Community Capacity Building: An analytical framework
MAVIS FEIRER, Education Officer,1 Office of the Board of Studies NSW
In recent years, the Aboriginal Curriculum Unit has initiated a number of action
research projects to enhance the educational opportunities and outcomes of
Indigenous students (Lester 2000; ‘Mathematics in Indigenous Contexts 2001–2003’;
Aboriginal Languages K–10 Syllabus (2003)). A number of positive learning
outcomes have been achieved through these projects, one of which has been a clear
recognition that sustained improvements in school results depend greatly on the
active participation of community, parents and schools in the education program
(Cairney & Ruge 1998). The importance of involving parents, teachers and the wider
community in supporting learning communities has also been recognised more
broadly beyond Aboriginal education. Cairney & Ruge (1998) identified that the
fundamental element of the NSW State Literacy Strategy and the Disadvantaged
Schools literacy programs (DSP) was the development of positive relationships
between parents, teachers and the wider community. They claimed that improved
literacy outcomes can be achieved when learning communities, including teachers
and parents, work together in support of all learners.
The purpose of this paper is to explore how the concepts of community consultation
and capacity building can be applied to formal education structures and in particular
how these concepts impact on Indigenous communities. Capacity building has been
defined in a number of ways. Hounslow (2002) provides one useful definition,
arguing that community capacity is ‘the degree to which community can develop,
implement and sustain actions that allow it to exert greater control over its physical
social, economic and cultural environments’ (Littlejohns & Thompson 2001, in
Hounslow 2002, p 1). It is this central principle that has been critical to many of the
recent projects undertaken by the Board of Studies NSW.2 All these projects have
looked at the processes that develop and maintain ongoing engagement through
negotiated and sustained consultation between schools, teachers and parents. In the
context of these projects, consultation is understood to include not only the ongoing
interactions between government organisations and representatives of Aboriginal
communities but also a ‘demonstrated willingness to share, to learn, and to negotiate’
(Board of Studies NSW 2001, p 3).
Fundamentally, engaging and sustainable capacity building projects are particularly
important as Aboriginal communities actively search for solutions to growing social
and economic problems that continually impact on them. Problems such as
unemployment, health issues, welfare dependency and low levels of literacy and
numeracy have been documented (Schwab & Sutherland 2001; Pearson 2000).
Pearson (2000) refers to education as a way of ensuring self-determination, to ensure
that Aboriginal people have a voice in the future. He believes that governments
should not only deal with social problems, but that they also need to recognise the
two very different worlds of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians.
1
2
Mavis Feirer was employed in 2004 as an Education Officer under the Elsa Dixon Aboriginal
Employment Program.
Recent Board of Studies projects include: Aboriginal Languages K–10 Syllabus (2003); Aboriginal
Studies Stage 6 Syllabus (1999); Aboriginal Studies Years 7–10 Syllabus (2003); History Years
7–10 Syllabus (2003); Geography Years 7–10 Syllabus (2003); Integrated Primary Curriculum K–6
(2003); Mathematics in Indigenous Contexts K–6 (2002); Mathematics in Indigenous Contexts
Years 6–8 (2003); Mathematics in Indigenous Contexts Years 6–8 (2004); Science Years 7–10
Aboriginal Perspectives (2004).
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
1
Pearson (2000) discusses in particular the situation Aboriginal people find
themselves in when introduced to ‘passive welfare’, claiming that Aboriginal people
have become largely dependent on passive welfare and consequently have not
benefited from government investments in employment and education. The failure of
current welfare programs has made Aboriginal people dependent and has impacted
on their self-esteem, self-reliance and self-gratification for the future. While many
strategies have been put in place to address these problems, Tsey (1997, p 80)
believes that education, with its capacity to develop Indigenous students’ potential by
providing positive models of community consultation, contributes enormously to
overall community capacity building and is thus a way forward for Aboriginal
students.
This paper will explore models of community consultation and capacity building,
identifying elements that have contributed to project successes and failures. Out of
this exploration a number of strategies will be outlined that addresses these
limitations, suggesting elements that should be incorporated in order to improve the
chances of projects succeeding in the future. In part, this paper will explore the
historical context of the Aboriginal communities within the broader Australian
society, particularly as it relates to education.
Context
Collaborative partnerships between teachers, parents and community play a
significant role in developing community capacity building by bringing together the
key groups for the benefit of their children. For Indigenous communities, one of the
challenges in this process is to overcome social barriers which appear to inhibit a
positive self-image and positive relationships with the broader community.
There has been a growing realisation that, while attempting to create positive change,
some strategies implemented to address the educational disadvantage of Indigenous
learners have not been as successful as hoped (Schwab & Sutherland 2001).
One of the manifestations of the low educational outcomes achieved by Aboriginal
Australians comes from evidence that Indigenous students’ achievement is
significantly lower than average in most areas of education. In particular, this lack of
achievement is evident in the literacy and numeracy outcomes, with upward of 45%
of Year 3 Indigenous students achieving at a level below the overall student cohort.
As well as student achievement there are problems around the engagement of
Indigenous students with formal schooling, with retention rates for Indigenous
students being lower than for non-Indigenous students and absenteeism for
Indigenous students being extremely high (Schwab & Sutherland 2001).
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
2
Table 1: Apparent Retention Rates for Full-time Students in NSW Government Schools by
Equity Groups, 1998–2002
Years 7–10
Apparent Retentions (%)
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
All Students
94.9
95.2
94.6
95.4
95.9
Indigenous Students
82.4
80.3
78.9
80.5
81.6
Years 7–12
All Students
61.1
61.2
61.0
62.0
63.8
Indigenous Students
29.9
28.6
31.8
28.4
29.0
Years 10–12
All Students
68.8
64.7
64.2
65.1
67.4
Indigenous Students
38.6
64.7
64.2
65.1
67.4
Table 1 indicates a noticeable difference for Aboriginal students. There is a range of
issues that link Aboriginal communities and low educational outcomes (Strategic
Information and Planning Directorate 2003). The issue of low student retention is a
manifestation of poor self-esteem and low aspirations. The figures relate more
broadly, however, to a diverse range of social and economic problems that have long
been recognised within the communities, and that impede progress towards achieving
educational equity for Indigenous students.3
Pearson (2000) in particular has singled out the impact that better health and
educational outcomes would have on the capacity of Aboriginal people to access the
benefits of mainstream Australian life. He cites the growing welfare dependency,
loss of independence, lack of aspirations, and alcohol dependency as being
debilitating to the wellbeing of Aboriginal people. The effects of dependency and
loss of capacity to make their own decisions has had an immensely negative effect on
Indigenous people and their communities.
Whilst conducting research into the career aspirations of young Indigenous students
in NSW high schools, Lester (2000) noted the importance of community
involvement in their children’s educational outcomes and their aspirations for
employment. One of the reasons argued by Lester for the lower levels of student
aspirations was the impact of racism. He identified that both the Aboriginal
community and students expressed a view that racism was the most consistent
obstacle to positive outcomes in educational career pathways and affected the career
expectations for Indigenous students. In particular, he noted that the expectations for
students in rural areas were extremely different where access to employment was
restricted.
While the figures do not indicate a particularly rosy long-term future for Aboriginal
students, there are several programs that have opened the possibility to achieving and
sustaining improvement to students’ outcomes.
3
NSW Indigenous Profile for Education and Training (Strategic Information and Planning
Directorate, December 2003); Pearson 2000, ‘The Light on the Hill’ (Ben Chifley Memorial
Lecture, Bathurst Panthers Leagues Club, Cape York Partnerships, 12 August 2000).
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
3
Research (Schwab & Sutherland 2001; Pearson 2001; Cairney & Ruge 1998) in four
projects has demonstrated positive educational outcomes for Indigenous students and
it has been shown that this has an important effect in lifting community capacity.
They demonstrated that positive outcomes can be achieved when the local Aboriginal
community is involved in taking control of their own career aspirations. The
Community Development and Education Program (CDEP) is one area identified by
Indigenous communities as having a positive outcome in future employment.
Table 2: Percentage of Year 5 Students Achieving the National Reading Benchmark, by State
and Territory, Indigenous and All Students: 1999, 2000 and 2001
Year
State
Average Age
1999
2000
2001
Indigenous
Students
All Students
Indigenous
Students
All Students
Indigenous
Students
All
Students
Year 3
New South Wales
8 yrs 9 months
85.1
93.7
83.1
93.1
79.2
91.3
Year 5
New South Wales
10 yrs 7 months
72.6
90.3
70.9
89.1
76.6
92.0
Source: Strategic Information and Planning Directorate (2003).
Table 3: Percentage of Year 3 and Year 5 Students Achieving the National Numeracy Benchmark, by State
and Territory, Indigenous and All Students: 2000 and 2001
Year
State
Average Age
2000
2000
2001
2001
Indigenous
Students
All Students
Indigenous
Students
All Students
Year 3
New South Wales
8 yrs 9 months
83.4
93.2
86.9
95.0
Year 5
New South Wales
10 yrs 7 months
73.5
91.1
74.6
91.7
Source: Strategic Information and Planning Directorate (2003).
Tables 2 and 3 indicate that the Indigenous students are not achieving equitable
learning outcomes in literacy and numeracy. There is no evidence of substantial
improvement in achievement in the period 2000–2003, nor has there been a shift in
the gap between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal students (Strategic Information and
Planning Directorate 2003).
Community engagement and improved student outcomes
Research (Schwab & Sutherland 2001; Cairney & Ruge 1998) on improved engagement
for parents and students has identified the fundamental need for the development of
positive role models where parents/community are actively involved in their own child’s
education. Schwab and Sutherland (2001) also identified several overarching issues that
were seen to suggest more positive student engagement. These were:
 Empowerment of participants through the decision making process in their
child’s education.
 Community ownership, and pride in designing their own programs relating to
the needs of the community.
 Parent and community involvement and participation, making communities
feel welcome and valued and making a difference in their child’s education.
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
4

Cultural awareness in programs that address the relationships of families and
community responsibilities.
Lester (2000), in his research into Indigenous student education, also suggested four
essential ingredients for improved outcomes for Indigenous students:
 Students must be given respect in terms of their career aspirations and the
diversity of career options that they may adopt.
 Indigenous culture and its relevance to family and community must be
respected by schools.
 Indigenous students must be taught by teachers who are committed to them,
their culture and their achievements.
 Students must attend school regularly if they want to become effective
learners.
Contributing factors
According to contemporary research into Indigenous education and broader social
policy issues, a numbers of factors have contributed to the lack of engagement of
Indigenous young people in schooling (Schwab & Sutherland 2001; Dodson & Smith
2003; Tsey 1997). These contributing factors have been categorised as internal and
external barriers for Aboriginal people in the achievement of equal outcomes
(Dodson & Smith 2003). Internal barriers relate to conditions within the Indigenous
communities. Schwab and Sutherland (2001, p 6) provide an overview of these
factors relating to the educational context. They include parents’ inability to support
their children’s engagement with learning, which has come about through their own:
 negative experiences with formal education
 lack of core numeracy and literacy skill
 low self-esteem and lack of confidence in participating in their child’s
learning
 cultural restraints such as shame and resistance to formal training.
Other internal factors directly impacting on students relate to the health and
wellbeing of the children and their families, and material factors such as transport,
accommodation and learning resources.
Schwab and Sutherland (2001) identified critical external barriers of living related to
the wider external political and economic environments within which Indigenous
communities operate, although these authors acknowledge that internal and external
factors interact and influence each other. Primary external barriers relating to
education include the historical role of schools in Australia in disempowering
Indigenous people, and in the dismantling of their culture and traditions. There are
several ways in which schools have been seen to alienate Indigenous people. These
include:
 lack of concern and understanding of Indigenous cultures
 inflexibility in timetabling the school year to accommodate cultural
obligations, and responsibility to their families and communities
 the construction of Aboriginal students as being the ‘other’ who then inherit
labels such as ‘students at risk’ and ‘underachiever’
 contributing to unequal power relationships, which are designed to
disempower parents and communities, such as the schools’ control of
ASSPA funds
 parents and community members not being involved in decision-making.
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
5
A number of researchers (Stone 2000; Sutherland & Schwab 2001; Sutherland 2003)
have drawn on the theoretical concept of social capital to engage Indigenous
communities to participate in their child’s education.
Theoretical contribution – the links between localised social capital projects and
community capacity
Researchers have realised the critical value of community capacity building in
achieving positive educational values for Indigenous students (Stone 2000;
Sutherland and Schwab 2001; Sutherland 2003). This research draws on the
theoretical constructs of social capital developed by Bourdieu (1993), Putnam (1993)
and Coleman (1998) to inform suggestions for successful Indigenous learning
communities.
There are a number of ways of understanding social capital. Winter (2000) argues
that social capital is an essential element for policy building as it recognises the
importance of partnerships and collaborative action in building effective
communities. Falk (2001) agrees with Winter’s assertion; he sees social capital as the
glue that holds civil society together (Stone 2001, cited in Sutherland 2003).
The key elements with respect to school/parent participation could be best
summarised as working with Aboriginal communities. Social capital involves
families and individuals participating in and supporting children’s education;
however, it also involves schools and other institutions addressing the needs of the
families and communities they serve, providing financial resources and initiatives,
and supporting Indigenous education through:
 taking more interest in circumstances surrounding Indigenous absent children
 working with parents in developing strategies to improve health
 improving access and engagement in education.
Models of Indigenous learning communities
Researchers have outlined several significant models focusing on schools that have
demonstrated levels of community capacity building within their communities.
While these are not all related to Australian communities, they do provide useful
frameworks and strategies for policy development.
Australian models include Aboriginal Family Education Centres (in the Acacia
Ridge Play Centre which run programs based on Maori play centres in New Zealand
where parents are involved in their children’s education), and Full Service Schools
which aim to encourage students to remain in school until Year 12. Successful
overseas models from USA include community schools learning centre programs,
and Full Service Schools based in Washington Heights, which are advisory councils
for community schools in Alabama (Schwab & Sutherland 2001, p 14).
Table 4 below summarises the key features of some of these programs.
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
6
Table 4: Key Features of the Models of Educational Programs Fostering Community Capacity Building
Type of Program

Aboriginal Education Centre
Key Features




Parent/Family Centre –
A collaborative effort between
the California State University
(Los Angeles) and the
Murchison Street School




Fostering educational experiences for
parents and their children
Family education based on Maori Play
Centre
To foster Aboriginal identity, to focus
on the family and community, to focus
on parents and children.
To bridge the gap and develop
meaningful relationships with parents
and to foster empowerment within the
larger community
The school. Backing from the
University faculty, established the
Centre (Zetlin et al. 1994, p 11)
To bridge the gap between school,
parents, community, staff
To develop a meaningful relationship
with parents.
Outcomes




Increased attendance
Increased self-esteem
Self-confidence
Improved speech, health and nutrition.

Students: improvement of a few percentile
points in literacy
Most overt improvement was in attendance
Over first 2 years of program average absence
per student decreased from the average of
1.4% per month
Increased attendance when students had
previously left the community for family visits
to Mexico
Parent’s regular attendance essential in
developing trusting and unified relationship
Community outcomes: perceptual growth was
identified
Changes in self-perception apparent in
appearance and presentation.
25% reduction in violence
Substantial reduction in substance misuse
40% reduction in juvenile crime
60% reduction in student repetition
Improved attendance, substantial participation
rate attending after school program.







Community Learning Centre
Program.
Particularly targeted at rural and
Inner City Primary Schools.





Full Service School (USA)




Full Service Schools in Australia
– targeting boys aged 15–16,
previously not involved in
school
Community Schools
Birmingham, Alabama.








A particular focus on after-school
hours, offering access to programs
encompassing homework centres,
tutors, cultural enrichment, recreation
and nutrition
Lifelong learning
Activities based within the school to
benefit wider community
To implement or expand services that
benefit the needs of the community
and encompass education, social
services, health, cultural recreational
needs: safe and smart.
For the school to become more
community oriented
To be innovative and reorganise
accordingly, and other agencies to
bring services into school.





To encourage students to remain in
school till Year 12
To meet long-term needs of the
community.

To focus on current community needs
To extend the use of all available
resources
To develop a holistic approach to
addressing the needs of the
community (Decker & Richardson
Boo 1996)
To develop partnerships between
school and communities
To meet the needs of all community
members regardless of age
Activities aimed at preventing
students from dropping out. Family
education support.









Early evaluation of project
Noted improvement in attitudes reflected in
higher attendance and higher levels of
participation
Less truancy
No graffiti or damage to school property
Increased interest in academic achievement
Dedicated teaching staff contributing to
excellent attendance.
This particular program centred on a visit to a
Brisbane school plus a return visit was
successful owing to the Community retaining
ownership
Program designer that catered for the
individual needs of the community (Schwab &
Sutherland 2001, p 14).
The governance of the community school is a
representative advisory council that is linked
with the city council and facilitates the
identification of needs and resource
development
Set goals and initiate evaluation (Decker &
Richardson Boo 1996.)
Models such as the Full Service Schools and community schools illustrate positive
environments and empower communities to engage across the strata of the institution.
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
7
Indigenous people are active in initiating, planning and implementing programs,
which take into account the cultural needs of the community. As a result, children at
both primary and secondary levels have engaged much more successfully with
learning. Much can be learned from these models for community capacity building
for NSW schools serving Indigenous communities.
Case studies
Table 5: Key Features of the Murri School
Type of Program

The Aboriginal and Islander
Independent Community School
and the Kulkathil Community
Skills Centre.
Key Features


Key features of the models of
educational programs fostering
community capacity building
Cultural and archival materials
relating to land. History, kinship
and culture.
Outcomes

Outcomes are targeted to the
context of the real world
experiences of Indigenous people
and communities. Much of the
success of the Centre, promoted as
being unique, is attributed to its
relocation with the Murri School.
Table 6: Key Features of the Murri School Social Justice
Type of Program

The Aboriginal and Islander
Independent School (The Murri
School) Acacia Ridge
Queensland.
Key Features




To promote the development of
Indigenous students as
independent people who are
culturally, morally and socially
responsible, employable
Capable of self-fulfilment and of
contributing to society
To get children (school ready) to
incorporate culturally appropriate
methods of teaching and culturally
appropriate subject matter
Elders are encouraged to join
classroom activities and share
stories with their students.
Outcomes


Students have made significant
achievement academically,
culturally and in sport
Children performed at a rate
5–10% higher than Indigenous
children in the mainstream school.
Researchers such as Schwab and Sutherland (2001) recommend flexible policy
program frameworks for Indigenous learning communities. These programs, it is
argued, need to be initiated by the local community and, although outside businesses
and agencies might be engaged to resource programs, they must make use of
resources within the communities and contribute to the further development of social
capital.
Many Australian schools servicing Indigenous communities have already made great
advances in working with parents and other community members. However, in many
cases, participation of Indigenous people in running the school is limited to service
positions such as Teaching Assistance. Non-Indigenous people generally hold
positions that require specialised, technical and administrative knowledge. This
situation has also been noted in the area of health (Tsey 1997). Even in Aboriginal
community-controlled health organisations, it is argued, Aboriginal people are at
middle stratum levels. Pearson (2000) argues that this middle-stratum level of
institutions, which possess the intellectual tools and perform qualified work, is
becoming more specialised, demanding increasingly high levels of education. There
is a danger that increasing Aboriginal participation at the lowest stratum will lead to
an even more stratified society with Aboriginal people being kept on the margins.
It is therefore necessary, according to Tsey (1997), to create positive environments
for Aboriginal children, the adults of tomorrow, to develop their potentials,
especially through effective primary and high school education.
These materials are provided for research purposes and may contain
opinions that are not shared by the Board of Studies NSW.
8
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10