„Asset-based welfare‟: The social policy corollary of the Anglo-liberal growth model? ______________________________________________ Premier séminaire Finance et protection sociale Sciences Po, Paris, 3-4th October 2012 Colin Hay, University of Sheffield, UK We live in a world in which familiar ideas and conventional orthodoxies have been challenged … Robert E. Lucas: “for all practical purposes … the central problem of recession prevention has been solved” (Address to the American Economic Association, 2003); The ‘Great Moderation’ Recast __________________________ 1. The end of debt-financed, consumer-driven growth? 2. … And the Anglo-liberal growth model which sustained it? 3. … And the „asset-based welfare‟ with which it came to be associated? 4. The period 1992-2007 recast – from the careful nurturing of growth to the inflation of a bubble economy – and the mortgaging of citizens‟ capacity to satisfy their future welfare needs on the indefinite inflation of the bubble? The ‘Anglo-liberal growth model’ ... and ‘asset-based welfare’ __________________________ • Anglo-liberal growth model – or privatised Keynesianism – in which citizens‟ access to debt (typically secured against rising property values) boosts aggregate demand in the absence of public pump-priming (traditional Keynesianism) – equity release fuels consumption; • Asset-based welfare – the encouragement (and facilitation through public policy) of the accumulation by citizens of appreciating assets (by deferring consumption or through a financialised model of saving-asinvestment) to provide for future welfare needs (a privatised insurance model); • Both rely on stable asset-price appreciation, easy access to credit and hence a low inflation-low interest rate equilibrium …. Good as long as it lasted …. Asset-based welfare … a public policy disposition __________________________ Much has (rightly) been made of the distinctiveness of Britain‟s turn to asset-based welfare, but there is a certain irony here …. ABW has facilitated welfare residualism but arguably it is also a manifestation of that residualism – for in substantive social/public policy terms its content is quite limited. It has but four key elements: 1. Child Trust Funds; 2. The Savings Gateway; 3. The promotion of financial literacy (inc. in schools as part of the NC); 4. The promotion of the responsible investor citizen as welfare provider. Child Trust Funds __________________________ • Announced in the 2001 Budget; first vouchers issued in January 2005; • Long-term private savings accounts for children (held by banks) – capitalised at birth, maturing at 18, with the child only then granted access to the fund; no end-use restrictions. • £250 initial payment by the state (£500 for children in low-income households); a further state payment when the child is 7; tax efficient parental contributions up to £1200 per annum. • Accounts opened by parents but owned by the child – a range of different types of investment account (bonds, equities etc.) carrying different risks. • Accompanied by a linked programme of financial education (within the National Curriculum). • Advertised (privately) in terms of providing capital for investment in human capital, assets (deposit for a house), or business start-ups. The significance of ‘asset-based welfare’ __________________________ 1. A privatisation and individuation of responsibility for meeting welfare needs; the burden shifts from the state (Beveridgean model) to citizens – state‟s role is to provide financial literacy and opportunity; 2. A new model of welfare provision – with assets traded in for welfare credits (access to higher education, residential care etc.) – consistent with growing welfare residualism in Anglo-liberal welfare states; 3. Analytically interesting since it provides evidence of an awareness (in the government & HM Treasury in particular) of the Anglo-liberal growth model (as a background set of assumptions making possible the transition to such a model of asset-based welfare). Why the need for asset-based welfare? __________________________ 1. A response to demographic change (notably, an aging population) made possible by Anglo-liberal growth and asset price appreciation; 2. Made necessary by (and facilitating of further) cumulative welfare residualism; 3. This is typically masked in the aggregate data but very clear since the mid 1980s in comparative indices of welfare generosity; 4. Worth looking (briefly) at that data ... 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0 1947 1950 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 UK Sw Bel 18 country mean Figure 1: Divergence in retrenchment: unemployment benefits as income replacement ratios, 1947-2000 Source: Hay and Wincott (2012); calculated from the SCIP database (https://dspace.it.su.se/dspace/handle/10102/7) Continental Mean Nordic mean 20 00 19 95 19 93 19 90 19 85 19 80 19 77 19 75 19 70 19 65 19 60 60 55 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 Liberal Mean Continental CV Nordic CV 20 00 19 95 19 93 19 90 19 85 19 80 19 77 19 75 19 70 19 65 19 60 1 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.1 0 Liberal CV Figure 2: Regime cluster means and coefficients of variation for unemployment benefits as income replacement ratios, 1960-2000 Source: Hay and Wincott (2012); calculated from the SCIP database (https://dspace.it.su.se/dspace/handle/10102/7) How dependent was asset-based welfare on Anglo-liberal growth? _______________________________ 1. ABW was, then, a mode of adaptation to demographic change in a context of cumulative welfare residualism aligned with Anglo-liberal growth; 2. This raises the interesting question of how much the iterative transition to ABW has been thwarted by the bubble burst, the credit crunch and global financial crisis; 3. To answer that we need to look in more detail at the Anglo-liberal growth model itself ... And how it came unstuck. Bubble burst: the UK experience I ______________________________ 1. Not simply a story of contagion – a „crisis‟ of the Anglo-liberal growth model, not (just) an American crisis. 2. Two distinct elements: (i) exogenous (contagion through exposure to the US housing market); (ii) endogenous (the puncturing of the low inflation-low interest equilibrium on which growth relied). 3. Contagion: (i) direct – UK financial institutions highly exposed to US MBSs; (ii) indirect – the reliance of the UK growth model on access to easy credit made it peculiarly exposed to the credit crunch which would inevitably follow a loss of confidence in the US housing market (and associated MBSs). 4. The size and systemic significance of the UK financial sector left the government with little option other than to underwrite it with public funds – the (temporary) re-nationalisation of privatised Keynenianism. Bubble burst: the UK experience II ______________________________ 1. Contagion can account for the constriction of the supply of credit that had been drip feeding the economy ... 2. But it cannot account for the timing of the bubble burst in the UK housing market. 3. By the onset of the credit crunch in the US, housing market transactions had already fallen by a quarter from their peak in late 2006. 4. This suggests the importance of endogenous factors – they aren‟t difficult to find. 200 6 180 5 160 140 4 120 100 3 80 2 60 40 1 20 0 0 2005Q2 2005Q4 2006Q2 2006Q4 2007Q2 2007Q4 2008Q2 2008Q4 2009Q2 Brent Crude $US Housing transactions Bank rate Figure 3: Interest rates, the price of oil and the UK housing market 220 200 1300 180 1100 160 140 900 120 700 100 80 500 number of transactions value of transactions 1500 60 300 2002 40 2003 2004 2005 value of housing transactions 2006 2007 2008 2009 number of housing transactions Figure 4: The value and volume of housing transactions, 2002-2010 Source: HM Revenue and Customs Annual Receipts (monthly values, 000s and £Ms) The transmission through the economy ______________________________ 1. Trend in the value of housing transactions followed that for volume with a c. 6 month time lag. 2. Having grown at 12 per cent p.a. since 1992, residential property prices were falling at 20 per cent p.a. by the end of 2008; worse still in the commercial property market. 3. Despite the widening lending spread, new credit was very difficult to secure; but there was little demand for it anyway. 4. A very significant transformation in personal fortunes was underway …. 220 200 1300 180 1100 160 140 900 120 November 700 2006 100 • Av. house price = £200k; 80 December 2008 500 • Av. earnings = £30k; 60 • Av. house price = £195k; • House price inflation = 11% p.a. • House300 price deflation = 19 % p.a. 40 • Wealth effect of HPI = ¾ of pre-tax • Loss of housing 124 %2005 of pre-2006 2007 2008 2009 2002 equity 2003 of2004 av. earnings tax earnings in a year • 2004-2006 - credit-based consumption number of housing transactions = 4-6% ofvalue GDPof housing transactions number of transactions value of transactions 1500 Figure 5: The value and volume of housing transactions, 2002-2010 Source: HM Revenue and Customs Annual Receipts (monthly values, 000s and £Ms) 6 4 2 0 -2 -4 1995 2000 House Price Inflation 2005 -6 2010 Output Growth (Y-on-Y Figure 6: Output growth and house price inflation, 1990-2010 Source: HM Pocket Book Data Series, various years Output growth House price inflation 25 20 15 10 5 0 -5 -10 -15 -20 -25 1990 The anatomy of a bubble burst: the UK case ______________________________ 1. UK economic woes were compounded by the credit crunch but were not caused by it. 2. By 2007, financial services contributed 10.8 per cent of GDP (cf. 5.5 per cent in 1986) (Tomlinson 2010: 71). 3. If the sector resumes the importance it had in 2000, GDP will be reduced by c. 2% (Weale 2009: 3); that is about the same value as the release of equity. 4. Together, they constitute a cavernous hole at the heart of the growth model – and this is before we consider the impact of the public sector recession that is now starting to unfold (though spending cuts have lagged fiscal measures). Responding to the crisis: before 2010 ______________________________ 1. The Brown government had a „good‟ recession – it acted swiftly, decisively and with some degree of innovation; the return to the language of Keynesianism owed much to Brown himself. 2. But this was a temporary bout of inter-paradigm borrowing intended to shore up the existing paradigm („foul weather Keynesianism‟). 4. Gamble: “politicians are still attempting to respond to the crisis within the intellectual frameworks that defined the orthodoxies of the past 20 years” (2009: 459) – as true today as then. Responses to the crisis: the Cameron-Clegg coalition ______________________________ 1. And what of the Coalition? No carriers of an alternative paradigm/growth model (as they were in 1979). 2. Yet this is, for them, a crisis – but a „debt crisis‟ not, primarily, a crisis of growth. 3. As yet they offer no alternative growth model, other than the idea that it must be based on savings (instead of debt), investment (instead of borrowing), net exports (instead of net imports), and a reduced dependence on financial services – Modell Deutschland? 4. And they largely disavow the kind of intervention to make any such transition. The impediments to growth … ______________________________ Three clear impediments to the resumption of growth in the UK in the years ahead. • The difficulty of making the transition to export-led growth; • The sensitivity of growth to interest rates and of interest rates to oil price trends driven by speculative dynamics; • The public sector recession still largely yet to come. Conclusions: the implications for Asset-based welfare ___________________ 1. On the one hand, the commitment to welfare residualism – arguably the principal motive force in the shift to ABW – is reinforced (through a debt crisis discourse and deficit reduction); 2. Yet an acknowledgement that the ALGM a busted flush – hence no strategy to re-secure the stable (predictable) asset-price appreciation that financialised welfare investors need; 3. The painful irony is that, through short-selling strategies, the financial market actors on whom the ABW investor subject is modelled are generating dividends – they never made their money out of asset accumulation; 4. The logic would suggest a rather different model of financialised welfare investment based on pure speculation!
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