In s i d e t h e p l an part i c i pant ’ s m i n d Explaining Participant Behavior via Prospect Theory Exploring the true meaning of rationality and irrationality, and their application to participants’ decisions. Warren Cormier W hile preparing to teach a 2-day course in behavioral finance, I found myself more closely studying and reflecting on Daniel Kahneman’s Prospect Theory. As you may know, he was awarded a Nobel Prize for this theory. What essentially is Prospect Theory and why would I be writing about it in column dedicated to the “Mind of the Participant”? Because I believe it provides great insight into participation and deferral rate decisions. The essential ideas in Kahneman’s Prospect Theory are that: • People do not always behave rationally. • There are persistent biases motivated by psychological factors that influence people’s choices under conditions of uncertainty. • Prospect theory considers preferences as a function of “decision weights.” • It assumes that these weights do not always match with probabilities. • These decision weights tend to overweigh small probabilities and underweigh moderate and high probabilities. • Investors tend to evaluate prospects or possible outcomes in terms of gains and losses relative to some reference point rather than the final states of wealth. A simple example serves to clarify what this all means. Consider the following choice. Which of the two options would you choose? • Option 1: a sure profit (gain) of $5,000; or • Option 2: an 80% possibility of gaining $7,000, with a 20% chance of 16 n a p a n e t t h e For the typical human, the pain of a loss is twice as powerful as the joy of a gain.” receiving nothing. In actual experimentation, the vast majority select Option 1, a sure profit of $5,000. However, the rational (defined by economists as “reasonable”) choice would be an 80% chance to gain $7,000, which has an expected value of $5,600. This simple thought experiment can tell us a great deal about the mind of the participant. When we look at participant behavior we often scratch our heads and conclude they are behaving irrationally. Why would they pass up guaranteed free money in the form of a match? But this is our view from the supply side of the DC industry. From the participant’s view, it runs counter to their psychology. First, we need to consider whether making a contribution to their retirement account is seen as a gain or a loss. To assess if something is a gain or a loss, there needs to be a reference point or neutral point against which all outcomes will be assessed. In the employee’s mind, that reference point is their take-home pay before factoring in participation in a DC plan. Upon learning about the DC plan, the participant may see m a g a z i n e a loss relative to their reference point of take-home pay. “But wait,” we say, “the participant keeps the money and also receives a gain in the form of the match.” From the employee’s point of view, this exchange may be considered a loss. Why? Because for the typical human, the pain of a loss is twice as powerful as the joy of a gain. (If you are wondering, yes, this has been measured by scholars.) So right off the bat, if the match is less than 100% of the contributed amount, the employee will see this, according to prospect theory, potentially as a loss and avoid it due to loss aversion. But there is another powerful force that is reinforcing this sense of loss. It is called “hyperbolic discounting.” What is this, exactly? Hyperbolic discounting is a phenomenon where people typically intend to forfeit small immediate gains for larger rewards in the future, but often fail to make the optimal choice at decision time. The decision maker values the small immediate reward more than the larger future reward. “Would you prefer a dollar today or three dollars next year?” When combined with loss aversion, hyperbolic discounting can easily offset the incentive of a match. In effect, we are asking employees to receive less take-home pay and defer immediate gratification so they can fund the expenditures of a retired person (themselves) whom they may not be able to relate to today. In that the employee discounts deeply the future rewards (retirement income) relative to the immediate “loss,” the employee either declines the invitation to participate at all or minimizes the deferral rate in an attempt to minimize the pain of a loss. Furthermore, in that people tend to evaluate prospects or possible outcomes in terms of gains and losses relative to some reference point (their take-home pay) rather than the final states of wealth (the value of the DC account many years in the future), the DC plan doesn’t look as good as we believe it to be — especially if we compare it to a DB plan in which there is certainty of a gain and no probability of a loss. Now let’s assume the employee enrolls anyway. Let’s also bring in the fact that investment decisions must now be made and that those decisions are made against a backdrop of warnings that the employee could lose all of his or her account balance. Loss aversion kicks in to do double duty. As the example above shows and the theory states, people tend to overweight the lower probabilities and underweight the larger probabilities. Although the risk of losing $7,000 in the example is only 20%, in order to make the two choices equal in value (i.e., for the person to be indifferent), the probability of winning was weighted down, emotionally, from 80% to 71% (or $7,000 X .71). Investors tend to evaluate prospects or possible outcomes in terms of gains and losses relative to some reference point rather than the final states of wealth.” Throw in on top of that a healthy dose of regret aversion and ambiguity aversion (fear of unknown risks) on a lack of investing experience/confidence and you have a dysfunctional investor. As a result, herding behavior appears, in which participants begin asking co-workers what they did or asking HR staffers what they should do. This often results in bad advice for the participant. Enter the advisor. A high percentage of participants say they want advice from a trustworthy and knowledgeable source. However, most participants don’t trust themselves to pick the right advisor and inflate the probability (in their minds) of picking a bad one. They obviously need your help and need to feel that they made the right choice. When trustworthy and knowledgeable advice is offered through the plan sponsor, why do so few participants take advantage of it? Prospect theory is at work. Finally, keep in mind that participants are not acting irrationally. Economists typically equate “rational” with “reasonable.” In his book, Thinking, Fast and Slow, Kahneman points out that, “The only test of rationality is not whether a person’s beliefs and preferences are reasonable, but whether they are internally consistent … rationality is logical coherence — reasonable or not.” N » Warren Cormier is president and CEO of Boston Research Group, author of the DCP suite of satisfaction and loyalty studies, and director of the NAPA Research Institute. He also is cofounder of the Rand Behavioral Finance Forum, along with Dr. Shlomo Bernartzi. NAPA Net – The Magazine is one benefit of being a NAPA member… here are some others. 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