259
RACIAL SEGREGATION BY PROFESSIONAL FOOTBALL POSITIONS.
1960-1985
John J. Schneider
University of SoL<thern California
U. Stanley Eitzen
Colorado State University
SSR, Volume 70, No.4, July, 1986
This paper offers evidence that professional
football is highly segregated by position. with
blacks .fmmd disproportionately in non·ce,,:ral
roles. Moreover. 1985 data indicate no decline in
this general pattern, taking into account certain
changes in football strategy during that period.
This adds to an existing literature on race discrimination in sports (for summaries, see Eitzen
and Sage, 1986, Lapchick,l984). In terms of
football, such patterns in positioning players by
race is called "stacking" (after Loy and
McElvogue, 1970; see also review in Schneider
and Eitzen, 1979).
The basic assumption of stacking is that
blacks are placed in those positions which have
less reponsibility and "centrality." Because of the
nature of football, more central positions in a
physical sense (that is, in the center of the formation of players) are also more central in a
f:gu.rative sense .. The positiOns of center, quarterback, and both offensive guards fill this role:
... these posi~ions have a better perspective on the total
field o! activity .... (Edwards, 1973:209)
Quarterback, eenter, and offensive guard: "That tight little
duster Of men ... [is as lily white a.s the Alabama state police. 'It's not very complicated to figure out,' aays a white
l'i.F.L. player. 'The play starts right in that duster. The
center h:u to get the ball off on exadly the right count and
then cover his man. The two offensive guards have to know
how to stand f.ut and block to one side or the other, and
th~y have to know how to pull the hell out of there and
lead the play around an end, and they have to know how
to head fake and shoulder fake and everything else, bee J,use the otha team is watching them and the center to
try to figure out where the play'.s going. Those three guys
and the quarterback are it. It doesn't mean a damn what
the other seven players do; if anybody in that tight little
cluster screws up, that's it. The play is dead. Now how can
white coa.ches with all their built-in prejudices about the
Negro, ~sign positions like that to bl:..ck men'?'" (Olsen,
1968, p. 31)
•
Such positions involve more decision-making
and leadership, which might explain why blacks
are often excluded from them, according to past
studies. Although some may argue that this reflects self-selection, in fact black high schools
and colleges have long had their own quarterbacks, guards and centers. When these individuals move to professional football, they tend to
be relegated to non-central positions, according
to several of the studies already cited. In particular, a growing list of black quarterbacks have
lost centrality when they became professional
football players. For example, Warren Moon was
a stellar college quarterback, and led the University of Washington to a 1977 Rose Bowl victory. He was not given a chance to play quarterback in the National Football League, and
had to play that position in the Canadian Football League. After leading the Edmonton Eskimos to five straight Gray Cup championships, he
finally got a chance to be quarterback for the
Houston Oilers.
This paper adds new data from the 1985 season and assesses whether racial stacking in football has changed since 1960. The paper also
serves to document changes in the structure of
the game that have facilitated the shift of professional football from a predominantly white
to a predominantly black sport.
Table I shows the proportion of blacks at
each position in professional football for 1960,
1975, and 1985. These data clearly show increased stacking in professional football, despite
the increased numbers of blacks overall. Moreover, and this is the thesis of this paper, the
structure of professional football has changed in
recent years, directly and indirectly perpetuating the stacking phenomenon.
The Changing Structure of Professional Football. Although the forward pass has long been
an important offensive weapon in professional
football, its importance has become even more
pronounced recently. After the 1977 season and
in subsequent years a number of rules were enacted or changed to open up passing attacks.
One rule moved the hashmarks inward, giving
passers the opportunity to attack more effectively either the right or left side on every
down. In effect, passers now have more space
than before in which to direct their attack. Two
new rules neutralized the effect of defensive
linemen rushing the passer. A major weapon of
defensive linemen was taken away by the prohibition of the head slap. But more important,
new pass block rules allowed offensive linemen
freer use of their hands and arms. As one defensive player said, "It's not football anymore. They
tackle you, they throw their arms out, the game
has been ruined for the sake of passing. All the
rules are on their side." (quoted in Zimmerman,
1984: 47). Another major change reduced the effectiveness of pass defenders by limiting them
to bump potential pass receivers only once and
then within the first five yards beyond the line
of scrimmage. Under the previous rule, defensive backs were allowed to bump pass receivers
anywhere on the field as long as the ball had
not been released by the quarte.rback. As Table
2 shows, these rules have resulted in an increase
in passing efficiency.
The consequences of these rule changes for the
offense. Most teams have, as a consequence of
the post-1977 rule changes, emphasized the passing game. There is more pressure than ever on
the quarterback. In the past the quarterback did
some passing, handed the ball off to the runners, and exhibited leadership. Now he does all
these things, with an added emphasis on passing
effectiveness, and the ability to read ever more
complex defenses.
260
This emphasis on passing should work to increase racial stacking for offensive positions.
Quarterbacks must be especially reliable. So too
must be his primary protectors, the offe~sivd
center, guards, and tackles. The emergence of
the passing game over the past few years also
place.o greater emphasis on the "good hands •
quickness, and reactive moves of the "black" p~­
sitions of running backs (who have now also become primary receivers as well as runners) and
pa.ss receivers.
So, we expect that racial stacking on the offensive unit in 1985 will be greater than in
1975. Moreover, since offensive positions are
more control-oriented and less reactive, we expect whites to be disproportionately found in
offensive positions and blacks in defensive positions.
The consequences of these rule changes for the
defense. To offset the advantages given the offenses, defenses have had to adapt. When running was the preferred offensive strategy, defenses were employed primarily to stop the run
using the 4-3 alignment (four "down linemen,"
one
middle
linebacker, and
two outside
linebackers). This formation dominated defenses
from the early 1950s through the late 1970s. In
response to the new emphasis on passing, more
and more teams have shifted to a 3-4 defense
(three "down linemen," two inside linebackers,
and two outside linebackers). Whereas the 4-3
alignment was designed for containment, the 3-4
was made more for attacking (rushing one of
the linebackers), and pass defending with the
outside linebackers having primary pass coverage responsibilities. Not surprisingly, then, by
1981, twenty-three of the twenty-eight teams
hpd changed from a 4-3 to a 3-4 alignment.
/
Because of the change in structure of de. fenses caused by the emergence of the passing
game, a reversal in the racial composition for
one of the "central" or "control" positions on de1 fense--the position of linebacker--is predicted.
"
Therefore, in 1985 the proportion of blacks
in pro football is evidently higher than the proportion of whites because the positions necessitating speed, quickness, "good hands," and
"instinct" have become more important as the
·passing game has evoked change in defenses.
The Findings. Table I presented the proportion of black football players by position in
1960, 1975, and 1985 respectively. The initial
finding of this study is that in 1985, blacks
have become the numerical majority increasing
from 41.6 percent in 1975 to 51.3 percent in
1985. Consequently, a major hypothesis of this
paper is supported. From !975 to 1985, professional football has become a predominantly
black sport.
But perhaps more importantly, all but one
predicted change in the proportion of blacks or
whites by position has occurred. Among the
findings are that: (I) the proportion of white
quarterbacks has increased (95.5 percent to 97.1
percent); (2) the proportion of white offc __ ,·.e
linemen has increased (76.0 percent to 89.3 percent); (3) the proportion of black running backs
has dramatically increased (65.2 percent to 86.4
percent); and (4) the proportion of black wide
receivers has increased (55.3 percent to 61.5 percent).
Most important, the racial segregation related
to "centrality" remains intact for offensive positions. The positions requiring leadership and
thinking ability have become even more "white"
and the positions necessitating speed, quickness,
and "instinct" have become even more "black."
Also as hypothesized, whites are more likely
to be found on offense while blacks are more
likely to be found on defense. Table 3 shows
that over 60 perent of the players on offense
were white in both 1975 and 1985, while over 66
percent of defensive players were black in 1985.
For defense, the !975 to 1985 comparison of
the racial distribution for each position shows
that the stacking pattern occurs as found in
earlier studies but with one interesting difference. Previous research has found consistently
that linebacker is a "white" position. This is particularly true for middle linebackers because
they typically captain the defense, thus exhibiting leadership and thinking ability. But in ··,e
past ten years, as a consequence of the hei_
ened emphasis on passing and the shift to a 3-4
defense, the linebacker position in the aggregate
has become a "black" position--57.4 percent of
linebackers were black in 1985 compared to on! v
26 percent in 1975. This finding, however, doe's
not negate the existence of racial stacking at the
linebacker position. When linebackers are classified as either "outside" or "inside," we find that
71.2 percent of all outside linebackers are black
and 60.5 percent of all inside linebackers are
white.
This clearly reflects the differing responsibilities of these two types of linebackers. Outside linebackers must have the physical attributes of speed, strength, and quick reactions,
similar to defensive backs. Inside linebackers, on
the other hand, are expected to have more leadership and savvy. (This propensity to assume
thinking and leadership skills for whites and
physical skills for blacks is seen in the racial
composition of linebackers for the five teams
(Atlanta, Chicago, Dallas, St. Louis, and Washington) that continue to play a predominantly 43 defense. For those teams, seven of the ten (70
percent) players listed as middle linebackers are
white while twelve of the nineteen (63.2 percent) listed as outside linebackers are black.)
These findings show that while the position of
linebacker has become disproportionately black,
white linebackers still tend to occupy the po-·
tions requiring leadership and thinking abi!;t,
the middle linebacker(s).
Summary. The continuity of racial segregation by position in professional football from
1960 to !985 is documented in this study. Con-
---------------------~-~-~-~--
261
trary to what one might expect, we found that
the sport has become even more racist particularly in the past ten years, as evidenc~d by the
greater disparity of whites and blacks at
"central" and "non-central" positions.
The unique contribution of this study involves the change in the structure of the profes·
sional game and its influence on "segregation by
position." In effect, rule changes intended to
make football more exciting by encouraging the
passing game have had the latent consequence of
perpetuating racial stacking.
Yetman, Nonnan R. and D. Stanley Eihen. 1972. "Black Americans in Sports: Unequal Opportunity for Equal Ability." Civil
Ril{hta Digut, S, August, pp. 20-34.
Zimmerman, Paul. 1984. The New Thinking Man's Guide to Pro
Football. New YL -1.:: Simon and Schuster-.
Manuscript was received December 30. 1985
and reviewed January 9, 1986.
REFERENCES
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Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice~Hall. p. 287.
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Analysis of 'Stacking' in Profesaional FootbalL Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 10, pp. 97-113.
Blalock, H.M., Jr. 1962. "Occupational Discrimination: Some Theoretical Pr-oposition•." Social Problema, 9 Winter, 240-247.
Dubois, Paul E. 1914. "Sport, Mobility, and the Black Athlete."
Sport Sociology Bulletin, 3 (Fa!! 1914), pp. 40-61.
Edwards, Harry. 1973. Sociology of Sport. Homewood, Il!inois:
TI-le- "J.J" ol
Don~y.
D. Stan!~y and Norman R. Y~tman. 1977. ~Immun~ from
Racb;m?" Civil Rights Dig~st, 9, Wint~r, pp. 2-13.
Eitt~n, D. Stanley and David C. Sanford. 1975. "The Segregation
of Blacks by Playing Position in Football: Accident or De·
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Schn~ider, John J. and D. Stanley Eitzen. 1979. "Racial Discrimination in American Sport: Continuity or Change?~ Journ:..l or
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Scully, Gerald W. 1974 ... Discrimination: The Case oC Basebail."
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Washington, D.C.: The Bookings Institution. pp. 221-273.
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Table 1: Percentage of Slack Professional Football
Players, by Position: 1960,
1975, 1985.
Playing Position
Ki eker /P~Z~ter
Cuarterbaelr..
Offensive Line
I. inebacker
Defensive Front Four
Receiver
Running Back.
Defensive Bad
Totals
1960.
X Black
1975b
X Black
1985c
X Black
0
0
14.1
4.2
15.4
2.2
17.5
27.5
1.3
3.5
24.0
26.0
47.6
55.3
65.2
67.3
3.4
2.9
10.8
57.4
54.0
61.5
86.4
84.5
13.5d(27)
41.6d(620)
51.3d(647)
a Adapted from B~owe~ (1972}. These
published annually by each team.
da~a
were obtained from the media guides
b Taken from Eitzen and Yetman (1977}. These data are from the 1975 Football
Register, by The Sporting News.
c These data were obtained from the official rosters of the 28 National
Footba t l league teams at the beginning of the 1985 season.
d This percentage provides the dividing line for establishing whether blacks
are over-represented or unde~·represented at a given position far the year in
question.
Table 2: Passing and Rushing Statistics in Professional Football for Selected
Years
Year
Average Rushing
Yardage Per Game
Average Passing
Yardage Per Came
Oi fference in
Pass vs. Rush
1975a
1980a
1985a
145.5
127.5
124.9
183.0
196.0
204.5
+35.5
+68.5
Pereentage of
Total Yards from
Passing
+79.6
55.7
60.6
62.1
a In the 1975 season there were 26 teams playing a 14 game schedule. tn 1980
and 1985 there were 28 teams playing a 16 game sehedule.
Souree: Neft, Cohen, and Deutsch (1982); and U.S.A. Today (Oecerrber 26, 1985),
p. 5C.
Table 3: The Distribution of W'hites on Offense ard Blades on Defense, 1975 and
1985.
OFFHISE
Position
k'i elcer /P1.11ter
Cuarterbaek.
Offensive line
Receiver
Running Sack
Totals
Position
l i nebaekers
Defensive line
Defensive Backs
Totals
1975
Pereent White
1985
Percent Vhite
98.7
95.5
76.0
44.7
34.8
62.4(542)
1975
Pereent Black
26.0
47.6
67.3
47.3(294)
96.6
97.1
89.3
38.5
13.6
61.1(417)
OEFENSE
1985
Percent Black
57.4
54.0
84.5
66.1(382)