know wear regular clothes every day. Especially you know going from class to
practice or you know just busy things every day. But a lot of people think you
know, girls are supposed to only wear girly clothes all the time and that’s not
always, that’s really not the case, to athletes.
The negative connotation associated with wearing sweats to class or in public impacted
student-athletes both in terms of their self-perception, and in one instance described by
Vivian as a direct question by a child regarding her biological sex.
The other day I was in Walgreens and I was like, it was right before I was going
to practice so I had like you know basketball clothes on with you know basketball
shorts and like…this little boy came up to me and he’s like, “are you a boy or a
girl?” and I’m like, “I’m a girl!” His mom was like, “I think he asked you that
because you have basketball clothes on” and I know like a lot of people think like
girls should always wear girly clothes and you know not sports looking clothes.
This incident served as one example of labels, assumptions, or stigma that women may
experience if they do not maintain their appearance or behave in a way that is in line with
society’s gender norm expectations. Appearing masculine in public by wearing baggy
athletic apparel and wearing little makeup resulted in these assumptions in many cases,
consistent with how researchers have noted that appearing masculine in public can lead to
consequences in terms of gender norm policing (Elling & Janssens, 2009; Garcia &
Slesaransky-Poe, 2010; Kolnes, 1995; Paechter, 2006; Pharr, 1997, Veri, 1999).
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In addition to avoiding labels that they were masculine, almost all of the studentathletes described frustrations with societal assumptions that most female basketball
players are lesbian. Sara mentioned sensing this label early in life due to her interest in
participating in sports.
I’m a tomboy. Like as I grew up I was a tomboy, you know I’d get made fun of.
You know I was the dyke of the crew cuz I would always challenge the boys at
lunch during basketball. But then I have my really girly side too like, um, I don’t
know.
Sara’s description here provides insight into the intersectionality of gender and sexual
orientation. Several participants described the interactions between these two identities
in detail as they talked about the relationship between how they chose to appear in public
and subsequent questions and assumptions about their sexual orientation. Ashley
described how negative stereotypes of female basketball players may cause some women
to avoid playing the game all together.
I think that society in general they perceive lots of female athletes to be lesbians
which is like the biggest myth of the world because I just think that just because
I’m a female that plays basketball it’s like, “Oh you must like girls” and it’s like
“no, I just like basketball”. You know? Like I’m a, I’m a straight young lady and
I like boys and that’s that. But um, so I feel like society sees um females in that
light more so where um I feel like basketball fans and people that have been
around the sport more, they may know like yes they may be a certain number of
lesbian females that do play basketball, but they stigmatize all girls that play
basketball in that category.
Ashley went on to describe that she had no ill will toward lesbian teammates or coaches
that she interacted with, but felt weighed down by having to constantly challenge
assumptions that because she is a basketball player, she must also be attracted to women.
Sara described similar frustrations with having to challenge assumptions that she was
lesbian.
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Honestly like I’m not a lesbian. I have a boyfriend. Um and most of the time
everybody’s like, “oh you play women’s basketball, you’re a lesbian”. The first
thing I say is, “no”. Then it’s like, I’ll say, “no I am not a lesbian. I have a
boyfriend.” I always tell people you know I’m not, but. I know a lot of people
question, you know just because I play basketball I’m a lesbian.
Lisa was unique in that she was the lone participant who placed little emphasis on
appearing feminine, but nonetheless grew frustrated with assumptions that she was a
lesbian due to her association with basketball. Morgan described similar feelings about
dealing with this label on a regular basis.
I’m not gonna lie, some days I do [feel pressure to avoid being labeled a lesbian].
Yes. Trying to avoid that stigma because it is. It’s out there. Just the other day I
was asked by someone on campus, it was like they saw I’m wearing sweats and
its winter so it’s (inaudible). They’re like, “oh what sport” and I say “basketball”
and they’re like “aren’t there many lesbians in that sport?’ So, that was a real
question that was asked… I don’t feel within the program or within the team or
around my teammates or anything like that. And not in the sport in general I
think. Well, yeah not necessarily in the sport, but just like in general to other
people outside the sport who don’t really know what exactly they have that stigma
on it.
Some of the student-athletes described simply wanting people to avoid labeling
females who play basketball, while others hoped to distance themselves from teams with
lesbian players or coaches in an effort to avoid developing an individual lesbian label.
Messaging focused on gender identity and sexual orientation begin as early as the
recruiting process for many female collegiate basketball players. Several players
confirmed that coaches talked openly about the sexual orientation of coaches both in their
programs and in other programs. Lisa described these dynamics as having both positive
and negative connotations.
It’s something that people who do identify as lesbian will talk about with recruits
that come in. And I, it’s not like the coaches are saying that or anything but it’s, I
think it makes recruits more comfortable if they are lesbian because they know
they’ll have, kind of friends and be accepted here.
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Lisa’s emphasis that coaches reference sexual orientation is relatively neutral at this
point, indicating that sharing this information is about reassuring recruits that they will be
in a safe and comfortable team environment. Upon further reflection, Lisa goes on to
mention that it doesn’t seem as common for recruiters to reference sexual orientation as a
dynamic to ensure players feel welcome, but rather to use homophobia as a tactic for
encouraging recruits to avoid programs with lesbian staff members or players.
There’s definitely a difference between organizations…or there’s teams that will
identify as lesbian friendly, but I don’t think necessarily do that, I think it’s more
there’s team that um identify themselves as family friendly as (opposed) to
identifying themselves with the opposite. Like, “we’re a traditional family, like
we value the traditional family” and pretty much they’re saying like we’re, it’s not
like they’re like judging lesbians and people like that, but it’s more we…I don’t
know, you know what I’m saying? Like they focus on the traditional role of how
female athletes “should be”.
The messaging described here has homophobic connotations and implies that
programs that are not in line with the “traditional family” pose a threat to players who
identify as heterosexual. These tactics are consistent with what Pharr (1997) described as
a means of systemized homophobia. By creating rules and expectations associated with
gender, coaches sent an indirect message that appearing masculine in public could
potentially be detrimental to the team. These rules in part help protect gender norms and
patriarchal power structures present in modern day society (Paechter, 2006; Elling &
Janssens, 2009). In addition, this practice creates an underlying message that female
athletes who identify as heterosexual should avoid these programs to avoid being
associated with players or coaches who identify as gay. Vivian described this as an
important tool in identifying her college program, as she intentionally wanted to distance
herself from programs labeled as lesbian friendly.
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Um when I was being recruited I would just hear like through the grapevine, “oh
this coach is gay” or “this team has a lot of lesbian players on it” and I would you
know avoid those teams because I’m not a lesbian and I, this sounds bad but I
don’t want to be associated with a basketball player that’s a lesbian because it
doesn’t represent me. Not that that I’m saying, like I wouldn’t have a, like I have
friends that are gay and I don’t have a problem being seen with them, but I feel
like a whole team has that I guess like view or stigma around it. I was you know
hesitant to you know being interested in those schools.
Vivian interpreted this messaging as a strategy to discourage her from considering other
teams and affirmed that it influenced her final decision on what school to attend. Other
participants talked extensively about frustrations based on others assuming they are
lesbian based on their apparel or their appearance. Vivian described this as a stigma and
label that many female athletes must navigate who are in sports associated with
masculine characteristics
I think for a long time [people] thought like basketball players were, had to be
gay. But most of the time uh people think that female athletes, not even just
basketball, you know softball or other sports, they think that basketball players are
gay or softball players must be gay. I think that’s been the case for a long time up
until recently.
Vivian described a sense that perceptions of female athletes were starting to change, but
also described an obligation to challenge this stereotype on a daily basis.
I guess I wish more people knew how girly athletes can be. Because well my
team, a lot of us have boyfriends and we like dressing up and we like putting on
makeup and doing the hair thing. But you know with other teams where there are
lesbian players there shouldn’t be a negative stigma around it. It shouldn’t be,
don’t assume that I’m gay because I play basketball, but if I was don’t treat me
any differently than you would somebody else.
Vivian describes using certain behaviors to help challenge the assumption that female
athletes are all lesbian. Her statement indicates that she doesn’t feel players should be
treated differently based on their sexual orientation, but goes on to describe the
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importance of heterosexual teammates emphasizing that they are not lesbian through how
they present themselves in order to avoid being labeled as masculine or lesbian herself.
Mesosystems appear to play a role in each player’s experience in regard to
traditional gender norms. Players whose parents and coaches used more inclusive
language about gender identity and sexual orientation seemed to speak more openly about
gender not being a big deal in their team dynamic. While all players cited frustration
with assumptions about their gender identity when they wore their sweats during the day,
those on teams who were open about using a “traditional family” model used stronger
language to describe their desire to be seen as feminine. Thus, there are developmental
implications associated with gender messaging that student-athletes receive in their team
environment.
Frustrations associated with judgement for their appearance when wearing athletic
apparel suggests that there is consistent negative reinforcement for appearing in public in
a way that is not consistent with gender expectations. Socialized norms associated with
gender and femininity influenced almost all of the participants on a regular basis. These
expectations were strongest when players appeared in public while wearing basketball
sweats and / or wearing little to no makeup. On the court, those expectations were
different. Players experienced the least pushback to their appearance in athletics
environments, which have deep historical roots in patriarchal privilege and influence.
This may be partially due to women wearing basketball apparel, which fit norms and
expectations about how players should dress on the court. Gender expectations that
players experienced on the court focused more on different limitations on behavior in
comparison to male athletes. The feedback provided by players suggests that rules
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associated with the gender binary play a pivotal role in how they experience their
environment.
Theme 2 Summary: Gendered expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings
The student athletes in this study described distinctly different messages
associated with gender expectations in athletic and non-athletic settings. Players
suggested that the focus of their daily interactions with teammates and coaches in athletic
settings was basketball centric. These experiences focused on athletics in a homogenous
gender setting. Therefore, the idea of performing gender on the court or in practice did
not come up very often. Players did describe experiencing some subtle messaging from
parents or coaches who encouraged players to avoid wearing their hair a specific way on
the court (i.e. keeping hair long, avoiding cornrows, wearing headbands, etc.) or to avoid
being too physically aggressive or profane while playing; but for the most part players
indicated that they did not think about gender very often in athletic environments.
Instead they described focusing on hard work, perseverance through mistakes, and
focusing on winning. While participants noted that everyone on the team had a good read
on the gender identity and sexual orientation of their teammates, they emphasized that
those dynamics were unimportant in relation to their positive support of one another and
their collective focus on basketball.
Players described experiencing stronger gender expectations in non-athletic
settings. These expectations included assumptions about how they should appear and
behave, particularly when they wore athletic gear during the day. Players described
occasionally experiencing assumptions about their gender or sexual orientation when they
chose to wear sweats in between practices, chose not to put on makeup, or chose not to
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spend time doing their hair before going to class after morning practices. Negative
messages were the most frustrating from people least associated with the players (peers,
sports fans, etc.). Several players expressed frustration when describing past instances
where strangers had asked them about their sexuality or gender identity simply due to
their appearance or association with basketball.
Theme 3: The evolving dynamic of gender perceptions in women’s basketball
Bronfenbrenner (1979) refers to settings that do not directly involve the
developing person as an active participant, yet influence their experience as Exosystems.
These influences include administrative structures and subsequent decisions within a
given academic institution or athletic program that affect the student experience. The
participants in the study implied that decisions made by the colleges and university
during the implementation of Title IX in the mid 1970’s to fund women’s basketball at
the same rate as men’s programs increased their sense of feeling valued by the institution.
Lisa mentioned this as relevant today because the players were keen to the fact that they
were provided the same access to high end training apparel, scholarships, and meals
during the season as men, even though they brought in significantly less revenue from fan
attendance and media rights.
The final layer of influencing an individual’s socialization to concepts such as
gender is the Macrosystem, or the consistency in which a given society reinforces cultural
or sub-cultural belief systems and ideologies (1979). Media coverage, social attitudes
toward female athletes, endorsements based on attractiveness for professional athletes,
and NCAA policies all played key roles at this level. Participants had a strong sense that
the lack of support for women’s sports is based on the over emphasis of sexuality for
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female athletes. While participants noted a high level of appreciation for the support they
received from their fan base, they also felt that there could be more support if the sport
received more coverage by major media outlets. Players described how this lack of
endorsements and coverage bothered them based on these practices sending a message is
somehow less valuable than men’s basketball based solely on gender.
Media and the sexualization of the female athlete. Several participants talked
about frustrations with the disparity of fan support and media coverage between men’s
and women’s athletics. Recent research notes that indeed a clear difference in the
amount of coverage for men’s vs. women’s athletics (Bishop, 2003; ESPN Films, 2013;
Daniels, 2012; Hargreaves). Although several players mentioned appreciation for fans
that supported them and the opportunity they themselves had to serve as positive role
models for young women, they also cited frustration with a lack of media coverage,
particularly on primetime television. Sara noted that there are clear differences between
men’s and women’s basketball, but that this shouldn’t result in significantly lower
coverage for the women’s game.
I don’t think people realize how much time we put into like um compared to like
men’s basketball. Like we put in just the same amount of work. I mean yeah,
you know we’re not as exciting because we don’t dunk and stuff, but like I don’t
feel like we’re women’s basketball really gets um the right amount of credit that
we really deserve. Uh, just you know because we can’t dunk. But we still do, we
still do all the stuff that they do. Just you know just like out on the court. So I
don’t know. I just feel women’s basketball or women’s sports in general just
need more credit. And they need more like spotlight.
Sara emphasizes the point that the game is virtually the same in every way except for the
minimal number of players in the women’s game who dunk. She questions the lack of
fan support and goes on to suggest that the poor turnout may be due to the lack of
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attention and coverage of women’s sports by the media, hinting at the patriarchal
influence in U.S. sports culture.
I think that like, um obviously on like Sportscenter it’s all about the guys. Like
you never hear, you know the stories about Tamika Catchings doing good or bad.
They will put something bad in the media about a male athlete before they put
something positive about a female athlete. I don’t know, I don’t think that media
really emphasizes women like they do the men.
This note is interesting in that Sara emphasizes the preference of covering negative news
focused on male athletes vs. positive news about female athletes. Sara suggests that this
bias sends a clear message that the women’s game is undervalued. Morgan agreed that
there is a lack of coverage for women’s basketball compared to men’s, but she also
mentioned that she felt the disparity was improving.
I think that the amount of games that are um on TV or like women’s games are
much higher and um I think they try to make it equal. It’s not equal yet, the
amount of I guess games, the attention, media attention or whatever it is guys and
girls, but still I think it’s getting better but it’s not that females get a lot of
attention.
In addition to noting the lack of media coverage, Morgan noted that there are far fewer
fans and supporters of women’s basketball as compared to men.
People would rather watch men play than women. Um, I’d say that the amount of
people that come to our games compared to the guys, it’s yeah…it’s not even
comparable. It’s ridiculously not comparable. Um so, I think generally um it’s
not as appreciated as it probably should be.
The sense that fans are more motivated to support men’s basketball and subsequently that
they have lower expectations for the women’s game was shared by several participants.
Lisa noted that elite men’s players get constant coverage by the media and quickly draw
the attention of sponsors once they have turned pro, while professional women’s players
rarely receive this level of attention.
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They’re going to market LeBron James because he’s an amazing basketball player
but they don’t do as much for like Lindsay Whalen or Maya Moore. Like which
that is getting better, like I think Maya Moore and the top WNBA players, but it’s
not like they’re gonna market the Lynx. I don’t know, I just don’t think like, I
think it’s, there’s a difference between that and how they, how the media portrays
them because they’re females and how, yeah. I just think that in general people,
like in Minnesota the Lynx are really good, but in general people are like, “the
WNBA is a joke” or like the jokes that are like… “in the WNBA expect layups”.
I don’t know if you’ve heard that. Like it’s just, they, the media and by media I
mean newspapers and stuff, but also like things on twitter, is like the WNBA is
not a league, like a valid and respectable like sport or organization.
The phrase “in the WNBA expect layups” emphasizes an assumption by many fans and
perhaps the media that the women’s game is somehow less exciting. By focusing on
professional basketball in this quote, Sara emphasizes the idea that female athletes may
experience a disparity in fan support throughout their entire basketball career.
I think that we’re perceived honestly lower than the guys… I don’t see us less, but
I think there’s people on the outside who think we’re like, you know we don’t
work as hard. We don’t put in as much time as what they put in. But, I mean the
people on the inside know we just do as much as what they do
Lisa agreed with the idea that women are perceived as less athletic, but cited similar
frustration with the idea that women do not work just as hard as men.
Um, I think that they like in general view female athletes as, like we’re, like less
athletic than men which is biologically true in ways, but like it’s not like, like it’s
like they reach less of their potential I feel like people think. Like yes they’re
weaker, like we’re naturally weaker and things like that, but that doesn’t mean
we’re less athletic in the sense of like we’re less of an athlete.
Lisa notes an important element here in that she recognizes that there are differences in
physical make up between male and female athletes, but asks why there has to be a
comparison. She emphasizes the fact that female athletes are no different than male
athletes in terms of their training, dedication, and commitment to the game of basketball.
While talking about media coverage, participants began to reference another
frustration associated with media coverage for female athletes. This theme focused on
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who receives the most coverage and endorsements (for professional female athletes).
Participants described an overemphasis of female athletes’ physical attractiveness by the
media. Ashley suggested that the emphasis of women’s sexuality is a part of their daily
lives.
I feel like society uh portrays women in a more sexual light than males and
women are supposed to be pretty.
Participants reinforced this idea as they described how the media tends to cover women’s
athletics. Lisa described this mesh of gender and athletics as a natural phenomenon
considering the perception of women both inside and outside of athletics.
I think people really expect female athletes and especially female athletes to be
sexy and um, like kind of, I don’t know. I just think guys in general when they
have….I think of Skylar Diggins and like everyone, all these guys are obsessed
with her because she’s beautiful and she plays basketball so she’s like a guy’s girl
kind of thing. Like she is in the sport and you can watch her on the court, but
then she is beautiful off the court and I think all society, and mostly guys would
like all female athletes to be like that because yeah. I don’t know. That’s just
how like, it’s like the ideal female athlete in society.
There were multiple references to Skylar Diggins (a former player at Notre Dame and
current WNBA player) as she seemed to encapsulate the ideal image of the feminized
female athlete. Ella described the importance of emphasizing femininity, particularly if
an athlete had the talent and ability to extend their career into professional basketball.
In the WNBA obviously…we (Ella & her teammates) were just saying that if she
(Diggins) weren’t pretty, or wasn’t seen as like a good looking female she
probably wouldn’t get any of the endorsements or the media attention that she
gets. So it’s funny to see that there’s some players that are more talented than her
but because she has a different dynamic to her and she’s more feminine that she
gets a lot of the attention.
While Ella described the pressure to emphasize femininity for professional athletes as a
reality, she also expressed frustration with the idea that looks could be directly related to
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the worth of an athlete. She went on to state that there is a disparity in media coverage
for female athletes who are attractive vs. those who are not.
I think media doesn’t give female athletes attention unless they’re attractive…I
think they look for sex appeal. Um, attractiveness. Prettiness. I think if that’s not
there then the media doesn’t bring much attention to it.
Ella later went on to mention that she didn’t feel like sex appeal and an emphasis on
attractiveness were regularly discussed as a part of women’s college basketball, or a
regular discussion in her current or former team which she’d recently transferred from.
Women’s sports is just, it’s all about sex appeal and attractiveness and if you want
to go far in the sport or really make money off of it, you have to have that. It’s
like the X factor. Um, so I mean, it’s not something we focus on as a program, or
I don’t think it’s really focused on in college, or female college sports as a whole,
but I think it plays a huge part when you look at the females who have been
successful. They have that. So I think that it’s an underlying thing and not many
people talk about it, but its there.
Research suggests that the perceptions of disparity in media coverage and pay for
professional female athletes cited here is accurate. Male athletes are paid at a much
higher rate than female athletes (Bartky, 1990; ESPN Films, 2013; Steele, 2012) and
professional female athletes are rewarded more with endorsements focused on their
physical beauty and sex appeal than their athletic prowess or ability to perform well in
their sport (ESPN Films, 2013; Daniels, 2012; Hargreaves, 1994; Kamphoff, 2010;
Krane, 2001; Kolnes, 1995; Messner, 2002).
Support from family, coaches, and fans. All participants in the study described
becoming involved in basketball at an early age. This early start was often driven by
family members who supported the women playing basketball and helped them develop a
passion for the game. In addition, many of the participants cited appreciation for the
chance to play on full scholarships (an opportunity many of these women likely would
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not have had prior to the implementation of Title IX). Statistics show that participation
of young women in organized athletics has increased by 600% between 1971 to 2010
(U.S. Department of Justice) which according to participants is due in part to the strong
support and encouragement from family to get involved in basketball. Love of the game
was an overarching theme for participants. Many chose basketball as their primary sport
based on their natural talents. Lisa described becoming involved in American Athletic
Union (AAU) leagues during her elementary school years, which led to her ongoing
involvement in competitive basketball and ultimately college recruitment.
I played AAU basketball um, in, starting in, let’s see I was like 11. I played that
for must have been…I, I was younger so I started when I was 9 and ended up
being 10 years in the same program which is like a huge deal in AAU basketball
and just like, um, meeting teammates there and then obviously getting into the
recruiting part of it.
Ashley also described getting involved in basketball at a young age, but noted that a
parent played an important role in encouraging her to pick a single extracurricular
activity on which to focus her energy.
Randomly in third grade my mom was like, “you need to pick an extracurricular
activity” and I had danced for a long time, took piano lessons, and I was like, “I
want to play basketball”. It was just random, out of the blue. I just told my mom
I wanted to play basketball so ever since then, I’ve been playing.
When asked for more information on how she chose basketball as her activity of choice,
Ashley focused on developing an early passion for the game.
Well what drew me to play collegiate basketball was that I’d been playing since I
was in the third grade and I knew that it was something that I’d developed a love
and passion for.
Vivian also described feeling pressure to pick one sport to focus on as she entered high
school based on that being her best fit as an athlete.
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So uh when I was a kid I played a lot of different sports like soccer, volleyball,
basically everything and when I got to high school it got so busy where I had to
pick one and I was the best at basketball so I played basketball.
While talking about their decision to play basketball at a young age, several participants
noted the importance of family members encouraging them to continue playing. This
support was essential for establishing an early interest in basketball and the decision to
continue in the sport up until college. Sara noted that her primary family influence came
from a brother who also played the game.
I started playing basketball um when I was younger just because my older brother
played and I looked up to him so I followed in his footsteps and I played.
In some situations, family members simply encouraged their daughters or siblings to play
sports regularly, while others were directly involved in the game either as coaches or as
former collegiate student-athletes themselves. Ella described basketball as a family
tradition.
I have an older brother so we were outside playing a lot um, of a bunch of
different sports, but my whole family played basketball. My cousins, my brother
did, so it was kind of a family thing.
Ashley noted a similar influence from family and discussed how they often played the
game with her while she was growing up.
My family’s always been like a sports family, so I’ve always seen basketball and
watched basketball. Occasionally when I was young we would go to the park and
shoot
Lisa described being raised in a family where both parents were coaches and also noted
that her mother had played collegiate basketball.
I guess my upbringing and childhood was a huge factor. Um, I’d been playing,
uh, since I was little. Both my parents were coaches and so um, um high school
coaches and so I was always in the gym with my family and my two younger
siblings…my mom played basketball here too.
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Vivian noted that her father played collegiate basketball and that he played an important
role in supporting her involvement and development as a player. Morgan described the
influence of a brother who played basketball and how he influenced her to play regularly.
I guess when I was young it was actually um my older brother. He played
basketball and um it was, it’s the biggest where I come from…it’s um the biggest
sport there so it was kind of, there’s a lot going on around that sport and it was
just something…I don’t want to say many girls did, cuz not many did, but a bunch
of guys did and I used to play with guys when I first started. So that’s kind of
what, was the first thing that got me started.
In addition to the early exposure to the game, several participants described the
importance strong female athlete role models played in their desire to pursue the game of
basketball. While addressing a question about pressure to appear a certain way as a
female basketball player, Lisa described student-athletes she was close with while she
served as a ball girl for a local basketball team.
I didn’t ever view them as like being lesbian or not or looking feminine or not.
Like they were just like, as a kid and stuff they were just basketball players and
they were really cool and I wanted to get a piggy back ride from them at camp
and everything. So like taking that and as I grew up and kind of I became less
innocent as far as to the issues of femininity and sexual orientation and
everything.
The innocence that Lisa describes here is interesting. Her use of the word “just’
emphasizes that her admiration of the players was based solely on their role as female
role models who were great at their sport. She notes that these players played a key role
in her desire to play collegiate basketball herself and that when she was younger she was
not thinking about gender, the players’ sexual orientation, or how they presented
themselves on the court. Instead, she simply admired them for their ability to play the
game well and aspired to be like them. Ella reiterated this importance and described how
she not only looked up to high school basketball players when she was younger, but
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noted the excitement of serving as a role model for girls herself in her current role as a
starter on a collegiate basketball team, “Little girls look up to you so it’s something cool
to be part of.” These examples suggest that players valued the opportunity both to look
up to female athlete role models and to serve as positive role models themselves, which is
consistent with Daniels (2010) suggestion that the increasing number of active collegiate
and professional female athletes plays a pivotal role in developing positive perceptions of
athletics participation for young women.
While early support from family members to play basketball was clearly an
important factor in participants’ involvement in the game, there were other positive signs
that environments continue to improve for female athletes. Lisa provided interesting
context when she compared her experience with that of her mother’s (a former Division I
basketball player at the same institution). First, she focused on the benefits and
recognition provided to division I athletes.
So like they (her mother’s team) won the conference tournament but it wasn’t (the
conference) yet so they never got recognized. Um, and now like recently they
have which is cool I guess. Um, and then a lot of…other different things I guess
too would be like um just the benefits we get are much higher. She used to get, I
started living in like an apartment style, like university housing my freshman year
and she lived in like the small dorm rooms pretty much like two or three years.
Um, so I feel like, yeah, just over the years the benefits have increased.
Lisa’s comparison suggests that women’s basketball has gained an increased level of
credibility by the public, the NCAA, and the media based on the recognition that she
describes here. Although not framing it as an improvement over what female athletes
before her experienced, Morgan notes her appreciation for equal access to gear, food, and
other resources for student-athletes when she compares the women’s team with the
men’s.
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I definitely notice that a lot of the things we get, so for example if it is gear or if it
is any benefits we get as student athletes is always equal to the men’s team. So I
did notice that because I know there’s not enough money in our sport to afford a
lot of things we get because we don’t get as much crowd. Even though we’re the
biggest women’s sport on campus for sure, but still it’s not like men’s scale or
like football obviously. So um we get a bunch of things I feel like only because
the guys do so I do feel like there’s a lot of effort to make it equal you know base
for both women and men so.
In addition to improvements in recognition and resources, Lisa went on to note
improvements in collegiate basketball culture based on the inclusive language some
coaches are using to refer to players’ significant others.
We can’t share our food with other people (due to NCAA regulations) and…they
said like, “don’t share your, you can’t, you have to eat your food that we give you
yourself. Don’t be bringing it to your boyfriends or girlfriends” and like then they
just go on in the conversation in that’s just like a way, I told my mom that and she
kind of laughed because that would never happen when she was here she said.
They’re treating it as a natural way like, “yes some people on the team have
girlfriends”.
Although some coaches clearly emphasis a heteronormative environment, the language
noted here may be becoming increasingly common by coaches as they recognize that
students are coming into the program with different gender identities and sexual
orientations. Student-athletes spend a significant amount of time in athletics
environments (Bimper Jr., 2015; Watt & Moore, 2001) shaped by administrators and
molded by coaches who are responsible for the management and leadership of their team.
These professionals have an excellent opportunity to help create programs and
educational opportunities that introduce how female student-athletes may experience
gender in their roles as athletes. In addition, there are opportunities for players, coaches,
and administrative staff to work collectively to help create inclusive environments within
their teams in a way that recognizes the full gender identity of every individual.
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Theme 3 Summary:
The evolving dynamic of gender perceptions in women’s basketball
Though participants described occasionally experiencing frustrating negative
labels associated with their roles as student-athletes, and limitations for female athletes in
general (such as poor media coverage of women’s basketball or an overemphasis on
sexuality and attractiveness associated with professional endorsements for female
athletes) there are two indicators that gender dynamics and support of female athletes
continues to see positive gains on the front of inclusivity. The first sign of positive
change is that every student-athlete who participated in the study described a high level
of support to play basketball from family members beginning at a young age. This
support proved to be vital in times of adversity. In addition to support from family
members, players described having the opportunity to watch or interact with skilled
female athletes beginning at a young age. These veteran athletes served as important role
models for younger women pursuing athletics.
The second sign of change was a willingness by an increasing number of coaches
to talk openly about gender dynamics. Players noted that more coaches are using
inclusive language when talking about players’ significant others. While this may seem
like a subtle change, it is one that is transcendent in the relatively cisgender and binary
realm of athletics. One participant, whose mother had played NCAA basketball noted
that language like this would never have been used during the time when she played,
indicating that coaches would only refer to players boyfriends when talking about
partners. These changes indicate that the environment of support for female athletes
regardless of their sexual orientation is slowly changing from an internal perspective.
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In another example of open discussion of gender, one participant described how
her coaches had brought in a former, highly successful female athlete who now worked in
sports media. This speaker encouraged female student athletes to shift their focus from
feeling pressured to meet standards set by patriarchal gender expectations (i.e. focusing
on motherhood, caretaking, housekeeping, etc.) to transcending limitations associated
with gender roles and choosing to pursue the future that was the best fit for them as
individuals. These examples suggest that women are receiving increased support in their
roles as student-athletes and that more change could be on the horizon.
Chapter Summary
Responses provided by the participants suggest that the need to balance
expectations associated with traditional gender norms while also performing as an elite
athlete at the NCAA level poses a significant challenge. Many of the participants note
that they consistently sense pressure to appear feminine, but from a convenience and
manageability perspective, it is much more efficient for them to prepare for the academic
portion of their day in a quick and efficient manner as they scramble back and forth
between practices, games, and travel. When describing gender limitations on the court,
the focus shifted to comparing the culture and expectations of women’s and men’s teams.
Participants described the most significant difference with men as the level of
assertiveness (both in play and in the language used in play) that a female athlete can
demonstrate. Participants suggested that there were stricter unwritten regulations on how
assertive and aggressive they could be when compared to male athletes. Participants also
described sensing gender expectations in every aspect of their day-to-day experience.
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That said, they noted differences in how much they experienced pressure to abide by
norms in athletic and non-athletic settings.
In terms of social settings, experiences with traditional gender norm expectations
seemed to be different in athletic and non-athletic environments. The team microsystem
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979) was perhaps the most insular in terms of gender perceptions and
expectations. For the most part, participants described interactions with their teammates
as being relatively gender free. They noted not thinking about gender or about the sexual
orientation of their teammates in interactions. While they might be conscious of their
own identity and the identities of the women on the team, it did not matter in the context
of the tightly bonded team dynamic.
Consciousness of gender identity became much more salient when interactions
with teammates coupled with other microsystems (what Bronfenbrenner describes as a
mesosystem). A few players described gender expectations coming specifically from
coaches. At times, coaches used those gender expectations specifically to develop a
feminine team image as a means of warding away assumptions that there might be
lesbian coaches or players on the team. Several players described experiencing this
intentional recruiting tactic by coaches and the subsequent gender expectations they
experienced as a team based on messages from coaching staff.
When players consciously chose to wear sweats and prep quickly for the day by
doing little prep with hair or makeup, they described a heightened sense of assumptions
being made about their intelligence, gender identity, and sexual orientation. Appearing
masculine in public by wearing baggy athletic apparel and wearing little makeup resulted
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in these assumptions in many cases. These dynamics led to frustration associated with
constant assumptions about the participants’ gender identities.
Finally, while participants described sensing a high level of support from family
members and fans of the women’s game, they noted frustrations with ongoing disparities
in the amount of media coverage for women’s basketball in comparison with men’s and
in the stark contrast in pay scales for professional male and female athletes. The studentathletes indicated a high level of awareness that the vast majority of media attention and
fan support goes toward men’s basketball and expressed a desire to see improvements in
the equality of coverage for men’s and women’s athletics. Participants also noted a sense
that female athletes at both the collegiate and professionals levels who were the most
physically attractive (from a hetenormative perspective) were more likely to receive
media attention than those who appeared less feminine. The encouragement that each of
the student-athletes described receiving from their families (beginning at an early age)
suggests that there is increasing support for women to pursue organized sport. Rising
numbers of participants and an influx of financial support for women’s athletics at the
collegiate level has led to more opportunities for young women to observe athletic female
role models in competition. Several of the participants in this study noted that collegiate
and professional female athletes played a role in their desire to pursue basketball.
Daniels (2010) suggests that the increasing number of female athletes plays a pivotal role
in developing positive perceptions of athletics participation for young women.
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CHAPTER 5: IMPLICATIONS
The purpose of this study was to explore how Division I female basketball players
experience traditional gender norm expectations. This was a feminist phenomenological
qualitative study designed to develop an in depth sense of how female athletes experience
behavioral expectations associated with their gender in various contexts. Framing the
inquiry with a combined feminist and phenomenological lens allowed for an exploration
of lived experiences that recognized the fluidity and intersectionality of identity (Bogdan
&Biklen, 2007; Marshall & Rossman, 2011). I used Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory
of human development (1979) as a guiding framework in the study design and in the
description of the findings to provide context on how different groups and environments
interact to influence the development of an individual. This ecological perspective
provided a lens through which to consider how various social groups and influences mold
the perspectives, behavior, and belief system of individuals.
According to Bronfenbrenner’s theory (1979), social groups play a pivotal role in
establishing social norms and influencing the experiences and belief systems of
individuals. Participants reinforced this idea by suggesting that several social groups
influenced their perspectives on gender. Parents, peers, teammates, coaches, the media
and the general public all defined this concept in different ways. Considering that
student-athletes spend a considerable amount of their collegiate careers in athletics
environments, it is essential to consider how coaches, athletics administrators, faculty and
student affairs professionals influence their overall experience. To explore the
implications of gender norms and their influence in athletics, this section analyzes the
binary nature of collegiate sport and the climate of oppression it creates for female
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athletes. The second section focuses on specific strategies that administrators could
implement to improve the climate for every collegiate athlete.
Systemic Homophobia and the Binary Nature of Sport
Modern perspectives of gender and sexual orientation are evolving at a rapid pace
(Jourian, 2015). Although how we frame these identities is changing, much of our
society continues to reinforce a binary paradigm. A quick walk through a sports stadium
quickly reinforces this idea. Public bathrooms are usually split into men’s and women’s
restrooms, merchandise is split into men’s and women’s apparel, teams themselves are
split into men’s and women’s groups. Co-ed teams do exist, but only in the arena of
intramurals and club sports. At the most competitive and highly recognized levels of
both collegiate and professional athletics, there are very few examples of co-ed, mixed
gender, or gender neutral teams. This constant emphasis on the binary creates a powerful
systemic social influence suggesting that men and women are distinctly different, and as
such will behave in ways that we socially assume they should based on gender norms.
This breakdown is consistent with the idea that men should be masculine and women
should be feminine. Results from this study reflect the impact on individuals with
underrepresented identities (female athletes in sport framed as masculine). Female
basketball players who are strong, agile, muscular, and confident do not fit neatly within
societal assumptions about how women should behave or appear in public.
The division of teams into men’s and women’s organizations provides benefits in
the form of ensuring equal access to women thanks in large part to the implementation of
Title IX. That said, athletes who identify as gay, lesbian, transgender, or gender queer
often experience pressure to align with the normative idea of who should represent men’s
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and women’s sport. Most of the participants in this study indicated that their coaches are
accepting of individuals with different gender identities. That said, they also recognized
that there are multiple athletic programs throughout Division I athletics that emphasis the
heteronormative nature of their coaching staff and team to deter recruits from selecting
other teams. These stories affirm the idea that there is a strong undercurrent of
homophobia in women’s athletics; reinforced by certain coaches and programs that bill
themselves as “family programs”. This homophobic practice reinforces a culture of
preference toward normative identities and behavior through the binary institute of sport.
As long as the NCAA and institutions of higher education allow for unchecked
homophobic practice in women’s athletics, a negative and hostile environment will
continue to go unchecked in women’s sport.
Media plays a significant role in creating and reinforcing assumptions about
female athletes. While coverage of women’s athletics is slowly increasing, the trend
must continue in order to continue to improve the perceived relevance and belonging of
women in sport. In addition, media and advertisements that emphasize the sexuality of
female athletes over their athletic ability and prowess reinforce the notion that a woman’s
primary worth in society is her sex appeal. Increased coverage emphasizing the
achievements of elite athletes with a wide range of gender identities and sexual
orientations will help shift the focus from an athlete’s gender identity to her athletic
prowess and success.
Recommendations for Higher Education Practice
Institutions of Higher Education that maintain NCAA men’s and women’s teams
offer a unique opportunity for competitive athletes. They also provide a complex
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environmental setting influenced by multiple sets of rules and policies (both the
institution’s and the NCAA’s). As Bronfenbrenner’s theory (1979) posits, these rules and
regulations intertwine to influence the experience of female student-athletes. Feminist
theory reminds us that student-athletes experience every facet of their lives with gender at
the fore. Thus, in addition to the administrative rules that drive the athlete experience,
social influences such as family members, teammates, coaches, and the media play a
pivotal role in influencing the student-athlete’s daily experience based on the intersection
of their roles as women and as student-athletes. Considering all of the factors that mold
the experience of student-athletes in collegiate settings, there are a number of best
practices and strategies that administrators in higher education and / or the NCAA could
consider implementing to improve the climate for female student-athletes.
Provide Educational Training Opportunities. The NCAA as well as individual
collegiate programs play a considerable role in framing the athlete experience through
rules and policies associated with both men’s and women’s teams. A first step in helping
to improve the gender climate would be for the NCAA and / or individual athletics
programs to provide increased educational training opportunities for coaches and athletics
administrators to help raise awareness about the importance of creating inclusive
environments for student-athletes. While participants indicated that they were least likely
to think about gender in team environments, it was clear that gender expectations
influenced their daily experiences. Each individual described unwritten rules associated
with playing at an intense level while being mindful of unwritten rules for how women
should behave on the court. These descriptions included a tone of frustration about a lack
of behavioral expectations for male basketball players in comparison to a sense of stricter
110
regulations for female athletes. Off the court, at least one participant noted that her
coaching staff set clear expectations associated with femininity and the sexual orientation
of their athletes beginning with the recruiting process. Considering that coaches play a
significant role in establishing rules and norms for their individual teams, it is essential
that administrative policies and recommendations for best practice encourage the creation
of an inclusive environment for athletes of all gender identities and sexual orientations.
Both administrators and coaches have an opportunity to help establish
educational opportunities for students to explore gender identities, roles, and
expectations. These educational opportunities need not be limited to athletics settings, as
research suggests that there is an increasing need for raising awareness about gender
identity, gender representation, and gender norms in higher education environments
(Seelman, 2014). Providing increased educational opportunities could help improve
gender perceptions on college campuses in athletic and non-athletic settings alike. In
addition, they could help students explore the idea that individuals may identify in ways
that do not fall within the normative concept of the gender binary.
Provide Educational Materials on the Impact of Discriminatory Recruiting.
The NCAA should consider taking a proactive approach to providing educational
materials to both athletics programs and the recruits they are pursuing. These materials
could explain what discriminatory, homophobic recruiting practices look like, review a
student-athlete’s rights to a discrimination free recruiting experience, and provide
information focused on helping to decrease and stop negative recruitment tactics. In
addition to information increasing awareness about what homophobic recruiting looks
like, materials could also include steps and methods for reporting concerns or complaints
111
to the NCAA. This information could include marketing materials aimed at creating safe
spaces for all individuals who choose to pursue collegiate athletics, regardless of their
identity. These steps would help challenge unhealthy practices that regularly reinforce a
homophobic climate in NCAA basketball. Student Affairs professionals might
collaborate with coaches and athletics administrators as well to create polices designed to
improve inclusive climates for all student-athletes.
Overall, participants describe a sense of gender awareness that they experience on
a daily basis at an individual level, but it is something that many described not talking
about or thinking about often. Opportunities to talk openly about gender identity and
assumptions about female athletes may be helpful for encouraging female studentathletes to explore dynamics associated with gender and sport. In addition, the results
suggest that the intersection of gender and sexual orientation is one that women in sport
experience often. An emerging trend at colleges and universities may provide a model
for exploring gender identity and sexual orientation dynamics openly in team
environments. This trend focuses on including gender pronouns into small group
activities as a means of eliminating gender identity assumptions about individuals who
may identity as transgender, gender queer, gender neutral (Associated Press, September,
2011). Potential activities could combine educational opportunities about gender
dynamics with a venue for student-athletes to reflect and share openly about their
experiences with traditional gender expectations (both positive and negative) as a means
of developing deeper connections with teammates at an interpersonal level. These
activities would need to be done in a way that suggests that the team is open and
supportive of individuals with all identities.
112
Establish and Maintain Mentorship Programs for Student Athletes. Creating
mentorship programs for new student-athletes would be an excellent way to establish and
improve inclusive gender climates. A consistent description of the student-athlete
experience by participants was associated with the need to manage a demanding daily
schedule. Many of the participants in the study described time management challenges
associated with navigating their in-season basketball schedule, travel, and academic
commitments. To efficiently navigate their busy daily schedules during the season, many
players noted the need to quickly get ready after morning practices by wearing little to no
makeup and wearing convenient athletic apparel provide by their athletic department, but
a story provided by one of the participants in the study notes that this was a practice that
players become acclimated to over time. Her story describing the amusement shared by
herself and her teammates as they observed first year teammates scrambling to do their
hair after morning practices demonstrates a need to prepare new recruits for the demands
on their time in every way possible. In addition, it suggests that players could benefit
from the experiences they may have if they choose not to prepare for their daily
schedules in ways that they normally might. To help new players acclimate to the
demands of their schedule, coaches and / or administrators might consider the creation of
a mentorship program as a way of orientating players to best practices for navigating the
demands of the season. In a structured mentor-mentee relationship, new additions to the
team could have an opportunity to learn about strategies for navigating demands. In
addition, conversations about stereotypes and assumptions about female athletes would
help prepare players for navigating the student-athlete experience during the season.
113
There is a growing trend of mentorship programs in collegiate athletics (Bimper
Jr., 2015) and research suggests that providing additional social support for studentathletes transitioning into a college or university setting has the potential for improving a
successful immersion into the new environment (Howard-Hamilton & Sina, 2001).
Mentors could provide time management strategies, recommendations for navigating the
season schedule, and provide foreshadowing about potential assumptions that players
might experience in regard to traditional gender norm expectations. Mentors could also
provide insight on best practices for maintaining balance between academic
commitments, practice, travel, and games. These relationships would also serve as a
valuable opportunity for veteran players to assume a leadership role in helping to onboard
new recruits into the team culture and environment.
Facilitate Gender Inclusive Mass Media Campaigns. A final recommendation
to improve gender inclusivity would be to raise awareness about negative recruiting
practices via mass media or social media campaigns. These campaigns could focus on
positive recruiting practices and remind potential recruits of their right to a discrimination
free recruitment experience. Recent literature suggests that negative recruiting practices
targeting the gender identity and sexual orientations of players and coaches on other
teams is a well-documented phenomenon in college athletics (Krane & Barber, 2005;
Fagan, 2013). Recommendations from research focused on improving climate for
transgender students on campus (which suggests that policies reinforcing traditional
gender norms and identities will go unchecked unless the practice is challenged in some
way) provides helpful context for helping to improve conditions for women in sports
labeled masculine or who may feel discriminated against based on their gender identity or
114
sexual orientation (Seelman, 2014). Until there is action taken to dissuade these practices
in some way this behavior will continue to impact the experiences of young recruits, and
potentially reinforce a culture of gender policing and homophobia throughout collegiate
athletics.
Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research
A key limitation in this study was the lack of demographic data collected about
participants. Information about each individuals gender identity, sexual orientation, and
race would provide valuable insight into intersections of identity as well as how female
student-athletes experience traditional gender norms. Based on almost all of the
participants referencing boyfriends in interviews, I could operate on the assumption that
most of the participants identified as heterosexual or bi-sexual. That said, some
participants might have felt pressure to present heteronormative responses based on the
homophobic nature of collegiate sport. Detailed demographic data would be helpful in
helping to eliminate the need to operate on assumptions.
There is a need for additional research exploring the influence of traditional
gender norms on collegiate female athletes. The experiences described here likely extend
to female athletes in multiple arenas of sport. Giving voice to the frustration these
individuals experience in association with their roles as female athletes is essential for
decreasing gender discrimination. Future studies could also focus on experiences with
traditional gender norms for players who identify as gay and / or transgender as each
population would help to provide additional context to the influence of gender norms in
sport. Finally, there is an opportunity for future research to focus on how sport facilitates
a deeper understanding of gender.
115
APPENDIX A: EMAIL INVITATION TO STUDENTS
Dear Student-Athlete,
I would like to invite you to participate in a study about the experiences of Division-I
female basketball players in relation to their sport. I am interested specifically in learning
more about gendered messaging and how it relates to your experience with basketball.
I am working on this study as a requirement for my doctoral dissertation which is
entitled, Why Can’t We Just Play Ball? An Exploration of how Collegiate Female
Athletes Experience Traditional Gender Norm Expectations. I would appreciate the
opportunity to talk with you either in person or via Skype. The total time commitment
for the interview would include approximately 90 minutes of your time. If you are
interested in participating, please contact me to make arrangements for the interview:
[email protected]
Thank you in advance for considering the request. I hope to hear from you!
Sincerely,
Jon Sexton
116
APPENDIX B: INFORMED CONSENT INFORMATION SHEET
You are invited to participate in a research study. This form is designed to provide you
with information about this study. The Principal Investigator will describe this study to
you and answer any of your questions.
Title of Project: Why Can’t We Just Play Ball? An Exploration of how Collegiate
Female Athletes Experience Traditional Gender Norm Expectations.
Principal Investigator(s):
Mailing Address:
Faculty Sponsor:
Jon Sexton
310 Calvin Hall, Iowa City, IA 52242 (xxx) xxx-xxxx
Dr. Sherry K. Watt, The University of Iowa, College of
Education
I hereby agree to participate as a volunteer in an authorized research project in
association with the University of Iowa. I understand the purpose of this research is to
explore how collegiate female basketball players experience traditional gender norm
expectations in relation to their sport. I understand that I will be asked to participate in a
90 minute interview that will be audio taped.
I understand that I may experience some discomfort in answering questions. Although
any discomfort I experience in answering questions is expected to be minimal, I am
encouraged to contact the counseling center at my university (or other mental health
professional) if I experience discomfort.
The benefits of participating in this project may include a better understanding of
traditional gender norm expectations and how they influence the experience of athletes
who play women’s basketball. I understand that I will not be compensated for
participating and that participation is voluntary.
I understand that all information obtained from me will be kept confidential in a digital
file on a password-protected computer in the principal researcher’s office. Once the
interview is transcribed, I will be contacted by the principal investigator to verify the
transcript of the interview. The raw data will be kept for 10 years and then destroyed by
May 1, 2024. I understand that I am free to refuse to participate in any procedure or to
refuse to answer any question at any time without prejudice toward me. I understand that
I am free to withdraw my consent and to withdraw from the study at any time without
penalty or loss of benefits to which I am entitled.
I understand that by agreeing to participate in this research and signing this form I do not
waive any of my legal rights. I understand that the research investigators named above
will answer any of my questions about the research procedures, my rights as a participant,
and research-related injuries at any time. I understand that I will be given a copy of this
consent form.
117
If you have any questions or comments about the informed consent process or the
University of Iowa Institutional Research policy, please contact NAME, POSITION, at
(xxx) xxx-xxxx.
118
APPENDIX C: STUDENT CONTACT FORM
The following information will be used to contact you following the interview to verify
information that you provided in the conversation. Your identity will be kept confidential
and your name will not be used in the study results. This information will not be stored
with the interview transcripts.
Name:
_______________________________________________________________________
First
MI
Last
Phone: _____________________ Email: ____________________________________
119
APPENDIX D: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
1. The purpose of this study is to explore how female basketball players experience
expectations associated with traditional gender norms and expectations associated
with femininity. To begin, could you tell me a little bit about what drew you to
play collegiate basketball?
2. What is it like to be a member of a collegiate women’s basketball team? How
connected do you feel with your teammates? With coaches?
3. What qualities or characteristics do you feel a D-I women’s basketball player
must have to be successful?
4. Shifting the focus specifically to femininity, what assumptions do you feel society
has about how women should look, dress, and behave?
5. Do teammates or coaches ever talk about femininity or gender? Do you ever
experience or sense expectations for how you are expected to appear and act as a
woman?
6. Do you experience any written or unwritten expectations for how you should
dress, behave, or appear on the court? (If yes) Do you experience expectations
like this away from basketball?
7. How would you rank yourself on a scale of 1 – 10 with 0 indicating masculine
and 10 indicating feminine?
8. How do you think your teammates and coaches would rank you on a scale of 1-10
with 0 indicating masculine and 10 indicating feminine?
9. How do you feel that society and sports fans in general perceive female athletes?
10. How do you feel the media portrays female athletes?
11. I’ve read a few articles suggesting that there is a negative stigma associated with
programs labeled as lesbian friendly. Do you sense any pressure as a female
basketball player to avoid this stigma?
120
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