Social Inclusion
e-Journal published by
Social Inclusion Research Fund
From the Editorial Team
Dear all,
We are pleased to present you the October issue of Social Inclusion, our quarterly e-journal. It
brings you an update of recent happenings at SIRF and in the arena of social exclusion and
inclusion.
The commissioned research project on “Social Inclusion Atlas and Ethnographic Profile (SIA-EP)”
will roll out from 1 November 2011. The project will be administered by Central Department of
Sociology/Anthropology, Tribhuvan University.
A series of regional discourses on pluralism, federalism and inclusion were organised at regional
campuses. The discourses were successful in bringing forth the voices from the region to the
centre.
The process of SIRF insitutionalisation is gaining momentum with commitments from political
party leaders in the SIRF TV programme “Samabeshi Bahas” and commitments from the
Constituent Assembly members at a meeting organised by the SIRF Secretariat. A meeting
between the taskforce members and social scientists has further added impetus to the process.
As an outcome of all these efforts, a learning visit to Indian Council of Social Science Research in
New Delhi has been planned in coming November for the taskforce members.
We invite stories on social exclusion and inclusion from Nepal and around the world from you for
the column Lead Story. Researchers are encouraged to share their experiences and views
through the regular column From the Researchers.
Happy reading!
Manju Tuladhar, Sita Rana, Swasti Pradhan and Sanjib Chaudhary
Lead Story
Emotion and social inclusion
By Patricia Harris and Vicki Williams (An excerpt from “Social Inclusion, National Identity and the
Moral Imagination”)
News
Social Inclusion Research Seminar Series and Reading Circles
Discourses on pluralism at regional campuses
Update on Social Inclusion Research Centre (SIRC) at the regional campuses
Lecture series at CNAS
Post dissemination seminar on Symposium on Ethnicity and Federalisation
Screening Committee meeting of national members
Contract signed with CDSA TU to administer SIA-EP Project
From the Researchers
Causes and impacts of conflict in Madhes
Madhesi Dalits, discrimination and effects
Publications
Overview of Gender Equality and Social Inclusion in Nepal published by ADB
Radio and TV Programmes
Radio programme “Samabeshi Aawaz”
Television programme “Samabeshi Bahas”
Emotion and social inclusion
By Patricia Harris and Vicki Williams (An excerpt from “Social Inclusion, National Identity and
the Moral Imagination”)
Moral imaginings in the public arena have firm emotional foundations. More than the more positive
sentiments of sympathy and courage are at work here. Barbalet’s (1998) groundbreaking work on
emotion and social structure explores the range of negative emotions we experience in self/other
relations: resentment, shame, vengefulness, and fear. Fear now plays a particularly important role
in official calls to social inclusion. It is behind the neo-conservative belief that something has gone
terribly wrong with social and moral order, as well as the underclass theorists’ contention that the
poor have become isolated from mainstream society, and are concentrated in pathological and
dangerous communities that promote parasitism and immorality as well as dependence.
In the face of such fears, the values considered under threat – social responsibility, social unity,
democracy, and so on – are mustered and affirmed. This affirmation gives expression to our wish
to belong, to be connected, and for our worlds to be safe and familiar. It also appeals to a
common perception of what is right, good, and valuable. This makes the affirmation hard to
challenge. Further, its opposites hold no currency, either rational or emotional, for which of us
would aspire to intolerance, bigotry, injustice or totalitarian rule? The emotional force of belonging
becomes tied to prescribed core values. There is nothing troublesome in this per se. What is
worrying is a certain ‘smuggling act’ whereby supposed threats to these values are linked to
particular persons and practices, and, through them, to signifiers such as race, religion, and
country of origin. And herein lies an important link between fear, identity, and social inclusion.
Charles Taylor suggests that identity provides the reference point for determining ‘what is right,
good, or valuable, or what ought to be done’ (1990, p.27). This, he says, orients us in moral space
– a space in which we decide our position on some fundamental question about ‘what is’ and ‘what
should be’. Such determinations almost invariably involve comparison, drawing a community
together by emphasising the differences between it and those on the outside. And when a
community feels under threat, comparisons may well take on a defensive, exaggerated, and
disparaging tone (see also Hage 2003). Elaborating, Campbell suggests that the ‘notion of what
“we” are is intrinsic to an understanding of what “we” fear … to have a threat requires enforcing a
closure on the community that is threatened’ (Campbell 1998, p.73). Identity then looks inward
and backward, achieving closure around it. We call this a ‘what we are/what we are not’ rendition
of identity. It can be contrasted with a more confident rendering, where identity is dynamic, and
the possibility of change can be entertained. In this case, the focus comes to rest on ‘what we
might be’.
In both instances, and particularly the first, identity has an intimate bearing on social inclusion as
it defines the parameters of community and sets out the attributes and beliefs a person must have
in order to belong.
© 2003 School of Economics and Political Science, University of Sydney
News
Social Inclusion Research Seminar Series and Reading Circles
Social Inclusion Research Seminar Series I (SIRSS) on concepts of social exclusion and social
inclusion and research designs was held for the 2011 batch of MMRAs and HGRFs on 14-16 August
and 21-23 August respectively at Yala Maya Kendra, Patan Dhoka.
Similarly, SIRSS III on data analysis was held on 20-21 July for the 2009 batch of HGRFs.
The seminars are designed to give opportunity to the MMRAs and HGRFs to come together to learn
as a group through combination of reading, reflection and sharing. The programme altogether has
three seminars for MMRAs and four seminars for HGRFs during the period. The first in series
focuses on bringing conceptual clarity on the issues of social exclusion and inclusion along refining
their research design. The second will focus on refining methodology; the third on data analysis
and fourth on writing skills.
Reading circles are being held in CNAS at Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur every Sunday from 11:00
am to 2:00 pm. Reading circles are meetings in which the researchers meet for sharing on
specified reading on the theme relevant to their research on weekly basis. The reading materials
are circulated to the participants in advance and interested participants are encouraged to speak
in panels. The reading circles are facilitated by relevant resource person.
Discourses on pluralism at regional campuses
A series of regional discourses on “pluralism, federalism and inclusion” were held at Mahendra
Multiple Campus in Dharan, Ramswaroop Ramsagar Multiple Campus in Janakpur and Mahendra
Multiple Campus in Nepalgunj on 20, 23 and 26 August respectively by Centre for Nepal and Asian
Studies (CNAS). SIRF/SNV has signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with CNAS to
promote and implement a programme on “Policy Discourse on Contemporary Issues on Social
Exclusion and Inclusion”.
Dr. Mrigendra Bahadur Karki from CNAS presented his issue paper at the campuses amongst the
academia, political leaders, activists, journalists and civil society and collected their views on the
issue.
The participants were divided on pluralism, monism and dialectical materialism. However, almost
all the participants spoke for federalism and inclusion. Their views have been recorded and the
same will be shared with the select Constituent Assembly (CA) members in Kathmandu.
The discourses were successful in bringing regional voices to the centre for the transformative
agenda setting and building connection at national level. SIRF expects that by bringing in
regional/local level voices of caste groups, races and ethnicities, culture and religion, it will help
transform the relationship for the promotion of social democracy.
Update on Social Inclusion Resource Centre (SIRC) at the regional campuses
SIRF has established Regional Social Inclusion Resource Centres (SIRC) at six regional campuses
namely Mahendra Multiple Campus in Dharan, Ramswaroop Ramsagar Multiple Campus in
Janakpur, Thakur Ram Multiple Campus in Birgunj, Prithvi Narayan Multiple Campus in Pokhara,
Mahendra Multiple Campus in Nepalgunj and Kailali Multiple Campus in Dhangadhi.
The resource centres will make available information on social exclusion/inclusion to the
researchers, encourage the use of information, produce knowledge materials, network and share
the learning with other similar organisations and resource centres.
Meetings with the committee members of SIRC at Dharan, Janakpur and Nepalgunj were held on
20, 23 and 26 August respectively to brief them on the SIRC Research Grants Procedures and
Guidelines and Action Plan for facilitating the “call for proposals” for research at regional level.
The campuses have published public notices for the call for proposals in local dailies and have
received proposals from the prospective researchers. A research grant of NPR 100,000 will be
awarded to a team of researchers comprising faculty members and Masters level students to build
their capacities and encourage research at regional level.
Lecture Series at CNAS
As a part of SIRF-CNAS collaboration to hold lecture series in Kathmandu and regional resource
centres, a lecture seminar on quantitative analysis of sociological data was coordinated by Dr
Mrigendra Bahadur Karki at CNAS on 28 August 2011. Prof Dr. Yasuto Nakano from Kwansei
Gakuin University, Japan instructed the participants to be a quantitative social researcher.
The lecture was divided into two parts – in the first half, Dr. Yasuto taught how to formulate
research questions and methodology based on the research objectives. He explained the topic with
relevant examples. The second part dealt with the numericals and the participants practised some
basic statistical problems related to the open source software “R”.
The participants said the training was useful and prior to the training they only thought of
qualitative analysis ignoring the quantitative part.
Dr. Yasuto said that he would love to come again to teach more on the quantitative analysis and
the software “R” to analyse the categorical data in particular.
Post Dissemination Seminar on Symposium on Ethnicity and Federalisation
A post dissemination seminar was organised on 29 August 2011 at Centre for Constitutional
Dialogue to disseminate the outputs of the symposium on ethnicity and federalisation organised by
CDSA TU in April 2011.
On the occasion, Professor Chaitanya Mishra updated on the outcomes of the symposium.
Participating Constituent Assembly members, academics, journalists and representatives of nongovernmental organisations also put forward their views on the outcomes of the symposium.
The approximately 100-page compilation of a Nepali language summary of all the presentations
was distributed to the participants. The compilation summarises each of the papers in Nepali in
1.5-2 pages. Each of the papers also comes with a short, approximately one-half-page summary
of the key questions raised and response provided during each of the presentations.
Screening Committee meeting of national members
A meeting was organised comprising national Screening Committee members to discuss on the
issues of Social Inclusion Atlas (SIA) on 23 July 2011 in Kathmandu. The meeting also discussed
on the updates on Social Science Research Council (SSRC) and the TV programme “Samabeshi
Bahas”.
Based on the expert assessments, the SC meeting, 23 July 2011 decided to invite 1 st ranked
institution namely Central Department of Sociology/Anthropology Tribhuvan University (CDSA TU)
for the first process meeting scheduled on 26 July 2011 at SIRF/SNV. The revised proposal with
incorporating the comments and concerns raised by the expert reviewers as well as the SC
meetings (of May and July) was submitted by the CDSA TU in August 2011.
Contract signed with CDSA TU to administer SIA-EP Project
A contract was signed with Central Department of Sociology/Anthropology Tribhuvan University
(CDSA TU) on 12 October 2011 to administer the commissioned research project on “Social
Inclusion Atlas and Ethnographic Profile (SIA-EP)”.
The project will start from 1 November 2011. Prof Dr Om Gurung is the Project Coordinator and Dr
Mukta Tamang is the Research Director of the project.
The specific objectives of the SIA-EP project are:
a) To promote a more informed understanding of Nepal’s social diversity by producing researchbased, high quality and up-to-date information of the country’s social, cultural and linguistic
diversity and the status of human and social development of the 100+ social groups (identified by
the 2001 Census) in geographic maps.
b) To produce information relevant for assessment of social exclusion and inclusion that may be
useful for policy formulation and education of excluded groups.
Causes and impacts of conflict in Madhes
By Kabita Kumari Sah, Matthias Moyersoen Research Apprentice 2009 and Baua Lal Sah
Background
Madhesi community, in spite of having a long history of origin and habitat, is practically considered
an outsider. Madhesis have been mostly marginalised and have faced exclusion in active political
participation, administration and governance, decision making and policy planning. Moreover, they
face serious humanitarian problem questioning their true identity in their own native land. The
Madhesi people feel extremely discriminated and have almost lost the sense of belongingness to
the nation.
The exclusion of Madhesi community comprising 32 per cent of nation’s total human resources
from the national mainstream has influenced the country’s economic development very badly.
Moreover, the spirit of harmonious partnership between the two groups of Pahadi and Madhesi
communities has never been allowed to develop.
Eventually, exclusion of Madhes and Madhesis from the mainstream of the nation resulted in
conflict all over Madhes/Terai. Due to the armed conflict, neither Pahadi community nor Madhesis
got peace. Rather Pahadi people are being displaced from Terai /Madhes. This is detrimental to
national unity. People living in Terai are forced to live in uncertain situation facing abduction,
killing, looting, kidnapping and other such criminal activities.
The study aims to answer a number of questions concerning causes and impacts of conflict in
Madhes with special focus on Madhesi Janajati, Madhesi Dalit, Madhesi minority, Muslim, and
disabled. The study seeks to provide the root causes of conflict in Madhes and measures to resolve
the on-going conflict to the Government of Nepal, policy makers, planners, administrator,
educators and donors.
Methods and discussions
The study has been designed to understand the nature of conflict and seek its resolution. The
conceptual framework of the study is the combination of exploratory or formulative, descriptive
and diagnostic research design. On the other hand, the study is based on both analytical and
empirical methods to obtain a clear picture of the maladies (internal conflict) and challenges in
socio-economic system of Madhes. It has also attempted to identify the sustainable outcomes of
conflict through socio-economic and political restructuring.
The study comprised 324 people representing excluded and disadvantaged Madhesi groups,
disabled, politicians, civil society, and district administration officers of Government of Nepal as
samples. The sources of this study have been both primary and secondary. Semi-structured
interviews, focus group discussion, observation, informal sessions were used as the tools of data
collection.
Analysis and interpretations
Conflict in Madhes and their impact
From the very beginning of the existence of Madhes, conflict was in the passive form, but just
after the Madhes Aandolan, it took its revolutionary form that influenced peace and development.
Political cause and its impact
A total of 82 per cent Janjati and Dalits, 60 per cent civil society and 50 per cent politicians of
sampled respondents expressed that due to lack of correct vision of politicians, political instability
and insecurity is prevailing in Madhes leading to creation of various underground armed groups
which are devastating the social aspects and more importantly the economy of Madhes.
Economic causes
A total of 90 per cent civil society groups and victims and all stakeholders agreed that poverty,
illiteracy and family encounter are the major causes of conflict in Madhes. If this issue is not being
addressed on time, it may take the form of intra-conflict and ethno-conflict which may ultimately
change into civil war within the Terai territory.
Ideological causes
The Third Andolan or Madhes Andolan amended the existing Interim Constitution and added
federalism with rights, proportional inclusiveness in each and every government’s body from all
marginalised communities. Thereafter, the Constituent Assembly election was held in Nepal. But
the amended constitution, changed by Madhes Andolan, has not been fully implemented till date.
After Madhes Andolan, mainly three types of political forces with their own ideologies and practices
seem to exist:
1. Three traditional forces namely Nepali Congress, Nepal Communist Party UML and Sadbhavna
Party seem to change slightly in society with respect to political, social and regional rights.
2. Modern forces namely Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Madhesi Jana Adhikar Forum
and Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party(TMLP) want to change overall social structure with respect to all
rights.
3. Radical forces namely underground armed parties which want to separate Madhes from Nepal.
Identity crisis
Tharu, Dalit and indigenous respondents expressed that they will keep fighting against the
government unless their identity and rights are legally accepted.
Structural violence
Most of the respondents expressed that socio-economic equalities, equal political opportunities,
border regulations, regional and local autonomy, respect for languages and cultures of all
communities, promotion of national industries, etc are very much legitimate issues. Unless, they
are addressed comprehensively, with the participation of all concerned, the current crisis will not
end.
Arme
d
confli
ct
Political
instability
Caste Discrimination, Oppression
of
Minority
Groups,
Gender
Discrimination,
Language Barriers/ Education,
Lack of Political representation
Structural
violence
Fig.1: Result of structural violence and political instability on armed-conflict
discrimination
A total of 95 per cent respondents expressed that gender discrimination, regional discrimination,
caste discrimination, cultural discrimination and economic disparity seem to be genetic issues in
the context of Madhes which might be vital in near future if it is not solved by the concerned
stakeholders.
Lack of good governance
A total of 90 per cent respondents from civil society groups and victims expressed that Khas ruling
people seem to be main enemy of marginal and minority communities of Madhes which has been
creating inequality among Madhesis.
Summary
Obviously, conflict in a society is caused by inequality, illiteracy, poverty, lack of awareness,
unemployment, exploitation etc. Also the institutionalised exploitation by Khas elite Brahmin, high
level of poverty, illiteracy, conflict between regional and national parties, and among regional
parties, rule by the same elite group in Madhes, Government of Nepal led by Khas elite class which
accepts Madhesi issues partially but never implemented in practice, always tried to divide the
Madhesis into different groups by the same elite class, are the root causes of conflict in Madhes on
one hand.
On the other, the conflict in Madhes has highly affected social, economic and educational sectors
as well. Conflict of Madhes has damaged the social norm and culture of Madhes. Ethno-conflict and
class struggle have been a burning issue of Madhes. The current situation in Madhes is fragile.
Traditional agriculture is the main economic source of Madhes and Madhesis. However,
unfortunately agriculture in Madhes depends on rainwater due to insufficient irrigation facilities.
Madhesi farmers have neither modern skills and high quality hybrid seeds nor government owned
agriculture market, due to which economy of Madhes is directed towards conflict for survival.
Recommendations
The study recommends Government of Nepal led by Khas elite Brahmin to accept not only Madhes
but also Madhesis and offer special package to Madhes and Madhesis at the earliest to resolve the
present conflict of Madhes. The study further recommends below measures to resolve the conflict.
1. Government of Nepal must talk with underground armed groups of Madhes in friendly
environment and implement the agreement reached between them immediately.
2. Government of Nepal must implement fully the agreement reached between UDMF (Unified
Democratic Madheshi Front) and Government of Nepal before CA election.
3. A package with sufficient financial support should be sanctioned to reduce the huge poverty of
Madhes.
4. Skill enhancing programmes should be provided to Madhesis through educational institutions to
reduce poverty and unemployment as well.
5. Basic infrastructure such as irrigation, roads, good quality hybrid seeds, subdised electricity
etc. should be provided to boost up agricultural economy of Madhes.
6. Government of Nepal should treat the public on the basis of equity not on the basis of blood
relations and halo effects.
*The researchers can be contacted at [email protected] and [email protected]
Madhesi Dalits, discrimination and effects
By Suresh Ram, Matthias Moyersoen Research Apprentice 2009
Historically, the concept of the Dalit originated from India. 'Dalit' is a Sanskrit word which means
poor, down-trodden, oppressed, and broken and so forth. It was coined by Dr. Ambedkar but
Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, the great social activist from Maharashtra made use of it in a big way in
his writing and speech in the 19th century. Broadly speaking 'Dalit' is that section of people who
were placed at the lowest rank of the Hindu society.
Caste discrimination had begun in Nepal about 2500 years ago, but untouchability got rooted only
about 1500 years ago. During the Lichchhavi period, untouchability existed in India and it deeply
influenced the Lichchhavi King Man Dev. He started caste system in Nepal. In 1416 A.D., during
the rule of Jayasthiti Malla, occupation being practised by the people was divided according to
their castes in the Kathmandu Valley. Shudras were penalised if they did not follow the prescribed
occupation. They were also prohibited from reading, writing, and living in big houses, wearing
better quality clothes and ornaments and taking part in state affairs. Dalits were penalised more
than non-Dalits for the same kind of crime. This practice and tradition was followed at the time of
Ram Shah too. After the unification of Nepal by Prithvi Narayan Shah, a new structure of Hindu
kingdom was built based on caste system and untouchability. During the reign of King Surendra
Bir Bikram Shah, Jung Bahadur introduced Muluki Ain of 1854 A.D. and it enforced recognition of
social discrimination and untouchability in Nepal. Upper caste people were demoted to lower caste
if they married to lower to caste.
Madhesi Dalits and discrimination
Madhesi Dalits are very backward community living in Madhes. They are divided into three
language groups on the basis of language: Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi. They are Hindu but they
are not allowed to worship in the temple. However, they have their own priests. Similarly, upper
caste people did not eat or drink anything touched by lower caste people. People doing such
activities were socially boycotted and compelled to leave their place.
Most of Madhesi Dalits are poor, landless, unemployed and without resources. They have no
access to educational opportunities, political power and employment opportunities due to caste
discrimination. Madhesi Dalits are socially suppressed, politically voiceless, economically exploited,
educationally backward, culturally not respected and legally ignored. Due to these the relation
between Dalits and non–Dalits is not good.
Inter-caste marriage between Dalits and non-Dalits is still not acceptable in Madhesi society. Dalits
do not have knowledge about their rights, due to which they are discriminated by non-Dalits.
Educated and rich Dalits attract good behaviour from non-Dalits than uneducated and poor Dalits.
Both Dalits and non-Dalits follow the same religion but Dalits are not allowed to participate in
religious activities. Both have same culture but non-Dalits participate in cultural activities whereas
Dalits are not allowed to participate. They are discriminated and exploited not only by the upper
caste but also by other backward castes.
In Madhes, the practice of untouchability towards Madhesi Dalits is rooted and wide spread. Their
presence in public place is highly restricted and they are invariably debarred from participating in
certain acts and practices. They continue to face denial of access to resources, services, and
opportunities, denial of social-cultural participation, and denial of private common and public
matters. They are still living as second grade citizen due to social discrimination. Not having their
own land, their major occupation is to work in others’ farmland as labourers.
Madhesi Dalits are not allowed to live near the Madhesi non-Dalits. In Nepal, on the basis of caste,
no one can discriminate legally but no one follows this in his/her behaviour. The constitution of
Nepal and other legal provisions have declared untouchability as illegal practice. However, this
form of discrimination is widespread, causing religious, social, economic and political barriers.
Generally no actions are taken against the practitioners of this type of discrimination. This can
largely be seen as a contradiction between the formal legal remedies and their efficiency. Dalits
were behaved inhumanly even after the successful democratic revolutions of 1951, 1990 and even
after revolution of 2006 (2062-2063) the condition is still the same.
Effects
Psychological effect
Psychological effect of caste discrimination is indeed the mother of all problems. Social, religious,
cultural, economical and political effects are also directly associated with psychological effect.
Many Dalits, intellectuals, leaders and activists agreed that centuries of caste based untouchability
have brutally damaged their psychology, paralysing their efforts not only to get rid of development
problems associated with food security, education, health etc. but also to protest against such
inhuman discrimination. Many Dalits felt that positive psychological attitude is a powerhouse of
success but when it turns into negative then it paralyses an individual. Many non-Dalits argued
very strongly that it is not non-Dalits who have destroyed their self confidence but it is their own
inferiority complex that is responsible for such a sad state of affairs.
Dalit community said that they all have an attitude of silent acceptance of untouchability due to
their inferiority complex. Most of Dalits said that although they now know that untouchability is
socially constructed, they all were socialised since their childhood to accept untouchability.
Social effect
Both Dalits and non-Dalits live in same society but they don’t eat together and don't sit together.
Non-Dalits don’t eat food, drink and water touched by Dalits. If they do so, society punishes both
Dalits and non-Dalits. To get rid of such problems and to create good relation between them
awareness raising in the society is a must.
Religious effect
Due to religion, Dalits are discriminated by non-Dalits. Both Dalits and non-Dalits follow the same
religion but Dalits are not allowed to enter the temple, to participate in the religious activities.
Cultural effect
Both Madhesi Dalits and Madhesi non- Dalits share the same culture. Nothing is different between
them but they don’t marry with each other. If they do so they are boycotted or punished
culturally. They do not participate together in any festival. Dalits are not invited to the marriage of
non-Dalits and other cultural activities.
Legal effect
Many Dalits said that they have felt difficulty in getting legal treatment and get no justice
wherever they go whether it be police station, municipality, district offices or courts. Also, they
said that many Dalits have no idea or courage to go to any of these agencies due to lack of
awareness and self confidence. They don’t have faith in the law that it could protect them from
discrimination.
Political effect
Most of Dalits said that Dalits are politically voiceless and powerless. They are not involved in
major posts of political parties. They are limited to only being volunteers. They also said that they
are involved in development only in the name of inclusion.
Most Dalits agreed that many Dalits are poor, landless, unemployed, labourer and without
resources. Non-Dalits do not regard them as human beings. They are always discriminated by
non-Dalits. However, non-Dalits behave better with rich Dalits than poor Dalits.
Education brings change in human lifestyle as well as in the society. People are aware of their
rights. Many respondents agreed that many Dalits are uneducated. Educated Dalits get respect
from non-Dalits. Non-Dalits misbehave less with educated Dalits than uneducated Dalits.
Recommendations
The study recommends the following to improve the inter-caste relationship between Dalits and
non-Dalits.
 Social awareness needs to be created among both the Dalits and non-Dalits so that one does
not discriminate the other.
 Occupation skills of Dalits need to be modernised to create self-employment opportunities and
make their jobs prestigious.
 The educational status of Madhesi Dalits is very low and they feel socially depressed, so for
building their capacity, employment oriented programme should be launched.
 The government should launch some credit package programmes for this community.
 Skill development training needs to be launched for the entrepreneurs.
 Reservation system should be implemented in different sectors.
 Scholarship for child education should be provided to Dalits. This may motivate Dalits to send
all of their children to schools.
 National code and constitution should be implemented to end the untouchability and caste
based discrimination.
 Dalits should be allowed to participate in all religious activities in the society.


Dalits should be allowed to participate in all cultural activities in the society.
Couples opting for inter-caste marriage should be promoted.
*The researcher can be contacted at [email protected]
Publications
Overview of Gender Equality and Social Inclusion in Nepal
Published by Asian Development Bank
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http://tinyurl.com/6f76dq6
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* Patricia Harris and Vicki Williams’ article: © 2003 School of Economics and Political Science,
University of Sydney