I NTRO DUCTION
The Landowner as
Change Agent in
Rural Modernization:
An Ecuadorean Example
Gene N. Franckowiak
Associate Professor
University of Toledo
14
In an era of impressive governmental and institutional support for
rural modernization plans in developing countries, the privately financed, small-scale project can
easily escape attention. A concentration of private funds and individual effort in small communities or
single farms may occur for a variety
of reasons ranging from humanitarian to pragmatic. Recognition may
not be solicited if such gestures are
designed to supplement existing law
or correct difficult social problems
in an environment of national political instability. Some landowners
may react quite positively to highly
localized problems to assure smoOlh
functioning of agricultural systems
where production is labor intensive.
These private programs usually operate within the indigenous cultural
system in recugnition of the behavioral realities of daily farm life. They
receive less attention from the
scholarly community than "showcase" projects supported by large
institutions, perhaps as short-term
programs which may impact on traditional society as intrusions to their
lifestyle. It is possible that intensive
efforts to plan and implement
change have allowed field workers
to overlook existing indigenous programs which foster positive change.
The Latin American hacienda with
its historical patron-peasant association is a viable, functioning institution. Despite past abuses, this persistent farm system may represent
a realistic managerial infrastructure
for the introduction of social change.
If privately organized programs on
some farms produce real advances
in peasant living conditions, then a
successful change agency is in operation. These privately funded plans
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may contain program directions for
wider spatial application, most likely
a planned extension to adjacent
communit ies. In a diffusion context,
such locations may be potential or
functioning growth centers.
In this paper a farm community is
described where the owner initiated
a long range social program for the
resident Indian group. Neither Hacienda Zuleta nor similar private endeavors have received much attention in the development literature
although the owner of Zuleta is an
internationally recognized political
figure. His systematic effort to improve the economic and social lifestyle of a large peasant community
is one of his lesser known achievements. His experiment has provided
the investigative model for this continuing study: the viability of the
large traditional landowner as
change agent. This application of
the term "change agent" may not
agree with the accepted definition,
nor will this proposed model gain
rapid acceptance among professionals with many years of field experience in Latin America. It suggests an evolutionary rather than
revolutionary change of traditional
society within one sector of the
existing cultural system. This model
does recognize some realities of
rural life in Lati n America and proposes a possible solution for positive social change within the behavioral context of rural peasant society.
CONCEPTUAL STRUCTURE
The pace of social change in rural
society is of continuing developmental concern, often viewed as a
race between population growth and
food production . Rather dismal projections have been published which
show trend lines for both variables
intersecting in the very near future
for several parts of the developing
world. Many programs designed to
solve this problem have not produced desired results. Consequently, more attention is being focused
on the highly localized, psychological-cultural milieu of the peasant.
The basic assumption is that change
agents or extension workers, who
have been sensitized to local beliefs
and value systems, can more effectively foster change but within the
constraints of local custom .1 Recognition of the peasant mentality as a
major variable is not new. National
and regional plans for technology
transfer fail too often at the local
level, i.e., at the interface between
trained technician and potential
adopter. Therefore, more planners of
directed change are experimenting
with behavioral models in a small
group environment.2
Of importance is the personal relationship developed by the change
agent with local groups and the ability to transfer new ideas within the
context of a shared cultural experience. Personal as well as technical
attributes of the agent have been reconsidered. Extensive training in
modern technology may be of secondary importance where indigenous groups understand simple
rather than complex adjustments to
their lifestyle over the short term.
Therefore, continuous local contact
develops a working model for the introduction of change, perhaps as a
functional member of the group.
Such cultural familiarity may sensitize the change agent to cognitive
patterns of decision-making. These
methods have been introduced in
training programs and recent reports
are encouraging. 3 Obviously, this
careful approach requires time, a
15
variable considered to be in short
supply by development theorists.
However, effective and continued
change must proceed carefully for a
generation before cumulative effects
become the rule for subsequent
generations. On many farm communities in Latin America, the landowner and members of his family
may function as important links in
this process of social change.
The farm operation as a system
involving the owner with his regional-national connections, and indigenous labor with community contacts both on and off the hacienda,
may constitute an effective change
agency organization requiring a
philosophical change in management attitude. An alternative to this
existing rural structure may be complete development of another new
bureaucracy, perhaps beyond the
available resources of an Andean
country. In addition, a new bureaucracy may require legislative action
with a time-consuming period of
training and adjustment to local
conditions . The Vicos Project in
Peru may serve as a partial instructional example of new management
directions where positive change in
the peasant condition was given a
priority comparable to profitability
in the farm operation .4
The Landowner as Change Agent
E. Rogers recognizes communication between "power-elites" and
peasants as a key problem in the
diffusion of information. 5 Too often,
communication consists of a downward flow of complex technological
information of use only to the educated el ite with little reverse flow of
information concerned with lower
class problems. This general mode
is repeated locally where most land-
16
owners select information designed
to satisfy personal and economic
motives often ignoring possible applications for the resident peasant
society whose needs mayor may not
be known. In this case, peasant living conditions are dependent on the
economic success of the large estate and the selective filtering of information to this indigenous group.
It is necessary to accept this dependency relationship as reality in most
rural areas of Latin America before
recognizing the landowner as a potentially viable change agent.
On the large estate only the landowner has unlimited access to technological information which will
influence agricultural productivity.
Such information is operationalized
as desired to perpetuate his social
and economic situation . It is futile to
assume that the owner is unaware
of innovations which may assist the
local peasantry. Retention of the
status quo may be desirable despite
intimate knowledge of problems and
close association with this community. Agricultural and social innovations, therefore, are selectively
transferred to the lower classes,
often in minimal conformance with
law or peasant pressure. If possible,
illiteracy is maintained as a hedge
against local recognition of possible
change. An adversary relationship of
varying degree may occur from estate to estate.
Historically, the result of this
hacienda tradition has been uneven
spatial development of peasant social systems while owners adopt
profit maximizing innovations. Some
peasant advances may occur
through selective adoption of the
landowner's agricultural methods
which are workable on a small farm.
On occasion horizontal transfer of
information is possible from adja-
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cent farms or "free communities."
An owner may not assist this transfer and, under certain circumstances, may discourage the use of
a new idea.
Continuation of this system along
with documented social abuses has
produced some reaction , notably
agrarian reform legislation. Quite
often , landowner interests and problems are ignored in these national
attempts to improve the peasant
condition; occasionally the landowner is punished. Unfortunately,
such laws also have disregarded the
relationship between landowner and
peasant, an interdependent system
necessary for the operation of a
labor intensive farming arrangement. When previous access to resources of the estate are denied as
a result of reform legislation, the indigenous condition may worsen. Antagonisms and class conflicts continue and may be further institutionalized by law. Stated national goals
rarely are achieved to the satisfaction of all groups; varying enforcement of law may cause political instability. In this socio-political atmosphere, modernization, social
change or technology transfer at the
national scale is uneven or absent.
Most likely, this situation may perpetuate distrust and evasion of the
law with continuing disrespect for
the central government by peasant
and patron.
Independent action appears to be
a natural reaction to a disorderly political condition. Realistically, such
responses are defensive and require
innovative decisions by groups and
individuals to maintain social and
economic viability within a continually shifting political environment.
Landowners, of course, may have
some degree of control through political power and economic strength,
if politically affiliated with the current government. On the other hand,
peasant communities have been
known to further disassociate themselves from politics and "white" social systems, regressing to subsistent lifestyles as "natural" communities. A politically powerful patron
does not insure security or better living conditions for resident peasant
groups. If the central government
continues to exercise power in an
unstable fashion, then local decisions, within reason, will be made
without consultation of national
authority. Consequently, a rather
significant degree of autonomy is
possible at the local estate level.
Such action may be necessary in the
absence of a stable political system.
Although modified by recent social legislation, landowners still
possess significant local authority.
They are more aware of legal constraints than are resident peasant
communities who have been conditioned for generations to accept
patronal authority. Because of his
familiarity with the local social condition and his economic power, the
landowner still can exert significant
control over the resident group. Only
with serious differences between
peasant and patron will outside
authority be allowed to intervene. A
certain degree of mutual tolerance
and respect is present. Seldom will
an outsider be considered so powerful, benevolent or authoritative as
the patron. In this social-psychological atmosphere, the landowner can
find a receptive audience for a new
idea if carefully presented within the
cultural context of the local group.6
The potential for planned change
exists here, contingent on the landowner's perception of the value of
social change. It is possible that
recent reform legislation, human
17
rights publicity, serious societal disruptions in Cuba, Chile and Peru,
may be conditioning this social
class to prospects of peaceful ,
planned change .
To most landowners who consider
the peasant to be unalterably traditional or illiterate, planned societal
change may be an unfamiliar or unbelievable concept. In Andean countries where extension agents are
being sensitized to local peasant
customs in order to foster change,
perhaps the socio-political awareness of upper classes requires attention . It may be equally critical to
sensitize landowners and other influential groups to local consequences of increased population
growth and insufficient food. Developed countries have been warned of
the eventual impact of this global
crisis on their programs of economic
growth, but the first serious repercussions will occur in urban and
rural areas of developing nations.
Landowners cannot continue to ignore their responsibility or their ability to foster change. Agrarian reform
programs cannot continue to punish
this small owner group nor can social development plans continue to
circumvent the landowner in order to
reach the rural peasant. Active landowner involvement with social
change could expedite a peaceful
transition of rural society and an
eventual increase in the efficiency
of peasant farming methods. Therefore, an awareness on the part of
landowners of their potentially constructive role as change agents is
required as well as an attitudinal adj ustment to the real ities of the peasant condition .
In the following section a farm
community is described where the
traditional landowner-peasant relationship has been used as an agency
18
to promote social change. The owner
has functioned as the dominant
change agent in a long term modernization plan. Analysis of this experiment may suggest guidelines for
future rural development applications.
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A PLANNED SOCIAL PROGRAM
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Hacienda Zuleta is located in the
northern province of Imbabura near
the Colombian border, approximately 70 miles (110 kilometers) north of
the capital city of Quito. Its location
relative to the Inter-American Highway is about an hour's drive off the
main highway over cobblestone
roads common to the Andes. Total
driving time from Quito is nearly 3
hours. Although the drive is moderately difficult at times over the cobblestone section, the farm is not isolated and has access to transport
routes for marketing purposes. The
general region, however, is fairly
rugged. This province is recognized
for its scenic beuty with Mt. Imbabura and Mt. Cayambe dominating
the landscape and determining locations of transportation routes.
Most of Zuleta is located in a valley that extends downslope toward
the city of Ibarra. At an elevation of
7,340 feet , the drive from Ibarra to
the farm requires a relatively gentle
climb to about 9000 feet where the
family home and several buildings
are situated. The valley bottom of
the farm is quite level, ideal conditions for the functioning irrigation
system. Across the valley from the
family home, where the level bottom
land changes to gently rolling terrain , is the location of the former
huasipungo area, a large section for
homes and farm fields of the resident Indian group. The highest cultivated fields and forests attain an
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elevation of about 11,000 feet. As is
common in mountainous terrain,
elevation influences crop selection
and effective farm management requires knowledge of several microclimatic subdivisions and associated weather conditions.
In 1960 the size of this estate was
nearly 12,000 acres. Before agrarian
reform became law in 1964, and at
least 2 years in anticipation of its
enforcement, the owner transferred
1,000 acres of huasipungo land to
the Indian families who had been
farming this section. The law abolished the huasipungo arrangement
throughout the country in 1964.1 An
additional 5,000 acres of high grazing land also was donated to resident Indian workers on the condition
that this land be used communally,
not as a cooperative but as a cornuna, a joint holding and usage agreement familiar to these people for
centuries. At present, Hacienda Zu leta as a family farm operation , is
approximately 4,000 acres with 600
acres under irrigation. Agriculturally, the farm possesses good soils,
spring-like weather conditions all
year, an adequate local water supply
in the valley bottom controlled for irrigation, and a regular rainfall regime
that occasionally varies from year to
year and can be troublesome. A dairy
herd of excellent Holstein-Friesian
stock produces milk for cheese production in the farm factory, the primary source of income. Several
other crops, especially potatoes, are
marketed in urban areas.
This farm is a successful agricultural operation , well managed and
mechanically operated. However,
machines are utilized for efficient
operation and not to displace labor.
Large numbers of employees, all of
whom were born, raised and educated at Zuleta, are required for sev-
eral operations and this continued
high employment is maintained for
practical purposes as well as part of
the social program. The farm currently has more than 100 Indian families in residence, over 1000 people,
most of whom live in the section
previously known as the huasipungo. This Indian group can trace their
ancestry for several generations in
this valley. They are a proud people
and enjoy an excellent reputation
for their work habits, dress and hygiene. Most work on the farm as milk
maids, field labor, machine operators, household servants and many
occupy high level management positions. Some farm their small plots
independently, others work on adjacent farms or as machine operators
for wages. A noticeable migration
from farm to city is occurring. Despite the planned labor intensive operations designed to give employment to resident Indians, the farm
cannot provide jobs for all and many
residents have moved to Quito.
Zuleta has been owned and operated by the Plaza family since its
purchase in 1889. It is now fully
owned by Galo Plaza Lasso, a former
president of Ecuador. Galo Plaza
and his son are university-trained in
agricultural sciences, largely in the
United States, and possess many
years of practical experience in the
operation of many farms. They maintain professional contacts with agricultural agencies in the United
States and subscribe to trade journals. The entire family has respect
and affection for the resident Indians, many oJ whom are lifelong acquaintances and friends. Annual
fiestas may bring family, family
friends and Indian residents together
for celebration, often in the Indian
homes. Except for a few extended
periods of political commitment,
19
this landowner continues to be a
full-time resident of his farm.
The Social Program
The need for social change at Zuleta was recognized several years
before the owner was elected to the
presidency (1948-1952). Health care
and the educational system were
improved in the 1940's before any
government pressures were exerted
to correct problems. After 1952 the
program was more carefully organized with the assistance of a group
of Colombian nuns. Special attention was given to health and education as continuing areas of high priority. Vaccination campaigns were
conducted for those diseases in the
community which could be controlled. Health care faci I ities with
permanent nursing were introduced.
Two infirmaries now are located on
the farm; one facility equipped and
operated by the owner is near the
family home and general store. Medicine and services of the nurse are
free to the local community. Another
infirmary was constructed by the
owner in the huasipungo area and
now is maintained by the government. Both facilities are capable of
medical care beyond emergency first
aid and often attract patients from
adjacent farms. Few alternatives for
medical care beyond these two sites
exist in this general region of several large farms and small villages.
Recently, spring water from a highland location was controlled for
chlorination and piped distribution.
Acceptance of health innovations
requires educational measures by
both owner and medical personnel.
Herbal medicines and brujos (witchdoctors) were relied upon in the past.
At some point, perhaps after effectiveness was demonstrated and ac20
cepted, the act of being vaccinated
became routine. Some minor resistence in seeking health care at the
farm clinics was encountered during
field investigation but a more frequent scene revealed groups waiting
for medical attention at one facility
or crowds around the other during
vaccination campaigns. Some traditional medical practices still are retained and have been, perhaps, psychologically beneficial. A young
man injured in a fall at a construction site in Quito returned for traditional massage treatments when
urban doctors could no longer help.
Since 1952, the local school was
expanded from 3 grades to 6. It is
now a government operation located
in donated facilities and the farm
owner maintains an active interest
by contributing free lunches and
school supplies for the 370 children
in attendance, about an equal number of girls and boys (1979). In addition, he has recommended that first
grade teachers be fluent in both
Quechua and Spanish to ease the
entry of first year students into the
school system. At present, one of
the first grade instructors is an Otavalo Indian with teaching credentials. The owner also has supported
activities which maintain local tradition. Instruction in embroidery, cloth
production and dance is provided
but the basic school program is supervised by the Provincial Department of Education.
Secondary school is available for
those students who wish to continue
and daily bus transportation to Esperanza an<;l Ibarra is provided.
Scholarships for professional studies are available for those students
who reveal special aptitude. Other
training programs in agricultural vocations are available on the farm. As
a result, the literacy rate is quite
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high and, with apprenticeship programs for young people, a continued
source of trained technicians and
specialty labor is available. Practically all farm personnel at all levels
are life-time residents of Zuleta and
have been educated at the local
school. This achievement has been
responsible for both praise and criticism directed toward the owner of
Hacienda Zuleta.
Because of the size of the Indian
commun ity and limited job opportunities locally, over 200 young people have obtained work in Quito.
Their activities have been monitored and very few work as common
laborers. Most return to the farm for
traditional festivals and eventually
marry people from the local community.
A Significant economic development of this program was establishment of an embroidery and texti Ie
cottage industry. More than a decade ago, the commercial possibilities of traditional embroideries were
recognized and developed for expanded production. The designs are
unique to this area and have been
applied to an extended list of textile
products in addition to the traditional native blouse . Commercial success is evident in that several thousand people throughout the valley
now practice this cottage industry,
independent of Zuleta. Local production still is housed at the farm
but the operation is completely
owned and managed by farm workers. All textile products from Zuleta
are allowed to include the family
trademark with the stipulation that
no designs deviate from the traditional.
Commercial success of this cottage industry prompted the establishment of two cooperatives, a Savings and Loan, and another for man-
agement of the weaving-embroidery
cottage industry. A Peace Corps volunteer hE:lped develop the accounting procedure and, with Ecuadorian
experts, trai ned local residents selected to manage these cooperatives. Unlike comparable organizations in other regions or countries
where a local Indian or mestizo is
manager or accountant in name
only, these residents are in full control of the business operations. Only
the weaving-embroidery cooperative
proved to be a bit troublesome in
this learning experience. The operation appeared to be quite complex,
continually requiring the aid of outside technical experts whose business ethics were suspect. Because
of these complications, the effectiveness of this particular business
operation was questioned by the
owner. This cooperative was liquidated and converted to a handicraft
shop. As a result of these complications, the com una was selected as
organizational structure for management of the 5000 acres of high
grassland donated to the Indian
workers. This type of community organization existed here before the
Incas, is familiar to local residents,
and appears to be working successfully. The Savings and Loan cooperative continues to function under
local management.
Other Social Innovations
Improvements in housing conditions were introduced from the start.
Some innovations have been accepted but local practice and tradition have been responsible for slow
adoption of new building design.
Most successful was the change
from thatched roofs of paramos
grass to tile, a deSign found to be
more comfortable and permanent.
21
Wood floors, glass windows, functional room partitions and raised
beds have been adopted but with
varying success. In a few homes gas
stoves for cooking purposes were
observed. More recently the introduction of latrines, electricity and
birth control produced interesting
reactions.
Electrical connections with generating plants in Ibarra recently were
completed . Previously, the main
farm buildings were powered by a local generator but now electricity is
purchased from a public facility with
transportation financed by the owner
of Zuleta. Use of this electricity by
homeowners located near the main
power line is permitted if a proportionate share of the original installation cost is returned . In this manner
part of the initial investment will be
repaid and a power source has been
made available to all residents of
the valley from Ibarra to Olmedo, a
town several miles past Zuleta. At
the time of the second field survey
(summer, 1979), perhaps half of all
homes in the huasipungo area were
using electricity and equipment was
being installed at greater distances
from the main line for eventual connection. This project now may be
completed and, with the potable
water supply, this area is reputed to
be the only rural community of its
kind in Ecuador fully electrified and
supplied with water.
Introduction of latrines and birth
control produced mixed and unexpected results . The use of latrines
was regarded as almost religiously
unacceptable while birth control
was received favorably by a majority
of the female residents of childbearing age. Human excrement as
fertilizer appears to be a more persistent belief and less susceptible
to change than family limitation, at
22
least within this indigenous community. Cement platforms with other
building materials for latrines were
supplied, however their use by local
residents is questionable. It is interesting to note that pressure for acceptance occurs with visits from relatives working in Quito who have
become accustomed to hygenic facilities.
On the other hand, birth control
devices (the IUD) have been accepted by many married women of
child-bearing age. Because of the
recency of this innovation data are
not yet available for changes in birth
rates. However, this local situation
is being monitored by medical personnel and eventually by school officials. Some resistence to family
limitation has occurred among husbands.
Indicators of Change:
Local and Regional
Professionals familiar with the literature of social change at the peasant level may recognize a few applications of theory in this brief description of a private project. A landowner has assumed responsibility
for the introduction of new innovations in a traditional setting. His
familiarity with the local culture and
empathy with problems for which
solutions are available have resulted
in a planned project over the long
term. Workable innovations were introduced in a context of mutual trust
and respect, developed because of
a positive patron-peasant relationship. A seri-es of small to moderate
successes have been achieved
which may lead to more sophisticated ideas being adopted by receptive younger minds, the products of
this experiment. If acceptance of
new innovations and their integra-
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tion into peasant life are measures
of successful technology transfer,
then these benefits are measurable
not only on the farm but in the general region as well. The success of
this endeavor obviously relates to
the active and continued participation of the landowner, perhaps the
most influential change agent in
this local experiment.
One of the most successful innovations, undeniably a commercial
success, is the embroidery cottage
industry. Local weaving and embroidery skills, originally introduced
by the Jesuits, were combined with
modern management and marketing
methods to develop a specialty that
has diffused beyond the farm
throughout the valley. These embroideries now are marketed internationally and most of the non-farm
production is operating independently of Zuleta. The Savings and
Loan cooperative was initiated to
handle the increased capital earned
by farm residents as well as to satisfy the need for credit to improve
home conditions and agricultural
practices.
An increasing awareness of modern lifestyles is apparent in the general store located near the family
home and privately operated by a
farm resident. A large part of the inventory reflects increased income
and changing consumer demands,
partially stimulated by many residents who have worked in Quito,
especially in the large hotels, restaurants and private homes. The demand for bottled soft drinks, shoes,
hair shampoos as well as some specialty foods has increased. Continual association with the capital city
through these working relationships
has subtly influenced local dress
habits. Modest changes in hemline
length of dresses conform with
fashions in the big city.
How has the social improvement
project at Zuleta influenced attitudes and practices of other landowners? Very little, that is, until
recently. In the past neighbors often
copied innovative agricultural practices introduced by this well-trained
and experienced landowner but they
ignored or criticized the programs of
social change. Some landowners
became resentful on occasion as
benefits gained at Zuleta were demanded by laborers on adjacent
farms. New ideas, therefore, are diffUSing through indigenous social
network systems. Field surveys revealed cases of school attendance
at Zuleta by children residing on
other farms, often at great distances. The medical facilities have
attracted emergency patients from
nearby farms, even before the new
government installation. In adjacent
communities questions of family
limitation were directed to us. Such
horizontal transfer of information
continues through peasant social
systems.
The owner, however, has not publicized his program or its achievements. Since this writer first was introduced to the project in 1966 until
formal investigation began in 1975,
little had been documented but interest has increased. Whenever the
subject of Zuleta was introduced
during interviews with public officials or concerned landowners,
Plaza often was criticized for not using his knowledge of government to
influence social change nationally.
He insists that he is not the government and it is their responsibility.
Although his private funds are involved, he does not consider the
program to be a philanthropic venture or very expensive. It is regarded
as a private, humanitarian concern
23
resulting from the daily realities of
rural life in a developing country.
This desire to keep the project private also may be in recognition of
the prevailing attitude among fellow
landowners, a position being subjected to increasing pressure for
change by national groups.
CONCLUSION
Examination of a privately developed social change experiment suggests the viability of landowners as
change agents. Active involvement
of owners may allow more rapid implementation of new innovations because of the special circumstances
involved in the patron-peasant relationship on a large estate. At this
time, no plan is advanced for increasing owner participation except
to note that private, unpublicized
projects are functioning on some
farms and should be investigated.
Often these individual efforts result
from simple expediency, a realistic
assessment of local conditions and
the rural need for cooperative action.
Also, pressures to change the peasant condition are increasing. In the
future, it is possible that the landowner either wi II succumb to external control, which will further alienate peasant from patron and increase the difficulty of farming, or
the owner will recognize the inevitable and take humanitarian control
of his situation to foster change in a
mutually beneficial manner. National resources might be more realistically directed to influence positive
change in this context rather than
ignore the landowner and focus attention on the present. Social tensions are created and societal disruption may occur when solutions
constantly favor one group over the
other.
24
The special economic and political circumstances of Zuleta's owner
are recognized to be unique, even by
countrymen in relatively similar positions. This fact does not alter the
need for their future involvement but
it does recognize the limited amount
of action possible for some landowners and the necessary commitment of national resources to attain
balanced social growth within this
sector. Economic relationships between Indian, mestizo and white in
rural areas are interdependent. Improvement of the most impoverished
group not only is required for humanitarian reasons but for political
and economic reasons as well. At
this time, according to Plaza, potential programs will not encounter
landowner attitudes of complete
negativism; they will deal with current attitudes of indifference, perhaps a rather favorable assessment.
The authority and prestige of a
landowner still envelops his farm,
creating a community of people who
recognize their affiliation with the
patron as well as with a distinctive
piece of land. Even adjacent farms
may reveal different systems of affiliation, authority and rules, with
each system readily distinguishable
by residents, comparable to the
unique family atmosphere permeating a home. To Indians with fairly
limited mobility who strongly identify with place, the sense of community is strong and is a significant
part of their traditional mentality.
Generations of attachment to place
create emotional attitudes relative
to that place. Ignoring this patronpeasant-land relationship is senseless. Utilizing this system as a vehicle for change may be a realistic
direction for development planning.
As a private operator, the landowner will function naturally as a
chi
be:
fic
bo
nal
acl
iml
ArT
in.
rivi
pal
cia
me
to
COl
all~
cie
inc
pei
val
un,
eil;
pa
eVE
ide
cal
lo~
wh
or:
SOl
reIJ
ar~
po
tivi
cal
thE
its
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pre
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change agent, when he finds it in his
best interest to do so. Therefore, official programs must actively involve
both patron and peasant. A preliminary step of great importance is
acknowledged here, one whose
implementation has eluded Latin
American social planners. Perhaps,
in a historical sense, its time has arrived. The model presented in this
paper assumes that the landowning
classes have been educated, or
more correctly, have been sensitized
to accept change of the peasant
condition as a fact of life, as a mutually beneficial transformation of society. The alternative to continued
indifference is horizontal transfer of
peasant innovations initiated by a
variety of change agents - official ,
unofficial, radical, religious, foreign - with eventual loss of local
patron influence, prestige, perhaps
even control. The implanting of an
idea is an educational process more
carefully researched by some ideological groups than others. Ideas
which strengthen class differences
orsolidify class hatred can motivate
society toward severe solutions,
revolutionary rather than evolutionary. A compromise direction is proposed here. It is believed that positive change in the peasant condition
can be fostered by working within
the existing rural system, including
its hierarchical class structure. Perhaps a more effective evolutionary
program can be initiated with such
cooperation.
"You can't go too fast. If you
want to rush things through, it
has to be done through violent
revolution. Many times you don't
know who is the winner in that
situation. It might be somebody
from the outside, it might be
another sector. It might result in
a structure that will not help the
lower classes. So, I think that a
gradual change is more lasting,
will move along on a more solid
foundation. People involved can
really learn from experience,
instead of taking chances and
putting into effect new projects
that might sound wonderful on
paper but in practice will not
work, like in Peru. I don't think
there was a social scientist in
the United States who did not
approve, or at least looked with
enthusiasm, at the change of
social structures in Peru,
particularly in rural areas. Well,
now they're (Peru) backing down,
but some of those actions are
irreversable. They have ruined
their agricultural production and
now are in a terrible fix. So,
going slower is better. Now, in
the case of the Andean Indian, I
think that if it is possible in one
generation to bring them back
from conditions of practically
subhuman beings into useful,
valuable people to the economy,
that's fast enough, and that's
exactly what we are dOing here."
Galo Plaza
(Personal interview,
February, 1977)
REFERENCES
1. James Frits, " Results of Motivational Training in Ecua·
dor," Development Digest, XIV, 1 (January, 1976),81-86.
2. Allen D. Jedlicka, Organization for Rural Development:
Risk Taking and Appropriate Technology (New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1977), 60-84.
3. Frit s, " Results of 'M otivational Training in Ecuador,"
85- 86.
4. "The Community of Vicos," in Elliott R. Morss et al.,
Strategies for Small Farmer Development (New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1976), 423.
5. Everett M. Rogers, Modernization Among Peasants (New
York: Holt Rin ehart and Winston , 1969),362.
25
6. Paul Ove Pedersen, "Innovation Diffusion in Urban Sys·
terns," in Torsten Hagerstrand and Antoni R. Kuklinski,
eds., Information Systems for Regional DevelopmentA Seminar (Lund , Sweden : C.W.K. Gleerup, 1971),
137-147.
7. Charles S. Blankstein and Clarence Zuvekas, Jr. " Agrar·
ian Reform in Ecuador: An Evaluation of Past Efforts
and the Development of a New Approach ," Economic
Development and Cultural Change, XXII , 1 (October,
1973), 74.
Thl
Gn
Ag
A(
Tal
Soo
Grac
Univ
26