Taxes in an independent Scotland Presentation prepared for conference: Economic aspects of constitutional change, Edinburgh September 19-20 2013 Stuart Adam and Paul Johnson © Institute for Fiscal Studies Outline • Tax revenues in Scotland • Principles for tax reform • The Scottish context • Tax raising options © Institute for Fiscal Studies Tax revenues • Onshore revenue in 2012 £47.8 bn (in 2013 prices) – £9,000 per resident – 37.1% of onshore GDP • With 8.4% of UK GDP Scotland contributed 8.2% of onshore revenue – In earlier years Scottish tax revenues were a higher proportion of GDP © Institute for Fiscal Studies Scottish and UK revenues as % onshore GDP 55% Scotland 50% UK 45% 40% 35% 30% 2011-12 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05 2003-04 2002-03 2001-02 2000-01 1999-00 1998-99 1997-98 1996-97 1995-06 1994-95 1993-04 1992-93 1991-92 1990-91 1989-90 1988-89 1987-88 1986-87 1985-86 1984-85 1983-84 1982-83 1981-82 1980-81 Source: Authors’ calculations using data from GERS 2011–12 and Historical Fiscal Balance Calculations from Scottish National Accounts Project (SNAP). © Institute for Fiscal Studies Tax revenues • Onshore revenue in 2012 £47.8 bn (in 2013 prices) – £9,000 per resident – 37.1% of onshore GDP • With 8.4% of UK GDP Scotland contributed 8.2% of onshore revenue – In earlier years Scottish tax revenues were a higher proportion of GDP • Revenue shares are similar – A bit more from CT, VAT, “sin taxes”, environmental taxes – A bit less from IT, CGT, IHT, council tax, SDLT © Institute for Fiscal Studies Composition of onshore revenue UK and Scotland 2011/12 100% Other receipts 90% Other indirect taxes % of Non-North Sea Revenue 80% VAT 70% 60% Property taxes 50% Capital taxes 40% Corporation tax 30% National Insurance contributions 20% 10% Income tax 0% Scotland © Institute for Fiscal Studies UK Tax revenues • Onshore revenue in 2012 £47.8 bn (in 2013 prices) – £9,000 per resident – 37.1% of onshore GDP • With 8.4% of UK GDP Scotland contributed 8.2% of onshore revenue – In earlier years Scottish tax revenues were a higher proportion of GDP • Revenue shares are similar – A bit more from CT, VAT, “sin taxes”, environmental taxes – A bit less from IT, CGT, IHT, council tax, SDLT • Though Scottish tax base is different – Fewer very high incomes – Less capital income © Institute for Fiscal Studies Population shares by income tax band Income tax band Scotland UK Non-taxpayers 39.5% 40.9% Basic ratea 53.7% 51.5% Higher rate 6.4% 7.0% Additional rate 0.3% 0.5% © Institute for Fiscal Studies North Sea Revenues • Have been hugely important – An make a big difference to overall fiscal balance • But also very volatile © Institute for Fiscal Studies North Sea oil revenues 50% 45% Scotland - Population Share of North Sea Oil 40% Scotland - Geographical Share of North Sea Oil 35% UK (100% of North Sea Oil) 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% 2011-12 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05 2003-04 2002-03 2001-02 2000-01 1999-00 1998-99 1997-98 1996-97 1995-96 1994-95 1993-94 1992-93 1991-92 1990-91 1989-90 1988-89 1987-88 1986-87 1985-86 1984-85 1983-84 1982-83 1981-82 1980-81 © Institute for Fiscal Studies Post independence • Scotland would have the opportunity greatly to improve its tax system • Little sign under devolution of whether it would take the opportunity – Freezes in council tax – Reform of SDLT – Some small reforms to Business Rates – No use of power to change income tax rates © Institute for Fiscal Studies What we have • Does not work as a system – Lack of joining up between income tax and NI – Personal and corporate taxes © Institute for Fiscal Studies What we have • Does not work as a system – Lack of joining up between income tax and NI – Personal and corporate taxes • Is not neutral where it should be – Inconsistent savings taxes with normal return often taxed – Corporate tax system that favours debt over equity © Institute for Fiscal Studies What we have • Does not work as a system – Lack of joining up between income tax and NI – Personal and corporate taxes • Is not neutral where it should be – Inconsistent savings taxes with normal return often taxed – Corporate tax system that favours debt over equity • Is not well designed where it should deviate from neutrality – A mass of different tax rates on carbon – Failure to price congestion properly © Institute for Fiscal Studies What we have • Does not work as a system – Lack of joining up between income tax and NI, – Personal and corporate taxes • Is not neutral where it should be – Inconsistent savings taxes with normal return often taxed – Corporate tax system that favours debt over equity • Is not well designed where it should deviate from neutrality – A mass of different tax rates on carbon – Failure to price congestion properly • Does not achieve progressivity efficiently – VAT zero rating a poor way to redistribute – Tax and benefit system damages work incentives more than need be © Institute for Fiscal Studies So lots of change would improve efficiency • Simplify direct tax system, integrate income tax and NI • Much broader VAT base • Reform taxation of savings (and pensions) • Single tax schedule for income from all sources • Consistent carbon price • Council tax levied at proportionate (not regressive) rate on up-todate values • Abolish stamp duty land tax • Congestion charging replacing much of petrol taxation • Replace business rates with land value tax © Institute for Fiscal Studies Personal tax issues for an independent Scotland • More equal income distribution – Fewer with very high incomes reduces role of higher rates in redistribution • Mobility between Scotland and rUK – Taxation of savings • Additional behavioural margin likely to increase taxable income elasticities © Institute for Fiscal Studies Corporate tax issues in an independent Scotland • Companies need to allocate profits between Scotland and rUK – Same set of transfer pricing issues we currently face but with new instance • Scope for tax competition with rUK – Proposals to reduce headline rate – Could move (or add) real activity or where profits are reported – Optimal rate for both Scotland and rUK lower with competition • Formula apportionment one option © Institute for Fiscal Studies Indirect taxes in an independent Scotland • Cross border trade zero rated for VAT – Increases administration costs – Opportunities for MTIC fraud • Exemptions create incentive for exempt bodies (e.g. financial services companies) to purchase inputs from lower rated country • Different rates could encourage cross-border shopping – 2% of total consumption in Denmark accounted for by crossing border to shop in Germany due to lower VAT rate – Scope for excise duties to be affected • Fuel duties should reflect externalities from driving – These are considerably less in (less crowded) Scotland than (more crowded) England © Institute for Fiscal Studies Property taxes in an independent Scotland • Land and property form a particularly suitable tax base for a small open economy • Scottish government already has control • They have frozen council tax since 2007 (and rates rose less quickly before 2007) – Undermining local tax base – And role of a property tax • Reformed SDLT – In a broadly sensible direction to end cliff edges – (note there are proportionately fewer very expensive properties) • Introduced cliff edges to business rates © Institute for Fiscal Studies If a Scottish government wanted to raise revenue Income tax and NI Increase basic rate 1% £365m Increase higher rate 1% £60m Reduce allowance £500 £280m Raise employee NI 1% £330m Raise employer NI 1% £360m Abolish NI UEL £465m © Institute for Fiscal Studies If a Scottish government wanted to raise revenue Income tax and NI Indirect taxes and council tax Increase basic rate 1% £365m 1p on main rate of VAT £430m Increase higher rate 1% £60m 1p on reduced and zero rates of VAT £200m Reduce allowance £500 £280m 10% on alcohol and tobacco duties £120m Raise employee NI 1% £330m 10% on road fuel £215m Raise employer NI 1% £360m 10% on council tax £175m Abolish NI UEL £465m Abolish single person discount £140m © Institute for Fiscal Studies Conclusions • Tax per head very similar to UK average – Though some differences between taxes • Narrower income distribution and fewer very rich has effect on tax base – And reduces optimal redistribution • Lots of opportunity to improve the tax system – And if a newly independent country can’t take the chance, who can? • But some constraints © Institute for Fiscal Studies
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