ELSJ Spring Forum 2011
Shizuoka University
April 24, 2011
Conjunctive adverb too
(1)Kyoto is nice. Nara is
nice, too
• meaning of also
• felicitous only when it
follows another
sentence
• Kyoto is the
antecedent for Nara
Japanese additive particle mo
“too/also”
(4) #(Kyoto-wa
i-shi,)
Kyoto-TOP good-and
Nara-mo
ii.
Nara-also good
“Kyoto is good and so is
Nara.”
• Nara is contrasted with its
antecedent Kyoto
• Regular mo-sentences are
felicitous only when they
follow another sentence
Discourse-Initial Too and Epistemic Modality
Sumiyo Nishiguchi
Tokyo University of Science
Discourse-initial too
(2)It’s nice here, too.
• has not been discussed so
far
• appears discourse-initially
• uttered unexpectedly
without sounding
remotely peculiar
• no antecedent
• no contrastive focus
Japanese discourse-initial mo
``too/also”
(3)Yo-mo
fuke-ta.
night-also grow-PAST
Mo
neru-to
shi-yo.
already sleep-COMP do-let’s
“It’s late, indeed. It’s time to
go to bed.”
• There is no antecedent for yo
“night”
• Yo “night” is not particularly
contrasted with anything else
Numata (1986) attenuation
Teramura (1984) admiration
• No discussion about discourse-initial behavior of mo
Q: Why do discourse-initial too and mo “too” not require their antecedents?
Proposal: discourse-initial too is
• an epistemic necessity modal (epistemic must)
• an emphatic marker, similar to indeed or really.
• a sentential modal that associates with a whole proposition.
(5)[| too |] = lp<s, t>. lw.w’.[wRw’ -> p(w’) = 1]
(R: epistemic accessibility relation, w: possible world)
• In all the worlds epistemically accessible from the actual world to the
speaker, the proposition to which too is attached is true (Kratzer 1981).
• Speaker believes that the proposition holds true.
• The interpretation of (2) is true, if and only if the speaker believes that
the location s/he is in is nice.
Romero and Han (2004)
• Really and indeed are epistemic adverbs which express the speaker’s
evaluations.
(6) Nara is really good.
• (6) is true if Nara is good in any of the speaker’s belief world.
Given such a meaning, the sentential modal too should take higher scope
over the proposition
TP
It
T’
T
is
MODALP
Modal
too
<is>
PredP
PredP
AdvP
here
AP
nice
The syntactic structure of the expletive construction
• Too c-commands PredP in base position.
• Nice and here are assumed to be raised higher so that too is spelled out
in the lower position compared to them.
Conclusion: This paper presented an analysis of the novel use of too
from semantic and syntactic perspectives