BELIEFS AND PRACTISES SURROUNDING POSTPARTUM
PERIOD AMONG MALAY WOMEN
Shariffah Suraya Syed Jamaludin
Section of Anthropology & Sociology
School of Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia
[email protected]
ABSTRACT
Postpartum period is recognized as a special time in many societies and are associated with special
rituals and customs in many cultures. During this time most societies view the mothers as vulnerable.
Therefore, women in many societies observed a series of postpartum practices which aimed to
protect mothers and the newborn babies. In Malay culture, postpartum period is strongly connected
to cultural beliefs and traditional practices. It included food restrictions and certain practices. The
common aim of these practices is to return the well-being and safety of mothers and children.
However, in this modern age, there are few practices that was changed and modified to suit the
context and needs of the new mothers. Taking an anthropological approach, this paper aim to
describe cultural beliefs and practices related to the postpartum period among the rural Malay
women in one of the traditional village in North of Perak, Malaysia. Whilst, looking into the changes
that have been made, without putting aside the importance and relevance of the postpartum
practices that has been followed over the generations. The result shows that cultural beliefs and
practices still greatly influenced majority of rural Malay women during the postpartum period.
However, it was found that cultural beliefs and practices on postpartum diet and practices, like any
other belief system, are subject to innovation, modification and rationalization. The rural Malay
women studied know what is best for them and avoid those practices that bring hazardous to them
and their babies.
Field of Research:
Postpartum beliefs and practices, rural Malay women, culture.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1. Introduction
Childbirth is one of the most important rites of passage in women’s life and the event of great
biological and social importance in many societies (Yeh, 2013; Naser et. al., 2012; Rice, 2000). This is
the period where women enter a new phase in her life after marriage. The postpartum period is
recognized as a special time in many societies and is associated with special rituals and customs in
many cultures (Manderson, 1981; Lundberg, 2011). People held a common belief that women and
infants were vulnerable during the postpartum period (Piperata, 2008). Therefore, women in many
societies observed a series of postpartum practiced which aimed to protect the mothers and
newborn babies. A review of the literature, revealed descriptions of postpartum practices in a wide
range of human societies in Asia (Laderman, 1987; Naser, et.al, 2012; Kaewsarn, Moyle & Creedy,
2003; Yeh, 2013; Sein, 2013, Lundberg, 2011), in Australia (Rice, 2000) and South America (Piperata,
B.A, 2008). In many societies, including Malaysian societies, postpartum care is influenced by both
traditional beliefs and contemporary healthcare practices (Yeh, 2013). Women are encouraged by
the Eastern tradition to follow a specific set of prescriptions and proscriptions to encourage an
optimal level of health for the mother (Kaewsarn, Moyle & Creedy, 2003).
The international literature also shows that in many countries majority of the new mothers adhered
to traditional postpartum beliefs and practices. Study done in Central Myanmar showed that
traditional beliefs and practices surrounding postpartum were highly prevalent among young
women. The intention of these practices are for the well being of both mothers and newborns.
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These belief and practices were imparted and perpetuated by women’s close social network (Sein,
2013). In Thailand, the postpartum Thai women follow a number of traditional practices in the
postpartum period, including the consumption of hot foods and fluids as well as other food.
Predominantly these practices reflected the traditional Chinese beliefs of ‘yin’ and ‘yang’ (cold and
hot) (Kaewsarn, Moyle and Creedy, 2003). The result from the study of Taiwanese postpartum
women (Yeh, 2013) showed that “doing the month” practices may still be widely observed in
Taiwanese society, and thus confirm the findings of similar studies that have been conducted in
Western countries that have substantial Chinese communities such as America, Scotland and
Australia (Cheung,1997; Chen, 2011). Study of Vietnamese women in Ho Chin Minh city showed that
they adhered to traditional postpartum beliefs and practices particulary the adherence to food
taboos aimed at restoring their health and protecting themselves and the babies from illness
(Lundberg, 2011). This is consistent with findings of studies of such beliefs and practices in Thailand
(Kaewsarn Moyle and Creedy, 2003).
The confinement period of Malaysian societies is around 30 to 44 days which involve the postpartum
ritual including the food taboos (Shariffah Suraya, 2013). During this time, most societies view
mothers as weak and vulnerable. Laderman (1984) found that Malay women observe a 44 days of
confinement period which is called “dalam pantang”. The most important in the postpartum
practices is the adherence to the food restriction (Piperata, 2008). Postpartum food restriction is
broadly defined as beliefs and taboos on food that was adhered during the postpartum period by the
new mothers which are socially constructed and shaped by the perceptions and practices of the
culture (Piperata, 2008; Yeh, 2013). It was found that certain foods are avoided and even forbidden
during the postpartum period (Manderson, 1981; Laderman, 1984; Shariffah Suraya, 2013).
Postpartum mothers are advised to eat hot foods and avoid the cold food. Postpartum practices
which focuses on taboos and the rationality of food avoidance during the confinement, when
women’s energy and protein needs are higher has been researched (Naser, 2011; Sein, 2013;
Piperata, 2008; Lundberg, 2009; Manderson, 1981; Laderman, 1984 ). Apart from the adherence to
the food restrictions, the confinement practice also put restrictions on women’s movements.
Women are said to be in the state of imbalance, which may result in weakness and vulnerability.
Therefore, they are advised to follow a particular confinement practices. Literature shows that
sexual intercourse during post partum was believed to cause reverse flow of postpartum blood
(lochia) and endangers life (Sein, 2013). Apart from that, women after birth also were asked to avoid
the exposure to wind and cold and avoided performing strenuous household chores (Rice, 2000).
2. Humoral Theory (Concept of hot and cold)
Humoral theory is probably the most widely influential belief system in the world (Manderson, 1981;
Laderman, 1987). According to Laderman (1987) the roots of these beliefs can be traced back to the
ancient belief systems, which emphasise maintaining a balance of opposing forces to promote
health. The hot-cold classification system common to many parts of Asia and Latin America is
assumed to derive from the classical humoral theories of Hippocrates and Galen. According to these
beliefs, the body is composed of four elements (earth, fire, air and water) corresponding to four
humors (black bile, yellow bile, blood and phlegm).
Humoral theory prescribes a balance between hot and cold for the maintenance of good health. Hot
food are favoured over cold during the post partum period. Health is maintained through
equilibrium. Overindulgence in a particular food may cause an imbalance of hot or cold and lead to
illness. In Malaysia the hot-cold classifications are used widely by all three major ethnic groups (
Malays, Chinese, Indians). Malays, Chinese and Indian cultures recognize the influence of the
concept of ‘heat’and ‘cold’ (Rice, 2000). The hot-cold classification of food, as observed by all ethnic
communities in Malaysia relates not to the temperature of the food nor necessarily to its spiciness
or its raw or cooked state, but to its reputated effect of the food on the body.
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Humoral medicine also occurs with some variation in the Ayurvedic traditional medicine (wind, gall,
mucous). During the postpartum period, most people believe that mothers is in the “cold’ state as
they have loss of hot blood during the delivery. Indian women take hot food and drinks, such as
garlic, coffee and spicy dishes of chili, coriander and fish. They also avoid cold foods including most
fruits and vegetables (Manderson, 1981; Choudhry, 1997). There is also certain remarkable
similarities between the classical humoral theory and Chinese medicine. According to the Chinese
traditional medicine, the body has two vital life forces (chi’i) of opposing qualities of yin and yang
and is subject to the laws of the five elements (earth, fire, water, wood, metal). Chinese women’s
dietary practices include the consumption of ‘hot’ foods, such as eggs, sugar, fish, poultry and
avoidance of cold water and fresh fruits (Cheung, 2002). Therefore, the cold food like certain
varieties of fish and certain fruits and vegetables are removed from the diet of a new mother.
In Malay culture, certain foods are avoided or even forbidden during the postpartum period
following the humoral theory. In common with people from the other part of the world, Malays
believe that some food is regarded as ‘hot and cold’. During the postpartum period, the Malays
believe that mother is in the “cold” state as they have loss of “hot’ blood during the delivery.
Therefore, the cold food like certain varieties of fish and certain fruits and vegetables are removed
from the diet of a new mother (Manderson, 1981; Laderman, 1987).
3. Research Objectives
This study intends to examine the postpartum beliefs and practices among the rural Malay women
and at the same time identify the changes in postpartum diets and traditional practices of rural
Malay women.
4. Research design
4.1.
Sample and data collection method
The data presented in this paper were collected as a part of the study on the healthcare of Malay
women in one of the traditional village in North of Perak. The data were collected over the 8 months
of my stay in the community. A total of 55 women who have experience in giving birth were
interviewed. In depth interviews with the Malay women were used to gather information on the
cultural ideas surrounding the practice of postpartum and the classification of the restricted foods
during the confinement period.
Participant observation and in depth interviews were used to collect contextual data on the practice
of postpartum diet. Data were collected on their actual behavior by visiting the new mothers and
their babies at home and those of others in the household (documenting advice from the elders;
mom, grandmothers). Informal interviews were conducted with the key informants (midwives in the
village). Each interview was tape recorded. The considerable time I spent living with the
communities provided plentiful opportunities to observe and talk with the community members
about their lives and beliefs. I also attended a number of ceremonies and participated in village
activities such as attending the ceremonies for the newborn babies. In order to gather information
on the food taboos, the participants were asked to list down all the food they take in the diet. I also
recorded information on why certain foods were classified as taboo or restricted during the
postpartum period.
A thematic analysis approach was used to derive patterns in the women’s responses. Recordings of
interviews were transcribed for detailed analysis. The transcripts were examined on the women’s
explanations related to the concept concerned. From these, several themes emerged. Verbatim
quotations are used to illustrate responses on relevant themes.
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5. Finding & Discussion
5.1.
Adherence to the food restrictions
In the Malay tradition, the first 44 days after birth is seen as the most dangerous period for a new
mother. During this period, a woman is seen as vulnerable to all sorts of illnesses and misfortune.
Therefore, a woman must confine herself and observe several prescribed treatments and practices.
Food restrictions were observed by the majority of the rural Malay women studied. The main reason
for food avoidance is for the wellbeing of the newborns and their mothers.
Mothers in postpartum period are considered cold. Malays believe that the process of delivery,
which depletes a mother’s body of blood, puts her into a cold state for 40 days of the postpartum
period. During this time, her body balance must be restored by the addition of heat internally and
externally. The majority of the women interviewed believed that they should eat large quantities of
food during the postpartum period. During this period they were weak, and food would help to
rebuild their strength, promote their recovery and improve their breast feeding. However, all
women put restrictions on what type of food they could eat. They consumed hot or warm food and
avoided cold for forty four days to restore their balance. New mothers were asked to eat food
considered hot and avoid those considered cold. The foods that were most commonly classified as
taboo were vegetables, fruits and certain fish. Meat and fish were regarded as hot and were thought
to enrich the blood, help recovery, encourage expulsion of the lochia and stimulate lactation. One
woman who delivered her first baby said:
My mother asked me to eat hot food so that the blood will flow properly. First day
after the delivery, I was given hot rice and fish cooked with ginger and black pepper
to warm my body. If I eat cold food after birth, my blood would clog. I would be
unhealthy and sick all the time.
The majority of the respondents indicated that the dietary prohibitions play a central role in the
practice of postpartum period. Most of them classified food into two broad categories; ‘hot and
cold’. In addition to the hot and cold classification of food, Malaysians also distinguished certain
foods as gas-inducing, itch-inducing, acidic and poisonous. Malay women in my study believed that
some foods, particularly certain varieties of fish and vegetables, can cause digestive disorders and
postpartum hemorrhage for the new mothers. Therefore these foods are often removed from the
diet of a new mother.
Vegetables have always been classified as cold. They include various tubers (potato, cassava), beans
and shoots. Although most vegetables and fruits were considered cold, there were certain
vegetables such as leaf mustard and pennywort leaf that can be consumed by the new mothers. The
hot foods like ginger and black pepper were eaten by the confined mother. Gingers are believed to
warm the body; it was boiled with water to produce a hot drink suitable for the postpartum women.
Varieties of herbal mixtures were classified as hot and are believed to be healthy. The composition
of these preparations such as herbal concoctions (akar kayu, rempah ratus) was given to the
confined mother to help restore her energy.
In the case of Ina, a primary school teacher (25 years old) who gave birth to her first child; she was
taken care of by her mother during the confinement period. Her mother, is known for her diligence
and practice of abstinence and traditional rules; she had given birth to 10 children but still looked
healthy and vibrant. Shortly after giving birth, Ina was given a tamarind juice mixed together with
turmeric, brown sugar and ginger that works to remove all dirty blood remaining in the uterus. In
addition, she was also given a drink of medicine cooked in pot (ubat periuk) consisting of a variety of
plants, such as Kacip Fatimah (Labisia pothionina), Rhodedendron (Melastoma malabathricum),
elephant root litter (Goniothalamus scortechinii), medang twilight (Cinnamomum inners) and
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mengkunyit root (Fibraurea chloroleuca), that functions to refresh the muscles, cleanse the blood
and remove blood clots. In addition, drinking a pot medicine is said to help avoid postpartum
depressions.
Food eaten by Ina during the confinement period is categorized as hot food. Women after child
birth, are forbidden from eating most of the cold foods because it can cause the womb to be swollen
and watery. Similarly, acidic foods such as pineapples, mangoes and vinegar may cause slow
recovery of the uterine and difficulty for the womb to regain its original size. Finally, gas-inducing
food such as fern shoots, corn, cassava, sweet potatoes and pumpkins may cause relapse and
hemorrhage. Food like bean sprouts, most fruits and all kinds of noodles, as well as cold drinks like
coconut water were not eaten and drunk; instead they were replaced with lush hot foods, such as
non-venomous fish, meat, pepper, ginger, honey and salads (ulam – ulaman) consisting of turmeric,
cemumak shoots, ulam raja, pennywort shoots, lemuni leaf, papaya leaf and kaduk leaf. These foods
provide nourishment that can help accelerate the drying and proper healing of women's vaginal
stitches. In addition, Ina was also fed with anchovies and yellowtail scad fish cooked with black
pepper to warm her body. Anchovies are a great source of protein, low in calories and high in omega
3 fatty acids. It is also an excellent source of calcium. Besides that, Ina was fed with snakehead fish
which is believed to accelerate the healing of wounds internally and externally. Snakehead fish is
high in protein (albumin), thus speeding up the wound healing process. This snakehead fish was used
to make soup or baked with black pepper. In the earlier weeks of birth it is best to eat foods that are
dry to help shrink the uterus. Spicy foods, oily and fatty foods should be avoided. Similarly, icy drinks
should be avoided because it can cause the veins and womb to become swollen.
The intention of these practices is for the wellbeing of both mothers and the new-borns. Postpartum
beliefs and practices are handed down from generation to generation. The interviews also revealed
that the taboo status of food was not unanimous. They said that despite general guidelines, each
person follows rules slightly different from the other and what is taboo for one person may not be
for another. Great precaution is taken with the first child; anything a woman eats that does not
make her sick or impedes her or her baby’s healing is considered safe to be eaten in the subsequent
postpartum periods. This statement was supported with a few cases of some of the Malay women
interviewed. One of the women said;
“My mother asked me to try a small amount of a variety of food when I
delivered my first baby. If I feel fine and do not make my baby sick, I can
continue eating the food moderately” .
Malays are said to undervalue many kinds of food, owing to mistaken dietary conceptions and
removing foods from diet because of taboos when physiologically they are the most needed.
However, the food ideology of the rural Malay women is different compared to the behavior
encountered. In reality, the postpartum women eat a lot of sources of protein. The fish that are
allowed during this period are the most common and least expensive species and also among the
fattiest and richest in omega oil.
Therefore, although the list of prohibited foods during the postpartum period is long and alarming,
in practice, the postpartum mothers still enjoy a lot of food that are rich in protein. According to the
humoral system, hot foods are favoured over cold during the postpartum period. However, the
humoral system as interpreted by the Malay women in my study did not have hard and fast rules.
Not all fruits and vegetables fall under the cold category. A number of them are considered
moderate (neither cold nor hot) and some are even hot.
Without compromising their cultural beliefs and ideological integrity, women who thought
themselves to be strictly following the postpartum food restrictions were actually eating as much as
they wanted of rice, fish (dried and wet), crackers, cakes, spices, varieties of wild vegetables (ulamProceeding of the Social Sciences Research ICSSR 2014 (e-ISBN 978-967-11768-7-0). 9-10 June 2014,
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ulaman), milk and eggs. Eggs were usually mixed with honey and eaten every morning. It is
considered good for women who just gave birth. Women in this study practice flexibility; foods
which are good and do not affect their health negatively were consumed generously.
5.2.
Confinement Practices
The nature of confinement practices varies considerably across cultures but all have restrictions on
women’s movement. Behavioral restrictions were performed to protect their current health during
postpartum and future health at old age. In Malay society, new mothers usually undergo their
confinement practices in their mother’s house. This practice can still be seen in the village. The new
mothers will observe the postpartum practice for at least 40 to 44 days. Traditional postpartum
practices give the new mothers a chance to rest and recovering from the trauma of pregnancy and
delivering. According to the rural Malay women interviewed, women in the confinement are advised
to rest as much as possible and should abided sexual abstinence during the postpartum period.
Sexual intercourse during postpartum was believed to cause reverse flow of postpartum blood
(lochia) and endangers life. Some gave reasons of afraid of pregnancy, wound gaping, injury to the
uterus, heavy blood flow and intestinal prolapsed is the underlying reasons for abstinence. On the
first three days after delivery, new mothers will be given massage by the traditional midwife. The
massage purpose is to relieve stomach’s cramps, loosen tense muscles and overcome fatigue.
Besides that, massage also hastens the shrinkage of enlarged uterus, flattens the abdomen and trims
the body back to its pre-pregnancy figure. This is still continues to be practice until today. Women
were also asked to wrap the abdomen by clothes to bring the women’s abdomen back to normal
shape. Traditionally, a woman may use a piece of long cloth to bind her abdomen in order to keep it
flat. Nowadays, women can purchase a ready-made binder which is believed to be easier to bind the
abdomen with.
Apart from that, women in confinement also avoid the exposure to wind and cold. Malay women
wear stockings and warm clothes to avoid the wind. Malay women also avoided strenuous
household chores performing hard tasks such as fetching water and lifting heavy weights. They
believed that these could lead to heavy bleeding and prolapsed uterus. Besides, women were
protected from having shock and emotional stress with the intention of preventing cessation of
lactation. Malay confinement practices are focused on reversing the cold state, which a woman
enters at childbirth. Malay women also taking herbal bath to strengthen their body and improve
their blood circulation.
6. Discussion
The findings show that the Malay women studied adhered to traditional postpartum diet and
postpartum practices aimed at restoring their health and protecting themselves and their babies
from illness. Avoidances of certain foods, sex, cold exposure, and strenuous tasks were put into
practice among the respondents. This is consistent with the findings of studies of such beliefs and
practices (Piperata, 2008; Sein, 2013). In this rural Malay community, people held a common belief
that women and infants are vulnerable during the immediate postpartum period. All women studied
reported of observing the postpartum diet and postpartum practices after childbirth. Many of the
practices are beneficial to the mothers’ and babies’ health and well-being. Adherence to the
prescribed food was very high. The practices had been handed down to the women by those close to
them (others, grand others, mother in laws). The intention of these food restrictions are for the
wellbeing of the mothers and their newborns. Malays believe that the greatest threat to a new
mother’s health is the danger of postpartum hemorrhage. They avoid this by avoiding a number of
foods which they believe can cause digestive disorders and uterine hemorrhage.
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Malay postpartum dietary rules incorporate a well-developed humoral classified system. Sources of
animal protein, including milk and eggs are hot. Cold food like juicy or sour fruits, vegetables plants
such as okra, astringent plants, vines, creepers and climbers are avoided. Foods classified as cold in
general will not be eaten until the new mother has been ritually released from the postpartum
period. Besides hot and cold foods, Malay mothers avoid a number of foods, because they are acidic,
gas-inducing, itch-inducing and affecting the new mothers in a negative way. However, based on the
interviews with majority of the women in the village, it was found out that the postpartum
prescriptions are not absolute, but acts only as guideposts for behavior. The only way to know one’s
susceptibility to food is to try small amounts from a wide variety of foods (including cold, acidic, itchinducing and gas-inducing foods). If they don’t experience any negative effects after consuming the
foods during their first postpartum period, they may eat a full diet after each subsequent delivery.
Perceiving the way the rural Malay women view their own humoral balance and their reactions to
the restricted foods during the postpartum period can explain much of the variation in adherence to
confinement found among contemporary rural Malays. Although they still hold their food ideology
integrity, they are more flexible in deciding the kind of foods that they can consume and those that
they can’t. This may be due to the recent phenomenon arising from the modernization and exposure
to scientific medicine; the rural Malay women studied are more open. They consume foods that can
increase their energy and do not jeopardize their health.
The practice of Malay women to rest as much as possible by avoiding strenuous tasks, cold exposure
and abided sexual abstinence during the postpartum period, is needed as it helps for the body
recovery. The intentions of these practices are for the well-being of both mother and newborn in
recent as well as the later years of life. This finding is consistent with other international studies
(Kaewsarn and Creedy, 2003; Piperata, 2008; Sein, 2013).
7. Conclusion and Future Recommendation
The aim of this study was to provide a more holistic perspective of the postpartum practices of
rural Malay women in Perak and consider the impact of the modernization and social change on
these practices. To achieve this goal, this paper incorporates an emic perspective, which allows for a
fuller understanding of why people adhere to such practices, compiled with systematic observations
of the actual practices during the confinement period. During the postpartum period, these women
observed food restrictions (taboo). Food considered as taboo were indeed avoided. However, the
taboo food made little contribution to the diet as a whole, as there is a lot of other food that was
taken by the women in their daily meals.
Food ideology like any other portion of a belief system is subject to innovation, interpretation and
rationalization. Although women in this study observed the postpartum food restrictions, however,
they did not rigidly follow traditional dietary rules, and seem more flexible with taking food that are
in line with the food pyramid and did not give any negative effects to their health. Even though they
were said to not consider vegetables as necessary and a part of the meal, in reality, the new mothers
were eating large quantities of cultivated vegetables (ulam-ulaman and certain vegetables) that
formed a significant part of their diet. Malay women also continues to follow certain restricted
actions during their postpartum practices by avoiding strenuous tasks, cold exposure and abided
sexual abstinence during the postpartum period. This behavior restrictions are important as it helps
the body recovery. The intentions of these practices are for the well-being of both mother and
newborn in recent as well as the later years of life.
The results of this study would help give inputs for policy makers and health service providers to
provide culturally sensitive health-care interventions and gaining better cooperation and mutual
understanding in given health care. Health care professionals need to give appropriate information
especially on food consumption during the postpartum period to the new mothers and their families
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while paying attention to their cultural beliefs and practices. These demands make it imperative that
appropriate knowledge about cultural values are included in the education of midwives, nurses and
other health care professionals to increase their cultural awareness and their possibilities to provide
culturally congruent care.
Acknowledgement
This paper is under the short term grant of the Universiti Sains Malaysia.
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