........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
new media & society
Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications
London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi
Vol8(1):53–72 [DOI: 10.1177/1461444806059870]
ARTICLE
Staying connected while
on the move:
............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Cell phone use and social connectedness
............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
RAN WEI
University of South Carolina, USA
............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
VEN-HWEI LO
National Chengchi University, Taiwan
............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................
Abstract
As people integrate use of the cell phone into their lives,
do they view it as just an update of the fixed telephone or
assign it special values? This study explores that question in
the framework of gratifications sought and their
relationship both to differential cell phone use and to
social connectedness. Based on a survey of Taiwanese
college students, we found that the cell phone supplements
the fixed telephone as a means of strengthening users’
family bonds, expanding their psychological
neighborhoods, and facilitating symbolic proximity to the
people they call. Thus, the cell phone has evolved from a
luxury for businesspeople into an important facilitator of
many users’ social relationships. For the poorly connected
socially, the cell phone offers a unique advantage: it
confers instant membership in a community. Finally,
gender was found to mediate how users exploit the cell
phone to maintain social ties.
Key words
cell phone • gender differences • gratifications of cell
phone use • loneliness • shyness • social connectedness
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New Media & Society 8(1)
The rapid diffusion of the cell phone worldwide is phenomenal.
According to an International Telecommunications Union (ITU) report
(2002), the number of users across the world totaled one billion by 2001.
Wireless technology expands telephone applications by empowering people
on the move to use it anywhere and anytime (Bates et al., 2002). In
addition to mobility and accessibility, the cell phone enlarges the scope of
information content via PCS (Personal Communication Systems) to deliver
such services as weather updates, news headlines, and internet access. These
attributes, coupled with the rapid adoption of the cell phone worldwide,
will undoubtedly change the way people live, work, and interact with one
another, perhaps even more profoundly than did the fixed telephone. For
instance, how do cell phone adopters use it? What role does the cell phone
play in their lives? Moreover, as a new communication technology that
offers unprecedented freedom in mobility, what does the cell phone give?
What does it retain? And what does it take away?
Motivated by the pressing need to understand the socio-psychological
impact of the rapid diffusion of the cell phone worldwide, this study aims to
expand the research literature on the social role of the telephone by
exploring how adopters use this new communication technology in their
lives. More importantly, what is the role of the cell phone in maintaining
the individual’s family ties and social connectedness? What role does
gratification seeking play, for instance, among users who want to stay
socially connected?
The focus is timely because the cell phone represents a convergent new
media technology that is both a two-way communication medium and a
novel one-to-many information source. It is integrated into people’s daily
lives, and proved to be particular valuable in emergency situations like the
September 11 terrorist attacks in the USA. The cell phone enabled survivors
to tell their loved ones, ‘I am ok.’ And it gave victims a chance to say ‘I love
you’ one last time to family and friends. These instances highlighted the
new, critical role of the cell phone in keeping family and community
connected when other means of communications are denied. The present
study thus will contribute to the research on cellular telephony with its
focus on how the cell phone affects users’ personal and social relations.
LITERATURE REVIEW AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Current research on the popularity of the cell phone worldwide includes
studies on its function and uses (e.g., uses and gratifications), status symbols
(e.g., the symbolic aspect of the cell phone), and use of cell phones at
various locations (e.g., redrawing the boundary between public and private
spaces) in various countries (Katz, 2003; Katz and Aakhus, 2002). A study
about cell phone use in Finland, for example, reported widespread
ownership of the cell phone across age groups and gender. More than 80
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
percent of users cited having a cell phone to deal with everyday business as
their reason for owning one (Puro, 2002: 23). A similar pattern of rapid
diffusion of the cellular telephone was found in Asian countries such as
Japan and Hong Kong (Ishii, 1996; Wei, 2001).
Ling and Yttri (2002) explored how the cell phone is integrated into
users’ daily lives as a coordinating device in Norway. They proposed two
forms of social interaction via the cell phone: instrumental (i.e., calls for
safety and security) and expressive (i.e., the cell phone as an element of selfpresentation). Men were found to use the cell phone more than women do
from work. Nearly half of the calls via the cell phone were made at work,
indicating its critical role in co-coordinating day-to-day activities (Ling and
Haddon, 2003). Further, Ling and Yttri (2002; Ling, 2000) found teen users
tend to use the cell phone for expressive purposes.
Gratifications-sought as motivation for media use
The above-mentioned research on the cell phone provides a broad context
for the present study, which utilizes the uses and gratifications theoretical
approach as a guiding framework. Focusing on the motivations and behavior
of audience, particularly on why and how they use a given medium, the
uses and gratifications approach has been successfully applied in previous
research on telecommunication technologies, including the cell phone (see a
full review next). As mentioned earlier, the use of the cell phone varies a
great deal. The uses and gratifications approach provides an adequate
framework for studying the cell phone because it assumes that individual
differences cause each user to seek out different media and use the media
differently. The approach essentially provides a user-centered perspective,
which is desirable in studying the use of cell phones. In the words of
Fischer (1992: 28), the role of a new media technology (such as cellular
telephony) in users’ lives is better understood when it is pursued as users
‘making purposeful choices under constraints’.
The uses and gratifications approach assumes that the audience actively
selects and uses its media, and that how individual audience members
employ these media depends on their social and psychological needs as well
as gratification-seeking motives (Katz et al., 1973). The notion of an active
audience implies utility (i.e., the uses people have for communication),
intentionality (i.e., prior motivation that directs communication behavior),
and selectivity (i.e., prior interest and desires that affect communication
choices and content) (Blumler and Katz, 1974; Palmgreen et al., 1985). The
uses and gratifications approach is most productive in identifying a wide
range of reasons or motivations for choices in media use, notably newspaper
reading (Lichtenstein and Rosenfeld, 1984), television viewing (Rubin,
1983), the VCR (Rubin and Bantz, 1987), and use of the internet (Charney
and Greenberg, 2002). Numerous studies on uses and gratifications have led
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New Media & Society 8(1)
to the general conclusion that the gratifications sought indeed motivate an
audience member’s use of a particular medium as the audience member
attempts to fulfill his or her psychological needs such as surveillance,
entertainment, relaxation, para-social interaction, and companionship
(Lin, 1993).
The uses and gratification framework guided past research on both the
fixed telephone and the new wireless phone. Studies by Keller (1977) and
Noble (1987) on the use of the conventional telephone were seminal. They
differentiated telephone uses into two broad motives or gratifications:
intrinsic or social and instrumental or task-oriented. Intrinsic motivations
refer to calling to socialize – to chat, gossip, keep family contacts, and
achieve a sense of security. Instrumental motivations include calling to make
appointments, order products, obtain information, and the like. The Keller
and Noble findings showed that social uses were more frequent than
utilitarian uses.
Another study by Claisse and Rowe (1987) proposed functional and
relational motives as gratifications sought from telephone use. Williams et al.
(1985) expanded the gratifications categories by adding a fun or
entertainment motive. Teenagers, in particular, view phoning as fun.
Dimmick et al. (1994) identified yet another gratification factor labeled
reassurance. That is, using the telephone to fulfill one’s psychological needs
for feeling secure. More recently, O’Keefe and Sulanowski (1995) elaborated
gratifications sought through telephone use and examined how differences
in gratifications sought affected individual telephone behavior. They
identified a mix of interpersonal and mass media gratification factors as
motives for telephone use, including sociability, entertainment, acquisition,
and time management. They also found that the greater the motives for
entertainment, time management, and social interaction, the more time
telephone users spent calling.
A study by Leung and Wei (1998) focusing on gratifications sought from
pager use by college students identified a new factor: fashion and status. For
late adopters, a pager conferred social identity and became a symbol of
being cool. The unique gratification sought was integrated into peer
networks. This newly found motive was confirmed in cell phone use (Leung
and Wei, 2000). In addition, the Leung and Wei study (2000) suggested two
other gratifications for cell phone use: mobility and immediate access.
Based on the above review of major gratifications of both the fixed and
the cellular phone, the first research question explores how these
gratification dimensions result in using the cell phone differently.
RQ1: To what extent are gratifications sought from the cell phone related to
differential uses of the cell phone?
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
The social-psychological role of the telephone in
relational maintenance
The mode of social relations can be differentiated into non-mediated
connections and mediated connections (Cerulo and Ruane, 1998). Face-to-face
communication dominates the conceptualized role of non-mediated
connections in relationship maintenance (Canary and Stafford, 1994). The
physical presence of two interactive parties is assumed to be ideal (Stafford et
al, 1999). Accordingly, direct, physically co-present communications were
considered ‘primary relations;’ while indirect, faceless, mediated connections
were considered ‘secondary relations’ (Cerulo and Ruane, 1998).
However, as Wellman and Guila (1999) argue, interpersonal ties can be
maintained by mediated connections via communication technologies such
as the telephone. As new communication technologies become increasingly
domesticated, Stafford et al. (1999) further propose that computer-mediated
communication, especially email, will sustain face-to-face interaction and
maintain personal relations.
Focusing on the social role of the conventional telephone, past research
(Pool, 1977), suggests that the fixed telephone facilitated the transformation
of America into a decentralized matrix of what Aronson (1971) called
‘intimate social networks,’ geographically scattered ‘psychological
neighborhoods’. The telephone’s ability to provide ready connectedness and
support immediate interaction has made it an essential instrument for
maintaining one’s ‘psychological neighborhoods’, which represent ‘a
supportive community’ according to Wurtzel and Turner (1977: 256). The
social value of the telephone was evidenced by its effectiveness as a
communication medium for reducing loneliness, isolation, and anxiety
(Fischer, 1992). At the same time, it increased a sense of security and
maintained cohesion within family and friendship groups (Aronson, 1971;
Fischer, 1992). Empirically, the number of calls correlated positively with
the strength of a relationship (Wellman and Tindall, 1993). As Wurtzel and
Turner (1977: 257) put it, a primary socio-psychological function of the
telephone is the ‘maintenance of symbolic proximity’.
Empirical studies on home email show that it is used primarily for
maintaining person-to-person relationships (Stafford et al., 1999). The home
email study also found that gratification opportunities mediated the use of
email at home to maintain relations formed by other means. The Leung and
Wei (2000) study also reported that instrumental gratifications motivated the
use of the cell phone with co-workers and business partners, whereas
mobility and affection gratifications were strongly related to using the cell
phone to connect with family members. These findings are consistent with
earlier studies on loneliness, gratifications, and TV viewing. Chronic
loneliness was related to reduced use of three interpersonal communication
channels: friends, family members, and social activities (Finn and Gorr,
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New Media & Society 8(1)
1988; Rubin et al., 1985). Chronic loneliness was also associated with
greater viewing of soap operas and less viewing of exciting or social utility
programs (Perse and Rubin, 1990).
Theoretically, loneliness is related to shyness, which has been
characterized as a non-evaluative emotion centered on an individual’s
discomfort toward others (Izard and Tyson, 1986). Shy people experience
feelings of anxiety and are withdrawn and uncomfortable in social situations
(Kagan et al., 1988). Highly shy persons talk significantly less and make
significantly less eye contact. As a result, they tend to participate minimally
in social interactions (Garcia et al., 1991) and experience loneliness.
Similarly, other studies report that social connectedness is negatively related
to anxiety (Lee and Robbins, 1998). Not surprisingly, more recent studies
have found that loneliness, social distress avoidance, social discomfort, and a
host of other negative emotions are negatively correlated with social
connectedness (Baumeister and Leary, 1995; Lee et al., 2001).
What is the effect of the cell phone on the user’s relationship
maintenance? Related to this question, what is the role of gratifications
sought in helping the cell phone user stay socially connected? Do they
mediate cell phone use? If so, how? The second research question is posed
as follows:
RQ2: What is the relationship between gratifications sought from the cell
phone and the levels of social connectedness in terms of loneliness and shyness?
Gender differences in telephone use
The adoption and use of a media technology are socially conditioned
(Fischer, 1992). Social groups experience a given new media technology
differently due to their differences in social structures. Gender exemplifies
such differences. Past empirical research reported significant gender
differences in use of the fixed telephone. Using the phone more and talking
longer, women used it primarily for social purposes, such as to keep in
touch with family and friends, to exchange information about community,
and to keep them company (Fischer, 1992; Smoreda and Licoppe, 2000).
Other historical analyses (Martin, 1991) reached similar conclusions.
Focusing on women’s use of the telephone in a small community, Rakow
(1992: 149) argued that telephone lines ran ‘like a fine thread through the
lives’ of women who were more likely to experience isolation, loneliness,
fear, or boredom. Her study concluded that the telephone ‘builds and
maintains relationships and accomplishes important care-giving and receiving
functions’ for women (1992: 151). The theme was found in interviews with
19 women who were early users of the cellular telephone (Rakow and
Navarro, 1993).
More broadly, gender differences were studied in computer-mediated
communications (ranging from email, listserv, and newsgroups to chat
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
rooms) focusing on issues of access to internet resources and use of such
resources. Herring (2001: 3) argued that access was a ‘stumbling block’ for
women during most of the 1990s. The gender digital divided was bridged as
more women went online, accounting for 51 percent of internet users in
the USA in 2002 (NUA, 2002). Patterns of internet use also differed along
the gender line. Women tend to exchange more private email than
participate in discussions or chat rooms (Hoffman et al., 1996). Other
empirical studies show that women posted fewer and shorter messages,
received fewer responses from others, and did not control the topic of
discussion (Herring, 1993, in press). However, they participated more
actively in other online opportunities such as women-centered groups
(Herring, 2000).
Will these gender differences be found in motives of cell phone use? We
raise the third research question as follows:
RQ3: Are there gender differences in gratifications sought from the cell
phone?
METHOD
The cell phone was introduced to Taiwan in 1989 as a luxury among a
handful of business tycoons. According to the Directorate General of
Telecommunications (GDT) of Taiwan, Taiwan led the world in cell phone
adoption – more than 22 million of its 23 million residents were cell phone
subscribers, a penetration rate of 96.6 percent in 2001 (2002). The
penetration rate of cell phones among the segment aging between 16 and
60 in Taiwan soared as high as 130 percent as many of them had a second
phone (Kao, 2002). Thus, Taiwan represents an ideal population to
investigate the social influence of cell phone use. Our study drew on a
sample of Taiwanese college students.
We used a multistage cluster sampling method. First, we drew 10 out of a
pool of 26 colleges in Taipei. Then, three classes from each of the 10
colleges were randomly selected. In the final stage, the questionnaire was
administered to students enrolled in the 30 classes in May 2001.
Participation was voluntary and respondents were assured of complete
anonymity. Trained undergraduate seniors of a large university distributed
and collected the self-administered questionnaires. Among the 1050 students
in the sampled classes, a total of 909 (86.6%) completed the questionnaire.
Of the sample, 378 (41.6%) were males and 531 (58.4%) were females.
The Mean age was 19.76 (SD = 1.45, ranging from 18 to 25). Out of the
909 respondents, 881 (96.9%) were cell phone users, while only 28 (3.1%)
were non-users. Among the 881 users, 843 (95.7%) had their own cell
phones, and 140 (15.9%) reported owning two or more. They had owned
cell phones for periods ranging from one month to four years
(Mean = 17.31 months, SD = 9.71).
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New Media & Society 8(1)
Gratification measures. Drawing on motives identified in previous studies
on uses and gratifications from the fixed telephone (Dimmick et al., 1994;
O’Keefe and Sulanowski, 1995) and the cell phone (Leung and Wei, 2000),
our survey used a list of 34 gratification items (we finalized the list based on
a pilot study). Principal component factor analysis of these items with
varimax rotation led to a six-factor solution, accounting for 74.19 percent of
variance. Based on results of principal component factor analysis of the cell
phone motive statements, six highly reliable gratification indices were
created (see Table 1).
The first gratification, information-seeking, contained five items including
seeking updated information on traffic, social events, stocks, news headlines,
and consumer and entertainment topics (Mean = 2.47, SD = 0.77). This
factor represents a gratification typical of instrumental use. The second
gratification, social utility, consisted of five items that reflected the motives of
using cell phone to relieve boredom, to gossip or chat, to seek the pleasure
of talking, to pass time, and to relax (Mean = 2.81, SD = 0.86). Affection, the
third gratification-sought, consisted of five items: improving relations with
family, feeling closer to family members, showing caring for others,
knowing others care about you, and saying ‘hi’ to people (Mean = 3.26,
SD = 0.73). The fourth gratification, fashion and status, consisted of four
items. It marked the use of the cell phone for looking fashionable, cool,
stylish, and avoiding looking old-fashioned (Mean = 2.57, SD = 0.79). These
three gratifications are typical of social or intrinsic motives.
The fifth gratification, mobility contained three items that reflected the use
of the cell phone as eliminating the need to look for a public phone, to
carry change required to use a public phone, and to queue up for public
phones (Mean = 3.73, SD = 0.86). The sixth gratification, accessibility,
included three items: being always accessible regardless of location, providing
immediate access to others anywhere anytime, and being available to the ill
or aged members of the family (Mean = 3.94, SD = 0.68). Mobility and
accessibility represent new and unique gratification dimensions from cell
phones and, based on mean scores, are the most sought after gratifications
by cell phone users.
Cell phone use. When the study was conducted in May 2001, text
messaging, photo messaging, and other newer services like mobile internet
were not available. Therefore, we focused primarily on use of the cell phone
for making and receiving voice calls. Operationally, cell phone use was
measured with multiple measures. Respondents were asked to indicate how
long they had owned a cell phone (in months). (Mean = 17.31, SD = 9.71);
and how many cell phones they owned (Mean = 2.15; SD = 0.56). Then,
they were requested to self-report the number of calls (both made and
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
• Table 1
USE AND
Principal component analysis of uses and gratifications items with varimax rotation
GRATIFICATION ITEMS
Information-seeking
To seen traffic updates
To keep up-to-date with social events
To see updates on stocks
To check news headlines and weather updates
To find out consumer and entertainment
information
Social utility
To relieve boredom by calling people
To gossip or chat
To enjoy the pleasure of talking to people
To pass time
To relax me
Affection
To improve relations with family
To feel closer to family members
To let others know you care for them
To get a feeling that people care about you
To say hi to people who care about you
Fashion-status
To look fashionable
To look cool
To look stylish
To avoid looking old-fashioned
Mobility
To eliminate the need to queue up for public
phone
To eliminate the need for change required to
use public phone
To avoid the need of looking for a fixed public
phone
Accessibility
To provide immediate access to others
anywhere anytime
To be always accessible to anyone no matter
where you are
To be available to the ill or aged members of
the family
Eigenvalues
Cronbach’s alpha
Variance explained (%)
F1
F2
F3
F4
F5
F6
0.91
0.90
0.90
0.87
0.74
0.10
0.15
0.14
0.00
0.26
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.13
0.11
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.10
0.18
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.11
0.11
0.22
0.13
0.20
0.16
0.86
0.80
0.78
0.76
0.75
0.10
0.00
0.20
0.00
0.24
0.15
0.17
0.17
0.19
0.19
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.10
0.00
0.10
0.13
0.00
0.00
0.16
0.12
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.19
0.13
0.29
0.84
0.81
0.80
0.77
0.64
0.10
0.14
0.18
0.12
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.12
0.00
0.15
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.17
0.12
0.17
0.17
0.00
0.15
0.18
0.19
0.24
0.17
0.14
0.18
0.10
0.89
0.88
0.86
0.75
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.11
0.00
0.00
0.89
0.00
0.00
0.16
0.00
0.00
0.88
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.80
0.25
0.00
0.17
0.00
0.00
0.00
0.84
0.00
0.18
0.00
0.00
0.13
0.82
0.15 –0.10
0.24
0.00 –0.11
0.65
70.57 20.96 20.56 20.27 10.80 10.40
0.94 0.90 0.86 0.91 0.85 0.72
30.26 11.82 10.25 9.07 7.20 5.59
Note: Scales for uses and gratifications items were ‘1’ = strongly disagree to ‘5’ = strongly agree.
received) in a day (Mean = 7.03, SD = 5.32). They were also asked to
provide an estimate of time (in minutes) for each call (Mean = 3.5,
SD = 4.6).
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New Media & Society 8(1)
Respondents were further asked to report how often they used their cell
phones to contact (a) family members – parents and siblings who live
together with the respondent; (b) relatives – uncles, aunts, and cousins who
do not live together with the respondent; (c) schoolmates; (d) co-workers;
(e) friends of same sex; and (f) friends of opposite sex (friends exclude
schoolmates). The response categories ranged from ‘1’ (never) to ‘4’ (often).
A two-factor solution emerged from a principal component factor analysis,
explaining 60.63 percent of the total variance. The first factor, which
accounted for 37.47 percent of the variance (Eigenvalue = 2.25), contained
the four items (c, d, e, and f). The four items were added and divided by
four to form a composite measure of frequency of social-oriented calls made
(Mean = 3.06, SD = 0.62, alpha = 0.71). The second factor included two
items (a and b) (Eigenvalue = 1.39; accounting for 23.16% of variance). The
two items were added and divided by two to build a measure of frequency of
family-oriented calls made (Mean = 2.58, SD = 0.64, r = 0.35).
Respondents were next asked how often they received a call via their cell
phone from (a) family members – parents and siblings who live together
with the respondent; (b) relatives – uncles, aunts, and cousins who do not
live together with the respondent; (c) schoolmates; (d) co-workers; (e)
friends of the same sex; and (f) friends of the opposite sex (friends exclude
schoolmates). A principal component factor analysis showed these six items
also grouped into two factors. The two-factor solution explained 62.65
percent of the total variance. Four items (c, d, e, and f), which loaded on
the first factor, were combined to form a measure of frequency of socialoriented calls received (44.81% of the variance was accounted for,
Eigenvalue = 2.69; Mean = 3.06, SD = 0.65, alpha = 0.74). The second factor
had two items (a and b) (Eigenvalue = 1.07; accounting for 17.84% of
variance). The two items were added and divided by two to form a measure
of frequency of family-oriented calls received (Mean = 2.67, SD = .68, r = .36).
Mass media use. To provide a comparison with cell phone use,
respondents were asked to indicate their level of mass media consumption.
Specifically, they self-reported the average time (in hours per day) spent
watching TV (Mean = 2.27, SD = 1.66), listening to the radio (Mean = 47.86
minutes; SD = 1.21), and surfing the internet (Mean = 2.12, SD = 1.93).
Newspaper and magazine reading were measured by two separate questions
asking respondents how many days in a week they read the press
(Mean = 3.26 and SD = 1.71 for newspaper reading; Mean = 2.35 and
SD = 1.56 for magazine reading).
Measures of social connectedness. Teixeira (1992: 36) defines social
connectedness as ‘interpersonal, community, and general social ties’. As Lee
et al. argue:
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
People with high connectedness tend to feel very close with other people,
easily identify with others, perceive others as friendly and approachable, and
participate in social groups and activities. . . . People with low connectedness
tend to feel interpersonally distant from other people and from the world at
large. They often see themselves as outsiders, feel misunderstood by others,
have difficulty relating with the social world, and are uncomfortable in social
situations. (2001: 310)
Accordingly, as the dependent variable of the study, the level of ones’
social connectedness was gauged by two separate measures which were
essentially psychological indices of a respondent’s social deficiency: loneliness
and shyness.
Loneliness. Following Peplau et al. (1979), loneliness is defined as a selfperceived state that a person’s network of relationships is either smaller or
less satisfying than desired. The study used the revised UCLA Loneliness
Scale constructed by Russell et al. (1980), which emphasized the cognitive
aspect that a person believes that he or she has fewer initial social
relationships than desired or achieved. Specifically, respondents in our sample
were given a list of 20 emotions and were asked to report how frequently
they experienced them in their interpersonal relationships. The list used a ‘1’
(never) to ‘4’ (often) point scale (Mean = 39.53, SD = 8.74, alpha = 0.90).
Shyness. Conceptually, shyness is also linked to one’s social relations. It
refers to the discomfort and inhibition that may occur in the presence of
others (Cheek and Buss, 1981). A nine-item shyness scale was employed
following Cheek and Buss (1981). Respondents were asked to rate the nine
statements on a ‘0’ to ‘ 4’ scale, where ‘0’ meant ‘least characteristic of me’
and ‘4’ meant ‘most characteristic of me’ (Mean = 16.08, SD = 5.25,
alpha = 0.84).
Social structural variables included gender, age, year of study, GPAs,
family size, and household income.
RESULTS
The first research question inquired to what extent cell phone gratifications
were sought related to cell phone use, which was measured as: (1) frequency
of family-oriented calls made, (2) frequency of social-oriented calls made,
(3) frequency of family-oriented calls received, and (4) frequency of socialoriented calls received. To explore the multivariate relationship of the six
identified cell phone gratifications and the four types of uses, four
hierarchical multiple regression analyses were performed separately.
As shown in Table 2 (the first column), affection was the strongest
predictor of how often respondents made calls to families or relatives. Other
gratifications sought that were significant predictors of the frequency of
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New Media & Society 8(1)
• Table 2
Hierarchical regression analysis predicting cell-phone use
INDEPENDENT
FREQUENCY OF FREQUENCY OF FREQUENCY OF FREQUENCY OF
FAMILY-CALLS
SOCIAL-CALLS
FAMILY-CALLS
SOCIAL-CALLS
VARIABLES
MADE
MADE
RECEIVED
RECEIVED
Block 1: Social structural variables
Gender (male)
–0.08*
Age
0.07
Family size
–0.04
Household income
–0.01
Year of study
–0.05
GPAs
0.03
Adjusted R2
0.9%
–0.16**
–0.01
–0.01
0.01
–0.03
–0.02
2.2%
–0.10**
–0.01
–0.06
–0.05
–0.06
0.00
1.5%
–0.19***
–0.01
–0.0
0.02
–0.08**
–0.02
2.9%
Block 2: Cell-phone gratifications
Information-seeking
–0.05
Social utility
–0.11**
Affection
0.26***
Fashion-status
–0.08*
Mobility
–0.02
Accessibility
0.07*
Incremental adjusted R2
9.0%
–0.05
0.15**
–0.01
–0.01
0.06
0.06
10.0%
–0.03
–0.07
0.28***
–0.03
–0.06
0.07*
10.1%
–0.02
0.15***
–0.01
–0.00
0.02
0.10**
10.3%
Block 3: Cell-phone use
No. of cell phones owned
Length of cell phone
owned
Total cell-phone use per
day
Averaged calling time
Incremental adjusted R2
Total adjusted R2
0.12**
0.07*
0.14**
0.23***
0.10**
0.09*
0.18***
0.22***
0.08*
0.25***
0.09*
0.25***
0.02
3.4%
0.06*
19.2%
0.03
3.5%
0.04
19.8%
13.3%
31.4%
15.1%
33.0%
Notes: Beta weights are from final regression equation with all blocks of variables in the model. Variables
coded, or recoded, as follows: gender (1 = male, 0 = female); uses and gratifications variables (1 = strongly
disagree, 5 = strongly agree); frequency of family-oriented use and social-oriented use (1 = never,
4 = frequently). ***p < 0.001; **p < 0.01; *p < 0.050.
family-oriented calls made included social utility, fashion-status, and accessibility.
These results suggest that those respondents who were motivated to use the
cell phone to express affection and to take advantage of its access, but not to
socialize or to make a fashion statement, tend to call their loved ones more
frequently. Results of the regression analysis also revealed significant
relationships between the number of cell phones a respondent owned, the
length of time the respondent had owned a cell phone, total use per day,
and the frequency of making family-oriented calls. Those who had more
than one cell phone, used them longer, and used them more frequently
every day, called their loved ones more often. Gender was the only social
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
structural variable that significantly predicted frequency of family-oriented
calls made. Female respondents were inclined to make more calls to family.
Social utility was a significant predictor of the frequency of making socialoriented calls via the cell phone (see the second column in Table 2).
Moreover, the more those surveyed owned more cell phones, used them
longer, used them more frequently in a day, and made longer calls, the more
frequently they made social calls. Obviously, the cell phone has become a
new way of life for early and heavy users in maintaining their social
relations. In addition, gender was also a significant predictor of frequency
of socially-oriented calls made. Female respondents tended to make more
social calls.
Affection and accessibility were again significant predictors of frequency of
family-oriented calls received in the gratifications-sought block (see the third
column in Table 2). Three general cell phone use variables showed predictive
utility over the frequency of receiving family-oriented calls: number of cell
phones owned, length of cell phone use, and total use in a day. Also, gender
was a significant predictor of frequency of family-oriented calls received,
indicating that females received family calls more often.
As shown in the fourth column of Table 2, social utility and accessibility
predicted the frequency of receiving socially-oriented calls. Compared to
social-oriented calls made, accessibility was a significant motive, suggesting
that the immediate access afforded by cell phones helped respondents receive
social calls while on the go. When the influence of social structural variables
and cell phone gratification measures were controlled for, the number of cell
phones owned, length of use, and total use per day were significant
predictors of the frequency of socially oriented calls received. Total use in a
day was the strongest predictor. Gender also showed predictive power,
suggesting that females received social calls more frequently.
The second research question concerned the multivariate relationships
between dimensions of cell phone gratifications, mass-media use, cell phone
use, and one’s degree of social connectedness, which were measured by
loneliness and shyness. Statistically, cell phone uses and gratifications from
cell phone use were treated as covariates of loneliness and shyness. Cell
phone uses included both general level of use and types of use (i.e., family
oriented and social oriented). The partial correlation between loneliness and
cell phone use was calculated after controlling for social structural variables
and mass-media use variables. A similar partial correlation was run for
shyness (see Table 3).
As Table 3 shows, there was a significant but negative relationship
between the affection and accessibility gratifications and loneliness after the
influence of social structural variables and mass-media use were taken into
consideration (see the first column). However, the relationship between
loneliness and the gratification of fashion-status was positive. Results further
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New Media & Society 8(1)
• Table 3 Partial correlation coefficients between loneliness, shyness, cell-phone
gratifications and cell-phone use indices
(Control for gender, age, family size, household income, year of study, GPAs, TV viewing, radio
listening, newspaper and magazine reading, and internet surfing)
INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
LONELINESS
SHYNESS
Cell-phone gratifications
Information-seeking
Social utility
Affection
Fashion-status
Mobility
Accessibility
–0.03
–0.06
–0.16***
0.08*
–0.01
–0.10**
–0.06
–0.17***
–0.11**
0.01
0.01
–0.04
Cell-phone use
No. of cell phones owned
Length of cell phone owned (in months)
Total cell-phone use per day
Average calling time
Freq. of family-oriented use
Freq. of social-oriented use
–0.04
–0.14***
–0.15***
–0.07
–0.02
–0.21***
–0.11**
–0.24***
–0.29***
–0.12**
0.02
–0.29***
Notes: Variables coded, or recoded, as follows: uses and gratifications variables (1 = strongly disagree,
5 = strongly agree); frequency of family-oriented use and social-oriented use (1 = never, 4 = frequently);
loneliness (1 = never, 4 = often); shyness (0 = least characteristic of me, 4 = most characteristic of me).
*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.
showed that these respondents were later adopters of the cell phone.
Loneliness was negatively related to the frequency of social-oriented use,
total use per day, and length of owning a cell phone.
An interesting pattern emerged from the above results. Lonely
respondents (i.e., those less socially connected psychologically) sought to use
the cell phone not as a means to express affection or for the benefit of
immediate access while on the go. Rather, they pursued the cell phone for
its symbolic value – fashion and status. Not surprisingly, they did not use
the cell phone socially and did not use it much on a daily basis.
Similar results were obtained in the partial correlation between shyness
and cell phone gratifications and cell phone use (see the second column in
Table 3). The relationships between shyness, social utility, and affection
gratification were negative after controlling for the influence of social,
structural and mass-media variables. Other significant correlates of shyness
were total use of cell phone per day, frequency of social uses, length of cell
phone ownership, averaging calling time, and number of cell phones owned.
All of them were negative. Thus, the general pattern of relationships
between shyness, cell phone gratifications and use paralleled that of selfreported loneliness. Respondents who had a high self-reported shyness level
perceived the cell phone neither for social utility nor for affection motives.
As later adopters of the cell phone, they used the cell phone less. When
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
• Table 4 T-tests between female and male users in cell-phone gratifications-sought and cellphone use
VARIABLES
MALE
Cell-phone gratifications
Information-seeking
Social utility
Affection
Fashion-status
Mobility
Accessibility
Cell-phone use
No. of cell phones owned
Length of cell phone owned
Total cell-phone use per day
Averaged calling time
Frequency of family-calls made
Frequency of social-calls made
Frequency of family-calls received
Frequency of social-calls received
FEMALE
T-VALUES
2.54
2.78
3.12
2.57
3.59
3.90
(0.83)
(0.90)
(0.80)
(0.85)
(0.89)
(0.72)
2.43
2.83
3.37
2.58
3.82
3.97
(0.71)
(0.83)
(0.67)
(0.73)
(0.84)
(0.65)
2.06*
–0.95
–5.07***
–0.08
–4.04***
–1.60
2.20
19.09
6.28
3.65
2.53
2.95
2.57
2.93
(0.66)
(1.74)
(5.48)
(5.11)
(0.64)
(0.66)
(0.70)
(0.69)
2.12
16.7
7.35
3.57
2.62
3.14
2.73
3.15
(0.48)
(8.67)
(5.16)
(4.63)
(0.64)
(0.57)
(0.66)
(0.61)
1.90
4.54***
–2.99**
0.24
–2.02*
–4.56***
–3.40***
–4.90***
Notes: Scales for uses and gratifications items were ‘1’ = strongly disagree to ‘5’ = strongly agree.
***p < 0.001, **p < 0.01, *p < 0.05.
they did use their cell phones, they used them less for socializing and
tended to make short calls. Surprisingly, lonely and shy respondents tended
to own more cell phones, probably just to make a status statement.
The third research question asked: Do female users of the cell phone
differ from male users in gratifications sought from cell phone use? To
answer this question, a series of paired t-tests was run. As Table 4 indicates,
female and male users differed significantly in seeking the gratifications of
information-seeking, affection, and mobility. Female users tend to use the cell
phone for expression of affection and to take advantage of the mobility of
the wireless technology, whereas male users appear to use cell phones to
seek information. Moreover, results show that females reported using the
cell phone more every day, made and received more family-oriented as well
as social-oriented calls, although males owned their cell phones longer (see
Table 4). These results are consistent with the gender difference in
household telephone use (Ling and Haddon, 2003; Rakow, 1992; Smoreda
and Licoppe, 2000).
DISCUSSION
The study highlights the influence of gratifications sought from cell phone
use as antecedents on family-oriented and social-oriented calls. The affection
gratification had a positive relation with calls to family. It is reasonable to
conclude that the cell phone enhances one’s ties to family. Moreover, the
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New Media & Society 8(1)
social utility gratification was a strong predictor of social uses. Motivated to
relieve boredom or to relax by chatting via cell phone, early adopters of cell
phones used them more often and made longer calls, primarily to socialize.
Thus, the cell phone became a new type of pleasure phone, one that
evolved from a luxury business phone into an important facilitator of one’s
social relationships.
More important, when dimensions of cell phone gratification and cell
phone use were analyzed as covariates of users’ levels of social connectedness
in terms of loneliness and shyness, people who were less socially connected
adopted the cell phone late and used it less for social purposes. Nevertheless,
they extracted social compensation from the cell phone by using it
symbolically as a marker of fashion and status. To do so, they used the cell
phone primarily as a fashion accessory. Thus, late and socially deficient users
of cell phones present themselves socially through the symbolic display of
the cell phone. This particular finding provides empirical evidence to
support the notion of technology as one’s ‘second-skin’ (Katz, 2003; Katz
and Aakhus, 2002). As Lee (2002: 3) puts it, as ‘a social prop,’ cell phones
are ‘smart skins’ for young people.
Furthermore, gender was consistently a significant predictor of cell phone
uses, regardless of whether the use was family-oriented or social-oriented.
As the results of t-test analyses indicate, women rely more heavily than men
on extensive use of cell phones to show affection to their families while on
the move. In contrast, men tend to use the cell phone for the sake of
efficiency and practical purposes, such as information-seeking. The findings
support the argument by Lee and Robbins (2000: 485) that ‘women and
men both value social connectedness, but there may be differences in the
types of relationship that women and men pursue to develop or sustain a
sense of connectedness.’ It thus can be concluded that gender mediates how
users exploit the cell phone to maintain social ties.
To conclude, as the cell phone is becoming integrated into people’s lives,
it supplements the role of the fixed telephone in meeting the need for
relationship maintenance. Consistent with the primary social functions of
the household telephone, mobile communication via the cell phone helps
strengthen bonds among family members. It also expands the user’s
‘psychological neighborhoods’ and facilitates ‘maintenance of symbolic
proximity’ (especially true for both female and heavy users). As a new
wireless communication medium, the cell phone itself represents a symbolic
community. It confers a unique advantage to those who are not socially well
connected by offering a trendy fashion accessory – strap a cell phone around
your neck or on your belt, and you instantly become a member of a
community, whether you actually use the phone or not. Accordingly, the
cell phone has become what Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981:
33) call ‘symbols of social integration’ in the era of mobile communication.
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Wei & Lo: Cell phone use and social connectedness
The findings of this study should be interpreted with caution, as the
study sampled college students. Future research should target a sample of the
general population. In addition, future study should attempt a causal model
to delineate the direction of relationships between cell phone gratifications,
cell phone uses, and various dimensions of social connectedness. Finally, US
adolescents have lagged behind their Asian and European counterparts in
embracing the cell phone, but they are catching up rapidly. A cross-cultural
comparative analysis of US and Asian or European young users of the cell
phone is yet another desirable path for future research.
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RAN WEI is Associate Professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communications at
the University of South Carolina in the USA. His research interests focus primarily on mass
communications and social change, with a particular emphasis on the role of new media
technology. His recent publications on new media appeared in Journal of Broadcast &
Electronic Media, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Asian Journal of
Communication, World Communication, New Media & Society, and Telematics and Informatics.
Address: School of Journalism and Mass Communications, University of South Carolina,
Columbia, SC 29208, USA. [email: [email protected]]
VEN-HWEI LO is Dean and Professor in the College of Communication at National Chengchi
University, Taipei, Taiwan. His research interests include news media performance and the
effects of mass media. His is the author of four books and his recent publications appeared
in Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic
Media, International Journal of Public Opinion Research, Asian Journal of Communication,
Studies in Media & Information Literacy Education, and Mass Communication Research.
Address: Department of Journalism, College of Communication, National Chengchi University,
Taipei, Taiwan. [email: [email protected]]
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