1 Authorship of 2 Timothy: Neglected Viewpoints on Genre and Dating A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelors of Arts with honors in Religious Studies from Duke University By Justin Paley Advisor: Dr. Mark Goodacre Committee Members: Dr. Adam Hollowell, Dr. Susan Eastman Duke University April, 2017 2 Abstract This thesis will explore the authorship, genre, and date of Paul’s Second Letter to Timothy. 2 Timothy, alongside 1 Timothy and Titus, constitute what scholars term the “Pastoral Epistles”. The Pastoral Epistles identify themselves to be from the hand Paul. However, since the early 19th century, a majority of scholars have questioned this claim and argued in favor of a pseudonymous author who wrote in Paul’s name after his death. Consequently, they are often dated sometime after the death of Paul (~62 CE) and taken to be a reflection of late 1st century/2nd century Christianity. The differences between the Pastorals and Paul’s other letters in areas such as vocabulary, style, and theology are often cited in backing up this claim. This thesis first surveys what scholarship has to say about these differences and possible solutions. Subsequently, the case will be made for 2 Timothy’s uniqueness amongst the “Pastoral Epistles” and why the Pastoral Epistles should be studied as three separate letters rather than as a group. The focus will then turn to the consequences of grouping 2 Timothy with 1 Timothy and Titus and what consequences reconsideration of 2 Timothy’s dating and genre can have for our understanding of its nature and provenance. 3 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... Part One - The Pastoral Epistles and the Issue of Authorship Chapter 1: Issues Concerning Authorship ....................................................................................... External Evidence ................................................................................................................................................................ 9 Stylistic Differences ............................................................................................................................................................. 14 Theology................................................................................................................................................................................... 20 Historical Setting ................................................................................................................................................................. 23 Chapter 2: Proposed Solutions ............................................................................................................ Fragment Hypothesis ......................................................................................................................................................... 28 Secretary Hypothesis........................................................................................................................................................ 31 Pseudepigraphal ................................................................................................................................................................ 35 Pseudepigraphy and Dating ...................................................................................................................... 42 Part Two – An Evaluation of 2 Timothy: Dating, Genre and Provenance Chapter 3: Shortcomings In Recent Scholarship ........................................................................... The Historical Timothy ................................................................................................................................................... 45 Historical Figures of 2 Timothy .................................................................................................................................. 48 2 Timothy’s Place Amongst the Pastorals .............................................................................................................. 51 Women in 1 & 2 Timothy................................................................................................................................................ 53 4 Interrelationship Between the Pastorals................................................................................................................ 54 Chapter 4: Warranted Considerations in Dating and Genre Non-Traditional Dating of 2 Timothy ....................................................................................................................... 60 The Role of Genre in Understanding 2 Timothy ................................................................................................. 67 Reconciling Date and Location ................................................................................................................................... 70 2 Timothy and Paul’s First Roman Imprisonment ............................................................................... 73 Timothy’s Location ...................................................................................................................................... 77 2 Timothy and the Acts of Paul ..................................................................................................................................... 79 Part Three – 2 Timothy the Pastoral Epistle or 2 Timothy the Pauline Epistle? Chapter 5: Present and Future Scholarship on 2 Timothy 2 Timothy as a Pauline Text .......................................................................................................................................... 85 The Pauline Nature of 2 Timothy: Implications for Authorship ................................................................... 88 2 Timothy and Philippians: A Case Example .......................................................................................................... 92 Implications of New Considerations .......................................................................................................................... 95 Michael Prior and 2 Timothy: Closing Thoughts ................................................................................................. 99 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................. Bibliography Appendix 5 List of Tables and Figures Figure 1: Pastoral Epistles and the Early Church .....................................................................................11 Figure 2: Words unique to the Pastoral Epistles .......................................................................................19 Figure 3: Occurrences of words in the PE that are found in other Pauline Epistles ......................59 Figure 4: Structure of 2 Timothy 4:1-8 .........................................................................................................62 Figure 5: The Pastoral Epistles and the Acts of Paul and Thecla.........................................................83 Figure 6: Proportion of Words in Each Letter Attributed to Paul Shared by Each PE .................88 Figure 7: Distribution of Words in 2 Timothy ............................................................................................89 Figure 8: Vocabulary of 2 Timothy and Philippians.................................................................................93 Figure 9: Michael Prior on 2 Timothy ........................................................................................................ 102 Appendix A: Figures Across the Pastoral and Prison Epistles .................................................................... Appendix B: Textual Allusions in 2 Timothy .................................................................................................... 6 Introduction The three letters attributed to Paul that comprise the so-called “Pastoral Epistles”, namely 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus, were never grouped together as such until the early 19th century.1 At this time, critical scholarship concerning the Pastoral Epistles began to materialize, starting with Friedrich Schleiermacher’s rejection of Pauline authorship for 1 Timothy in 1807.2 Since then, there has been an increasing sense of skepticism concerning these letters; namely, that Paul may not have written them even though they claim to be so in their respective greetings (1 Tim 1:1; 2 Tim 1:1; Tit 1:1). This skepticism is not without reason. In many ways, the Pastorals have their own unique vocabulary, style, and content within the Pauline corpus, which some scholars believe can only be explained by an author other than Paul. As scholarship has paid increased attention to the Pastorals, many other aspects such as genre, dating, and presumed historical situation have come into the fold. While in many ways the PE (as they shall sometimes be referred to in the ensuing discussion) have been marginalized in scholarship, the much warranted attention which has revitalized their study is still unfortunately hampered by some blind assumptions and unwarranted classifications. This thesis will specifically focus on 2 Timothy and how these assumptions and classifications in scholarship have largely prevented 2 Timothy from garnering the individual attention and consideration it deserves. Patrick Rodgers, “The Pastoral Epistles as Deutero-Pauline,” Irish Theological Quarterly 45, no. 4 (1978): 248-260 (250). 1 Raymond F. Collins, Letters That Paul Did Not Write: The Epistle to the Hebrews and Pauline Pseudepigrapha (Eugene: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1988), 89. 2 7 The following pages do not serve to definitively answer questions of authorship, dating, or any aspect of the Pastorals, which scholars have debated for over a century. However, after some review of the present scholarly discussion around 2 Timothy and the Pastorals, this thesis will serve to stress the individuality of 2 Timothy. In doing so, an attempt will be made to offer some alternate considerations and under-appreciated positions regarding authorship, genre, and dating in hopes of severing this fascinating letter from the often unquestioned classifications and assumptions which have overshadowed it for much too long. Part One will cover the main topic of debate surrounding the Pastoral Epistles, namely their authorship, and the proposed solutions to this issue. Part Two will focus on the genre, dating, and provenance of 2 Timothy specifically. This focus will attempt to showcase 2 Timothy’s uniqueness compared to the Pastoral Epistles, while also highlighting some under-appreciated aspects of scholarship that can be of use in determining the provenance of 2 Timothy. Lastly, Part Three will address where 2 Timothy currently stands in recent scholarship and offer some recommendations on where scholarship should head in the future 8 Part One The Pastoral Epistles and the Issue of Authorship 9 Chapter 1: Issues Concerning Authorship External Evidence In tackling the question of authorship and the Pastoral Epistles, many scholars first look at what external sources have to offer in hopes of establishing a baseline for dating these letters and any early attestations to their author.3 Unlike Paul’s “undisputed” letters, which most scholars believe were “widely known” in Christian circles starting “sometime in the 90s [CE]”,4 external evidence for knowledge of the Pastoral Epistles prior to the end of the 2nd century is questionable in strength. However, there are some scholars who would push back on this proposal and argue that the external evidence for the Pastorals and Pauline authorship is on par with any other letter, with the exception of Romans and 1 Corinthians.5 This assessment is based on the interpretation of textual allusions and similarities between the Pastorals and early Christian writings. Since there is no explicit mention of the Pastoral Epistles or their author until the late second century, these claims are based primarily on the identification by some modern scholars of these parallels in phrasing and terminology. The earliest of these potential parallels are from Clement of Rome. It is sometimes argued that he echoes 1 and 2 Timothy throughout his writings, particularly 1 Clement, Caroline Thayer Mead, The Pauline Epistles Classified According to the External Evidence (Cambridge: Methodist Review, 1893), 1-6. 3 E.P. Sanders, Paul: The Apostle’s Life, Letters, and Thought (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2015), 149. 4 5 Gordon Fee, 1 and 2 Timothy, Titus (Grand Rapids: Baker Publishing, 1988), 23. 10 which is usually dated around 95 CE.6 For example, similar to the Pastorals 1 Clement puts emphasis on the “Scriptures” which are regarded as true and divinely inspired (1 Clem 45:2) and on the “full assurance of the Holy Spirit” that was bestowed on the Apostles to evangelize and appoint bishops and deacons (1 Clem 42:3-4).7 J.N.D. Kelly argues that the early 2nd century Church Fathers Ignatius (~110 CE) and Polycarp (~120 CE) also display knowledge of the Pastorals.8 Often cited in support of this claim is Polycarp’s statement in his letter to the Philippians that “the love of money is the root of all evils” (Philippians 4:1) which echoes 1 Tim 6:7-109 and chapter three of Ignatius’s Epistle to Polycarp, which states “Let not those who seem worthy of credit, but teach strange doctrines, fill you with apprehension” and echoes 1 Tim 1:3 and 6:3. 10 Below is a short table outlining these texts side by side in their Greek form. George W. Knight III, The Pastoral Epistles (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1992), 13. 6 I. Howard Marshall, “The Holy Spirit in the Pastoral Epistles and the Apostolic Fathers,” in The Holy Spirit and Christian Origins, ed. Graham Stanton, Bruce Longenecker and Stephen Barton (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2004), 257-269. 7 8 J. N. D. Kelly, The Pastoral Epistles (London: A & C Black, 1986), 3-4. Polycarp, “The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians,” in The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.D. 325, trans. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (New York: Cosimo Classics, 2007), 31-36. 9 Ignatius, “Epistle to Polycarp,” in The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.D. 325, trans. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (New York: Cosimo Classics, 2007), 93-96. 10 11 Figure 1: Pastoral Epistles and the Early Church Ἀρχὴ δὲ πάντων χαλεπῶν φιλαργυρία. εἰδότες οὖν ὅτι οὐδὲν εἰσηνέγκαμεν εἰς τὸν κόσμον, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἐξενεγκεῖν τι ἔχομεν (Philippians 4:1) Οἱ δοκοῦντες ἀξιόπιστοι εἶναι καὶ ἑτεροδιδασκαλοῦντες μή σὲ καταπλησσέτωσαν (Epistle to Polycarp 3:1) ῥίζα γὰρ πάντων τῶν κακῶν ἐστιν ἡ φιλαργυρία ἡς τινες ὀρεγόμενοι ἀπεπλανήθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς πίστεως καὶ ἑαυτοὺς περιέπειραν ὀδύναις πολλαῖς (1 Tim 6:10) Καθὼς παρεκάλεσά σε προσμεῖναι ἐν Ἐφέσῳ πορευόμενος εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἵνα παραγγείλῃς τισὶν μὴ ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖν (1 Tim 1:3) εἴ τις ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖ καὶ μὴ προσέρχεται ὑγιαίνουσιν λόγοις, τοῖς τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ τῇ κατ' εὐσέβειαν διδασκαλίᾳ, (1 Tim 6:3) However, there is some question regarding these early attestations because none of these authors explicitly says they are quoting from the Pastorals or that Paul is their author.11 But those who argue in favor of their knowledge consider what they hold to be the extensive nature of these textual similarities as sufficient evidence of an early attestation.12 The first clear and explicit testimony to the Pastorals and their Pauline authorship is from Irenaeus in his book entitled Adversus Haereses (~188 CE).13 In book three, chapter Jack Barensten, Emerging Leadership in the Pauline Mission: A Social Identity Perspective on Local Leadership Development in Corinth and Ephesus (Eugene: Pickwick Publications, 2011), 190. 11 Kenneth Berding, “Polycarp’s View of Authorship of 1 and 2 Timothy,” Vigilae Christianae 53, no. 4 (1999): 349-306 (351). 12 Mark Harding, All Things to all Cultures: Paul Among Jews, Greeks, and Romans (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2013), 328. 13 12 three, Irenaeus states, “of this Linus [who was the successor to Peter in the episcopate], Paul makes mention in the Epistles to Timothy.”14 There is also evidence from the Muratorian Canon, usually dated around the late 2nd century, which includes the Pastorals and states Paul as their author.15 In consideration of this evidence, some scholars conclude that these letters were in general circulation by the third decade of the second century at the latest.16 This evaluation of the evidence, however, is by no means unchallenged. The proposed evidence regarding Ignatius and Polycarp’s knowledge of the Pastorals does not convince those, such as Jack Barensten, who argue against the validity of an early 2nd century attestation.17 There are several pieces of evidence used in support of this argument. Perhaps most notably, the Pastorals are not included in Marcion’s canon, dated around 140 CE.18 Many believe this was due to theological differences rather than Marcion’s lack of knowledge of the Pastorals.19 But, the exact reasons are ultimately unknown and inconclusive.20 Irenaeus, “Against Heresies”, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.D. 325, trans. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (New York: Cosimo Classics, 2007), 309-567. 14 Donald Guthrie, The Pastoral Epistles: An Introduction and Commentary (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1990), 22. 15 16 Berding, “Polycarp’s View of Authorship”, 351. 17 Barensten, Emerging Leadership, 190-91. Mark Harding, What Are They Saying About the Pastoral Epistles (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 2001), 9. 18 19 Rodgers, “The Pastoral Epistles as Deutero-Pauline”, 249. 13 Furthermore, codex P46, usually dated around 200 CE, does not include the Pastorals, 2 Thessalonians, or Philemon. Stanley Porter argues that there is evidence from research conducted on the structure and reconstructed length of Pauline manuscripts to suggest that P46 may have included 2 Thessalonians and Philemon at one point in time, and “possibly” the Pastoral Epistles as well.21 That being said, this argument is quite speculative and Porter backs his argument by positing that we have “no manuscript evidence to prove that the letters of Paul ever existed in an edition containing only some of the thirteen letters.”22 In contrast, other scholars such as Howard Marshall and Philip Towner point out that that the seven leaves missing at the end of P46 may not have been enough to fit all of the letters in question.23 The majority of scholarship stands with this position and alternative proposals such as Porters’ remain on the outskirts of discussions about P46 and other ancient Pauline manuscripts. However just as with Marcion, the exact reasoning for their exclusion in this case is unknown.24 Stanley Porter, The Apostle Paul: His Life, Thought, and Letters (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2016), 417. 20 21 Ibid. Porter, The Apostle Paul, 170, quoting David Trobisch, Paul’s Letter Collection (Bolivar: Quiet Waters Publications, 2001), 22. 22 I. Howard Marshall and Philip H. Towner, The Pastoral Epistles (New York: T&T Clark International, 2004), 6. 23 24 Ibid. 14 There are also other papyri dated around the start of the third century that do contain the Pastorals. One example is P32, which is a fragmentary copy of Titus.25 Though only containing part of one letter, some scholars think that P32 contained multiple letters because the remaining text begins with Titus 1:11 on the recto and “it is unlikely that a codex containing a single text would begin on the verso.”26 Consequently, there is good reason to think that other letters, possibly 1 and 2 Timothy, preceded Titus.27 As this brief survey has shown, there is a wealth of evidence when it comes to evaluating external attestation of the Pastorals, much of which is subject to interpretation or speculation. All of these factors have left opinions on the matter split. Consequently, while external evidence is important to consider, it provides plausible evidence for use by either side of the authorship debate. Stylistic and Vocabulary Differences P.N. Harrison conducted one of the first comprehensive studies concerning the vocabulary of the Pastoral Epistles in his 1921 book The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles. In his comparison of the Pastorals with the rest of the Pauline corpus, Harrison concluded that there were a total of 906 words across the PE, 306 of which are not found in any of Paul’s other letters.28 Specific to 2 Timothy, there are 60 words under this category.29 Michael J. Kruger, Canon Revisited: Establishing the Origins and Authority of the New Testament Books (Wheaton: Crossway, 2012), 244-45. 25 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. P.N. Harrison, The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1921), 26. 28 15 Harrison also observed a far greater proportion of hapax legomena, words that are not found elsewhere in the New Testament, per page in the Pastorals than any other New Testament text.30 His overall conclusion was that the vocabulary of the Pastorals was closer to 2nd century writers than it was to Paul.31 This distinct set of vocabulary and unique style led Harrison to definitively reject Pauline authorship. The stylistic differences between the Pastorals and the undisputed Pauline epistles are less statistical in nature. However, there are a few general observations often stated when it comes to these differences. Patrick Rodgers argues that the Pastorals use lengthier words, employ a smaller range of adjectives, and include long lists of moral qualities (see 1 Tim 3:1-13; Titus 1:5-9).32 Harrison also observed stylistic differences; mainly in the way the Pastorals are written. He argues that the lack of vigor in the way ideas are expressed and the lack of Pauline particles and prepositions all point to an author other than Paul.33 That being said, identifying a core style is often difficult and the parameters to do so are anything but agreed upon by scholars.34 29 Ibid. 30 Harrison, Problem, 68. I. Howard Marshall, The Pastoral Epistles: A Critical and Exegetical Commentary (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999), 60 citing Harrison, Problem, 79-84. 31 32 Rodgers, “The Pastoral Epistles as Deutero-Pauline”, 249-50. 33 Harrison, Problem, 36-37. Mark Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer and the Second Letter to Timothy (London: Sheffield Academic Press, 1989), 34. 34 16 Consequently, the rejection of Pauline authorship based on vocabulary and stylistic differences has not gone unchallenged. In critiquing Harrison’s findings, Ceslaus Spicq found a significant number of the hapax legomena in mid-first century Greek works. Thus, he argues, there are first-century parallels contemporary to Paul that include the type of language used in the Pastorals.35 Subsequent studies, such as those conducted by Ken Neumann, have also pushed back against Harrison’s use of hapax legomena while attributing the other peculiarities in vocabulary to circumstantial differences.36 Luke Timothy Johnson follows suit by arguing that subject matter, audience, and physical circumstance must be taken into account when evaluating the use of vocabulary and style.37 Statistical studies have also presented mixed results. In a study done by Anthony Kenny, none of the letters attributed to Paul (with the exception of Titus) warranted a pseudonymous attribution.38 In his study, Anthony Bird found the Pastorals to be statistically in tandem with much of the Pauline corpus. Indeed, he found ninety-one percent of the words in 2 Timothy in the other Paulines.39 Furthermore, Bird argues that some of the undisputed epistles, such as Galatians, are markedly different in its use of 35 Ceslaus Spicq, Les Epitres Pastorales (Paris: Gabalda, 1969), 198-200. Kenneth Neumann, The Authenticity of the Pauline Epistles in the Light of Stylostatistical Analysis (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), 8-10. 36 Luke Timothy Johnson, Letters to Paul’s Delegates: 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, Titus (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 1996), 18-20. 37 Anthony Kenny, A Stylometric Study of the New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986), 100. 38 Anthony Bird, “The Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles – Quantifying Literary Style,” Reformed Theological Review 56 (1997), 118-137 (123). 39 17 vocabulary than the rest of the Pauline corpus compared to the differences observed in the Pastorals.40 The many other studies that have been conducted on these issues almost all come to different conclusions using different methods.41 The lack of agreement on the part of these studies is a testament to their non-conclusive nature and should warrant some pause when considering its overall weight in discussions of authorship. There is also a lack of agreement about what these differences mean for the provenance of the Pastorals. As stated above, Harrison contends that the language of the Pastorals is closer to second century apologists and Greco-Roman authors, thus he places their composition at some point in the early second century.42 In contrast, despite also observing significant differences, Anthony Kenny concludes that all twelve of the letters attributed to Paul (with the exception of Titus) can reasonably be argued to be from a single and versatile author.43 B.M. Metzger points out that all of these studies must acknowledge the principal issue in their desired methodology; namely, the sheer brevity of the Pastorals.44 They are 40 Ibid. See K. Grayston and G. Herdan, “The Authorship of the Pastorals in the Light of Statistical Linguistics”, New Testament Studies 6 (1959): 1-15; Anthony Kenny, A Stylometric Study of the New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986); Armin Baum, “Semantic Variation within the Corpus Paulinum: Linguistic Considerations Concerning the Richer Vocabulary of the Pastoral Epistles”, TynB 59 (2008): 271-92; Matthew Brook O’Donnell, Corpus Linguistics and the Greek of the New Testament (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 2005), 88-99. 41 42 Harrison, Problem, 67-68. 43 Kenny, A Stylometric Study, 100. B.M. Metzger, “A Reconsideration of Certain Arguments Against the Pauline Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles,” ExpTim 70 (1958): 91-101 (91-94). 44 18 simply not long enough to provide any sort of reliable or concrete data to work with.45 And while it is true that some of Paul’s undisputed epistles, most notably Philemon, are “too short for the most efficient computer to yield a significant analysis of its style and vocabulary”, almost all scholars agree that there is not sufficient doubt to question Philemon’s authenticity, especially in regard to its vocabulary and style.46 Furthermore, there is no consensus on what constitutes a valid sample size or which factors should even be used in stylistic evaluation. Michael Prior is quick to show how the presentation of the results in a statistical manner “gives the appearance of exactness.” But upon closer examination, one quickly discovers that these studies are rather “crude” in their methodology.47 So while there is very little doubt that the vocabulary and style of the Pastorals are unique, the extent to which these factors influence discussions surrounding authorship and dating should be tempered. In addition to the brevity of the letters and questionable methodology, Donald Guthrie posits the lack of uniformity in the observed differences. With all these factors considered, this evidence “cannot be held as conclusive” for or against Pauline authorship.48 However, this does not mean that this information is useless William Richards, Difference and Distance in Post-Pauline Christianity: An Epistolary Analysis of the Pastorals (Oxford: Peter Lang Inc., 2002), 24. 45 F.F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Colossians, to Philemon, and to the Ephesians (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1984), 191. 46 47 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 34. 48 Guthrie, The Pastoral Epistles, 56. 19 but rather that examination of vocabulary and style should not be in and of itself the decisive factor in placing the plausibility of one position on authorship over another. Below are some tables, which outline a visual sample of some statistics regarding vocabulary and style: Figure 2: Words unique to the Pastoral Epistles49 Total vocabulary Words not found in the 12 other letters in the Pauline Corpus Words not found in the 12 other letters including repetitions Words per page (From Harrison) 1 Tim 529 127 147 20.1 2 Tim 413 81 84 17.4 Titus 293 45 47 16.9 1 Tim Total Words not vocabulary found elsewhere in the New Testament (including words shared by the PE) Percent of hapax legomena Words per page (From Harrison) Total words Words not found elsewhere in the New Testament (including repetitions) 529 14.2% 11.8 1586 86 75 From Mona Joy LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy in Early Christian History” (Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University, 2001), 77 and 83. 49 20 2 Tim 413 48 11.6% 10.3 1235 50 Titus 293 30 10.2% 11.25 663 30 For comparison, the other ten letters attributed to Paul have significantly less hapax legomena per page: Romans (10.4%, 4 per page), 1 Corinthians (10.5%, 4.1 per page), 2 Corinthians (21.1%, 5.6 per page), Galatians (6.4%, 3.9 per page), Ephesians (7.6%, 4.6 per page), Philippians (8.6%, 4.2 per page), Colossians (8.1%, 5.5 per page), 1 Thessalonians (5.7%, 3.6 per page), 2 Thessalonians (4.1%, 3.3 per page), Philemon (3.9 %, 4 per page).50 Theology Perhaps one of the most striking differences between the Pastorals and the other Pauline epistles is their theology. None of the Pastorals use common Pauline titles such as ‘son’ (υἱός) for Christ or include major Pauline themes such as the cross, giving thanks, boasting, or wisdom.51 Other major motifs found in Paul, such as the idea of Christ as a preeminent figure, an indication that the parousia is imminent, and being righteoused by faith, are also markedly absent.52 In place of this ‘Pauline’ theology is, by and large, an emphasis on civil virtues and correct teaching.53 50 LaFosse, Situating 2 Timothy, 83. A.T. Hanson, The New Century Bible Commentary: The Pastoral Epistles (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 1982), 4-6. 51 52 David G. Horrell, Introduction to the Study of Paul (New York: T&T Clark, 2006), 133-135. 53 Ibid. 21 However, some scholars argue that the theology in the Pastorals is not as distinct as it is often made to be. Stanley Porter points out that the Pastorals do include other typical Pauline theological themes, such as affirmation of God’s mercy realized in Christ and the dependence of salvation on the grace of God.54 Furthermore, passages such as 1 Cor. 15:1-3, indicate the importance of doctrine and early tradition. These were handed on and entrusted to others, just as those that came before him entrusted Paul with the Gospel. Thus, the discussion in the Pastorals of correct teaching and who should be entrusted with it is not entirely unique.55 In opposition, James Aageson argues that while these concepts are present to some degree in other letters, they are abnormally present in the Pastorals.56 Furthermore, they are to be passed along to Timothy and carry a generational aspect to them in a way not reflected in a letter like First Corinthians. In other words, the problem is not the emphasis on the true nature or importance of the gospel but their narrow description as a “deposit” of correct belief that is passed on and guarded by a select group of individuals.57 Curiously, 2 Timothy seems to indicate that Timothy would have been aware of all these points. The opening of the letter states he had known the truth from a young age as it was passed down to him from his mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5). There is also a presumption that Timothy was aware of the Scriptures (though the term in Greek, γραφὴ, 54 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 427. 55 Harding, What Are They Saying, 34. James Aageson, Windows on Early Christianity: Uncommon Stories, Striking Images, Critical Perspectives (Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2016), 114. 56 57 Ibid. 22 is vague) “from childhood” and should now use them to instruct those who read and teach (2 Tim 3:15-17). It is this sort of presumed knowledge that actually makes the generational aspect even more pronounced. As Abraham Malherbe puts it, “The addresses of Paul the writer exemplify the letters’ generational interest… the Pastorals know of generations before the young leaders they address and anticipate future generations to come after them.”58 It is these young leaders and future generations to which the “deposit” is going to be given and protected which make the Pastorals “unique” amongst the New Testament and give scholars such as Aageson pause.59 With recognition of these differences and the validity within the proposed questions, defenders of Pauline authorship offer a number of counter-points in response in addition to those mentioned above. When it comes to the “abnormal” emphasis on doctrine and correct teaching, the uniqueness of the situation Paul is addressing and the people he is writing to can account for some of these discrepancies.60 The fact that all of the Pastorals are addressed to individuals attests to their situational uniqueness and should be evaluated with that in mind.61 In the case of 2 Timothy, Luke Timothy Johnson contends that the Abraham J. Malherbe, Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity (Leiden: Koninklijike Brill NV, 2014), 281. 58 59 Malherbe, Light from the Gentiles, 280. 60 Harding, What Are They Saying, 19-24. 61 Harrison, Problem, 54. 23 emphasis on doctrine and teaching could be a rhetorical strategy in this very personal letter meant to bolster Paul’s exhortation to Timothy.62 In response to the matter of theology, a more apologetic tone is usually employed. Paul Zehr observes that core theological aspects are absent from the undisputed epistles. For example, references to the cross (σταυρός) do not appear in Romans, 2 Corinthians or 1 and 2 Thessalonians.63 Furthermore, as Lars Kierspel contends, the undisputed epistles “never offer any systematic and complete theology of Paul” so “the prescience or absence of certain [theological] themes in other letters does not argue against Pauline authorship.”64 Some scholars, such as Frank Matera, would push back against such an argument. It is not so much the presence or absence of theological themes that are important but rather the different ways in which the Pastorals use Pauline theology from the undisputed epistles. For example, in the Pastorals the Spirit “no longer plays the same dynamic role that it does in Paul’s correspondence” and the church “is no longer viewed as the body of Christ or the temple of God…”65 It is the unusual use of some typical Pauline theological themes and the inclusion of and renewed interest in civic concerns and theological themes not found elsewhere in the Pauline corpus that push Matera and like-minded scholars to favor theories of non-Pauline authorship. Luke Timothy Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament: Third Edition (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2010), 387. 62 Paul Zehr, Believers Church Bible Commentary: 1 and 2 Timothy, Titus (Scottsdale: Herald Press, 2010), 18. 63 Lars Kierspel, Charts of the Life, Letters, and Theology of Paul (Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 2012), 136. 64 Frank J. Matera, New Testament Ethics: The Legacies of Jesus and Paul (Louisville: John Knox Press, 1996), 229-47. 65 24 Historical Situation There are two issues at play when considering the historical situation of 2 Timothy and the Pastoral Epistles.66 One is how the biographical information in the Pastorals fits into the framework of Acts and Paul’s other letters. Presumably, if there were explicit contradictions between these texts, the details would certainly warrant further examination and possible skepticism. Second is the historical situation that the author assumes and portrays. If the author seems to be writing in a period indicative of the late first/early second century, then this too would warrant further examination and be problematic for those who argue in favor of Pauline authorship.67 Despite its emphasis by many scholars, the attempt to situate the Pastorals into the frameworks of Acts and other Pauline epistles is problematic in and of itself.68 In the words of Porter, “Neither Paul’s letters nor Acts gives a complete chronology of Paul’s life and travels; hence, it is impossible to solve the chronological issues in the Pastoral Epistles.”69 Though an apologetic defense, even more liberal-minded scholars agree that it is important to consider the vast number of unknowns when determining the effect these factors have on the plausibility of one authorship proposal over another.70 Graham Simpson, The Pastoral Epistles – 1-2 Timothy, Titus: An Exegetical and Contextual Commentary (Bengaluru: Primalogue Publishing, 2011), 2-4. 66 Ben Witherington III, Letters and Homilies for Hellenized Christians: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on Titus, 1-2 Timothy and 1-3 John (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2006), 65-68. 67 68 Knight III, The Pastoral Epistles, 15-16. 69 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 417. Michael R. Cosby, Apostle on the Edge: An Inductive Approach to Paul (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2009), 292-93. 70 25 The biggest problem, however, is that this an argument based primarily on silence. There is nothing in the Pastorals, specifically 2 Timothy, which contradicts Acts. Thus the argument is based on information that simply is not there.71 Johnson concurs that to argue against the authenticity of the Pastorals because of biographical and other historical information is untenable since we know that Acts is a selective history of sorts and omits important events that we know from Paul’s own letters.72 Similar to its questionable status in scholarly reconstructions of Paul, Acts should be used cautiously in comparison with historical details regarding the Pastorals.73 It is also important to note that these details hold greater significance in the discussion of the Pastorals than most scholars have noted. If, as David Meade argues, pseudepigraphy were a tolerated practice,74 then it would seem to be unnecessary for the writer to weave historical and personal details throughout the Pastorals to such an extent.75 William Mounce concludes that if the writer was a pseudepigrapher, then they were explicitly attempting to deceive their audience into thinking that Paul was actually the William Mounce, Word Biblical Commentary: Pastoral Epistles (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2000), xlviii. 71 72 Johnson, Letters to Paul’s Delegates: 1, 2 Timothy and Titus, 67-68. 73 Ibid. D.G. Meade, Pseudonymity and Canon: An Investigation Into the Relationship of Authorship and Authority in Jewish and Earliest Christian Tradition (Tübingen: Mohr Steinbeck, 1986), 17-33. 74 75 Mounce, Pastoral Epistles, xlviii. 26 author through this extensive use of geographical and personal detail.76 But, this issue will be addressed fully in the next section. In terms of presumed historical situation, some scholars have argued that there is evidence in the Pastorals to suggest Gnostic opponents.77 Generally speaking, these Gnostic opponents are dated later than Paul’s lifetime.78 However, as Lewis Donelson argues, their premise is not based on explicit evidence from 2 Timothy or Titus but rather an interpretation of sections in 1 Timothy.79 1 Tim 6:20 states “Turn away from godless chatter and the opposing ideas of what is falsely called knowledge” (τὴν παραθήκην φύλαξον, ἐκτρεπόμενος τὰς βεβήλους κενοφωνίας καὶ ἀντιθέσεις τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως). This is usually the main source, though not the only, for this conclusion. This, according to Porter, is an example of 2 Timothy and Titus getting roped in under a characterization of the “Pastoral Epistles” despite little to no allusions to Gnostic thought.80 In 2 Timothy, Hymenaeus and Philetus are the only two opponents who are specifically named (2:17). The author says they have “swerved from the truth by claiming that the resurrection has already taken place.” To this point, there is evidence within other 76 Ibid. Terry Wilder, “Pseudonymity, the New Testament, and the Pastoral Epistles”, In Entrusted with the Gospel: Paul’s Theology in the Pastoral Epistles, ed. Andreas Köstenberger and Terry Wilder (Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 2010), 31. 77 78 Ibid. Lewis R. Donelson, Colossians, Ephesians, First and Second Timothy, and Titus (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996), 117-120. 79 80 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 426-27. 27 Pauline epistles (Gal 2:4; 1 Thess 1:6-9; 2 Thess 1:4-5; 1 Cor 1:10-17; 2 Cor 2:15) that Paul was constantly dealing with opponents to his teachings. Indeed, he faced a similar situation in Corinth where there were competing viewpoints about the resurrection.81 Thus it is not unusual that one finds this as a focus in 2 Timothy or, to some extent, the other Pastorals. Before moving on to the proposed solutions to the issue of authorship, it would be fruitful to give a brief summary of the discussion thus far. Generally speaking, there are four main categories which scholars use in arguing for or against Pauline authorship of the Pastorals: External Attestation, Vocabulary/Style, Theology, and Historical Detail/Setting. Each of these categories has their own issues and difficulties, allowing plausible points to be made by both sides of the authorship debate. On top of the differences and difficulties in interpretation, the inconclusive and fallible nature of some modes of inquiry and analysis within each category of evidence have kept discussions regarding authorship alive and going for almost two centuries. Having given an overview of these issues, the next chapter will explore some of the proposed solutions given in this larger debate surrounding authorship and provenance. Douglas Campbell, Framing Paul: An Epistolary Biography (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Erdmans Publishing, 2014), 295-300. 81 28 Chapter 2: Proposed Solutions Fragment Hypothesis The two earliest and chief proponents of the fragment hypothesis are P.N. Harrison and S.G. Duncan. The fragment hypothesis contends that the author of the Pastorals was someone other than Paul but incorporated genuine Pauline fragments into the letters.82 Harrison, who was the original proposer of the hypothesis, argued this was an explanation of the personal aspects in the Pastorals, such as the long list of names and locations in 2 Timothy 4:9-15. These details, Harrison contends, cannot be mere fiction.83 However, as previously noted, Harrison concluded from his stylistic studies that a large percentage of Pastorals were not from the hand of Paul. Thus, the fragment hypothesis accounted for the distinct nature of the letters while also explaining the seemingly more personal aspects. However, as scholarship on the matter has evolved, most scholars have come to discredit this theory both because of its lack of credible evidence and its tendency to raise more questions than it answers.84 That being said, some recent scholarship such as James Miller’s 1997 book The Pastoral Letters as Composite Documents has sought to defend and refine the fragment hypothesis. Miller likens the three Pastoral Epistles to a kind of “Hellenistic moral P.N. Harrison, “The Pastoral Epistles and Duncan’s Ephesian Theory,” New Testament Studies 2, no. 4 (1956): 250-261 (250). 82 83 Harding, What Are They Saying, 18. Cf. Harrison, Problem, 12. Hans Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles: A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress Publishers, 1989), 425. 84 29 handbook” that was composed by a number of authors belonging to a Pauline “school”.85 These authors composed the Pastorals with the help of preformed material from Paul and other early Christian tradition. Similar to Harrison, Miller’s proposal has been questioned based on a lack of evidence. Specifically, as Harding summarizes, Miller presents nothing concrete to indicate that these kinds of “schools” had existed within Christian circles during the first and second centuries.86 Miller bases his theory on an “analogy from the known organized teaching practices within contemporary pagan circles and those of the Hellenistic synagogue” in addition to his observation that the Pastorals read as composite documents.87 As Harding contends, to many scholars this is not sufficient evidence for the widespread existence of these schools amongst Christian circles in the first and second centuries.88 In Harrison’s case, several questions were left unexplained. Curiously, there are a disproportionate number of these “authentic fragments” present in 2 Timothy. The fragments that Harrison identified consisted of Titus 3:12-15; 2 Tim 1:16-18; 3:10-11; 4:1, 5b-8, 9-15, 20, 21a, 22b.89 Similar to the doubts raised by other scholars, Mark Prior questions why a pseudonymous author who was attempting to incorporate these James Miller, The Pastoral Letters as Composite Documents (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 113. 85 86 Harding, What Are They Saying, 19. 87 Miller, Composite Documents, 142. 88 Harding, What Are They Saying, 19. 89 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 420. 30 fragments, presumably to give an air of authenticity, would not spread them out across all three of the epistles.90 Furthermore, as Stanley Porter notes, the information contained in the identified fragments do not provide a plausible framework or basis for a series of letters largely concerned with church organization and teaching.91 This is the biggest issue for those that argue against the deceptive nature of pseudepigraphy within Christian circles. While it can be argued that the more personal details were incorporated without the intention to deceive, one must also offer a reason as to why they were included in the first place since they seem to offer very little to the major concerns of church and household order that are addressed. In other words, Porter and like-minded scholars do not see the rationale behind the author’s choice to use the information contained in the identified fragments for his construction of three separate letters devoted to issues which have little to no relevance to this said information. These complications are responsible for the lack of popularity the fragment hypothesis garners in current scholarship. Indeed, there is even a lack of consensus as to what the genuine fragments are.92 Consequently, current scholarship has marginalized the fragment hypothesis and offers limited recognition.93 90 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 173. 91 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 420. 92 Craig Smith, 2 Timothy (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2016), 2. 93 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 421-22. 31 Secretary Hypothesis In explaining the unique style of the Pastorals, some argue it is the result of a large degree of secretarial influence not present in other Pauline letters.94 We know Paul made use of secretaries in his letters (Tertius in Romans 16 as one example) and in some instances would explicitly say he was the one writing at certain points in the letter, such as in the sixth chapter of Galatians.95 What is less certain is the amount of influence that these secretaries had on both the content and style of the letters that they were involved in composing.96 There are various theories as to who could have been secretary in the case of 2 Timothy and/or the Pastoral Epistles as a whole. Some scholars, such as George Knight, believe that it was Luke.97 Knight argues he is the only person present with Paul (see 2 Tim 4:11) and that there is similarity between the language and vocabulary of the Pastorals and Luke-Acts. From his calculations, there are 75 words that occur in the Pastorals and in LukeActs but not in the rest of the Pauline corpus.98 Furthermore, Knight argues that the words, stylistic traits, and specific expressions in the Pastorals that are not found in the rest of the Pauline corpus are “often those shared exclusively with Luke or shared with Luke and one 94 Kelly, The Pastoral Epistles, 25-27. 95 Kelly, The Pastoral Epistles, 25. Arthur Patzia, The Making of the New Testament: Origin, Collection, Text & Canon (Downers Groove: InterVarsity Press, 1995), 76. 96 97 Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 48-49. 98 Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 50. 32 or two other NT writers ---- some 68 such items by my count.”99 Despite these observations and other significant studies conducted by I. Howard Marshall and C.F.D Moule on the relationship between these texts 100, the results are, to echo Knight’s new thoughts on the proposal, “negative for Lukan authorship.”101 Though it is virtually impossible for us to know the details as to who could of served as a secretary for 2 Timothy and/or the Pastorals, the comparative studies done in search for answers show “how similar the Pastoral Epistles and the other Paulines really are.”102 This is, to again cite Knight’s scholarship, because it interrupts the “preoccupation with differences” which “can put one’s perspective out of kilter so that the differences loom larger than the similarities.”103 Indeed, the secretary hypothesis is often used in explaining the peculiar dynamic between the Pastorals, the Pauline corpus, and other New Testament texts.104 Furthermore, the difficulties in identifying the secretary have not prevented scholars from further exploring the hypothesis as a whole. In broad terms, scholars operate 99 Ibid. See I. Howard Marshall, “Review of Wilson’s Luke and the Pastoral Epistles,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 10, (1981) and C. F. D. Moule, “The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles: A Reappraisal,” Bulletin of John Rylands Library 47 (1965). 100 101 Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 50. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid. 104 Harding, What are They Saying, 21-24. 33 on the premise that the amount of influence that Paul exerted in the composition of a letter is inversely correlated with the amount of stylistic freedom a scribe would have had.105 Some scholars argue that the conditions under which 2 Timothy was written may give some important insight. 2 Timothy indicates that Paul is in jail (1:8; 2:9) and well along in years (4:6-8). Hanson argues that these conditions could have hindered Paul’s ability to write, meaning a scribe would have considerable influence over the style, and to some extent the content, of epistles composed during this time.106 However, specifically in the case of 2 Timothy, the argument for the use or nonuse of a secretary “should not be built from a proposed epistolary situation but from the letters themselves.”107 In other words, it should not be assumed that Paul was or was not able to compose a letter for situational reasons or otherwise because 2 Timothy provides no explicit evidence to that point. In his commentary on the Pastorals, A.T. Hanson concludes that, “there are grave difficulties facing the secretary hypothesis.”108 This is chiefly because the Pastorals do not name any co-senders or definitively indicate the use or absence of a scribe. This renders it virtually impossible to know with any degree of certainty how to evaluate the influence of Paul or another third party on the structure and/or contents of the letter.109 This does not Lincoln H. Blumell, “Scribes and Ancient Letters: Implications for the Pauline Epistles,” in How the New Testament Came to Be: The Thirty-fifth Annual Sidney B. Sperry Symposium (Salt Lake City: Desert Book, 2006), 208-226. 105 106 Hanson, The Pastoral Epistles, 5-7. 107 Richards, The Secretary in the Letters of Paul, 193. 108 Hanson, The Pastoral Epistles, 10. 109 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 423. 34 automatically rule out the possibility of a secretary in the Pastorals, but it does negate any significant degree of certainty in determining the use and degree of influence of a secretary or lack thereof.110 Similar to the difficulties surrounding the identification of the secretary, the uncertainty that comes in evaluating the plausibility for the use or absence of secretarial influence in the Pastorals have not prevented scholars from putting forth proposals on the subject. In addition to the more specified proposals of Knight, Moule and Hanson mentioned above, there are numerous other scholars who place a significant degree of plausibility in the secretary hypothesis as a whole.111 It is important to note that from knowledge of secretarial use in the Greco-Roman world and within Paul’s mission, it is difficult to know how much of Paul’s “actual voice” we even know.112 Indeed, within the undisputed letters of Paul there are a wide variety of styles and tones. To this point, Stanley Porter argues that two of Paul’s most esteemed letters, Romans and Galatians, are drastically different in their respective styles.113 How much of this variance can be attributed to the use of secretaries or co-authorship? How 110 Richards, The Secretary in the Letters of Paul, 189. See A. Strobel, “Schreiben des Lukas? Zum sprachlichen Problem der Pastoral-briefe”, NTS 15 (1969): 191-210; H.A. Schott, Isagoge historico-critica in libros Novi Foederis sacros (ena, 1830), 324-25; E. Earl Ellis, Paul and His Recent Interpreters (Eugene: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1963), 55-57; O. Roller, Das Formular der paulinischen Briefe: Ein Beitrag zur Lehre vom antiken Brief (BWANT, 58; Stuttgart, 1933). 111 David Capes, Rodney Reeves and E. Randolph Richards, Rediscovering Paul: An Introduction to His World, Letters and Theology (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2007), 18-20. 112 113 Stanley Porter and Paul Yoon (eds.), Paul and Gnosis (Boston: Brill, 2016), 20. 35 influential is the situation and community being addressed in these matters? The answers to these questions are unquantifiable. It is this ambiguity, Benjamin Edsall cautions, which must be taken into account when considering the secretary hypothesis.114 Pseudepigraphal In 1807, Friedrich Schleiermacher became one of the first scholars to critically challenge Pauline authorship of the Pastorals, specifically First Timothy.115 Following suit, J.G. Eichhorn challenged the authorship of Second Timothy and Titus in 1812.116 Interestingly, Schleiermacher primarily based his argument on linguistic and stylistic differences while Eichhorn based his objections primarily on historical differences.117 Nonetheless, since the 19th century a majority of scholarship has tended to view the Pastorals as a distinct group of pseudonymous works.118 A central issue to evaluating pseudonymity and its plausibility in the authorship discussion is how the Pastoral Epistles made their way into the New Testament canon Benjamin Edsall, Paul’s Witness to Formative Early Christian Instruction (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014), 38-43. 114 Bart Ehrman, Forgery and Counter-forgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 192. See Friedrich Schleiermacher, Über den sogenannten ersten Brief des Paulos an den Timotheos: Ein Kritisches Sendschreiben an J.C. Gass (Berlin: Realbunchhandlung, 1807). 115 See J.G. Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Neue Testament (Leipzig: Weidmannischen Buchhandlung, 1812). 116 117 Knight III, The Pastoral Epistles, 21. Chiao Ek Ho, “Mission in the Pastoral Epistles,” In Entrusted with the Gospel: Paul’s Theology in the Pastoral Epistles, ed. Andreas Köstenberger and Terry Wilder, (Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 2010), 241. 118 36 together if Paul did not compose them.119 To this point, P.N. Harrison argues that early Christians were not sophisticated enough in linguistics to recognize the key differences that would indicate their pseudonymous nature.120 Others, such as Kurt Aland, contend that the early Church was not against pseudonymous practices. Thus they would not have excluded the Pastorals on suspicions of false attribution, if they indeed had any.121 In search for evidence, many have researched pseudonymous practices in the ancient world and early Christianity. From this research, there is evidence suggesting the early Church’s overall negative attitude toward such practices.122 Pseudonymous works such as Paul’s third letter to the Corinthians and the Acts of Paul and Thecla were rejected because of their false appeal to authority.123 Indeed, a clergy member who confessed to writing pseudonymously in Paul’s name was disciplined and removed from his position.124 Pseudonymous practices are also addressed within the New Testament itself. In the second letter to the Thessalonians, Paul (or whoever the author may be) writes in 2:17, “This is the mark in every letter of mine; it is the way I write”. George Knight considers this and similar statements from Paul about writing in his own hand (e.g. Gal 6:11; 1 Cor 16:21; 119 Harding, What are They Saying, 25. 120 Harrison, Problem, 58. Knight III, The Pastoral Epistles, 46 citing Kurt Aland, “The Problem of Anonymity and Pseudonymity in Christian Literature of the First Two Centuries,” in The Authorship and Integrity of the New Testament, ed. Kurt Aland (London: SPCK, 1965), 1-13. 121 Vincent Pizzuto, A Cosmic Leap of Faith: An Authorial, Structural and Theological Investigation of the Cosmic Christology in Col 1:15-20 (Dudley: Peeters, 2006), 76-79. 122 123 Harding, What are They Saying, 24-27. Thomas Lea and Hayne P. Griffin, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus (Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 1992), 38. 124 37 Phlm 19) as ways “to authenticate his letters for their recipients.”125 The author of 2 Thessalonians even warns of “a letter as if from us” (2:2), further suggesting the negative connotations associated with the practice of pseudonymity. In consideration of the evidence, some scholars echo Thomas Lea and Hayne Griffin’s sentiment that, “it seems unlikely that the church would have knowingly accepted a pseudonymous writing” into the canon.126 In his recent book, The Apostle Paul: His Life, Thought, and Letters, Stanley Porter lays out the main difficulties of the pseudonymous position from a conservative point of view. Chief among these is the difficulty of speculation. Porter sees merit in arguments both for and against Pauline authorship, but argues that the pseudonymous side has more issues to answer for than it actually solves.127 One of these issues is the personal detail in the Pastorals, especially in the case of 2 Timothy. Generally speaking, these details can be seen as a deceptive device on the part of a pseudonymous author or as genuine details that reflect a genuine set of circumstances.128 The pseudonymous side must reconcile both the moral difficulties of such a practice and the reasons that would drive someone to fabricate or incorporate such things in the first place.129 125 Knight III, The Pastoral Epistles, 47. 126 Lea and Griffin, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus, 39. 127 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 430. 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid. 38 Another issue is the poor attempt at Pauline imitation. If someone were trying to imitate the most typical form of a Pauline letter, it is worth noting that the Pastorals are addressed to individuals rather than churches. Along these lines, some scholars question why the form and style of Paul’s other epistles were not followed more closely.130 If someone went through the effort of weaving elaborate historical and biographical details into the Pastorals, it is even more peculiar that they fell short of exhibiting a Pauline character in the most crucial aspects of the letters.131 From a less apologetically based framework, Michael Prior shows how the Pastorals, if pseudographic, do not resemble other known early Christian pseudographic letters. Prior offers the only three texts of this sort that “offer the remotest points of contact with the Pastorals”, namely the Letter to the Laodiceans, 3 Corinthians, and the Letter to the Apostles.132 All of these examples have features that distinguish them from the Pastorals. The Letter to the Laodiceans completely lacks personalia and forms a loose compellation of Pauline phrases without any connection or clear objective. 3 Corinthians is a “purely a doctrinal statement” which lacks features, such as a thanksgiving or salutation, typical of a Pauline letter. Lastly, the Letter to the Apostles is a dialogue between Jesus and his followers, which is vastly different in content and form compared to the Pastorals.133 In consideration of this evidence, Prior concludes there is “little support to be found in 130 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 23. 131 Harrison, Problem, 57-59. 132 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 21. 133 Ibid. 39 Christian sources that pseudepigraphical letters were common, and the examples we have are not at all like the Pastorals.”134 In his scholarship on Early Christian reconstructions of Paul, Richard Pervo questions why the Pastorals consist of three letters. He contends that two letters, “one the equivalent of 1 Timothy or Titus, the other tantamount to 2 Timothy”, would have sufficed.135 However, for the sake of repetition to “reinforce various points” and further support “that Paul delivered a similar message in all his letters”, three letters were “just right”.136 From a different perspective, Raymond Collins thinks three epistles were needed based on the existence of different kinds of church communities, each having unique issues to be addressed. Specifically, Titus is concerned with Jewish-Christian congregations and 1 Timothy is concerned with Gentile-Christian congregations.137 To take the question one-step further, why two letters addressed to Timothy and one to Titus? Timothy was one of Paul’s closest companions and well known to the many churches that Paul ministered to. The letters where he is named as a co-contributor attests to this (1 & 2 Thess 1:1; Col 1:1; Phil 1:1; Philemon 1). Thus Timothy would be a very logical choice of addressee. 134 Ibid. Richard Pervo, The Making of Paul: Constructions of the Apostle in Early Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2010), 84. 135 136 Ibid. Raymond F. Collins, I & II Timothy and Titus: A Commentary (Louisville: John Knox Press, 2002), 11. 137 40 However, as Collins argues in his commentary on the Pastorals, the choice to address a letter to Titus at Crete “is more puzzling”.138 While Titus does appear in Galatians (2:3) and 2 Corinthians (8:23), he plays a minor role in Paul’s ministry compared to Timothy. Titus is not even mentioned in Acts while Timothy makes several appearances (Acts 16-20). Furthermore, in terms of geography, there is no mention in the New Testament of Paul ever visiting Crete, which is where Titus is said to be located in the epistle addressed to him (see Titus 1:5).139 Collins suggests the decision on the part of the author to include a “creative narrative element” rather than a historical element is why a third letter is addressed to Titus in such a way.140 From the perspective of pseudonymity, if the author were using these letters to address different kinds of congregations as Collins suggests, then some of these oddities are not all that peculiar. The unique situations being addressed would naturally require some imagination on the part of the author in order to adapt the Pauline narrative to postPauline circumstances.141 However, this does not adequately explain the author’s extensive use of personal remarks and details. If the author had, as P.N. Harrison proposes, authentic Pauline materials,142 then this becomes even more problematic. Timothy Swinson sees only one possible conclusion if Harrison’s proposal is accepted, namely the Pastorals are 138 Ibid. 139 Ronald Brownrigg, Who’s Who in the New Testament (New York: Routledge, 2002), 328. 140 Collins, I & II Timothy and Titus, 11. 141 Harding, What Are They Saying, 24. 142 Harrison, Problem, 5-12. 41 “thoroughly un-Pauline pseudonymous letter[s] sprinkled with genuine Pauline personal remarks”.143 For Swinson, this conclusion would mean that the author borrowed from genuine Pauline material “in order to affect the Pauline feel of the personal remarks” but “was so otherwise negligent that he did not think to borrow material for the rest of these letters.” This reasoning has lead the majority of scholarship to follow Swinson in rejecting this proposal.144 But for the majority of scholars who do not accept Harrison’s proposal, the question of motive and acceptance in the early Church must still be accounted for. Numerous scholars who reject Pauline authorship in favor of pseudonymity have undertaken these two issues. In terms of motive, it is often argued that the Pastorals were written in order to combat Gnosticism and establish some kind of hierarchy and order for a Church in need of leadership in the post-apostolic era.145 How one dates the Pastorals has an effect on the exact details of these motives, but generally speaking those who fall on this side of the authorship question attribute the motives of composition to post-Pauline issues and concerns. In terms of acceptance in the early Church, Lewis Donelson contends that if a document could be exposed as a forgery, it would undoubtedly be rejected. However, this was rarely possible due to the large influx of pseudographic documents that “flooded” early L. Timothy Swinson, What is Scripture?: Paul’s Use of Graphe in the Letters to Timothy (Eugene: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2014), 29. 143 144 Ibid. 145 Collins, Letters That Paul Did Not Write, 88-94. 42 Christian circles due to the fight between orthodoxy and heresy.146 As a result, Hans Campenhausen argues, doctrinal correctness became the main factor in determining the authenticity of a given document.147 Therefore the Pastorals could have been accepted in large part due to the orthodoxy of its contents, which was in opposition to the rise of Gnosticism in the early Church.148 Regardless, the early Church had to deal with competing versions of Christianity and to some scholars the Pastorals represent an attempt by one of these versions to assert its claim to embody the valid legacy of apostolic teaching and faith.149 Pseudepigraphy and Dating In turning to a different topic, how does the theory of pseudepigraphy address the question of dating? This question is more pertinent to the pseudepigraphy proposal since the other authorship solutions, with the possible exception of the fragment hypothesis, would warrant a date towards the end of Paul’s life (the exact dating of which is beyond the scope of the present topic). 146 Donelson, Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument, 17. Hans von Campenhausen, The Formation of the Christian Bible (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1972), 179-209. 147 148 Donelson, Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument, 24-25. M. Eugene Boring, An Introduction to the New Testament: History, Literature, Theology (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2012), 372-73. 149 43 The answer to this question depends largely on whom you ask. Those who argue the Pastorals are a reflection of 2nd century Gnosticism date them later than those who see them as a reflection of Church problems in the post-apostolic era of the late 1st century.150 There is also the issue of external attestation. Because there is no explicit evidence to support knowledge of the Pastorals or their author until the late 2nd century by Irenaeus in his book Adversus Haereses, those who attempt to date these letters are forced to consider the merit of arguments for earlier allusions.151 However, even if one accepts those arguments as convincing, early evidence of attestation to their author is still absent. Malcolm Gill seeks to reconcile the pseudonymous position with evidence of an earlier external attestation. If the Pastorals were composed very shortly after Paul’s death, people writing in the late 1st and early 2nd centuries could certainly have known them.152 Building on this hypothesis, Ralph Martin proposes that a close companion and/or scribe, such as Tertius or Luke, were ultimately responsible for the compilation and distribution of the Pastorals.153 This scenario would explain how some early Christians could have known the Pastorals by the time Clement, Polycarp, and other early 2nd century authors were writing. In summary, there are three major proposed solutions to the question of authorship and the Pastoral Epistles for those that do not accept Pauline authorship: Fragment 150 Porter, Paul and Gnosis, 9-23. 151 Harding, All Things to all Cultures, 328. Malcolm Gill, Jesus as Mediator: Politics and Polemic in 1 Timothy 2:1-7 (New York: International Academic Publishers, 2008), 75. 152 R.P. Martin, New Testament Foundations: A Guide for Christian Students (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans Publishing, 1978), 306-308. 153 44 Hypothesis, Secretary Hypothesis, and Pseudepigraphy. Generally speaking, the majority of scholarship holds to the pseudepigraphy theory while the fragment hypothesis garners the least scholarly support. Each of these proposals answer pertinent questions while also giving rise to others, continuing the debate as to their respective merits. But now that some of the proposed solutions to the authorship and prominence of the Pastorals have been addressed in detail, let us now turn towards some considerations specifically regarding the authorship, dating, and genre of 2 Timothy. 45 Part Two An Evaluation of 2 Timothy: Dating, Genre, and Provenance 46 Chapter 3: Shortcomings In Recent Scholarship The Historical Timothy In investigating the authorship and provenance of 2 Timothy, the portrayal of Timothy himself is often overlooked. As previously noted, both Acts and the other Pauline letters present Timothy as prominent figure in Paul’s ministry. Though there is considerable question around the precise role that Timothy held, most agree that he had at least some influence over the content and/or composition of the letters in which he is named as co-contributor (1 and 2 Thess, 2 Cor, Col, Phil, Philemon).154 Regardless, these texts provide some guidance in reconstructing the historical Timothy, which can then be compared alongside his portrayal in 2 Timothy. Timothy served in some capacity as both a letter writer and agent through which Paul could follow-up with the Christian communities he established.155 Paul considered him to be one of his most trusted companions and as a “son who is faithful in the Lord” (1 Cor 4:17). The communities in which he ministered along side Paul also held him in high esteem (Phil 2:22). Throughout the Pauline corpus, Timothy is consistently depicted as beloved and respected by both Paul and the communities in which he was involved.156 Graham Roberts, Paul and Timothy: Developing a Leader (Melbourne: Melbourne College of Divinity, 2008), 69. 154 Abraham J. Malherbe, Paul and the Thessalonians: The Philosophic Tradition of Pastoral Care (Eugene: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1987), 62-68. 155 Charles A. Wanamaker, The Epistle to the Thessalonians: A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1990), 69. 156 47 There is a great deal of similarity between this depiction and the one found in 2 Timothy.157 The author addresses Timothy as a “beloved child” whom he remembers constantly in his prayers night and day (1:2-3). Indeed, one of the main purposes of the letter is to encourage Timothy to be strong in the face of opposition and follow the example given to him (1:13).158 This is a way of ‘passing the torch’ to a faithful and trusted worker who is to defend what he knows to be true. All of this is necessary if the gospel itself will endure.159 Though debated, some scholars suggest Paul also had reservations about Timothy’s disposition.160 In his first letter to the Corinthians, Paul asks that Timothy “has nothing to fear among you”, that “no one despise him”, and to “send him on his way in peace” (1 Cor 16:10). In light of 1 Cor. 16:10, the message in 2 Timothy can be seen as Paul’s attempt to supply additional encouragement and advice. Similar to the situation in 1 Corinthians 16, Paul may be worried that Timothy’s personality and character will make him more vulnerable to the conflicts he is involved in.161 Christopher Hutson questions the accuracy of this assumption based on his interpretation and understanding of what we know from other sources. In his recent article “Was Timothy Timid? On the Rhetoric of Fearlessness and Cowardice”, Hutson argues that 157 Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles, 431-33. 158 Collins, I & II Timothy and Titus, 17. 159 Ibid. John Phillips, Exploring 1 Corinthians: An Expository Commentary (Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 2002), 400-401. 160 161 Lea and Griffin, 1, 2 Timothy, Titus, 44-45. 48 the “profile of Timothy as naturally diffident and discouraged in his assignment is an unwarranted projection onto 2 Timothy.”162 This projection is not accurate of the historical Timothy or a ‘character type’ that resembles Timothy. 2 Timothy 1:6-14, the basis for Timothy’s timid and diffident nature, “is a hortatory context, describing what Timothy (or someone like him) should [or should not] be” in a given context, “not what he is.”163 Against this proposal, Jerome Murphy O’Connor argues that in 2 Timothy Paul is clearly not pleased with Timothy’s demeanor or performance. This poor performance was one of the reasons why Paul wrote this letter to Timothy in the first place.164 According to O’Connor, once Paul realized it was not wise to keep Timothy in his current position because “he had neither the skill nor authority” to combat the problems which plagued him, he called Timothy back to Rome under “the pretext that it was for Paul’s benefit.”165 Because there is a degree of speculation needed to complete the picture of the historical Timothy, there is a lack of concrete evidence needed to confidently consider one characterization over another. However, this issue is far from limited to the historical Timothy, as the following section will show. Christopher Hutson, “Was Timothy Timid? On the Rhetoric of Fearlessness and Cowardice” Biblical Research 42 (1997), 58-73 (58). 162 163 Hutson, “Was Timothy Timid?”, 68. 164 O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 365. 165 O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 366. 49 Historical Figures of 2 Timothy Besides Timothy, there are a handful of other figures mentioned who make their appearance elsewhere in the Pauline corpus, especially the “Prison Epistles”.166 These figures include Demas, Titus, Mark, Tychicus, Trophimus and Luke.167 Luke Timothy Johnson argues that these personnel and historical details “may give us important information… in Paul’s career and captivity that the other sources do not.”168 Thus, their examination is “of prime importance” in forming “a picture of the situation in which the Pastorals were written” and possibly obtaining “a clue to their origin”.169 In 2 Tim 4:10, Demas is characterized as “in love with this present world” and having deserted Paul to go to Thessalonica. There is little mention of him anywhere else in the New Testament except for Colossians and Philemon. These texts mention him in passing without much detail. Col. 4:14 simply states, “Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas greet you” and Philem 24 similarly sends greetings from Demas and others. Potentially, J.D. Kelly argues, this presentation of Demas “creates difficulties” since in both Colossians and Philemon he assumes a role “as one of his [Paul’s] helpers” but has abandoned Paul in 2 Timothy.170 166 Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians and Philemon. 167 Donelson, Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument, 23-36. 168 Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament, 378. 169 Kelly, The Pastoral Epistles, 6. 170 Kelly, The Pastoral Epistles, 8. 50 For Titus, Trophimus, and Tychicus, 2 Timothy provides geographical information: Titus has gone to Dalmatia, Tychicus to Ephesus, and Trophimus was left ill in Miletus.171 While Titus is mentioned in Galatians and 2 Corinthians and Trophimus does make an appearance in Acts, Tychicus will be the focus of attention in this group.172 Tychicus is mentioned in both Ephesians and Colossians as a “beloved brother, a faithful minister, and a fellow servant in the Lord” (Col 4:7; Eph 6:21). Many scholars consider him to be tasked with communicating to recipients of the letters any additional news about Paul and the mission.173 This would presumably mean he was also the carrier of these letters.174 These depictions of Tychicus seem to be in complete agreement with his role in 2 Timothy, where he is once again “sent” somewhere, in this case to Ephesus, on behalf of Paul (2 Tim 4:12).175 Mark and Luke are both mentioned in Philemon and Colossians. In Philemon 23 and 24, both simply send greetings to Philemon’s household and are with Paul as “fellow workers”. Colossians offers a bit more substance. Mark is included in the closing greetings 171 2 Tim 4:10, 12, 20. This is chiefly because there is nothing besides geographical locations given for them in 2 Timothy. While this is also the case for Tychicus, he is the only one of the three to make an appearance in other “prison epistles” which is a focus of comparison in the previous and following sections. Indeed, while a case could be made for comparing their geographical locations in 2 Tim with those in Acts and other epistles, one of the chief aims of this paper is to put less emphasis on using a very incomplete and possibly not fully accurate picture of Paul’s life and mission from Acts and other Pauline epistles as criteria for the authenticity of 2 Timothy. 172 173 Paul Foster, Colossians BNTC (New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2016), 415. 174 Richards, The Secretary in the Letters of Paul, 70. 175 Fee, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus, 292-97. 51 as “Mark the cousin of Barnabas” (Col 4:10) and Luke is deemed “the beloved physician” (Col 4:14). The closings of these epistles confirm that Luke and Mark were with Paul during his imprisonment where he wrote Philemon and were present, either with the historical Paul or in the mind of an author writing in Paul’s name, during the composition of Colossians. As with the case of Demas, there are some contradictions between the different portrayals of Mark. In 2 Timothy 4:11, he is said to be “of use” in Paul’s ministry, though it is unclear how exactly he is of use. This is in stark contrast to Acts 15:36, where Paul dismisses Mark as unreliable and severs his relationship with Barnabas over Mark’s inclusion in future travels.176 However, as Daniel Harrington contends, his appearance in Colossians, Philemon, and 2 Timothy could mean that Paul and Mark had reconciled their differences after some time had passed since the disagreement detailed in Acts 15. 177 Through a more general lens, George Knight points out a consistent trend throughout the writings of Paul that associate many of the figures mentioned in 2 Timothy with Paul’s imprisonment(s) and Prison Epistles.178 As this short inquiry has shown, the details in 2 Timothy should not to be written off as a “technique” the author used “to write fiction” in an attempt to “cross the border between verisimilitude and teaching” for prescriptive and paradigmatic purposes.179 Whoever the author was, they had a good deal 176 Wall and Steele, 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus, 285-86. Benjamin Fore and Daniel Harrington, The Pastoral Epistles: First Timothy, Second Timothy, Titus (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2007), 184-85. 177 178 Knight, The Pastoral Epistles, 16-20. 179 Donelson, Pseudepigraphy and Ethical Argument, 56-8. 52 of knowledge regarding the companions of the Pauline mission and the capacities in which they served. Consequently, they should not be treated as negligible in examining the provenance of the Pastorals. It is to this examination as it concerns 2 Timothy which the rest of this section is devoted to. 2 Timothy’s Place Amongst the PE While there is enough similarity across the Pastorals to plausibly suggest a common author or at least some literary dependence between them,180 2 Timothy has some distinct features that separate it from both 1 Timothy and Titus.181 Many of these features that divide 2 Timothy from the Pastorals are those most often used in disputing Pauline authorship.182 For example, Anthony Tyrrell Hanson argues that the Pastorals reflect a church order and development not prevalent during Paul’s time.183 However, 2 Timothy does not make any mention of church offices or positions like 1 Timothy and Titus do.184 There is also the argument of 2 Timothy’s polemic against false teachers. As a result of treating the Pastorals as a group, it is sometimes argued that this general polemic Phillip Towner, The Letters to Timothy and Titus (Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans Publishing, 2006), 27. 180 181 Porter, The Pauline Canon, 10. 182 Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles, 424. 183 Hanson, Pastoral Epistles, 155-56. 184 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 37. 53 reflects an early second century fight with Gnosticism. Others just see the polemic as uncharacteristic for the time and place of Paul.185 However, as mentioned above, in examining the polemic encountered in 2 Timothy, similar issues are found in undisputed Pauline epistles.186 Philip Towner and Paul Treblico use the theology Paul opposes in 1 Corinthians as a point of comparison.187 The main focus in 2 Timothy is on those who “have departed from the faith” and “say that the resurrection has already taken place” (2:18). Towner argues that this over-realized eschatology is similar to the problem in Corinth, where the focus “shifted from the future eschatological completion of salvation to their present experience of the Spirit, and they seem to have concluded that they had already “arrived”” (1 Cor 4:8).188 Hence, as in 1 Corinthians, “the theology of the opponents [in the Pastorals] was a development from Pauline tradition” and not from a post-Pauline theological development, such as that of the Gnostics.189 Furthermore, in Romans and Galatians, Paul puts particular emphasis on being aware of those who teach in opposition to the truth (Rom 16:17) and lead some astray as a result of their false teachings and convictions (Gal 6:7; 1 Cor 1:18). In short, to echo Trebilco’s scholarship on Paul’s opponents, there is nothing in the polemics encountered in 185 Collins, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 12. 186 Porter, The Pauline Canon, 12-13. 187 Towner, 1-2 Timothy & Titus, 32. Paul Trebilco, The Early Christians in Ephesus from Paul to Ignatius (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 221. 188 189 Ibid. 54 2 Timothy that is unique to late first century or early second century theological developments.190 Women in the Pastorals Another aspect often overlooked, especially in case of 1 and 2 Timothy, is the role of women in the Pastorals. 1 Timothy’s portrayal of women is often labeled as non-Pauline for multiple reasons: its prohibition against women “to teach or to assume authority over a man” (1 Tim 2:12); its claim of salvation through childbearing and household duties (1 Tim 5:14); and the characterization of women “gadding about from house to house” (1 Tim 5:13) spreading old wives’ tales (4:7).191 These claims and characterizations are often seen as at odds with how Paul addresses women in his other letters.192 In Romans, many scholars contend that Junia, mentioned in 16:7, was a woman apostle.193 Paul writes that she and Andronicus were “prominent among the apostles” and were even “in Christ” before he was (16:7). Furthermore, in Romans 16:1, Paul writes of “our sister Phoebe, a deacon of the church at Cenchreae.” This would seem to indicate that women were involved in Paul’s missionary 190 Trebilco, The Early Christians in Ephesus, 225-26. Mona Tokarek LaFosse, “Women’s Roles in the Letters to Timothy and Titus,” The Center for Christian Ethics at Baylor University (2013), 30-32. 191 192 Ibid. Ute Eisen, Women Officeholders in Early Christianity: Epigraphical and Literary Studies (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2000), 47-49. 193 55 work and even held leadership positions.194 This is a stark contrast to 1 Timothy’s charge that women keep silent and relegate themselves to domestic duties. In the case of 2 Timothy, the depiction of women is quite different in nature. Timothy’s mother Eunice and grandmother Lois had the “faith” before he [Timothy] did (1:5). In context with Acts 16, which implies that Timothy was a ‘believer’ before he met Paul, this suggests Eunice and Lois were the first to introduce and teach Timothy ‘the faith’.195 From this perspective, Eunice and Lois are granted a special position in teaching and passing on the faith to others, a task that is at odds with 1 Timothy’s insistence that women be quiet and learn from men. Interrelationship between the Pastorals In his assessment of the relationship between the Pastorals, Richard Bauckham observes the more personal aspect of the letters to Timothy that separate them from the letter to Titus.196 We learn a great deal about Timothy in both of the letters addressed to him. Furthermore, the relationship between Paul and Timothy is one of affection and familiarity. However, we learn very little about Titus and Paul’s relationship with him in the letter that bears his name.197 Susan Smith, Women in Mission: From the New Testament to Today (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 2008), 9-11. 194 195 LaFosse, “Women’s Roles in the Letters to Timothy and Titus”, 33. Richard Bauckham, “Pseudo-Apostolic Letters,” Journal of Biblical Literature 107, no. 3 (1988): 469-494 (494). 196 197 Ibid. 56 This is connected to the bigger issue at hand of how related 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus are to one another in their compositions, i.e. the relationship between their chronology and authorship. As mentioned previously, the similarities in theology, style, and vocabulary are too strong to outright deny any relation.198 However, it is unknown if one person penned all three letters or if different authors were involved and used one or more of the Pastorals as a reference. Scholars are certainly far from a consensus on the issue. J.W. Aageson contends that a different author from 1 Timothy and Titus composed 2 Timothy.199 In terms of literary dependence and chronology, William Richards believes that 1 Timothy was a later piece dependent on 2 Timothy and Titus.200 He likens this to the Synoptic problem surrounding Matthew, Mark, and Luke.201 From his research, Richards concludes 2 Timothy and Titus were part of an established literary tradition that 1 Timothy presumes. Thus 1 Timothy was the last epistle of the group to be written (and presumably by a different author).202 In a similar vein, Jerome Murphy O’Connor and Michael Prior propose that 2 Timothy, which they consider to be from Paul’s own hand, was written first and served as a template for the pseudonymous author that composed 1 Timothy and Titus at a later date.203 198 Marshall and Towner, The Pastoral Epistles, 86. 199 Aageson, Paul and the Early Church, 4-5 citing Richards, Difference and Distance, 208-09. 200 Ibid 201 Ibid 202 Ibid 203 O’Connor, A Critical Life, 256-73; Prior, Letter-Writer, 61-89. 57 In contrast, F.C. Baur sees no reason to suspect multiple authors. Baur’s thesis set the precedent to view the Pastorals as a homogenous product of a single author on which the majority of current scholarship stands.204 This single author is not often identified as Paul, but rather an unknown writer who composed these letters to fulfill a desired objective, though there is little agreement on what exactly this objective was.205 As briefly outlined in previous sections, those who stand with Baur see them as a full-fledged attack against Gnosticism. Others, such as I. Howard Marshall and Philip Towner, see them as a group of works by a faithful follower of Paul addressing the organizational issues of the post-apostolic era based on how they thought Paul would have responded.206 But the approach to the interrelationship amongst the Pastorals also contains a more statistical element. Numerous scholars have sought to identify the extent of the statistical similarity in vocabulary between the Pastorals. One approach, taken by Mona LaFosse, is to identify the words found in 2 Timothy and one or more of the other PE but not anywhere else in the New Testament. Above all else, this approach highlights the nature of 2 Tim compared to 1 Timothy and Titus. It gives some insight into 2 Timothy’s J. Herzer, “Rearranging the ‘House of God’”, 549-50 in Empsychoi Logoi--Religious Innovations in Antiquity: Studies in Honour of Pieter Willem, Alberdina Houtman, Albert de Jong, & Magdalena Wilhelmina Misset (eds.), (Leiden: Brill, 2008) citing F. C. Baur, Die sogenannten Pastoralbriefe des Apostels Paulus aufs neue kritisch untersucht (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1835). 204 205 Herzer, “Rearranging the ‘House of God”, 553. 206 Marshall and Towner, Pastoral Epistles, 23. 58 relationship with the other Pastorals as it concerns vocabulary in areas where it is least like the other Pauline letters and New Testament texts. In the thirteen words that fall under this category, 2 Timothy only shares three of these with Titus but shares twelve with 1 Timothy.207 This would seem to indicate that the vocabulary in 2 Timothy is quite similar, at least in the case of 1 Timothy, in the ways it is least similar to other New Testament texts. That being said, LaFosse points out that “some key words that are always identified as unifying the PE occur only once in 2 Timothy and multiple times in the other PE…” but ultimately concludes that “there are undoubtedly too many words that 2 Timothy has in common with the other Pastorals to nullify its association with these letters.”208 From a different approach, LaFosse also looks at the vocabulary that each of the Pastorals shares with the other Pauline Epistles. In her calculations, which are represented visually below, the data shows that 1 Timothy and Titus tend to share more vocabulary which occur only 1-5 times in rest of the Pauline corpus, whereas 2 Timothy has significantly more words proportionately that occur six times or more in the other Paulines.209 But, as explored in Part One, these results should be considered in light of the brevity of the Pastorals and the lack of uniformity in the way that scholars interpret the results of statistical studies concerning vocabulary and style in general. 207 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 85. 208 Ibid. 209 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 91. 59 Figure 3: Occurrences of words in the PE which are found in other Pauline Epistles210 Words 1 % of % of total 2 are Timothy words vocabulary Timothy found: shared in 1 Tim between 1 Tim and the other Paulines % of % of total Titus % of % of total words vocabulary words vocabulary shared in 2 Tim shared in Titus between between 2 Tim Titus and the and the other other Paulines Paulines One time in other letters 32 22.2 6 26 23.9 6.3 10 18.2 3.4 2-5 times 61 42.4 11.5 35 32.1 8.5 28 50.9 9.6 6-9 times 23 16 4.3 19 17.4 4.6 4 7.3 1.4 10 or more times 28 19.4 5.3 29 26.6 6.8 13 23.6 4.4 144 210 Ibid. 109 55 60 Raymond Collins argues that sometimes these similarities and differences in vocabulary overshadow the distinct phraseology that differentiates 2 Timothy further from 1 Timothy and Titus.211 For example, some notable Pauline expressions, such as “in Christ Jesus”, are used seven times in 2 Timothy (1:1, 9, 13; 2:1, 10; 3:12, 15) but only twice in 1 Timothy (1:14; 3:13) and not at all in Titus.212 On the other hand, the use of titles such as “Savior”, which are unique to the Pastorals, are only used once in 2 Timothy (1:10) but three times in 1 Timothy (1:1; 2:3; 4:10) and six times in Titus (1:3, 4; 2:10, 13; 3:4, 6).213 In evaluating the relationship between the Pastorals, it is important to also consider aspects beyond those of vocabulary and theology, which are often used as the linchpins in these comparisons. It is to some of these aspects in relation to 2 Timothy that this chapter has sought to highlight. The focus will now turn toward warranted considerations as it pertains to 2 Timothy as an individual letter. 211 Collins, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 177. 212 Ibid. 213 Ibid. 61 Chapter 4: Warranted Considerations Non-Traditional Dating of 2 Timothy This now brings us to the question of dating. Where one falls on this question can have profound consequences for understanding the issues of authorship and genre for 2 Timothy.214 Most scholars argue that 2 Timothy was written (either in a fictitious setting in the mind of an unknown author or historically during the life of Paul) right before Paul’s death, usually placed in Rome.215 The following sections will show that this oftenunanimous assumption warrants further examination. Though the exact genre is debated, many scholars view 2 Timothy as a kind of ‘last testament’ that Paul wrote to his dear friend and co-worker shortly before his death.216 However, as William Richards notes, it is not clear that Paul is about to die.217 Instead, Richards classifies 2 Timothy as a ‘Literary Deliberate Letter’ in which Paul, as a prisoner, is writing to a friend that is facing some threats of his own. This deliberative letter is meant to advise and console a wider audience on these issues; though this wider audience does not automatically mean the letter is pseudepigraphical.218 Craig Smith has sought to take a semantic approach to the issue of genre. In arguing that verses 4:1-8, commonly used to support Paul’s impending death, do not conform in structure to the evidence we have of the patterns of a farewell speech or testament, Smith 214 Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles, 433-34. 215 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 60. 216 Collins, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 183-88. 217 Richards, Difference and Distance, 171-174. 218 Richards, Difference and Distance, 244. 62 offers a different way of reading and understanding the letter.219 Rather than reflecting Paul’s death, these verses take the form of a charge designed to issue a command to Timothy that expects compliance. In this context, the charge is expressing Paul’s parousia through which Timothy can experience his presence and will be more inclined to accept the request within the charge.220 Smith lays out the chiastic structure of this charge in 4:1-8 as such:221 Figure 4: Structure of 2 Timothy 4:1-8 Charge Verb and Authority Phrase 4:1 Content of the Charge 4:2 A Reason for the Charge 4:3-4 Content of the Charge 4:5 B chiasm A Paul’s Autobiographical Comments 4:6-7 Implications of the Charge 4:8 Smith understands this approach to take into account content and structure rather than being fully reliant on the former as he claims many scholars tend to do.222 Craig Smith, Timothy’s Task, Paul’s Prospect: A New Reading of 2 Timothy (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2006), 141. 219 220 Ibid. 221 Smith, 2 Timothy, 142-43. 222 Smith, 2 Timothy, 141-42. 63 Smith further defends his position through a process of textual analysis. He argues the Greek word σπένδομαι, used 2 Tim 4:6 and usually translated as “to pour out wine”, does not represent blood or a metaphor for death.223 Nowhere in the Hebrew Bible or the New Testament is this verb used to represent the pouring out of blood. Rather, it is often used as an image of devotion or commitment to someone or something. Consequently, Smith suggests that the drink offering represents Paul’s devotion during his “defense trial where he stood alone with only the Lord beside him.”224 The later part of verse 4:6, usually translated as ‘’the time of my release is at hand’’, is often taken to also be a euphemism for death. However, according to Smith, it is likely that Paul would have used a different verb that means ‘to die’225 or would have written something more along the lines of ‘the release of my body is at hand’.226 Smith takes this choice of wording as indicative of Paul’s expectation to be released from jail in the future rather than released from his body i.e. death.227 Perhaps one of Smith’s most compelling points is based on a fairly simple observation: If 4:6 refers to Paul’s death then why does he say later in 4:17 that he has been rescued from the lion’s mouth?228 With these factors taken into consideration, Smith concludes that 223 Smith, 2 Timothy, 142. 224 Ibid. 225 For example, ἀποθνῄσκω. 226 Ibid. 227 Smith, 2 Timothy, 144. 228 Ibid. 64 the classification of 2 Timothy as a last will and testament does not seem as intuitive as many have often taken it to be. Peter Walker, another recent voice on the genre and dating of 2 Timothy, believes that an alternative dating for 2 Tim has been given little attention because of the reference to Paul’s ‘first defense’ in 4:16.229 However, Walker argues there is nothing in the text to suggest that this ‘first defense’ was anything more than an initial hearing of sorts. It is not far-fetched to think the Romans had to determine the details as to Paul’s imprisonment and brought him in for a meeting or “first defense” when he first arrived in Rome.230 According to Walker, there are three main options pertaining to the dating and authorship of 2 Timothy:231 1. Written by Paul (possibly with secretarial influence) sometime before his death circa 62 CE a. Possibly as something he wrote during his 1st Roman imprisonment in anticipation of release b. Possibly as a ‘last testament’ shortly before his death 2. Written by Paul (possibly with secretarial influence) sometime after the narrative of Acts ends and a possible second Roman imprisonment circa 62-67 CE 3. Written by an unknown author after Paul’s death Peter Walker, “Revisiting the Pastoral Epistles – Part 2,” European Journal of Theology 21, no. 2 (2012), 120-132 (122-24). 229 230 Ibid. 231 Ibid . 65 In his commentary on the Pastorals, Robert Wall classifies 2 Timothy as a letter of succession. Paul is portrayed, either historically or fictitiously, as someone well along in years and aware that he has limited time to establish and instruct those who will carry on his mission and message.232 Wall argues that this sense of urgency and exhortation is not a reflection of Paul’s imminent death but his older age and troubled ministry. One of the most recent opponents of an alternate dating theory based on a rejection of Paul’s imminent death is Alexander Kirk. In his work entitled, The Departure of an Apostle: Paul’s Death Anticipated and Remembered, Kirk argues that verses 4:1-8 do in fact refer to an impending death and any theories of alternative dating carry the burden of explanation. Kirk’s argument hinges on his critique of Craig Smith’s methodology for concluding that verses 4:1-8 refer to, “Paul’s costly preaching and witness during his trial” rather than Paul’s nostalgia in reflecting back on his life and subsequent expectation of death.233 The main issue for Kirk is how Smith translates verse 4:6a, Ἐγὼ γὰρ ἤδη σπένδομαι, as ‘I have been poured out like a drink offering’. Kirk goes on to point out that, “In this citation Smith has substituted the perfect tense for the present tense. By interpreting σπένδω as referring to Paul’s preaching in the past, he cannot explain why the present tense is employed.”234 Moreover, Kirk argues that it is unclear how Paul’s preaching would have 232 Wall, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 7-9. Alexander Kirk, Departure of an Apostle: Paul’s Death Anticipated and Remembered (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015), 224. 233 234 Ibid. 66 been “costly”, and consequently, Smith “strips σπένδω of any sacrificial (in the sense of suffering) overtones whatsoever.”235 Kirk takes similar issue with how Smith interprets 4:6b, “the time of my departure has drawn near” (καὶ ὁ καιρὸς τῆς ἀναλύσεώς μου ἐφέστηκεν). Smith understands this “departure” as referring to Paul’s expectation to be released from prison.236 In contrast, Kirk sees this as a reference to Paul’s imminent death.237 According to Kirk, “everything in this clause hinges upon the meaning and referent of the noun ἀναλύσεώς”, which is one of the fundamental differences between these two scholars in their respective interpretations.238 To put the conflict in more condensed terms, Smith sees 4:1-8 as a way to use God’s authority embodied by Paul and his mission to command Timothy to fulfill his ministry and continue alongside Paul in this ministry once he is released from prison. By doing this, Paul partially conveys his vision for the future and offers his conduct and faithfulness through his trial and subsequent preaching as an example for Timothy and his current situation.239 On the other hand, Kirk understands 4:1-8 through the imagery used in 4:6 of a drink offering, which he takes to be a metaphor for death. While in agreement with Smith on his point about Paul using himself and his mission as an example for Timothy, Kirk disagrees about the nature of Paul’s future. He sees a similar message in the drink offering 235 Ibid. 236 Smith, 2 Timothy, 144. 237 Kirk, Departure of an Apostle, 225. 238 Ibid. 239 Smith, 2 Timothy, 143. 67 imagery used in Phil 2:17 i.e. “Paul’s apostolic suffering in the present puts him on the road to Calvary; his suffering was of one piece with, and would culminate in, his inevitable death.”240 More generally speaking, most scholars who have written on the matter side with Kirk.241 The disagreement has less to do with Smith’s argument that 2 Tim 4:1-8 takes the form of a charge than it does his interpretation of what the verses are referring to. Indeed, Kirk himself states, “I do not see how the identification of 2 Tim 4:1-8 as a “charge” excludes the possibility that it was given in view of Paul’s imminent death.”242 In addition to agreeing with Kirk’s interpretation of verse 4:6 as laid out above, the majority of scholars side with Kirk’s understanding of 4:1-8 for multiple reasons, two of which will be touched on in the present discussion. First and foremost is the legal setting of the letter. As Towner argues in his commentary on 2 Timothy, since Paul is still in chains after his first defense when he is writing this letter, it is only reasonable to conclude that the first trial found sufficient grounds to hold Paul and continue trial proceedings at a future time.243 This comes into direct conflict if one interprets 2 Tim 4 to reflect Paul’s expectation to be released from prison. Furthermore, the arguments of scholars such as Prior and Smith who hold to Paul’s expectation to continue his ministry do not consider alternative ways in which this continued ministry could occur. In other words, they consider Paul’s release from prison as 240 Kirk, Departure of an Apostle, 224. 241 See Collins, I & II Timothy and Titus, 264-76. 242 Kirk, Departure of an Apostle, 223. 243 Towner, Pastoral Epistles, 159; c.f. Kirk, Departure of an Apostle, 221. 68 the only possible scenario in which his ministry could continue. However, as Paul’s prison epistles and imprisonment narrated in Acts 28 shows, it was possible for Paul to continue his ministry from jail through writing letters and sending delegates.244 Thus Paul’s desire for Timothy to bring Mark with him because he is “helpful in my ministry” (4:11) and similar requests which would seem to reflect Paul’s expectation to continue his ministry do not necessarily require a release from prison in order to make sense.245 As the above section illustrates, how one interprets and understands certain verses can have a profound effect on determining the genre and provenance of 2 Timothy. Thus the majority of the focus in the ensuing discussion will be on how these different interpretations of the verses rather than its overall grammatical structure and other lexical features affects ones understanding of 2 Timothy. The Role of Genre in Understanding 2 Timothy Before delving into the role of genre in understanding 2 Timothy, it would be of use to quickly recap the two main sides in the discussion of 2 Timothy’s genre. One side is defined by its rejection of 2 Tim as a farewell testament, chiefly because there is no consensus within this group on what 2 Tim should be classified as instead. Based on his argument of a 4:1-8 as a literary charge, Smith understands the second clause in 4:6, “the time of my departure has drawn near”, to refer to Paul’s release from prison rather than his 244 Porter, Paul and Pseudepigraphy, 81. 245 Kirk, Departure of an Apostle, 226. 69 death.246 Thus the purpose of 2 Tim is to exhort Timothy to be faithful and strong in the face of conflict while also requesting Timothy’s help in Paul’s future ministry.247 On the other hand, scholars such as Kirk, who understand 2 Timothy to be a farewell testament, see the letter as a typical pseudepigraphical piece.248 As Raymond Collins suggests, the testament genre of 2 Timothy serves to “militate against its possible Pauline authorship” since this kind of literary genre was largely utilized by “authors writing about their heroes” and “are in no way verbatim reports of those who are about to depart this life.”249 That being said, it is important to note that there are other scholars who argue in favor of Pauline authorship and a farewell testament genre for 2 Timothy.250 For those that do argue for the authenticity of 2 Tim, this is the majority opinion. Furthermore, even for those who argue against Pauline authorship for 2 Tim, the majority opinion on genre stands with the farewell testament attribution. However, though understood by most to generally conform to that of a farewell discourse and last testament, 2 Timothy is not rigid in this conformity to any one genre. To again use the words of Raymond Collins, the testament genre “is not well defined” since it 246 Smith, 2 Timothy, 155-57. 247 Smith, 2 Timothy, 16. Though Kirk himself does not definitively state his stance on authorship. However, the majority of those who take Kirk’s stance on 2 Timothy’s genre see the letter as such. 248 249 Collins, 1 & II Timothy and Titus, 185-86 E.g. Gordon Fee, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1988), 283-300; Donald Guthrie, The Pastoral Epistles (Downers Groove: InterVarsity Press, 1990), 137-198; Jerome Murphy O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 356368. 250 70 “often incorporates other types of material, such as paraenetic, apocalyptic, and midrashic.”251 So while it can be argued that 2 Timothy has features of the testamentary genre and may be labeled as such (as many scholars in the above discussion do), the question of genre and its implications for understanding the letter as a whole go beyond just one label.252 Michael Prior suggests this mentality in his examination of 2 Timothy’s genre and purpose in his book Paul the Letter-Writer and the Second Letter to Timothy. Prior, an opponent of those claiming 2 Timothy as a farewell testament, acknowledges the elements of a testament but only because “one would expect several of those elements to appear in any personal correspondence.”253 Indeed, “what encourages scholars to regard this letter as a testament” is not those elements but “the common interpretation of 2 Tim 4:6-8.”254 Particularly worthy of note is the dichotomy Prior draws between the tone of 2 Timothy 4:6-8 and 4:9-21.255 Almost all commentators who subscribe to the last testament classification recognize the tension between the grim tone of death implied in 4:6-8 and the more positive tone implied in 4:9-21.256 As Prior notes, these commentators have tried to explain this tension in a handful of ways. 251 Collins, I & II Timothy and Titus, 182. 252 Ibid. 253 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 92. 254 Ibid. 255 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 111. 256 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 107. 71 Those who hold to the authenticity of the epistle “play down the difficulty posed by the normal reading” of the text. Those who hold to pseudepigraphy consider these verses to pose less of a problem because they are part of the author’s paraenesis “rather than just history.”257 However, Prior argues that none of these explanations “go any distance in solving the apparent contradiction of the ‘funeral’ mood” followed by the more optimistic tone of the remaining parts of the letter.258 According to Prior, there is essentially only one solution that adequately reconciles this tension. That is, 4:6-8 does not refer to Paul’s death but are a reflection of Paul’s anticipation to be released and continue his ministry as embodied in 4:9-21.259 With this as his working hypothesis, Prior places 2 Timothy within Paul’s first imprisonment in Rome. It is to this topic of integrating genre, date, and location that the focus now turns. Reconciling Date and Location 2 Timothy does not explicitly indicate where Paul is located. However, most conclude that it was or claims to be written from Rome because of 1:16-17 which states, “May the Lord grant mercy to the household of Onesiphorus, because he often refreshed me and was not ashamed of my chain; when he arrived in Rome, he eagerly searched for me and found me.”260 257 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 105. 258 Ibid. 259 Prior, Paul the Letter-Writer, 91-112. 260 Collins, I & II Timothy and Titus, 215. 72 There is only one Roman imprisonment known from the New Testament as narrated in Acts 26-28. Some argue that there was a later second imprisonment in Rome, which occurred after the events accounted for in Acts.261 The idea of a second imprisonment is based on early Church tradition and is fairly well attested by the early Church fathers. Chief among these witnesses is the late 3rd/early 4th century Church historian Eusebius. In his work Ecclesiastical History, he states “Paul’s martyrdom did not take place at the time of that Roman sojourn which Luke records [Acts 28]” but when “upon coming to the same city a second time [he] wrote his second epistle to Timothy, in which he mentions his first defense and his impending death.”262 That being said, in discussing the dating of 2 Timothy and its relationship to the location of composition, a second imprisonment is not required. Some scholars, such as Bo Reicke, even venture to argue against Rome as the location for composition. Instead, he considers a Caesarean imprisonment to be just as viable, if not more so.263 For those such as Mona LaFosse, Mark Prior, and Peter Walker who favor a Roman setting but are not reliant on a second imprisonment, placing 2 Timothy in Paul’s first Roman imprisonment is the most viable, if not the only, option.264 However, both of these alternate options i.e. a Caesarean or first Roman imprisonment bring with them a number of issues. Before continuing on to these issues, it 261 Mounce, Pastoral Epistles, liv. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, Book II, 22 in Eusebius: The Church History, trans. Paul L. Maier (Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 1999), 80. 262 263 Bo Reicke, Re-examining Paul’s Letters (New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2001), 85-91. Douglas Moo, The Letters to the Colossians and to Philemon (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2008), 41-43. 264 73 would be fruitful to pause and have a brief look at Pauline chronology, specifically Paul’s imprisonments and the Prison Epistles, in order to put some of the location and dating theories in a better context. Though there is little consensus regarding Paul’s location during the composition of the Prison Epistles (including 2 Timothy), three options are considered possible by most scholars: Caesarea (Acts 24:27), Ephesus (not accounted for in Acts), and Rome (Acts 28).265 According to Harold Hoehner, a Caesarean or Ephesian imprisonment would warrant a dating around the mid 50’s while a Roman imprisonment would warrant a dating in the early 60’s.266 The Prison Epistles could also be placed in different imprisonments from one another, further complicating the matter.267 For 2 Timothy’s location, Rome seems to be the most likely place of composition (see 2 Tim 1:17). If placed shortly before Paul’s death, the letter would date around the early 60’s. Consequently, this means it was composed after all of the (authentic) Prison Epistles. In order to reconcile many of the major objections to dating 2 Timothy during Paul’s first Roman imprisonment to be examined below, Philippians and to some extent Philemon (and possibly Colossians, although arguments placing it in a Roman 265 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 61-68. Harold W. Hoehner, Ephesians: An Exegetical Commentary (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2002), 94-96. 266 Craig Blomberg, From Pentecost to Patmos: An Introduction to Acts Through Revelation (Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 2006,), 271-73. 267 74 imprisonment are considered far more problematic than for Philippians and Philemon)268 must also be placed in Rome. The sheer number of different plausible locations and dates surrounding Pauline chronology make any discussion of a given epistle’s provenance impossible unless some assumptions are granted.269 Rome will be the assumed location for Philippians and Philemon. This is because an Ephesian imprisonment is not mentioned anywhere in the New Testament and nowhere in Acts or Paul’s letters is there any indication of significant missionary activity during an imprisonment in Colossae.270 These are only some of the many reasons why scholarship prefers a Roman imprisonment for the composition of these letters and serve as the rationale for the assumption in regard to the current discussion.271 This assumption will, above all else, serve a practical purpose for the topic at hand. Placing the Prison Epistles in Rome, at least partially, will allow certain dating proposals to be evaluated for their plausibility. This can be done without diverting focus to other issues, which are only significant to the topic at hand if the premise of an early dating is determined to be plausible in the first place. It is in light of this overview that the following proposals and objections will now be undertaken. 268 31. Robert Wilson, Colossians and Philemon (New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2014), 28- 269 Ian Boxall, Books of the New Testament (London: Canterbury Press, 2007), 53-54. 270 Porter, Paul: His Life, Letters and Thought, 61-67. 271 Ibid. 75 2 Timothy and Paul’s First Roman Imprisonment Phillip Towner claims that assigning 2 Timothy to the same Roman imprisonment that produces the “more optimistic” letters of Philippians and Philemon is problematic. Along with a change in tone, Timothy is with Paul when he writes the other Prison Epistles (Col. 1:1; Phil 1:1; Philemon 1) but he is not with Paul in the writing of 2 Timothy.272 However, these objections have been reasonably explained. If 2 Timothy were one of the first or last things that Paul wrote after arriving in Rome, one would expect that the tone might not be so optimistic. In addition to being jailed, some of his most loyal companions have left him (3:16). In Philippians, Paul is reunited with Timothy (Phil 1:1) and rejoices in the gifts that the Philippians have provided him (4:10). Thus the letter would be more optimistic in tone compared to lonely and grim circumstances surrounding 2 Timothy. If we put aside the idea of 2 Timothy as farewell testament, the letter can be seen as an invitation for Timothy to join Paul. He wants Timothy to come to him as soon as possible (4:9), and his appearance in the other Prison Epistles is evidence that he in fact accepted this invitation (see Col. 1:1; Phil 1:1; Philemon 1).273 Mark is also mentioned in Philemon and Colossians with Paul, indicating that Timothy carried out Paul’s wish to bring Mark with him (4:11).274 272 Towner, The Letters to Timothy and Titus, 14. D. Edmond Hiebert, An Introduction to the New Testament, Volume 2: The Pauline Epistles (Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2002), 353-54. 273 274 Walker, “Revisiting the Pastoral Epistles”, 123. 76 These observations alone do not warrant any conclusions since there are still several issues to address. Chief among these is, if Paul is in Rome and was writing Timothy to come to him, why are the contents of the letter full of commands and appeals to right teaching and behavior? There are several responses offered to explain this. Paul’s mission does not seem to be in the best position at the time he is writing the letter. He has been officially charged and at least partially tried for these charges by the Roman authorities (4:16). To make matters even worse, many of his trusted companions have deserted him. If this is the case, it makes sense that Paul would want Timothy to be as strong as ever in order to keep the mission going.275 Paul may even think that he will perish soon due to the uncertain nature of his future (4:6), which would make Timothy’s place in the mission all the more important. There is no doubt that Paul faced constant opposition to him and his movement. Several times throughout the epistle, Paul reminds Timothy of the persecutions he endured and how the Lord rescued him from these dangers (3:11; 4:18). Timothy may very well be facing similar challenges and thus Paul extols Timothy to keep the faith like he did, even in the most dire circumstances.276 Though small in number, some scholars have argued that 2 Timothy may have been written from a Caesarean imprisonment.277 Johnson notes the similarities in the names 275 Aida Besancon Spencer, 2 Timothy and Titus (Eugene: Cascade Books, 2014), 75-78. 276 Ibid. 277 Stanley Porter, Paul and Pseudepigraphy (Leiden: Koninklijike Brill NV, 2013), 68. 77 between 2 Timothy, Colossians, and Philemon278; letters which some have plausibly argued were written from a Caesarean or Ephesian prison.279 Further, he argues that Paul’s future was still in doubt because of a recent assassination attempt against him in Jerusalem as recounted in Acts 23. This would explain the grim and uncertain tone of 2 Timothy.280 However, proposals that see 2 Timothy as a product of either a Caesarean/Ephesian imprisonment or Paul’s first Roman imprisonment in Acts 28 do not constitute a majority. A theory of a second Roman imprisonment is still favored amongst those who argue 2 Timothy was written during Paul’s lifetime.281 Stanley Porter notes that while early dating theories do have their merit and can plausibly account for some of the objections raised against them, they ultimately fail to adequately address others.282 The chief difficulty faced is incorporating 2 Timothy into the chronology of Paul’s life we know from his other letters and Acts. Porter argues there are simply too many unknowns to plausibly argue for an early dating of 2 Timothy in the context of Paul’s first Roman imprisonment without resorting to reconstructions based on non-explicit information and educated guesses.283 Indeed, it is the tension in all of these details that prompt many scholars to place 2 Timothy within a later period of Paul’s life. Luke Timothy Johnson, The First and Second Letters to Timothy (New York: Random House, 2001), 319-20. 278 Richard Melick Jr., Philippian, Colossians, Philemon (Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 1991), 168-69. 279 280 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 425 citing Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament, 377-79. 281 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy in Early Christian History”, 44-45. 282 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 425. 283 Porter, Paul and Pseudepigraphy, 76-77. 78 That being said, some argue that to put 2 Timothy within a second Roman imprisonment may be reliant on more reconstruction than placing it within Paul’s first Roman imprisonment. Jakob van Bruggen and Luke Timothy Johnson, who both place 2 Timothy within the Acts 28 Roman imprisonment, adopt this mode of thinking. In support, it is noted how the conditions of the Acts imprisonment are similar to the conditions in 2 Timothy. Paul has visitors, is still active in correspondence, and has had his first defense but has yet to be released.284 This would also mean that 2 Timothy was composed during the same imprisonment in which Philippians, Philemon, and possibly Colossians were written. To reconcile the dichotomy between the tones in 2 Timothy and the rest of the Prison Epistles (if they were indeed composed in Rome, which a majority of scholars contend they are) and the absence of Timothy during the composition of 2 Timothy, scholars who hold to this position are pressed to offer an explanation.285 Johnson argues that the Prison Epistles could have been written during an earlier period of the imprisonment where the outlook was more promising than it was during the time 2 Timothy was written.286 Consequently, Timothy would have left in the period between these two time intervals of composition. Although not widely proposed by present scholarship, another explanation put forth by this discussion is the possibility that 2 Timothy was written early in Paul’s first Porter, Paul and Pseudepigraphy, 81 citing Johnson, First and Second Letters to Timothy, 319-20 284 285 Ibid. 286 Johnson, First and Second Letters to Timothy, 319-20. 79 imprisonment. Out of the scholars that argue in favor of 2 Timothy being written during Paul’s first Roman imprisonment, only Peter Walker puts forth a proposal that contends 2 Tim was written at the start of this imprisonment.287 The tone of the letter is rather grim because Paul is in jail and has very few people there to comfort him since they traveled to different places after he was incarcerated. Timothy’s presence in the other Prison Epistles, which would have been written later in the imprisonment in this instance, can be understood through the request in 4:9-11 for Timothy to come to him and bring Mark. Both Timothy and Mark are present during the other Prison Epistles, indicating that Timothy carried out these wishes. Nonetheless, regardless of the position taken, reconciling the date and location of 2 Timothy is paramount in understanding the provenance of the letter. The tendency by defenders of Pauline authorship to place 2 Timothy in a second Roman imprisonment presents, in many ways, more complications than placement within Paul’s first imprisonment. Indeed, if 2 Timothy is considered apart from 1 Timothy and Titus, “it would be relatively clear that this would be a first imprisonment, because there would be no requirement to create a second one. This necessity is created, at least in some peoples minds, more by 1 Timothy and Titus.”288 See Peter Walker, “Revisiting the Pastoral Epistles – Part 2,” European Journal of Theology 21, no. 2 (2012), 120-132. However, Walker’s argument hinges largely on his reconstruction of Paul’s mission (including those that assist Paul i.e. Timothy, Titus, etc.) and life during his time spent in Rome. This reconstruction is based largely on guesswork rather than plausible evidence from primary or secondary texts. Thus, while Walker’s proposal is intriguing, this discussion seeks to consider its base premise apart from his style of argument (though Walker does advocate for evaluating 2 Timothy as an individual letter and judging its historical/geographical details apart from information given in 1 Timothy and Titus). 287 288 Porter, Paul and Pseudepigraphy, 88. 80 Timothy’s Location The discussion around Paul’s location gives rise to yet another question: Where was Timothy during this time? His location, whether historical or implied by an unknown author, has a place in determining the date, and to some extent the location, of 2 Timothy’s composition. Furthermore, if 2 Timothy was meant to be read and heard by a wider audience as Marshall and Towner contend, then Timothy’s location would also determine the location of this wider audience.289 The question of Timothy’s location is often overlooked because it is frequently assumed that he was located in Ephesus at the time.290 There are several reasons given in support of this conclusion. Many scholars, such as J.D. Kelly, take 2 Timothy 4:12, “I have sent Tychicus to Ephesus” to mean that Paul sent Tychicus to replace Timothy. Thus, Kelly argues, it is clear that Timothy was located in Ephesus and Tychicus was the carrier of the letter.291 Marshall and Towner also argue that Ephesus is the “most reasonable” location to associate with 2 Timothy and the Pastorals because of the type of opponents and issues Paul faced during his lifetime in Ephesus and Asia Minor. These issues are the most analogous to those found in the Pastorals.292 289 Marshall and Towner, The Pastoral Epistles, 85. 290 Trebilco, The Early Christians in Ephesus, 206. 291 Kelly, The Pastoral Epistles, 214. 292 Marshall and Towner, The Pastoral Epistles, 85-86. 81 Since the Pastorals are often treated as a group, Timothy’s location in Ephesus is considered in light of the geographical information given in 1 Timothy (1 Tim 1:3; 3:14) and Titus (3:12). Gordon Fee does so in his reconstruction of the historical situation across the Pastorals. He posits Ephesus as a convenient location for Timothy based on Paul’s movements in 1 Timothy and Titus and Timothy’s movement during the assumed time period in which 2 Timothy was written.293 Jerome Murphy O’Connor argues against an Ephesian location in his book Paul: A Critical Life.294 In considering the location of Timothy apart from the information given in the other Pastorals, he asks, “If Tychicus had been dispatched before the letter was sent, why does Paul tell Timothy in Ephesus something he must have known already? If Tychicus was the bearer of the letter, why should Paul stress the obvious?”295 Rather, O’Connor argues that Galatia is a more suitable choice. But, as the majority of scholars contend, Ephesus is still the preferred location and counterarguments have done little to provide additional insight to convincingly suggest otherwise. 2 Timothy and the Acts of Paul Though the similarities between 2 Timothy and the second century Acts of Paul have been noted by a sizable number of scholars, few have devoted ample time to examining their implications for the provenance of the Pastorals.296 As noted by Glenn Snyder in his 293 Fee, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus, 4-6. 294 O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 364. 295 Ibid. 296 Harding, What Are They Saying, 42-44. 82 recent book on the Acts of Paul, the cross-references between the figures in 2 Timothy and the Acts of Paul are both “remarkable from an historical perspective” and worthy of note.297 If the Pastorals are taken to be pseudonymous, then they represent only one school of thought in the “tremendous diversity of ways the early church remembered the apostle”.298 Similar to the Acts of Paul, the Pastorals seem to be just one interpretation of the Pauline legacy rather than established historical fact.299 Regardless of who wrote the Pastorals, the author of the Acts of Paul uses some historical details found in the Pastorals but writes in opposition to many of the Pastorals’ teachings.300 In this case, the date and dependence of these texts becomes all the more important. This is because if the Acts of Paul can be plausibly dated to the first half of the second century, then there is more evidence to suggest that the Pastorals were in circulation by this time. Furthermore, at least in the case of 2 Timothy, the contents of the letter were considered, at least by the early Church, to be ‘accurate’ details of the historical Paul as compared to those found in the Acts of Paul.301 Before proceeding further, it would be of value to pause and highlight these specific similarities. Below is a table outlining such details: Glenn Snyder, Acts of Paul: The Formation of a Pauline Corpus (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), 116-17. 297 Dennis MacDonald, The Legend and the Apostle: The Battle for Paul in Story and Canon (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983), 15. 298 299 Harding, What Are They Saying, 42-44. 300 Aageson, Paul, the Pastoral Epistles, and the Early Church, 1-15. Peter Wallace Dunn, “The Acts of Paul and the Pauline Legacy in the Second Century,” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Queens’ College: 1996), iii. 301 83 Figure 5: The Pastoral Epistles and the Acts of Paul and Thecla Name Appearance in the Pastorals Appearance in the Acts of Paul and Thecla Alexander 1 Timothy 1:20; 2 Timothy 4:14 3:26-26 Described as a coppersmith in opposition to Paul and a potential threat Described as a local official from Antioch in opposition to Paul because of his love for Thecla 3:13 Hermogenes and Demas 2 Timothy 1:15; 4:9 Described as having abandoned Paul Onesiphorus 2 Timothy 1:16 Described as preaching that the resurrection occurs in one’s progeny 3:1-17 Eubulus Described as finding and assisting Paul when he came to Rome 2 Timothy 4:21 Described as hosting Paul and allowing him to preach sermons in his house 8:1 Sends greetings to Timothy Described as a Corinthian presbyter who joined with others in writing a letter to Paul 11:1 Titus and Luke 2 Timothy 4:10, 21 Titus has left for Dalmatia but Luke was the only person who remains with Paul Both Titus, who is located in Galatia, and Luke, who is located in Gaul, are waiting for Paul just before his imprisonment The tensions between these similarities in personnel and blatant conflicts in message have been explained in several different ways. Dennis MacDonald argues that the author of the Acts of Paul, who was writing against the more “socially conservative” 84 message found in the Pastorals, drew from a common oral tradition without any specific knowledge of the Pastorals.302 Consequently, the author of the Pastorals was not writing to directly refute the Acts of Paul or visa versa but, rather, its “oral antecedents”. On the other hand, Richard Bauckham argues that the author of the Acts of Paul drew directly from 2 Timothy in addition to 1 and 2 Corinthians to write a sequel to the Acts of the Apostles based on their understanding of Paul’s final years.303 The tension exists because the author rejected 1 Timothy but used 2 Timothy and Titus without issue.304 Apart from the specifics of each proposal, their implications for understanding the Pastorals are worthy of note. If the general premise of Bauckham’s proposal is accepted, then the date of the Acts of Paul becomes more pertinent in understanding the provenance of the Pastorals. If the author of the Acts of Paul worked directly with 2 Timothy in addition to 1 and 2 Corinthians, then the Pastorals, or at least 2 Timothy, must be dated before its composition. Though a late second century date for the Acts of Paul is generally accepted, Peter Dunn argues that there is good reason to reexamine this premise.305 Dunn claims that the external attestation for the Acts of Paul by the start of the third century suggests a midsecond century dating.306 This present discussion cannot treat all the details of this 302 MacDonald, The Legend and the Apostle, 19-21. Richard Bauckham, “The Acts of Paul as a Sequel of Acts,” in The Book of Acts in its Ancient Literary Setting, ed. Bruce Winter and Andrew Clarke (Grand Rapids: Wm. B Eerdmans, 1993), 105-152. 303 304 Ibid. 305 Dunn, “The Acts of Paul,” 8. 306 Dunn, “The Acts of Paul,” 10-11. 85 complicated topic, to which Dunn devotes over two hundred pages. However, it should be noted that the date of the Acts of Paul does effect how we understand the provenance of the Pastorals. However, as Jeremy Barrier cautions, we should not inflate this relationship. Barrier contends that the similarities in personnel and geography are “hardly sufficient evidence to suggest a direct relationship from either a literary dependence or through oral tradition.”307 Rather, he believes it likely that the similarities reflect more general remembrances of Pauline legends and facts.308 Regardless of its date or textual relationship, the Acts of Paul should be given its due attention in discussions around the provenance of the Pastorals. Curiously, the Pastorals made their way into the canon and were accepted as authoritative while the Acts of Paul was not. So regardless of their relationship and dependence, it is interesting to note that the tradition as told in the Pastorals was ultimately considered authoritative by the early Church while the teachings in the Acts of Paul were condemned. Jeremy Barrier, The Acts of Paul and Thecla: A Critical Introduction and Commentary (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009), 42. 307 308 Ibid. 86 Part Three 2 Timothy the Pastoral Epistle or 2 Timothy the Pauline Epistle? 87 Chapter 5: Present and Future Scholarship on 2 Timothy 2 Timothy as a Pauline text Scholars on all sides of the authorship debate note the Pauline nature of 2 Timothy, especially in comparison to 1 Timothy and Titus.309 P.N. Harrison was one of the first scholars to point out this distinctiveness through analysis of vocabulary and style. Harrison, a proponent of the fragment hypothesis, concluded that 2 Timothy was closer to the authentic Pauline letters than 1 Timothy and Titus based on what he identified as the large number of authentic fragments present in 2 Timothy.310 However, as discussed in Part One, the various methods used in order to analyze the vocabulary and style of 2 Timothy and the Pastorals have proven to be problematic. There is no consensus as to what factors should be considered or what constitutes a valid sample size. Below are a few selected graphics showcasing some comprehensive results regarding the amount of vocabulary each Pastoral Epistle shares with the rest of the Pauline canon: Ben Witherington III, Letters and Homilies for Hellenized Christians: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on Titus, 1-2 Timothy and 1-3 John (Downers Groove: InterVaristy Press, 2006), 75. 309 310 Harrison, Problem, 48-50. 88 Figure 6: Proportion of words in each letter attributed to Paul that are shared by each PE311 1 Timothy Percentage of shared vocabulary 2 Timothy Percentage of shared vocabulary Titus Percentage of shared vocabulary Romans 75 7.6 75 7.6 32 3.2 1 76 8.1 59 7.6 29 3.1 61 7.8 51 6.7 21 2.8 Galatians 39 7.8 33 6.6 13 2.6 Ephesians 38 7.3 33 6.3 20 3.8 Philippians 34 7.9 33 7.7 15 3.5 Colossians 27 6.6 29 7.1 11 2.7 1 Thess. 28 7.9 27 7.6 10 2.8 2 Thess. 22 9.1 18 7.4 6 2.5 Philemon 9 7 9 7 2 1.6 Corinthians 2 Corinthians These numbers suggest a consistency across the Pastorals. Interestingly, despite their differences, the proportions for 1 and 2 Timothy are very similar. However, the nature of “the Pauline vocabulary used in 2 Timothy is certainly quite different from the Pauline vocabulary used” in the other Pastorals.312 In other words, 2 Timothy is still quantitatively 311 From La Fosse, “Situating 2 Timothy in Early Christian History”, 93. 312 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 95. 89 the most Pauline because it has the fewest non-Pauline words and uses Pauline vocabulary in more complex ways compared to 1 Timothy and Titus (see discussion below).313 The graph below gives some more detail on the vocabulary in 2 Timothy: Figure 7: Distribution of Words in 2 Timothy314 Distribution of Words in 2 Tim Hapax Legomena 5% NT Words 4% Pauline Fragments 31% Pauline Words 39% Pauline Phrases 21% This chart indicates that 91% of the words found in 2 Timothy are found elsewhere in the other ten Pauline epistles. 315 The data that Bird used to reach these results (see note 313 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 94. From Anthony Bird, “The Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles – Quantifying Literary Style,” Reformed Theological Review 71 no. 2, (1997): 77-89. 314 1,234 total words, 262 found in Pauline phrases, 384 found in Pauline fragments as identified by Harrison, 51 New Testament words, and 56 hapax legomena. Pauline words are those found in one or more of Paul’s other letters. The “Pauline fragments” are based on Harrison’s identification of “authentic” fragments that were used in his proposed fragment hypothesis. “Pauline phrases” are not clearly defined by Bird nor are the criteria used in determining them. “NT words” are those not found in Paul’s letters but found in other New Testament texts. Hapax legomena, as previously discussed, are words found in 2 Tim but not anywhere else in the New Testament, including Paul’s letters. 315 90 315 below) comes from his compilation of Harrison’s results, which he then used to construct this chart “to highlight the correspondence with Pauline vocabulary.”316 This statistic is a bit misleading however since the very common words γάρ and ἐν account for 24% of that total.317 But approximately 52% of these shared words “belong to [a] higher order of language” composed of “structural combinations of words” which “are joined together to form phrases, clauses, sentences, paragraphs, and so on.” This ends up producing a kind of “stylistic expression… that is more difficult to emulate just because it is more complex.”318 There is no consensus on how scholars have interpreted the comparative nature of 2 Timothy in light of these studies. Some have chosen to consider the Pastoral Epistles as three separate letters due to their respective differences to avoid “overshadowing the particular characteristics of each letter.”319 Others continue the traditional approach of treating the Pastorals as a group.320 But it is with recognition of 2 Timothy’s uniqueness that the following discussion of authorship and its implications will be undertaken. 316 Bird, “Authorship”, 123. 317 Bird, “Authorship”,123-24. 318 Bird, “Authorship”,124. 319 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 95. 320 Knight III, The Pastoral Epistles, 4. 91 The Pauline Nature of 2 Timothy: Implications For Authorship The authorship question in recent scholarship as it concerns 2 Timothy has gone in various directions. Starting in the mid-twentieth century, C.F.D. Moule helped popularize the secretary hypothesis and proposed that Luke actually wrote the Pastorals during Paul’s lifetime with Paul’s limited dictation and direction. Paul’s limited influence, Moule argues, can account for the presence of both Pauline and un-Pauline characteristics.321 However, as scholarship has paid increased attention to 2 Timothy as an individual letter, attempts to explain the presence of both Pauline and un-Pauline characteristics have become narrower in focus. One stream of scholarship comes from the proposals of Jerome Murphy O’Connor. O’Connor argues that 2 Timothy was the only Pastoral Epistle written during Paul’s lifetime, which then served as the model for the pseudonymous texts of 1 Timothy and Titus.322 Hence, 2 Timothy’s authenticity would explain its Pauline nature and can possibly account for the acceptance of the Pastoral Epistles in the early Church. The most pertinent question raised in response to O’Connor’s defense of 2 Timothy’s authenticity is two-fold. If 2 Timothy is the only authentic Pastoral Epistle, how did 1 Timothy and Titus get paired with it? And how did they make their way into the canon together? In response, O’Connor argues that if 2 Timothy had previously been known in early Christian circles and then 1 Timothy and Titus, which resembled some of the general C.F.D. Moule, “The Problem of the PE: A Reappraisal,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 47 (1965): 430-452 (434-436). 321 322 O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 358. 92 patterns of 2 Timothy, were “discovered” at a later date, this would explain how the three letters were accepted as a group.323 It is the authenticity of 2 Timothy that satisfies, according to O’Connor, the “only scenario capable of explaining the acceptance of the Pastorals” since it is improbable that the early Church knowingly ‘accepted’ pseudonymous texts.324 In conversation with O’Connor’s defense of 2 Timothy, scholars such as Luke Timothy Johnson325 have noted the similarities between 2 Timothy and Philippians.326 These similarities include their subject matter, theme of suffering, and jail setting. This link between the two letters, and to some extent the other Prison Epistles such as Colossians and Philemon, are considered by some to be the key in understanding the provenance of 2 Timothy.327 Indeed, Johnson argues that 2 Timothy’s “otherness” compared to the larger Pauline corpus would be severely diminished if it were only read with the other captivity letters.328 From his research on the secretary in the letters of Paul, E. Randolph Richards concluded that Philippians contains no evidence of a secretary.329 In keeping with the 323 O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 357. 324 Ibid. It should be noted that although Johnson himself argues for the individuality and authenticity of 2 Timothy, he also considers 1 Timothy and Titus to be authentically Pauline while O’Connor considers these two letters to be pseudepigraphic. 325 326 Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament, 242. 327 LaFosse, “Situating 2 Timothy”, 117. 328 Johnson, The Writings of the New Testament, 376. 329 Richards, The Secretary in the Letters of Paul, 189. 93 comparison of 2 Timothy and Philippians, it is argued by some that the similarity between these two letters could be because they were both penned by Paul’s own hand.330 There are several factors used in determining how similar 2 Timothy and Philippians really are. The similarities in theme and imagery will be touched on in the following section, but for now only the aspect of vocabulary will be addressed. Below is a table with some data from Robert Morgenthaler’s study on the vocabulary that, out of the Pastorals, only 2 Timothy shares with Philippians.331 Figure 8: Vocabulary of 2 Timothy and Philippians Word Times found in 2 Timothy Times found in Philippians Times found in other ten Pauline epistles ἀνάστασις ἀπολογία ἀσθενέω γινώσκω δεσμός δύναμις ἐγείρω ἐπιποθέω ἐπουράνιος εὑρίσκω ζητέω θάνατος καρπός κλῆσις λατρεύω λογίζομαι μἐν νεκρός οἵος 1 1 1 3 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 2 2 5 4 1 1 2 1 2 1 6 3 1 1 1 6 1 1 7 4 15 47 7 45 40 6 10 16 19 43 10 8 3 31 60 41 8 330 Total number of times found in the New Testament 42 8 33 221 18 118 143 9 18 176 117 120 66 11 21 41 181 128 14 Aageson, Paul, the Pastoral Epistles, and the Early Church, 5. Robert Morgenthaler, Statistik des neutestamentlichen Worschatzes (Zurich: GotthelfVerlag, 1958), 67-157. 331 94 οὕτως πάθημα πάντοτε παρά πάσχω πείθω πλείων, -ον πληρόω πολλάκις σπένδομαι στέφανος σωτηρία τρόπος χαρά 1 1 1 5 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 4 1 1 6 1 4 1 1 1 3 1 5 73 8 26 35 6 15 7 21 7 1 3 16 4 21 208 616 41 191 40 52 55 87 17 2 18 45 13 59 2 Timothy and Philippians: A Case Example A comparison of 2 Timothy and Philippians in their similarities of theme, imagery, and content will illustrate how, in evaluating the provenance of some Pauline epistles, certain considerations are selectively applied. In the case of 2 Timothy, this leads to inaccurate or unjustifiable classifications that are not enjoined to the “undisputed” letters of Paul. The most striking of these similarities is Paul’s fixation on suffering and death. He writes in Philippians that even though he is “being poured out as a libation over the sacrifice and the offering” of their faith, he is “glad and [rejoices] with” all of them (Phil 2:17-18). This has a close parallel in 2 Tim 4:6 where Paul writes to Timothy that he is “already bring poured out as a libation” for the good of the faith. 95 Most scholars do not see Paul’s use of being “poured out as a libation” in Philippians as being indicative of a farewell testament genre.332 Rather, in conjunction with the rest of the letter, Paul seems to be in a position where a death sentence is possible.333 Even so, he is still very active in sending and receiving people, including hopes of sending Timothy back to the Philippians so that he may be cheered up by their recent news (Phil 2:19). The authenticity of Philippians is not questioned due these seemingly different attitudes. But when it comes to the case of 2 Timothy, scholars see a considerable tension between Paul’s supposed near-death mentality and his desire that Timothy come to him soon with Mark and some of his other possessions he had left elsewhere (4:9).334 Another similarity between the two letters is their use of pre-formed tradition. In Philippians, there is the “Christ hymn” in chapter two that is widely acknowledged to be a tradition that did not originate with Paul.335 Very few scholars question the authorship of the letter on these grounds. However, the use of “The saying is sure” creed-like formulations which appear once in 2 Tim 1:11-13, several times in 1 Timothy (1:15; 3:1; 4:9), and once in Titus (3:8) are often use in the case against Pauline authorship.336 If we look at 2 Timothy in isolation, A.E. Harvey, A Companion to the New Testament (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 631. 332 333 Melick, Philippians, Colossians, Philemon, 78. 334 John Calvin, 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus (Wheaton: Crossway Books, 1998), 165. I. Howard Marshall, “The Christ-Hymn in Philippians 2:5-11,” Tyndale Bulletin 19, (1968): 104-127. 335 David deSilva, An Introduction to the New Testament: Contexts, Methods & Ministry Foundation (Downers Groove: IVP Academic, 2004), 736-37. 336 96 there is nothing particularly questionable about a one-time use of this saying. Even if one argues that the saying is not Pauline in character, they must also consider the Philippian Christ hymn and its unique nature.337 While “The saying is sure” formulations are generic in form, especially compared to the Christ hymn, it is the haste with which many scholars reach the conclusion of its post-Pauline origins which reflects the lack of due diligence in postulating other potential scenarios regarding its provenance.338 Lastly, there are a few minor similarities between the two epistles that often go unrecognized. These are primarily the focus on false teachers/opponents and the use of biographical details. In both Phil 1:15-18 and 3:2-4, Paul urges that the believers beware of false teachers who “proclaim Christ from envy and rivalry” and intend to increase his suffering during his imprisonment. There is not much explanatory detail given about the opponents besides this broad denunciation. Thus as addressed in Part One, the mention and general condemnation of opponents who “oppose the truth” (3:8) in 2 Timothy should not be used as a cornerstone in arguing against its Pauline nature.339 Those that question Paul’s use of biographical information in 2 Timothy see no reason why he should have to include something that Timothy already knows.340 However, this objection stands on very weak ground. One does not have to limit counter-examples to Philippians, but for the sake of focus, this discussion will. 337 Porter, The Apostle Paul, 333. See Hanson, Studies, 46; Daniel J. Harrington, The Church According to the New Testament: What the Wisdom and Witness of Early Christianity Teach Us Today (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2001), 31-34. 338 339 Porter, Paul and His Opponents, 42-43. 340 Murphy O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 364-66. 97 Paul states in Philippians 3:5 that he was “circumcised on the eight day, a member of the people of Israel, of the tribe of Benjamin, A Hebrew born of Hebrews; [and] as to the law, a Pharisee.” These are details that, at least partially, the Philippian church would have been aware of.341 But Paul is not including them just to say something they already know. Rather, in context they contribute to a larger point i.e. that righteousness does not come from the law but from faith.342 The same principle can rightly be applied to 2 Timothy. For example, Paul reminds Timothy of how he learned and formed his faith through his mother and grandmother and then finally from Paul himself (1:5). According to O’Connor, this is to give Timothy encouragement in what seems to be times of persecution from the Roman state and disagreements within the Christian community itself.343 While this can be viewed as a tactic by a pseudonymous author to push a certain agenda, it can also equally be viewed as a practice Paul utilized in many of his letters to make a point to their respective recipients.344 The next section will consider what implications these viewpoints mentioned have for understanding 2 Timothy and what it can contribute to current and future scholarship as a whole. G. Walter Hansen, The Letter to the Philippians (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2009), 317-18. 341 342 Anthony Ash, Philippians, Colossians & Philemon (Joplin: College Press Publishing, 1994), 79. 343 O’Connor, Paul: A Critical Life, 364-66. 344 Ibid. 98 Implications of New Considerations As scholarship on the Pastorals has increased in recent decades, more scholars have ventured to push back on the traditional scholarly contention that these letters should be grouped together and considered as similar works written by a common author. There is something to be said about the potential impact these challenges and new proposals have on our contemporary understanding of the Pastoral Epistles, especially 2 Timothy. One such impact is the heightened awareness of what these letters can tell us about Christianity and its beginning stages of development.345 Regardless of where one stands on the question of authorship, there is no denying that the Pastorals represent, to some degree, a development in Pauline thought and church structure not seen in Paul’s other letters.346As scholarship has continued to analyze different aspects of the Pastorals, a clearer picture of how early Christians sought to understand and interpret Paul has emerged.347 The issues surrounding the prominence of 2 Timothy can also provide insights into the development of early Christianity which 1 Timothy and Titus cannot. Chief among these are insights into the practice of pseudepigraphy and the formation of the Pauline canon. Many scholars conflate the personal nature of 2 Timothy and its extensive list of people and biographical elements with intentionality on the part of the author (if not Paul) to deceive.348 If this is indeed the case, then the implications for understanding the practice 345 Harding, What Are They Saying, 95-120. 346 Harding, What Are They Saying, 3-7. 347 Harding, What Are They Saying, 95. 348 Wall and Steele, 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus, 5-7. 99 and acceptance(?) of pseudepigraphy are quite substantial. Furthermore, for some it may even prompt a question as to the nature and understanding of Scripture itself.349 There is also a link between the formation of the Pauline cannon and the question of 2 Timothy’s genre. Two points of focus will serve as examples of this link: the mention of books and “parchments” that Paul asks Timothy to bring in 4:13 and the way in which 2 Timothy encapsulates Paul as a memory. In his recent book on the New Testament canon, Michael Kruger addresses the significance of the books and parchments alluded to in 2 Timothy 4:13. He notes that few doubt the word translated as books, (τὰ βιβλία), is a reference to the Hebrew Bible.350 However, there is more uncertainty around what the word translated as parchments (τὰς μεμβράνας) refers to. Kruger posits that there are a number of possibilities. They could be excerpts of Jesus’ teachings, notes regarding oral traditions, or copies of Paul’s own letters and notes.351 Of these possibilities, Paul’s own letters and notes have gained the most traction in scholarship.352 If 2 Timothy is from the historical Paul, then this could be an indication of the start of a collection for Paul’s letters. Furthermore, if 2 Timothy is indeed a last testament, it could also mean that after Paul’s death this collection was left in the hands of 349 Harding, What Are They Saying, 4 and 107-109. Michael Kruger, The Question of Canon: Challenging the Status Quo in the New Testament Debate (Downers Groove: InterVarsity Press, 2013), 93-94. 350 351 Ibid. 352 Collins, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 282-83. 100 Luke (4:11).353 This would clearly have profound implications for understanding the origins of the Pauline canon, the likes of which are beyond the scope of this study. From the perspective of pseudonymity, 2 Timothy’s presentation of Paul’s last testament is a portal into how the earliest interpreters of Paul understood his life and legacy.354 Martinus de Boer understands the Pastorals, particularly 2 Timothy, as presenting a more developed picture of Paul than the other Deutero-Paulines.355 Paul is the highest regarded apostle whose example of suffering and true preaching of the gospel serves as the pattern by which the audience of 2 Timothy should model itself.356 This depiction of Paul could mean his memory and message were, for one reason or another, in danger of being contaminated. According to the author of 2 Timothy, it is the current and latter generations of Christians who must “guard” this legacy.357 This awareness has also prompted Graham Roberts to raise an intriguing question: Would 2 Timothy have found more acceptance in modern scholarship if 1 Timothy or Titus were never included in the New Testament canon?358 The most fitting answer to this question seems to be yes. As discussed earlier, even those who hold very firmly to Jerome Murphy O’Connor, Paul the Letter-writer: His World, His Options, His Skills (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1995), 36-37. 353 354 Collins, 1 & 2 Timothy and Titus, 181-86. Martinus de Boer, “Images of Paul in the Post-Apostolic Period”, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 42 (1980): 359-380. 355 356 Ibid. David Meade, Pseudonymity and Canon (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1987), 123-137. 357 358 Roberts, Paul and Timothy: Developing a Leader, 171. 101 pseudonymity admit that 2 Timothy is the most Pauline of the group.359 Johnson posits that one cannot help but think that if only 2 Timothy had made its way into the canon, many of the un-Pauline traits only present in 1 Timothy and Titus would not have been projected blindly onto 2 Timothy.360 As scholarship continues to advocate and defend diverse opinions, the potential of these letters to contribute to a wider range of scholarly fields will no doubt continue to rise. It is with recognition of the Pastorals’ place in current and future scholarship that this discussion will offer some concluding thoughts. Michael Prior and 2 Timothy: Closing Thoughts Though written in 1989, Michael Prior’s book, Paul the Letter-Writer and the Second Letter to Timothy, has yet to fully be considered in current scholarship despite being cited quite frequently in both past and current discussions of the Pastorals. Though it may be said that Prior’s case for authenticity is unpersuasive, recent scholarship continues to present proponents of Pauline authorship in ways that do not reflect Prior’s perspective. This discussion does not stand to affirm or deny the accuracy of his theory. Rather, despite already touching on some aspects, it stands to fully consider Prior’s ideas as a way of further reflecting on both current and future scholarship. Unlike the scholarship of those who defend Pauline authorship of 2 Timothy such as Jerome Murphy O’Connor and Gordon Fee, Prior does not situate 2 Timothy within a second Roman imprisonment. Rather, he argues that 2 Timothy was written from the 359 Porter, The Pauline Canon, 12. 360 Johnson, Letters to Paul’s Delegates, 7-8. 102 imprisonment narrated in Acts 28 and is a reflection of Paul’s anticipation to be released and continue his ministry.361 Strictly within the bounds of textual evidence and without any speculative reconstructions or assumptions, Prior is one of the few scholars, if not the only, to propose an explanation to the major questions posed against 2 Timothy. Again, this is not a claim of who is right or wrong but a claim of recognition which scholarship has neglected to fully offer. Rather than reiterate points covered in previous sections or expand on new ones, a chart that summarizes these points followed by some concluding thoughts will suffice. Figure 9: Michael Prior on 2 Timothy Issue Vocabulary/Style Prior’s Proposed Explanation Harrison’s statistics regarding the vocabulary of the Pastorals have been critiqued and sufficiently shown to be faulty in methodology.362 More recent studies have proved to be inconclusive.363These studies also do not take into account the influence of co-authorship and/or secretaries, though these are almost impossible to quantify or determine. Three features that are unique to 2 Timothy (and the Pastorals), namely the private nature of the correspondence, the lack of indication of a secretary, Though Walker and Smith (and to a lesser extent, Johnson) also adopt this point of view, Prior defends his position in different ways, primarily in not frequently resorting to historical and situational reconstruction. 361 See W. Michaelis, “Pastoralbriefe und Wortstatistik,” ZNW 29 (1929): 71-74; F.J. Badcock, The Pauline Epistles and the Epistle to the Hebrews in Their Historical Setting (London: S.P.C.K., 1937), 115-33; F.R.M. Hitchcock, “Philo and the Pastorals”, Hermathena 56 (1940): 113-35. 362 A.Q. Morton and J. McLeman, Paul, the Man and the Myth (London: Harper & Row, 1966), 63-96 concluded that Galatians, Romans and 1 & 2 Corinthians were written by one person and Ephesians, Philippians and Colossians by another; Grayston and Herdan, “The Authorship of the Pastorals in the Light of Statistical Linguistis,” NTS 6 (1960): 10-15 demonstrated a different ‘style’ (though it is unclear what exactly this constitutes) in the Pastorals but their methodology has subsequently been criticized because they only take into account vocabulary; Anthony Kenny concluded that 2 Timothy was as close as 2 Corinthians to the center of the constellation of Paul’s style. 363 103 Genre Date Theology Opponents Historical Situation/Detail and the fact they are addressed to individuals, can account for “at least some of the differences between these letters and the other Paulines.”364This is apart from the influence of a unique situation and subject matter, which may also account for some of the uniqueness, especially in vocabulary. 2 Timothy is not a farewell or last testament. Apart from 4:6-8, there is nothing in the letter to suggest Paul’s death. An examination of these verses, specifically the words σπένδομαι and ἀναλύσεώς, shows that there is no case in the New Testament, Hebrew Bible, or any other Greek text we have, in which these words are used in relation to someone’s death.365 Once the idea of a farewell testament is set aside, the letter can be seen as an exhortation to Timothy and a request for him to come to Rome to help Paul continue his ministry upon his release. With this in mind, many of the inconsistencies of the letter, which are often used in support of pseudonymity, are dispelled. These include: The contradiction in tone and message between 4:6-8 and 4:9-21 Paul’s request for Timothy to bring Mark and his parchments Paul’s exhortations toward Timothy to stay strong and follow the right path The urgency with which Paul seems to convey these exhortations and requests Issues concerning details between 2 Timothy and Acts/Paul’s other letters Though there is no consensus on the dating of Paul’s life, the composition of 2 Timothy would fall somewhere around Paul’s Roman imprisonment in Acts 28 (approximately 61-62 CE). The letter can be placed in this imprisonment because of Paul’s expectation of release and plans to preach the Gospel to “all the Gentiles” (4:17). Due to the nature and purpose of the letter, there is very little distinct theology present in 2 Timothy. The exclusion of certain Pauline themes, such as the cross, do not stand on solid ground as an argument. The appeals to Timothy to safeguard the “deposit” and emphasis on correct teaching can be attributed to the letter’s purpose. There is no element of anti-Jewish polemic or Gnostic elements present in 2 Timothy that are not seen in other Pauline letters.366 There are many unknowns when trying to figure out the details of Paul’s final years. In the case of 2 Timothy, the historical situation can plausibly be placed in Paul’s imprisonment (likely in Rome). His expectation of 364 Prior, Letter-Writer, 59. 365 Prior, Letter-Writer, 92-103. 366 Prior, Letter-Writer, 64. 104 Purpose release and plans for future missionary activity further reflect the details we have of Paul’s Roman imprisonment and subsequent activity. In terms of the vast number of names and locations included, there is simply very little evidence we can use to determine the plausibility of this information due to lack of detail we have regarding this time period in Paul’s life.367 The purpose of the letter, much like the other Paulines, is reveled in the thanksgiving, specifically 1:3-5. These purposes/themes are twofold: Paul’s longing to see Timothy (1:4), and his concern for Timothy’s faith (1:5).368These two main themes lend themselves to the primary purpose of the letter, namely to exhort Timothy to come to him soon. This exhortation is prompted by two factors: Paul’s fear that “Timothy would, like so many of his erstwhile trusted co-workers, succumb to the temptation to abandon Paul and the faith”369, and Paul’s desire to assemble a missionary team for when he is released. When laying out the positions of those who defend Pauline authorship, a full consideration of Prior’s (and like minded scholars) contribution should be employed in future scholarship on 2 Timothy and the Pastorals. The recent traction gained by arguments in favor of 2 Timothy’s Pauline nature amongst the Pastorals is a step towards treating the Pastorals as three separate letters. However, this individual attention has not translated over to theories of their provenance. In discussions of authorship, genre, and dating future scholarship should be cautious in assuming certain positions as being unanimously held by all “defenders” of Pauline authorship, especially in the case of 2 Timothy. These include, but are not limited to: 2 Timothy as a farewell testament, a product of Paul’s second Roman imprisonment, and inextricably linked to 1 Timothy and Titus in its geographical and other historical details. 367 Prior, Letter-Writer, 90. 368 Prior, Letter-Writer, 62. 369 Prior, Letter-Writer, 64. 105 Conclusion As noted by Jens Herzer in a recent article on the Pastoral Epistles, the sheer number of commentaries and other texts which have been written on the Pastorals over the last forty to fifty years is quite impressive.370 That being said, the marginal standing of the Pastorals in scholarship must still be noted. This thesis has sought to outline the significant work of other scholars, especially in regard to the authorship, dating, and genre of 2 Timothy, while also showing that many aspects remain overlooked or unfairly assumed. The works of Jerome Murphy O’Connor, Mark Prior and many others have stressed the importance of treating the Pastorals as three separate and distinct letters. These recent trends have served to question many of the assumptions that have stayed relatively unchallenged for over a century. While this has reinvigorated discussions surrounding the Pastorals, there are still vast amounts of progress to be made. In particular, the authorship and genre of 2 Timothy warrants future consideration. The often blind grouping of 2 Timothy with 1 Timothy and Titus has led to many aspects of this letter to either be overlooked or assumed. There is enough evidence that has been presented in recent scholarship to convince those who, in one form or another have already written off the Pastorals, to give them a second look. This is not to say that there is definitive evidence to overthrow the majority consensus of pseudonymity, but rather that the Pastorals, and especially 2 Timothy, are dynamic pieces of work that have unfairly been marginalized by past scholarship and warrant further consideration. 370 Herzer, “Rearranging the ‘House of God”, 147-48. 106 While there are valid reasons to consider 2 Timothy’s style to be that of a farewell testament, there are also valid reasons to give other views concerning genre their due consideration. This statement may seem like a fairly obvious one, especially those who stress the individuality of each PE. However, it is often not reflected in scholarship and there remains only a small group of scholars who can be classified as treating the Pastorals as separate entities.371 So while some aspects of the above discussion may seem intuitive, it is precisely that mindset which has directed recent scholarship of the PE, especially in the case of 2 Timothy, to project certain “assumed” characteristics and classifications that call for greater pause. Furthermore, as the above comparison between 2 Timothy and Philippians shows, some of the criticisms often used to marginalize 2 Timothy and the PE are not universally applied across the Pauline corpus and lead to inaccurate classifications which can sometimes skew our vision of both the historical and canonical Paul. 371 E.g. Mark Prior, Jerome Murphy O’Connor, Luke Timothy Johnson, Mark Harding. 107 Chapter 6: Where is the Burden of Proof? As cited by many scholars on the Pastoral Epistles, early Church Fathers clearly thought that Paul wrote the Pastorals and, when the official Canon was being put together, these letters were included with little to no resistance. Indeed, there was no doubt as to the authorship of the letters until the early 19th century, meaning the Pastorals had essentially gone through almost two thousand years without being questioned. With this in mind, some scholars bring up the concept of the burden of proof, i.e. the burden is on modern skeptics to disprove Pauline authorship rather than the other way around. However, this proclamation is a weak one and has been used rather frivolously as a kind of ‘last-word’ argumentative point. The point must be conceded to defenders of Pauline authorship that the burden of proof does, to some extent, fall on those who challenge the claim that the letters themselves and over a millennium of tradition attest to. 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Herald Press, 2009. 118 Appendix A: Figures Across the Pastoral and Prison Epistles Prison and Pastoral Epistles People Mentioned in Opening/Closing Greetings Ephesians Colossians Tychicus Timothy, Tychicus, Aristarchus, Mark, Justus, Epaphras, Luke, Demas, Nympha, Archippus Philippians Philemon Timothy, Epaphroditus Timothy, Epaphras, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke 1 Timothy 2 Timothy None Demas, Crescens, Titus, Luke, Tychicus, Mark, Prisca, Aquilla, Onesiphorus (his household), Erastus, Trophimus, Eubulus, Prudens, Linus, Claudia Titus Artemas, Tychicus, Zenas the lawyer, Apollos Appendix B: Textual Allusions in 2 Timothy372 Passage in 2 Timothy Other Pauline passage which seems to be edited 1:3-4 Romans 1:8-11 1:6-8 Romans 8:12-17 1:8-9 Romans 1:16-17 1:9-10 Ephesians 2:4-8 2:1-13 1 Cor. 9:1-27 2:8-13 Philippians 1:12-28 2:20-21 Romans 9:19-24 3:2-4 Romans 1:29-31 3:16-17 Romans 15:4-6 Adapted from Alfons Weiser, Der zweite Brief an Timotheus (Düsseldorf: Benziger Verlag, 2003), 66. 372 119 4:6-8 Philippians 2:16-17 4:8 Philippians 3:12-14 4:11 Philemon 11
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