What Happens in the Arcade
Shouldn’t Stay in the Arcade:
Lessons for Classroom Design
What does a video game arcade have to do with language arts learning in schools?
I
recruit “one or more modalities . . . to communicate distinctive types of meanings” (p. 19), we
experience the world in new ways, become part of
specific social groups, and acquire the necessary
tools, language, and resources for future learning in the domain. Gee proposes that we ask new
questions of the learning that happens to children
all the time and everywhere:
t is early evening and the video game arcade
is humming with activity. As buzzers and bells
ring from various machines, learners dash to
and fro across the floor space. Three gamers are
deftly working multiple joysticks to race cars
around a racetrack. In a corner, a father watches
as his daughter plays a Star Wars game; then he
tries to play while she coaches him. In another
space, two adolescent boys dance side by side as
buttons light up underneath their feet; a group of
peers cheers them on from the sidelines.
As closing time nears, two boys check their
watches. Although time is short, they continue
to play. Finally, as they make their way toward
the door, one boy sighs, “I love this place. I don’t
want to leave!”
Just a few hours earlier, while waiting for
the end-of-day announcements over the intercom, intermediate students in a midwestern classroom quietly complete seatwork. One student
scratches his head over his math workbook and
then approaches the teacher. They quietly converse before he returns to his desk and slides his
workbook into his backpack. Another student
raises her hand and asks to use the restroom. The
teacher agrees and she exits. Many students, book
bags packed, sit silently watching the clock. After
announcements, the teacher reminds students of
their homework assignments and asks them to
clear their desks and straighten the rows. The students comply and the classroom empties.
What does a video game arcade have to do
with language arts learning in schools? After all,
aren’t video game arcades just spaces for fun and
games? Don’t they stand in opposition to the serious work of reading and writing? Gee (2003)
challenges this notion of “serious school learning”
by noting that whether we are located in a school
building, a video game arcade, or in other spaces,
“we always learn something.” As we participate
in “semiotic domains,” or sets of practices that
Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
Kathryn F. Whitmore and Lindsay Laurich
What semiotic domain is being entered through
this learning? Is it a valuable domain or not? In
what sense? Is the learner learning simply to understand (“read”) parts of the domain, or also to
participate more fully in the domain by learning
to produce (“write”) meanings in the domain?
(p. 23)
If we are interested in inviting students to both
understand and design meaning fully, we would do
well to look at spaces where such learning happens
effortlessly. The video game arcade is such a space.
THE SEEDS OF RESEARCH
Research in the Video Game Arcade
Language Arts ●
Vol. 88 ●
No. 1
●
September 2010
One day Lindsay went to the local mall to run
a few errands and was stopped in her tracks by
the sounds of children laughing. She found herself looking into a small video game arcade where
several groups of children played games, talked
with one another and with the arcade staff, and
moved freely across the floor. In just those few
moments, it became obvious that the space of the
video arcade was vastly different from the space
of the classroom. Lindsay shared this experience
with Kathy, who has long been interested in the
physical environment in classrooms. Though neither of us had previous experience in arcades, we
share an abiding interest in spaces where children are actively engaged, so we couldn’t help but
wonder what lessons could be learned from the
video arcade.
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Copyright © 2010 by the National Council of Teachers of English. All rights reserved.
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Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
Vol. 88 ●
No. 1 ●
September 2010
From Arcade to Classroom
Language Arts ●
space. He joined us “in the field” of the arcade
and in his classroom as a teacher-researcher.
The analysis work in Jeff’s classroom began
with mapping the existing arrangement of physical
space. Loughlin & Suina (1982) identify elements
of spatial organization—specific units of bounded
space, surrounding space, and paths—that support
children’s learning. As Photo 1 and the highlighted
sections of the map in Figure 1 dramatically illustrate, Jeff “owned” the majority (approximately
This article focuses on our analysis of physical space and participants’ positions in it. Our
intent is to add to the research on spatial accounts
of learning in all subjects, with emphasis on the
language arts. A spatial account of interaction,
Leander (2004) says, means “thinking about how
classroom interactions produce and are produced
by historical and spatial processes” (p. 116). Our
findings also put a new spin on the traditional
value of “student-centered learning” in language
arts classrooms by exploring the importance of
student-designed learning spaces.
Elements of our qualitative design (Glesne,
2005) in the video arcades included mapping
physical layouts, collecting field notes, taking photographs, and interviewing video gamers informally as they played a variety of games
independently and in small groups. Given that
adult employees hold a position comparable to
“teacher,” we also interviewed managers and
observed employees’ interactions with gamers. We used a constant comparative method
(Charmaz, 2006) to discover patterns both within
and across the video game arcades that we understood to be “learning principles” (Gee, 2007). In
other words, we sought elements of the social and
learning space operating in the arcades to apply to
educational settings.
Concurrently, we partnered with Jeff,
a local fifth/sixth-grade teacher who
discovered his students were highly
engaged in technologies outside of
school. This came to his attention when
they posted a video of his teaching on
the popular site YouTube. Jeff was well
aware of the prominent role of video
games in his students’ lives. He reported
that at least half of his students played
games weekly (or even more often),
while a quarter of them played daily. He
was a gamer himself, was piloting an
after-school video game club, and wondered how to make gaming a “legitimate” part of student learning. Once
we became familiar with Jeff’s desire
to explore technology with his students,
he accepted our invitation to use the lessons from our research in the arcades to
engage his students in an in-depth analysis and redesign of their classroom
Figure 1. Map of Jeff’s original space; highlighting indicates
teacher owned areas.
Photo 1. Prior to the study, Jeff’s personal work area encompassed an
inordinate amount of classroom space.
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Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
call attention to provisioning for sustained lit70%) of the physical space in his 15" × 18" classeracy learning, decentralized access to an array
room, leaving his 30 11- and 12-year-old students
of interesting literacy tools, and an abundance
with the remaining 30%.
of functional print (see also Morrow, 1997, and
We took a close look at the space in terms of its
Wolfersberger, et al., 2004). The provisioning
potential to support students’ language arts develin Jeff’s classroom was limited to a small plasopment by administering Loughlin and Martin’s
tic box of broken writing and drawing utensils,
(1987) Survey of Displayed
Literacy Stimuli (SDLS) and Although the visual evidence of the as shown in Photo 2. It was
quickly apparent that this box
Wolfersberger, Reutzel, Sudclassroom supported the findings
weeks, & Fawson’s (2004) of the CLEP and the SDLS, Jeff was was primarily a collection
place for materials found on
Classroom Literacy Environsurprised by the results. “I couldn’t the classroom floor at the end
mental Profile (CLEP). Both
believe that my classroom was
of the day. In addition, withsurvey instruments are detailed
‘minimally focused on literacy.’”
out computers for student use
and designed to tabulate speand only plain notebook paper
cific ways that language arts opportunities are
available,
students
were not likely to be inspired
made accessible in classrooms. They enabled us
to
write
for
multiple
purposes.
to zero in on specific categories of literacy prodAlthough Jeff had excellent intentions (for
ucts, tools, and space, such as how much print
example, he had an entire shelf of his own readis available, whether the print is at learners’ eye
ing material in his space, which he intended as a
level, and whether the print has distributed purpositive demonstration to his students that he is a
poses. Jeff and Lindsay completed these assessreader), the reality of his decisions stole space and
ments individually and compared findings.
resources from his students. In addition to the probResults from both instruments were similar;
lematic physical arrangement, findings from the
Jeff’s classroom was considered “minimal” on
literacy
inventories confirmed that Jeff’s students
both CLEP subscales. On Subscale One, Jeff’s
had
minimal
access to environmental print, display
classroom scored 3.1 out of 7 on provisioning
space, and reading and writing tools and materithe classroom with literacy tools, meaning his
als. Taken together, it was a rather gloomy picture
classroom contained a “narrow range of literof Jeff’s classroom as a potentially ineffective space
acy tools and products” and constituted a learnfor his students to increase their literacy knowledge.
ing space where “literacy is not identified as a
Although the visual evidence of the classvalued goal” (p. 272). On Subscale Two, arrangroom supported the findings of the CLEP and
ing classroom space and literacy tools, gaining
the SDLS, Jeff was surprised by the results. “I
students’ interests in literacy events, and sustaincouldn’t believe that my classroom was ‘mining students’ interactions with literacy tools, the
imally focused on literacy.’ What a complete
classroom scored a 2.8, also low in the “minimal”
range. Although these results were difficult
to digest, they were supported by the visual
evidence in the classroom. The “classroom
library” was two small shelves tucked in a corner behind Jeff’s work area, making books difficult for children to access. The arrangement
of desks kept students from being able to reach
each other to collaborate. There were no soft or
comfortable spaces for cozying up with a good
book. The walls were primarily bare except for
a few teacher-generated items.
Loughlin and Suina (1982) write extensively about the “task of selecting, gathering, and making materials and equipment,
and placing them in the environment for children’s direct access,” which they call proviPhoto 2. Before analyzing provisioning, all supplies for student use
were housed in this box.
sioning (p. 8). Loughlin and Martin (1987)
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Language Arts ●
where one can move, what types of activities are
valued, and so forth.
During this study, we considered the familiar
design of space in many classrooms: the positioning of bodies in seats, the location of the teacher’s desk, clear demarcations of what belongs to
whom, and so on. It can feel like déjà vu visiting some classrooms multiple days in a row. The
same students are seated in the same ways doing
what appear to be the same things at the same
times.
Behaviorist discourses clearly still populate
classroom practices. Even in classrooms that tout
“student-centered learning,” physical arrangements may be determined with one goal in mind:
attention without distraction—straight rows of
desks, teachers positioned for surveillance, misbehaving students closest to the teacher. Boldt
(2001) says the maintenance of such expectations
constructs power and provides “tremendously
important truths” about the type of child one is
and may become (p. 92).
Descriptions of environments like these collide with our sociocultural perspective about the
socially situated nature of language arts learning.
Vygotsky (1978) writes that “human learning presupposes a specific social nature and a process by
which children grow into the intellectual life of
those around them” (p. 88). Dewey (1990) emphasizes that learning should be structured as a social
endeavor, noting that academic content should
be studied “not as isolated things by themselves,
but in their reference to [a student’s] social environment” (p. 78). We argue that students without
access to one another are missing out on language
arts learning that is rich and memorable.
Thus, designs of classroom spaces are entangled with sociohistorical discourses about the
nature of learning and the purposes of school.
Learning of any kind is always more than simply
knowledge acquisition. In any interaction, learning about who one is in relation to others creates or forecloses possibilities for future learning.
Toohey (2000) writes that “identity is unstable,
constructed in particular local interactions, and
entails relationships of power” (p. 8). Identities
are not fixed, but emerge within specific contexts.
The construction of the physical environment not
only creates opportunities for interactions, but
sends clear messages about possibilities for performances of identities in that particular space.
bummer, you know? I was surprised and disappointed.” Jeff realized his language arts instruction and physical environment were mutually
dependent, and he was more than happy to consider how to transform the physical space of his
classroom to better support his students’ literacy
learning.
Before continuing with the story of how our
learning in the video game arcade was appropriated into Jeff’s classroom, we review studies that
address the importance of classroom physical
space, particularly as it relates to student identity
and language arts learning, and present learning
principles from our analysis of the physical space
of the video arcade.
SPACE MATTERS
We in the education profession are constantly
deepening our understanding of the positive
effects of video gaming on learning. Gee (2003)
articulates the “good” learning that occurs as
gamers play “good” games: experiencing the
world from new perspectives (p. 151), taking
up projective learning identities that situate and
embody meanings (p. 86), and providing active
and critical learning experiences that lead learners to become designers (p. 99). Similar research
delves into how children author their identities
through the creation of virtual texts, learn collaborative problem solving, and practice managing and exercising power in a variety of networks
(Buckingham, 2008; Thomas, 2007). This body
of research is convincing, as it shakes up stereotypes about who gamers are and how elements of
video games inform learning. But it does not specifically address the semiotic domain of video
game arcades and how learning, including language learning, occurs in them. Therefore, in this
study we ask: What features of the physical environment in video game arcades lead kids to be so
engaged? What do principles of a video arcade
space look like in the language arts classroom?
How can analysis of arcade space inform teacher
decisions about language arts instruction?
Arcade stakeholders understand that space
matters. But they are not the only ones. Writing
about space as a means of exerting power, Foucault (1977) says that “spaces provide fixed positions and permit circulation. . . . they mark places
and indicate values” (p. 148). In other words, the
arrangement of spaces denotes who one can be,
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Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
explicit in these descriptions, we attend to the
Research about classroom spaces within a socioidentities enacted throughout the vignettes later in
cultural theory of learning and teaching that is
the article.
grounded in inquiry, activity, and transaction provides evidence of the interdependence between
learning, social interaction, identities, and environClustering and Collaborating
mental design. Leander’s (2004) research in secTy and Marcus, two adolescent males, stand near
ondary settings describes how the design of space
one another as they play separate games. When
shapes learning opportunities and identities during
Marcus utters a frustrated, “Come on, man!” to his
the school year. He demonstrates the complex cyclivideo screen, Ty looks over. “Try to hold right, then
cal ways that physical spaces inform social spaces,
hit the stick, then back right,” he coaches. Marcus
thus leading to the creation or foreclosure of cernods his head and play continues for a minute more
tain types of learning and relationships. He also
before his game ends. As he reaches into his jeans
finds that positive relationships between students of
pocket for another token, Ty steps over. “What’s
different races are foreclosed by the arrangement
up?” he nods. “Want to team up?” Marcus invites
of space at school. Roskos & Neuman’s (2001)
in return. Ty agrees, both boys insert tokens, and the
research in early childhood classrooms reveals that
game begins. As the boys play, it becomes appar“the built literacy environment support[s] a reperent that Ty is more experienced. He assists Marcus
toire of literacy performances that may not appear
verbally, and even at one point reaches over for
in other contexts” (p. 288). Various performances of
control of Marcus’s side of the machine. After the
literacy are important not only for their own sake,
game ends, Marcus is elated that “they got to Status
but create opportunities for “performers” to estab5 Red,” a level of the game he has never achieved
lish identities that may lead to power and agency as
before. When Lindsay asks him how often he plays
well as heightened engagement.
collaboratively with Ty, he looks surprised and reIn a profound study of school space and idenplies that he had never met him before, although he
tity, Toohey (2000) documents how desk organisays he’s seen him around. “That was tight, man,”
zation isolated English Language Learners and
he says as he gets up to leave.
contributed to their marginalization in a grade one
This interaction is made possible in large part
classroom. Classroom practices separated these
through the intentional physical design of the
students in terms of perceived ability and created
arcade. Games, particularly challenging ones,
classifications of students who needed “normalizare intentionally “clustered” side-by-side or in a
ing.” These classifications foreclosed opportunities
small ring so that players at one game may easily
for the formation of social networks, a finding that
collaborate with players at another game. These
Toohey suggests will have long-term effects.
groupings serve several purClearly, the physical environDesigns of space in video arcades poses. The close proximity of
ment is a communicative tool
may provide language arts teachers video game learners increases
for the types of learning and
with new ways to make decisions
the likelihood that a gamer at
learners that are possible. Deabout
classroom
spaces
and
one site will be “attracted” to
signs of space in video arcades
contribute
to
our
knowledge
of
what
another game and will attempt
may provide language arts teach“student-designed
learning”
relevant
play at the new game in the
ers with new ways to make deto
language
arts
and
literacy
might
future. Stationing games close
cisions about classroom spaces
together also increases the likebe
all
about.
and contribute to our knowledge
lihood that players will scafof what “student-designed learnfold one another in attempts to win the game.
ing” relevant to language arts and literacy might be
It is not unusual to observe a less-experienced
all about.
player at the controls of one game, while a more
experienced player coaches from a nearby unreVIVA VIDEO GAME ARCADES
lated game. This “scaffolding” is a natural and
expected part of video game play. In the vignette
We now introduce each learning principle from
above, Ty’s proximity to Marcus allows him to
the video game arcade data with a vignette that
offer some initial advice and then join Marcus in a
reveals why the physical design of the video
multi-player mode. As they play together, Lindsay
arcade leads to engaged learning. Although not
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September 2010
No. 1 ●
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Language Arts ●
the local arcade manager, says, “It’s a sacrifice of
observes how Ty continues to scaffold Marcus’s
floor space for sure, but you see what these kids
learning by offering verbal advice and encouragedo when they can see other kids play. We actually
ment as needed.
make more money on the games where kids can
Video games are designed to capitalize on
watch the other kids and learn the games. Then
social interactions as a means to learning and
they’re more likely to return and play on their
enjoyment. Most games allow play by an indiown or bring their friends.”
vidual, in pairs, or in small groups, thereby creating opportunities to observe how learners such
The physical design of the arcade is compleas Ty and Marcus support one another. It is evimented by the social expectations that guide how
dent that Ty’s initial intervention and subsequent
players relate with one another. The arcade is a
play alongside Marcus leads to a more satisfyspace where learners talk freely, more experiing learning experience. We speculate that without
enced players scaffold less experienced players in
Ty, Marcus would have abandoned this game after
a variety of games, and players are encouraged to
his first attempt. Instead, he is amazed at the level
learn from each other.
of play he accomplished with Ty’s assistance and
calls the game “tight” in his post-game interview.
Inverting Traditional
Will he play this game again with another player
Structures of Power
or by himself? We think so.
“Hey, George! Come over here and help me win!”
Although not readily apparent in the above
a teenage girl calls from one of the popular racvignette, another important aspect of the physiing games across the room. As George, the sole
cal design of the arcade is the appropriation of
video game employee in sight heads across the
viewing spaces. In the local arcade where much
room, he turns to an adolescent boy. “Watch the
of this research occurred, the popular game
counter for me, man.” “Okay,” the teen responds
Dance Dance Revolution (DDR) is positioned at
as he makes his way towards the prize counter.
the back of the arcade. With loud music pumping, players watch a large screen that indicates
In our local video arcade, almost nothing is off
where they should move their feet in time to the
limits.
We saw players behind the prize counter,
music. George, one of the arcade employees, is
bouncing
balls off the walls, and moving purposean expert at DDR and demonstrates his prowess
fully from place to place. We came to realize that
often. Each time that George plays DDR, a crowd
the freedom to perform in certain ways as a gamer
gathers. Often they shout encouragement or tips,
in the arcade is representative of important inverjust as Ty did for Marcus. Sometimes the viewsions in power and, as with
ers chant, “George, George,
The
arcade
is
a
space
where
learners
clustering multi-player games
George” in time to the music.
talk
freely,
more
experienced
players
and viewing spaces, is made
These viewing spaces provide
possible by design.
scaffold
less
experienced
players
in
a visual and verbal scaffold
In this vignette, George,
for less-experienced players a variety of games, and players are
encouraged
to
learn
from
each
other.
the arcade employee, is called
(Vygotsky, 1978). As George
upon to participate with a
dismounts from the platform,
gamer. This request demonstrates how authority
one of the observers takes his place. Typically
in the arcade is neutralized and George is seen as
this process continues for quite some time with
a fellow gamer rather than the person in charge.
many different players. One time, George’s play
However, not only does George’s identity shift
was followed by five adolescent boys and girls
from employee to fellow gamer, the identity of the
who took turns. Because the game involves two
teenage girl who causes this change is changed
players, this group danced with and against one
from gamer to one who is able to initiate collaboranother to the delight of many onlookers.
ative partnerships and engage others in play.
Beatrice, one of the adolescent DDR playAs George moves to play the game, he transfers his power to manage the prize counter to a
non-employee. The boy called upon to manage
the counter also participates in an exchange of
power, and experiences an identity as “someone in
ers, summarizes the importance of viewing spaces
when she notes, “It’s better if you can watch
someone do it and make a fool of themselves first.
You don’t have to be the one. Then it’s easier to
try it. You know what will happen and all.” Rod,
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Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
improvised by children. In this vignette, the teens
charge.” We believe that this moment occurred in
create a specific social space to gather and conpart because of the small nature of this arcade and
trol their activities. As the group ebbs and flows
familiarity among regular customers and staff;
throughout the evening, they determine how they
however, in all arcades we observed, power was
are positioned within their space, what types of
shared easily and identities were fluid.
relationships are possible, and how time will be
We identify two ways that video arcades invert
organized. The teens become designers of their
power: management of space and management of
domain. The girls note that although the group at
bodies. Management of space includes not only
the table attends the same school, they only “see
employee and management’s observations about
each other” in the arcade space. This remark conwhere groups and individuals congregate, but
veys the nature of the arcade as a place to reconalso gamers’ input through verbal recommendastitute access so that new perspectives and social
tions and their own patterns of use. Even though
networks are possible.
gamers may not specifically dictate where games
should be located, their preferences determine
One of the most noticeable (and sometimes
arrangement decisions.
off-putting) aspects of a video arcade is loud volume. Games buzz, music blares, and sometimes
Management of bodies refers to how young
children shout back and forth as they move from
gamers control the movements of their own bodies
game to game. This noise stands in stark contrast
and are less subject to surveillance. We observed
not only to classrooms, but to
children in the arcade making
We
argue
that
the
tolerance
for
volume
many other settings in our socichoices about movement from
that
exists
in
the
arcade
is
another
ety. The innumerable utterances
game to game, deciding to play
function
of
reconstituting
access.
From
a
made by teachers to quiet chilwith other children or indepenchild’s
perspective,
this
ability
to
speak,
dren, urging them to use “sixdently, and choosing to begin
and end their play when it made get excited, talk with friends, and jump inch” or “inside” voices, often
sense. Inversions of power from and cheer enables relationships with exhausts teachers, and can eas“typical” adult–child hierar- new people, connections to emotions, ily inhibit children’s access to
other children and their own
and access to learning.
chies lead to more equalized
emotions. Arcades, on the
structures where children can
other
hand,
often
encourage
volume. Cheering and
perform agentic identities. As a result, we observed
shouting
attracts
other
gamers
and sustains interest.
that children were highly engaged.
We argue that the tolerance for volume that exists
in the arcade is another function of reconstituting
Reconstituting Access and Ownership
access. From a child’s perspective, this ability to
It is a cold, snowy Saturday and many children
speak, get excited, talk with friends, and jump and
decide to spend time with friends at the arcade.
cheer enables relationships with new people, conTwo adolescent girls approach Rod, the arcade
nections to emotions, and access to learning.
manager. After nodding his head briefly, he heads
Last, video game arcades reconstitute access
into the back room and emerges pushing a table on
to knowledge and who gets to be considered an
wheels, which he rolls into the middle of some open
“expert.” When it comes to video arcade games,
floor space. The girls smile and thank him. They sit
children learn by doing, particularly by taking risks
at the table and pull papers and books from their
and by observing other children. In the arcade, the
bags. For the next hour, they complete schoolwork,
role of teacher is shared among gamers. A video
draw, text, and chat with other teens who join them
game expert at one particular game becomes a
at the table. At times, up to 10 adolescents are
novice at another, and beginning players can find
seated together talking and laughing. When asked
themselves demonstrating the game for others. The
what this social space means to them, one girl
hierarchies of knowledge that exist in schools as
replies, “This is just a chance for us to be together.
leveled books and ability groups are nonexistent in
Even though we go to school together, we never get
arcades. Rather, access to knowledge that encourto see each other. But we see each other here.”
ages children to experiment, to make mistakes, and
to “operate at the edge of their regime of compeThe structure of the arcade allows children to
tence” (Gee, 2003, p. 70) with new learning, helps
create and reconstitute access to social opportunichildren build confident learning identities.
ties as they arise. Flexible patterns of access are
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As we described earlier, the initial analysis of
Jeff’s classroom surprised him. It indicated that
he “owned” the majority of the space. To his great
credit, Jeff enthusiastically dove into an exploration of the physical classroom space based on the
learning principles in the arcade. In fact, his participation much exceeded our plan, particularly
when he asked the children to engage in a largegroup brainstorming about how they could make
a better learning environment, followed by drawing individual and small-group maps of their ideal
classroom space.
An analysis of the children’s ideas showed
they wanted more comfortable space, including
such reasonable ideas as adjusting desks to appropriate heights for the varied sizes of their bodies, more accessible materials “in different parts
of the room,” and decorative additions, like plants
and posters. There were also impossible but creative wishes, like building a paintball area. Phoebe’s map included both of these elements. Figure
Language Arts ●
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Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
2 is her more realistic image; on the flip side
of her paper, she imagined a second floor that
included a pony and a bowling alley. Notice Phoebe’s thoughtful requests for a bank of 11 computers, color, pillows, pets, and small groups of desks
attractively placed in diagonal relationships to one
another. She has unwittingly accomplished many
of the objectives recommended by environment
experts Loughlin and Suina (1982) in her design.
With the SDLS and CLEP analyses complete
and insights from the arcade study and children’s
input gathered, Jeff made fundamental changes to
the physical arrangement and provisioning of the
classroom. The first order of business was redistribution of space; Jeff needed to significantly downsize his personal property and open spaces that
had previously been off-limits to students (see
Photo 3). In the process, he consulted the children’s maps to assure that he valued their designs.
Lindsay and Jeff worked to create spaces where
students had ready access to one another’s voices
in pods of eight to ten desks. Jeff also considered patterns of student movement; to accommodate the frequent need for access to the hanging
hooks where children kept their book bags and
coats and to the water fountain, he allowed more
generous space between furniture groups. Wide
aisles in well-traveled areas meant students could
walk next to each other or work in small groups.
When the adjustments had been made, Jeff again
asked for student critique. The response was overwhelmingly positive, though he continued to
WHAT DO PRINCIPLES OF VIDEO ARCADE
SPACE LOOK LIKE IN THE LANGUAGE
ARTS CLASSROOM?
Photo 3. After consulting his students and thinking
about arcade spaces, Jeff made informed changes to the
classroom environment.
Figure 2. Phoebe’s map of wishes for the new classroom
space
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Figure 3. Map of Jeff’s new space; highlighting indicates teacher
owned space.
adjust based on ongoing student feedback and his
own observations of how students used the space.
(We were reminded that video arcade managers
also adjust their physical space decisions in accordance with the opinions and needs of their clientele.) Figure 3 is a map of the dramatic changes
made in spatial organization.
JEFF’S DECISIONS IN THE NEW SPACE
The changes to the physical arrangement were
essential and important in the classroom. In hindsight, however, we recognize that they initiated a
chain of critical shifts in Jeff’s decisions, many of
which align strongly with the learning principles
of space in video arcades.
• Implementation of a Literacy Hour. Jeff redesigned his language arts curriculum so that
for an hour each day, students could elect to
read, compose, or illustrate independently or
with peers; use technology, like Garage Band,
to create song lyrics and music; write poetry;
play board games; and so on. Students were
now allowed in previously restricted physical spaces. A classroom “graffiti board” and a
student-created bulletin board where children
wrote book recommendations to one another
took over Jeff’s large chalkboard. Students
were also encouraged to construct new spaces
Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
for their literacy learning. They worked
together to establish a semi-enclosed
classroom library space with a comfortable chair, pillows, and two large bookcases teeming with inviting contemporary
literature. Jeff set up several laptops at a
newly created writing table where students clustered to read articles online,
write collaboratively, or teach each other
technology tools for research.
• Opportunities for students to manage
their bodies. Jeff began by simply allowing students to use the restroom and take
care of other personal needs as needed
rather than asking him for permission.
Also, students were able to move throughout the room freely as they engaged in literacy activities.
• New class rules and committees.
Although the year was well underway,
Jeff took the opportunity to rebuild community expectations, as suggested by
children during the initial brainstorming session. After students discussed what types of
rules were needed, the class voted, and the new
rules were prominently displayed. Class committees formed to oversee specific parts of the
classroom and keep things functioning.
• Tolerance of higher volume levels. As a result
of new collaborative social spaces, the volume in the classroom increased. Jeff became
more aware of how his need for a quiet atmosphere could constrain student learning. Instead
of viewing talking as misbehavior, he began
to see it as a signal that children were engaged
and learning together. At the students’ request,
Jeff often played background music and joined
groups of children talking excitedly in order to
participate in their learning.
• Provisioning. Jeff filled bookshelves with containers of glue, scissors, paper, markers, etc.,
and brought in a rolling supply cart that could
be moved to student work stations. Students
managed these supplies, including replacing
empty bins, sharpening pencils and colored
pencils, and returning supplies when finished.
• Deliberate inversions of power and control. Jeff
reconsidered how children could be teachers.
It was not uncommon for Jeff to invite students
to teach the class about an area in which they
were knowledgeable, ask for student input in
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Video Arcade Implications for Language Arts Classrooms
September 2010
No. 1 ●
Vol. 88 ●
Language Arts ●
disconnects between video gaming and arcades on
the one hand and standards and formal assessments
required by his district on the other.
Although not the focus of this analysis, tensions included understanding that some days did
not go as expected, that “good” changes lead to
Neither of us expected Jeff’s alterations in the
new challenges, and that incorporating literacies
physical classroom space to ignite changes in so
from students’ lives into school brings complimany other aspects of teaching and learning, parcations. Over the next year, we observed Jeff’s
ticularly critical features of his previously basalidentities shift again as he realized that while the
dominated literacy curriculum. Neither did we
physical space should support engaged student
expect the ways these changes opened opportunilearning, he must also be actively engaged as a
ties and tensions for new student and teacher idenmediator (Moll & Whitmore, 1993; Vygotsky,
tities in the classroom.
1978) in his students’ learning without abdicating his “pedagogical responsibilities” (Knobel,
EXPANDING IDENTITIES
1999, p. 225). For instance, Jeff worked toward a
teacher identity in which he now actively faciliYoung gamers have identities of importance in
tates literature study groups and regularly schedarcades. They move freely, take risks with challengules reading conferences with individual students,
ing games and new relationships, make noise, and
rather than loosely monitoring hours of students’
experience independence away from the adults who
independent, self-selected reading.
typically monitor them. The (re)design of Jeff’s
classroom space according to the learning prinThe lessons of the video arcade advance
ciples of the arcade created new opportunities for
one set of possibilities for teachers who want to
children’s identities at school. In many ways, chilexplore student-designed learning spaces. The
dren exchanged identities from common teacher–
specific choices Jeff made may or may not be
student binaries to children who
appropriate in every setting.
The (re)design of Jeff’s classroom
are teachers for other children or
We encourage teachers to take
space according to the learning
their teacher. They established
risks in redesigning their classprinciples of the arcade created
identities of competence and
room environments and to ask
new opportunities for children’s
control as they made choices
students to participate in the
identities at school.
during Literacy Hour and govchanges. We believe there is
erned their community. Stugreat potential in this process.
dents became managers of their own movements
Children see the video arcade simply as a
and of resources. In all of these design elements, the
place of fun and games. Adults, however, tend
exchange of learning identities from incapable and
to enter unwillingly, clutching their wallets, and
passive to capable and active underwrote the agency
barely tolerating the noise and activity. To them,
that students displayed. Clearly, the design of the
it may seem irrelevant to, or even disruptive of,
physical space was not just about space.
learning. This study goes a long way toward disAt this point in the narrative, however, it is necpelling that perception; through careful observaessary to reveal the complexity of these changes
tion and study, we have learned that arcades are
on Jeff’s teacher identities, as well. Jeff’s newsemiotic domains offering principles of design
found appreciation for the attributes of arcade spaces
that advance opportunities for students’ and teachinspired him to relinquish the routines and teacher
ers’ literacy learning and identities.
decisions with which he was most comfortable. He
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Kathryn F. Whitmore is a professor and Lindsay Laurich is a doctoral candidate in the Language, Literacy, and
Culture Program at The University of Iowa in Iowa City.
JOAN KAYWELL—2010 CEL EXEMPLARY LEADER AWARD RECIPIENT
Joan F. Kaywell is Professor of English Education at the University of South Florida where she has won several
teaching awards. She is passionate about assisting preservice and practicing teachers in discovering ways to
improve literacy. She donates her time extensively to the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) and
its Florida affiliate (FCTE): she is Past President of NCTE’s Assembly on Literature for Adolescents (ALAN) and
is currently serving as its Membership Secretary; she is a Past President of FCTE twice and is still on its Board
of Directors. Dr. Kaywell is published in several journals; regularly reviews young adult novels for The ALAN
Review, The Journal of Adult and Adolescent Literacy, and Signal; and has edited two series of textbooks—
five volumes of Adolescent Literature as a Complement to the Classics (1993, 1995, 1997, 2000, 2010) and six
volumes of Using Literature to Help Troubled Teenagers Cope with [Various] Issues (Family, 1999; Societal,
1999; Identity, 1999; Health, 2000; End-of-Life, 2000; Abuse, 2004); and she is the author of Adolescents at
Risk: A Guide to Fiction and Nonfiction for Young Adults, Parents, and Professionals (1993). Her first trade
book, Dear Author: Letters of Hope (Philomel, 2007), is intended to get students to choose reading as a
healthy escape from their life’s negative circumstances. Kaywell fervently believes that teachers and authors
are often the unsung heroes of children on the brink of self-destruction. By offering books to children to
help them momentarily escape the pain of growing up, teachers offer teenagers a constructive way to
survive the crisis, find hope, and know that they are not alone.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.