The Impact of Trade Agreements and Regional Economic Integration on Trade Flows ― The Case of SAARC Countries ― Suresh MOKTAN DOCTORAL PROGRAM GRADUATE SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT NAGOYA UNIVERSITY The Setsutaro Kobayashi Memorial Fund A Research Paper for 2007 Fuji Xerox Co.,Ltd. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This research paper is submitted as a part of work developed with the financial support of the Fuji Xerox Setsutaro Kobayashi Memorial Fund. It essentially draws from the two main pillars (chapters) of the author’s Ph.D. dissertation. The paper in effect is divided into three parts. Part I consists of the manuscript, which is due to be published in the Journal of International Economic Studies in Volume No. 23 by the end of March 2009. Part II consists of the material taken from the manuscript that has been recently submitted for publication consideration in the Journal of Policy Modeling. The conclusions and policy implications of this research is provided in Part III. Part I entitled The Impact of Trade Agreements on Intra-regional Exports: Empirical Evidence from SAARC Countries employs the generalized Gravity Model using a distinctive panel dataset for over a period spanning 35 years from 1971 to 2005. The model performs a regression analysis and examines the impact of trade agreements on the volume of exports amongst SAARC countries, which is the first objective of this research. Part II entitled Assessing the Economic Impacts and Welfare Implications of SAFTA and SAFTA+5: The South Asian Experience employs the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Model – a multiregion, multisector applied general equilibrium (AGE) model. The GTAP Model aggregates the original 87 regions to 10 regions, and 57 sectors to 20 sectors. The main aim of this model is to perform simulation analysis and policy experiments in order to analyze the second objective, i.e., to analyze the economic impacts of SAFTA as well as the welfare implications on SAARC countries via FTAs with other countries/regions. In this research, three hypotheses have been tested. In Part I, we test whether or not the trade agreements amongst SAARC countries is positively associated with exports. In Part II, the first hypothesis that is tested is to examine if selective combinations of tariff rates will result in welfare gains for both contracting parties; the second hypothesis to test is whether the effects of SAFTA, and FTAs with five observer countries/regions (SAFTA+5) will be welfare improving to SAARC member countries, causing more trade creation as opposed to trade diversion. Specifically, the research addresses the following key questions: (1) What is the actual impact of having trade agreements amongst SAARC members? Have they affected positively or negatively on the growth of exports? (2) Did SAPTA play a catalytic role of enhancing intra-SAARC exports? (3) What are the economic effects of SAFTA and SAFTA+5 on trade flows as a result of the reduction in tariffs? (4) What are the welfare implications of FTAs amongst SAFTA members and five observer countries – China, Japan, South Korea, the United States and the EU? (5) Which of the contracting parties are likely to have the most feasible FTAs? As indicated above, this research exploits two different models to tackle these questions. While Part I answers questions (1) and (2) employing the Gravity Model, Part II answers questions (3), 4) and (5) employing the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Model. The principal reason for implementing these two different models is that they are found to be the most appropriate to tackle the aforementioned research questions. First, the Gravity Model is a suitable tool to analyze the impact of FTAs on intra-regional exports. Based on the results obtained from the Gravity Model, the next pertinent question that arises is about the welfare implications for individual SAARC countries consequent to ratification of SAFTA, and also by effectuating FTAs for inter-regional trade with interested observer countries. However, the Gravity Model can not efficaciously estimate the welfare effects of FTAs or more specifically, the trade creation and trade diversion effects. In order to answer the latter set of three questions, the most appropriate tool is the global AGE model, such as the GTAP Model. Thus, the significance of this research is not only to answer the aforementioned core questions, but while addressing these questions the supplementary contribution is to show the efficacy of trade agreements in furthering exports in the SAARC region. The focus, as such, is to recount the findings after testing the effects of trade agreements before the inception of SAARC and SAPTA, and comparing with the post-SAARC and post-SAPTA periods. Secondly, this research provides an impression about the economic effects and welfare implications resulting from preferential tariffs and FTAs amongst not only SAARC nations per se (SAFTA effects), but also by way of extending the notion of free trade or aggregating with other nations and regional blocs such as China, Japan, South Korea, the United States and the EU (SAFTA+5 effects). Hence, examining the feasibility and potential of South-South economic cooperation, and then expanding further to North-South economic cooperation via FTAs with leading nations/regions can become a compelling case study. Thirdly, from the lessons derived from this research, it is expected to stimulate constructive ideas to comprehend more about the structure of trade complementarities and comparative advantages that might help explain why intra-SAARC trade is low, and how trade as well as regional reciprocal understanding and cooperation amongst SAARC as well as observer countries could be further enhanced. The understanding of the veiled reasons could also provide incentive to policymakers of SAARC countries to devise appropriate measures to boost up intra- as well as inter-regional trade. The originality of the research may be distinguished in that the estimation on the impact of trade agreements on intra-regional exports of SAARC countries for over a long span of 35 years by dividing the pre-SAPTA and post-SAPTA periods is the first of its kind. Furthermore, the extension to GTAP Model in investigating the welfare implications of FTAs with the current observers including China, Japan, South Korea, the United States and the EU is another unexplored area. Empirical tests based on the Gravity Model find scant evidence of the impact of trade agreements on exports for the pre-SAARC and pre-SAPTA periods, but statistically significant and positive impact is observed in the post-SAARC and post-SAPTA periods even amidst sustained significant negative impact of conflict in all sub-periods. This propensity is discernible regardless of the estimation methods applied. However, further tests reveal that the positive impact emanated not expressly owing to SAPTA per se, but it is rather the coalesced effect arising from the delayed impact of the existing trade agreements amongst SAARC countries. Findings from the GTAP Model demonstrate that the largest welfare gains for SAARC countries materialize from plurilateral FTAs with deeper liberalization in selective sectors. While the maximum possible FTAs emerge from varying tariff combinations, results corroborate that selective tariff structure is welfare enhancing for both contracting parties generating a number of feasible FTAs amongst SAARC and +5 countries. There is also clear evidence showing that SAFTA and SAFTA+5 are welfare enhancing, resulting in net trade creation as opposed to trade diversion. Albeit major fluctuations are observed in the industry output, other economic variables such as household demand, aggregate exports and imports, terms of trade, GDP, and allocative efficiencies of SAARC as well as +5 countries increase significantly a propos SAFTA+5 scenario in particular. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author is highly grateful to Professor Naoko Shinkai for her excellent advice, support and insightful comments. Special thanks are due to Professor Mitsuo Ezaki, Professor Shigeru T. Otsubo and Professor Hiroshi Osada for their constructive suggestions. The author would also like to thank the participants of the Third Annual APEA Conference, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, Hong Kong, China, July 25-26, 2007, particularly Professor Yasuyuki Sawada and Professor Sven W. Arndt. The paper has additionally benefited from valuable comments from the participants at the International Conference on Policy Modeling (EcoMod 2008) held in Berlin, July 2-4, 2008. The financial support from the Fuji Xerox Setsutaro Kobayashi Memorial Fund and Sato International Scholarship Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. The usual caveat about the remaining errors applies. Suresh MOKTAN Content PART I THE IMPACT OF TRADE AGREEMENTS ON INTRA-REGIONAL EXPORTS: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM SAARC COUNTRIES ......................................... 1 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 1 2. Literature Review.............................................................................................................. 3 3. Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 6 3.1 Model Specification .................................................................................................... 7 3.2 Correction for Endogeneity Bias and Heteroskedasticity ........................................... 8 3.3 Computation of Variables ........................................................................................... 9 4. The Data .......................................................................................................................... 10 5. Empirical Results ............................................................................................................ 11 5.1 Pooled OLS Estimation (Benchmark)....................................................................... 11 5.2 Robustness Checks.................................................................................................... 14 5.3 Effect of SAPTA ....................................................................................................... 17 5.4 Lagged Effects of TRAG .......................................................................................... 18 6. Summary of Findings ...................................................................................................... 19 PART II ASSESSING THE ECONOMIC IMPACTS AND WELFARE IMPLICATIONS OF SAFTA AND SAFTA+5: THE SOUTH ASIAN EXPERIENCE....................... 21 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 21 2. Some Issues on Free Trade and Welfare ......................................................................... 22 2.1 Bilateralism or Plurilateralism? ................................................................................ 22 2.2 Free Trade and National Welfare .............................................................................. 24 2.3 SAFTA and Broader Economic Agenda ................................................................... 24 3. Methodology and Data .................................................................................................... 26 3.1 The GTAP Model and the AGE Framework ............................................................ 26 3.2 Model Calibration and Aggregation Strategy ........................................................... 27 3.3 Import Tariff and Export Subsidy ............................................................................. 28 3.4 The Data .................................................................................................................... 29 4. Simulation Scenarios and Experimental Design ............................................................. 29 5. Simulation Results .......................................................................................................... 30 5.1 Effects of SAFTA ..................................................................................................... 30 5.2 Effects of SAFTA+5 ................................................................................................. 35 6. Summary of Findings ...................................................................................................... 41 PART III CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS................................................ 43 Endnotes......................................................................................................................................... 45 References ...................................................................................................................................... 47 PART I THE IMPACT OF TRADE AGREEMENTS ON INTRA-REGIONAL EXPORTS: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM SAARC COUNTRIES 1. Introduction The issue of free trade and regional integration is becoming synonymous with trade liberalization and a subject of avid interest in the arena of international trade and politics today. It has been essentially taking the form of bilateral trade agreements (BTAs), preferential trading arrangements (PTAs), regional trading arrangements (RTAs) and free trade agreements (FTAs). The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was conceived in Dhaka, Bangladesh on December 8, 1985 by late president Ziaur Rahman of Bangladesh with the broad objectives of economic, social, cultural and scientific cooperation amongst seven South Asian nations, viz., Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. South Asia is home to more than one-fifth of the world’s population, and therefore, it is believed to have the potential to become an area of great prosperity based on the idea of growing trade amongst the member countries. Increased trade, particularly intra-regional exports, is expected to be a driving force for economic growth in the region. To this end, the South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) was signed in Dhaka on April 11, 1993 to give boost to regional trade integration, which came into operation in 1995. Four rounds of exchange of trade concessions have taken place under the SAPTA. A large number of products have been offered concessions exclusively to Least Developed Countries (LDCs). India has offered the largest number of concessions, particularly favoring LDCs with tariff preferences ranging from 50-100 percent (Mukherji 2004). Inspired by the worldwide trends and successful experience of India-Sri Lanka bilateral FTA, leaders of SAARC countries have decided to facilitate intra-regional trade with the ratification and formal launching of the South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) on July 1, 2006. Based on this, the SAARC members have agreed to bring down the average tariffs on goods from 25-30 percent to 0-5 percent over the next decade. Separate deadlines have been set for the developing countries, i.e., India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and the LDCs, which are Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldives and Nepal. SAFTA calls for reduction in import duties to 20 percent by 2006 and between 0-5 percent by 2013, but allows the LDCs to reduce the tariff rates to 0-5 percent by the year 2016 (SAFTA 2005). ―1― SAARC countries share a lot of similarity in culture and socio-economic conditions, but as opposed to the EU or ASEAN countries that have deep connections in political and economic areas, members in the SAARC bloc are characteristically far less integrated. Many researchers argue that the volume of intra-regional trade continues to be low, despite SAARC’s efforts to enhance intra-regional trade through bilateral and preferential trading arrangements. In view of the downsides, SAARC recognizes the need to move towards a more pragmatic approach to regional cooperation. Over the years, the seven South Asian nations have signed several trade agreements (see Table 1). However, there are very limited studies that have attempted to evaluate the actual impact of trade agreements on intra-SAARC trade. Moreover, most of the studies have omitted the effect on small countries, such as Bhutan and Maldives in their analyses. This may be partly due to lack of data and smallness of the economic size, or perhaps due to lack of researchers’ interest for its negligible influence in the region. Whatsoever the reasons are, there is an apparent need to fill up this vacuum. Hence, examining the feasibility and potential of South Asian trading arrangements is a highly desirable case study. Table 1. Status of Trade Agreements amongst SAARC Countries Date/Year Contracting States Agreement Type/Title Jan 1972; Renewed Mar 2, 1995 Mar 28, 1972; Renewed Mar 21, 2006 Apr 2, 1976 India and Bhutan Agreement on Trade, Commerce and Transit between the Govt. of the Rep. of India and the Royal Govt. of Bhutan. Trade Agreement between India and Bangladesh. Apr 3, 1979 Nepal and Sri Lanka 1980; Renewed Sep 2000 Bangladesh and Bhutan Mar 31, 1981 India and Maldives Jul 28, 1982 Pakistan and Nepal Dec 6, 1991 Nepal and India Apr 11, 1993; Operational Dec 7, ‘95 Dec 28, 1998 7 member states Jun 12, 2005 Pakistan and Sri Lanka 7 member states India and Bangladesh Nepal and Bangladesh India and Sri Lanka Jan 6, 2004; Operational Jul 1, 2006 Source: Author’s compilation from various sources. Trade and Payment Agreement between His Majesty’s Govt. of Nepal and the Govt. of the People’s Rep. of Bangladesh. Trade Agreement between His Majesty’s Govt. of Nepal and the Govt. of the Dem. Socialist Rep. of Sri Lanka. Trade and Transit Agreement between the Govt. of the People’s Rep. of Bangladesh and the Royal Govt. of Bhutan. Trade Agreement between the Govt. of the Rep. of India and the Govt. of the Rep. of Maldives. Trade Agreement between the Govt. of Islamic Rep. of Pakistan and His Majesty’s Govt. of Nepal. Free Trade Agreement between His Majesty’s Govt. of Nepal and the Govt. of India. South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA). Free Trade Agreement between the Rep. of India and the Dem. Socialist Rep. of Sri Lanka. Free Trade Agreement between the Govt. of Islamic Rep. Pakistan and the Dem. Socialist Rep. of Sri Lanka. South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA). The objective of this study is, therefore, to investigate whether the trade agreements amongst seven SAARC countries have actually boosted the volume of intra-regional exports. The plain hypothesis is that trade agreements amongst SAARC members is expected to be ―2― positively associated with exports, ceteris paribus, as the principal reason for member countries to enter into trade agreements is the prospect of enhancing their exports and furthering trade creation.1 In light of this, the paper specifically addresses the following key questions: (1) What is the actual impact of trade agreements amongst SAARC countries? Have they affected positively or negatively on the growth of exports, and to what extent? (2) Did SAPTA play a catalytic role of enhancing the intra-SAARC trade? One of the contributions of this paper is to answer the above questions and to provide further evidence by estimating a Gravity Model, which uses a distinctive panel dataset for over a long period spanning 35 years from 1971 to 2005. This period is preferred for three reasons. First, there are very few studies conducted for the SAARC region that seeks to investigate the trade effects over this long period of time. Second, Bangladesh became an independent country in the year 1971.2 Third, this long period facilitates the dataset to be divided into sub-periods, enabling to contrast and examine the impacts of trade agreements on exports in different time periods. While addressing the above-mentioned questions, this study also tests the efficacy of free trade agreements in furthering exports, and particularly for the SAARC region, this is the first of its kind. The focus, as such, is to recount the findings after testing the effects of trade agreements before the inception of SAARC and SAPTA, and comparing and contrasting with the post-SAARC and post-SAPTA periods. The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: Section 2 provides the theoretical foundation and assessment of regional trade integration in South Asia. The empirical methodology and sources of data is presented in Section 3 and Section 4, respectively. The regression results are examined in Sections 5, while Section 6 summarizes the key findings of the paper. 2. Literature Review Although there are some qualitative studies on SAARC and SAPTA, quantitative studies centering on economic integration in South Asia are limited. Bandara and Yu (2003) point out a number of possible reasons for this. Firstly, many trade analysts have not given much attention since this region did not play a major role in the global trade, investment and growth. Secondly, the data on trade and other variables in this region are scarce. Thirdly, as the volume of informal trade is very high, published data do not reflect the true picture of trade structure in the region. Finally, while there is much focus on non-tariff barriers compared to many other regions in the world, the recognition and quantification of non-tariff barriers are difficult. Despite the limitations, available studies may be broadly classified into three different views: pessimistic, optimistic and neutral or cautionary. ―3― From the pessimistic point of view, Hassan et al. (2002) finds that SAARC countries have not only reduced trade amongst them but also reduced trade with non-members. Singh (2005: 1) observes the intra-regional trade low at about only five percent of the total trade. The author cites the lack of trade complementarities, prevalence of sizeable informal trade, and political tensions as some of the “culprits”. Chowdhury (2004) examines the issue of convergence of per capita GDP across SAARC countries. The results from his analysis fail to find evidence of convergence. The reasons for non-convergence of per capita GDP is explained by low and falling volume of intra-country trade, weak governance, and low level of growth of individual SAARC countries. Jayaratne (2004) also points out that some issues that have prevented effective regional integration of South Asian nations from more rapid development and benefiting from cross border and global trade and investments are political disputes, macroeconomic instability, policy deficiencies, lack of a common position, and low implementation capability amongst others. Pitigala (2005: 42) shows that “South Asian countries can be characterized only moderately as ‘natural trading partners’”, and therefore the trade structures amongst the South Asian countries may not facilitate a rapid increase in intra-regional trade. In comparison with the rest of the world, the economic size of the SAARC region is small in terms of both GDP and share in the world trade. Recent studies show the economic case even for SAFTA as pretty weak. For instance, Baysan et al. (2006) argues that it is quite unlikely that trade diversion would be dominant as a result of SAFTA, as it is reinforced by high levels of protection in the form of restrictive sensitive lists and stringent rules of origin (ROO). Similarly, Kalegama (2004) asserts that “… not much can be expected from SAFTA. The initial euphoria that comes with the signing of the SAFTA agreement will soon taper away. The realities and the geo-politics of the region will once again determine the pace of negotiations in SAFTA.”3 Conversely, optimists including Bandara and McGillivray (1998) describe signs of progress in liberalizing South Asian trade regimes in the 1990s, even if most of the programmes in South Asian countries, with exception of Sri Lanka, have been slow. They find the recent economic growth in the region quite satisfactory and are likely to continue in the near future. Perhaps, it is for this reason that Bhargava (1998: 22) suggests the South Asians to learn from the European experience. He believes that “the coming decades will witness meaningful cooperation between the two largest configurations of democratic states in the continents of Europe and Asia in order to build a better world.” The recent move by the EU to become an observer in the SAARC group indeed forms the basis towards his line of thinking. ―4― Mohanty (2003) emphasizes that the region has a substantial potential for trade and investment. He rejects the hypothesis that South Asian countries compete amongst themselves to export similar kind of products to the world market leading to very low level of regional trade. His study finds a significant level of trade potential in the region to promote intraregional trade, and estimates the export potential to be more than six times than the present level of intra-regional trade if it is harnessed completely. Mukherji (2004) reckons that bilateral trade amongst member countries can be self-sustaining when backed by investment linkages. His work demonstrates some modalities by which SAPTA could transform swiftly to SAFTA. He stresses that the Trade Liberalization Programme that will be launched under SAFTA must take a more consolidated approach by removing a variety of non-tariff barriers, and setting welldefined targets to promote a number of trade facilitation measures. Likewise, CUTS (2005: 3) notes, “SAFTA would be a vehicle through which all participants can gain by exploring their competitive advantages. Integration of economies in South Asia would lead to the emergence of a big market for investors.” In more recent work, Rodríguez-Delgado (2007) estimated the economic impacts of SAFTA using a gravity model covering the data from 1988-2004. Studying the impact of tariff reductions on the GDP, he estimates that SAFTA can provide the highest increase for SAARC countries in terms of trade flows that they could expect from any RTAs. Dash (1996) argues from more or less neutral perspective that, given the low level of mutual trust, effects of ethnic and religious conflicts, and the extent of bilateral disputes in South Asia, it is unrealistic to believe that any substantial growth in regional cooperation is possible without easing political tensions. To evaluate the magnitude of preferential trade under SAPTA, Mukherji (2000) estimated the extent of trade preference under all SAPTA rounds in terms of trade values and percentages of preferential imports. The estimates show that the region’s total preferential imports amounted to about US$479.8 million – nearly half of which went to Pakistan. India’s share of preferential trade out of total regional preferential imports was about 26 percent, while that of Sri Lanka was about 16 percent. In terms of its total regional imports, he finds that Pakistan had the highest coverage of preferential imports (about 40 percent), followed by Nepal (35 percent), India (30 percent), Bhutan (17 percent) and Sri Lanka (12 percent). Using gravity equation and a panel data for 1996-2002, Hirantha (2004) showed strong evidence of trade creation in the region with no trade diversion effect as far as trade with nonmembers is concerned. Pattanaik (2006: 140) has more of a cautionary approach to SAARC’s future. He opines that if SAARC continues to remain “stymied” and the smaller states do not ―5― actively integrate, even India’s hopes of integrating with other relevant groups will be stifled. The smaller members that seek to gain from the opening up of a large and growing Indian economy would also be the losers if SAARC does not prosper. Accordingly, Ghani and Din (2006: 4) construe that an effective implementation of SAFTA and other regional initiatives “will require a strong willingness of all members for greater economic integration as well as a favorable political environment in the region.” Kemal (2004) describes that the trade patterns of the SAARC group vary sharply from country to country. For instance, the share of intra-regional imports in total imports in 2000 for Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka stood at 11.7 percent, 33.2 percent and 10.1 percent respectively. During the same year, Pakistan and India met only 2.3 percent and 0.7 percent respectively of their import requirements from the region. Taneja (2006) points out that South Asia is the least integrated region compared to the East Asia, Central Asia, Europe, Latin America, the Middle East and North Africa. Intra-regional trade in South Asia is only 0.8 percent of GDP, one-eighth of the Latin America’s level, and only a fraction of East Asia’s nearly 27 percent of GDP. However, India’s share in total SAARC trade increased from 38 percent in 1991 to 45 percent in 2004. Therefore, Taneja believes that if India and Pakistan could tap the region’s trade potential, intra-SAARC trade could undoubtedly reach newer heights. 3. Methodology This paper estimates a generalized Gravity Model or so-called Unilateral Exports Model, which was applied in earlier works of Mátyás et al. (2000) and Aristotelous (2001), and more recently by Baak (2004) and Billen et al. (2005). With slight modification from a typical gravity model, the generalized gravity model assigns not the product of the exports of two trading countries as in the paper by Dell’ Ariccia (1999), but the exports from one country to another as the regressand. The advantage of this is that it allows including depreciation of exporting country’s currency value as one of the regressors that affects the volume of exports. Moreover, as small countries are expected to export less than big countries, ceteris paribus, the dummies for exporting countries can be included (Baak 2004: 100). As initiated by Rose (2004: 99), the gravity equation in this paper is further augmented by controlling for a number of “natural causes of trade” or “extraneous factors” including in economic, cultural, political and geographical variables that may affect trade. Regressions are designed in such a way as to capture the effects of trade agreements with respect to both Pre-SAARC and Post-SAARC periods. The sample is broken down into five groups. Table 2 shows the design of regressions conducted in this study. Only five countries are ―6― included in the Pre-SAARC I Period (1971-1979) owing to missing data for the period before 1980 for two countries, Bhutan and Maldives. All other periods include seven countries.4 Table 2. Regression Design Regression Group Period (Year) Countries Included Pre-SAARC Period 1 Pre-SAARC I (1971 – 1979) 2 Pre-SAARC II (1980 – 1984) 5 countries: Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka 7 countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka Post-SAARC Period 3 4 5 SAARC I (or Pre-SAPTA) SAARC II (or Post-SAPTA) SAARC I+II (1985 – 1995) (1996 – 2005) (1985 – 2005) 7 countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka 7 countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka 7 countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka 3.1 Model Specification The gravity equation in this paper is different for two reasons. First, the model does not use the total trade flows comprising exports and imports, but exports from one country to another as the regressand. Intuitively, exports of one country are the imports of another country. When both exports and imports are accounted for in trade flows, and if imports are registered much higher than exports, the volume of trade may seemingly be inflated. Moreover, exports in a sense tend to have economic characteristics associated in theory with welfare-enhancing net trade creation effect. Second, this model does not include the exporting country’s GDP as one of the regressors to avoid endogeneity problems, as exports form part of the exporting country’s GDP (Billen et al. 2006). Accordingly, the Gravity Model takes the following form: ln( X ijt ) = β 0 + β1 ln(GDPjt ) + β 2 ln( POPN it ) + β 3 ln( DREX ijt ) + β 4 ln( DISTij ) + β 5 BORDij + β 6 LANGij + β 7CURRijt + β 8TRAGijt + β 9CONFijt + β10 MEMBijt + β11 LLOCKij (1) + β12 ILANDij + β13 PORTij + β14 SAPTAijt + δ 2 CD2 + ... + δ 7CD7 + φ TD + ε ijt where i, j and t stands for exporting country, importing country and time, respectively; Xijt denotes real exports from i to j at time t; GDPjt is the real gross domestic product of j at time t; POPNit is the population of i at time t; DREXijt is the depreciation rate of the real bilateral exchange rate of i with respect to j at time t; DISTij is the great circle distance between i and j; BORDij is a dummy variable which is one if i and j share a common border, and zero otherwise; ―7― LANGij is a dummy variable which is one if i and j share a common language, and zero otherwise; CURRijt is a dummy variable which is one if i and j use common currency at time t, and zero otherwise; TRAGijt is a dummy variable which is one for having trade agreement between i and j at time t, or zero otherwise; CONFijt is the index value for conflict between i and j at time t; MEMBijt is a dummy variable for membership in other regional trade group(s), which is one if i and j are part of a common free trade area at time t, and zero otherwise; LLOCKij is a dummy variable equal to one if a country is landlocked, and zero otherwise; ILANDij is a dummy variable equal to one if a country is an island, and zero otherwise; PORTij is a dummy variable equal to one if a country has access to sea ports, and zero otherwise; SAPTAijt is a dummy variable for South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement, which is one if i and j are part of this agreement at time t, and zero otherwise; CD an TD denote country dummy and time trend dummy respectively; β , δ and φ are vectors of nuisance coefficients; and ε ijt is the error term or any other omitted influences. More specifically, the paper estimates a pooled ordinary least squares (OLS) model, but for robustness checks it also performs sensitivity analyses using country and time dummy effects, first differencing, instrument variables (IV), fixed effects and random effects models. The parameters of interest are β8 , β 9 and β14 , i.e., the coefficients for trade agreement (TRAG), conflict (CONF), and South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA), respectively. Except for dummy variables, all other variables take on log values to narrow the range of variable and to make estimates less sensitive to outlying or extreme observations on the regressand and regressors. The novelty of this paper is that the effect of TRAG is measured visà-vis CONF that might likely offset for any frailty of results obtained by using only TRAG as one of the regressors. This variable is selected particularly as a consequence of its strong influence in determining the magnitude of trade in the SAARC bloc. 3.2 Correction for Endogeneity Bias and Heteroskedasticity In order to mitigate the potential endogeneity bias resulting from a possible correlation between the TRAG and unobserved characteristics, the paper follows corrective procedures as inspired by earlier researchers. Baier and Bergstrand (2005) distinguish a standard problem in crosssection empirical work is the potential endogeneity of right-hand side (RHS) variables. If any of the RHS variables in equation (1) is correlated with the gravity equation error term ε ijt , the variable is considered econometrically endogenous and the OLS may yield biased and inconsistent coefficient estimates. They argue that the potential endogeneity bias of RHS variables may arise due to omitted variables, simultaneity, and measurement error. In fact, ―8― omitted variables are often the major source of endogeneity bias in gravity equations. Particularly with respect to bilateral trade arrangements, the unobserved heterogeneity in trade flow determinants is associated with the decision of whether or not to form an FTA. For instance, in their earlier work, Baier and Bergstrand (2004: 6-8) find strong empirical evidence that pairs of countries that have FTAs are likely to share similar economic characteristics. That is, the probability of two countries’ governments seeking to enter into FTA may be high if they expect a large welfare gain from potential bilateral trade creation further deepening liberalization beyond tariff barriers and other non-tariff barriers into “domestic regulations”. This means that TRAGijt and the intensity of domestic regulations could be positively correlated, but ε ijt and the intensity of domestic regulations could be negatively correlated. As a result, TRAGijt and ε ijt can be negatively correlated, and the TRAGijt coefficient will tend to be underestimated. Therefore, they underscore the importance of addressing the endogeneity. Fortunately, for cross-section data, we can address the problem of omitted variables by including IV; for panel data, fixed effects and first differencing can be effectively applied to treat endogeneity biases (see Wooldridge 2003). Mátyás (1997, 1998), and Harris and Mátyás (1998) also suggest a pooled time-series of cross-sections or panel data in order to identify these biases and correctly specify the econometric model. They advocate the panel data to increase degrees of freedom, to enable identification of business cycle, and correctly account for exporting and importing country effects. Such effects can be treated as constants and estimated by fixed effects model in which one is able to identify separately the unobserved effects of those countries that have strong propensities to export and import, once divergences in other factors such as GDP, population, distance, etc. has already been accounted for. As recommended in Harris and Mátyás’ work, this paper also additionally considers a random effects model, where the unobserved effects is assumed to be uncorrelated with the explanatory variables in each time period. All estimations employ heteroskedasticity consistent covariance matrix estimator derived by White (1980), which provides correct estimates of the coefficient covariances in the presence of heteroskedasticity of unknown form. Serial correlation is not an issue because the samples are independent across time. 3.3 Computation of Variables Following Baak (2004) and Billen et al. (2005), some of the key economic variables in this model have been computed as follows: ―9― 3.3.1 Real Exports The real exports (Xijt) from country i to country j is defined as ⎛ NX ijt ⎞ × 100 ⎟⎟ X ijt = ln⎜⎜ ⎝ USDt ⎠ (2) where NXijt is the annual nominal exports (in US dollars) from country i to country j in year t, and USDt is the US GDP deflator5 in year t. 3.3.2 Real GDP The real GDP of an importing country j (GDPjt) is defined as ⎛ NGDPjt ⎞ GDPjt = ln⎜⎜ × 100 ⎟⎟ ⎝ USDt ⎠ (3) where NGDPjt is the nominal GDP of country j measured by purchasing parity, and USDt is the US GDP deflator in year t. This variable is a proxy for economic mass or size of the trading country. 3.3.3 Depreciation of real bilateral exchange rate The depreciation rate of an exporting country’s currency value (DREXijt) is determined as DREX ijt = ln (REX ijt ) − ln (REX ijt −1 ) (4) where REXijt is the real exchange rate, which is measured as REX ijt = NEX ijt × CPI jt CPI it (5) where NEXijt is the average nominal exchange rate between country i and country j in year t, and CPIit and CPIjt denote consumer price index of country i and country j respectively in year t. This variable stands as a proxy for prices. 4. The Data The data in this paper comes from a wide range of sources. Annual nominal exports data (in million US$) from the year 1971 to 2005 have been compiled from the IMF’s Direction of Trade Statistics (DOTS). Missing exports data have been supplemented from the UN Comtrade, and UNCTAD Handbook of Statistics. Nominal GDP (in constant 2000 US$) and population data were obtained from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators (WDI). The US GDP deflator, nominal exchange rates, and consumer price indices have been gathered from the IMF’s International Finance Statistics (IFS). The data for distances between two countries were calculated using the Great Circle Distance Between Capital Cities and Time and Date.com. The geographical distance is the ― 10 ― theoretical air distance, i.e., the great circle distance. Unless the capital cities of two trading countries are major hubs or trade centers, this paper considers the distance between the major trade centers of two countries, on account of the fact that if the distance is measured exclusively between the capital cities of two countries, it could probably underestimate or overestimate the actual gravity factor between two trading partners. The index for conflict variable was taken from Conflictbarometer 2005, Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research, Department of Political Science, University of Heidelberg. Other country-specific variables, such as border, language, currency, trade agreements, membership in other regional blocs, landlocked and island and status and seaports were obtained from the CIA’s The World Factbook, SAARC’s official homepage, and related websites. In addition, as evoked by Baier and Bergstrand (2005), the paper also introduces some political variables as instruments (z variables hereinafter) that might have some correlation in two governments’ decision to form an FTA, but may not have correlation with their exports. Past studies such as by Jaggers and Gurr (1999), Mansfield et al. (2002), and Kaufmann et al. (2003) reflect the fact that two countries are more inclined to form FTAs if their governments are more democratic. Therefore, three governance indicators have been selected as z variables from the World Bank’s Governance and Anti-Corruption, as F Test suggests that they are jointly significant. These are: (i) Voice and Accountability, (ii) Rule of Law, and (iii) Control of Corruption. The variables are measured in terms of percentile rank (0 to 100) – zero representing as the lowest and 100 as the highest. 5. Empirical Results 5.1 Pooled OLS Estimation (Benchmark) Table 3 presents the estimation results for pooled OLS data. The following findings emerge from the estimation. The estimated coefficients values are conventional and quite stable across all sub-periods. For instance, the trade orientation indicators for gross domestic product (GDP), population (POPN), depreciation rate of real bilateral exchange rate (DREX), distance (DIST), border (BORD), currency (CURR), trade agreement (TRAG), conflict (CONF) and membership in ORTG (MEMB) are found to have the expected signs and to register statistical significance. While countries with seaports (PORT) have positive and significant coefficient, landlocked (LLOCK) and island countries (ILAND) show negative and/or insignificant impacts on exports in general, which are also as expected. The negative coefficient for MEMB is as expected and supports the findings of Pitigala (2005: 42) since SAARC members are not so much ― 11 ― characterized as “natural trading partners” for most SAARC members demonstrate a tendency to trade outside the region. Table 3. Gravity Equation Estimates for Pooled OLS Data Model (Benchmark) Specification Sub-period 1 Pre-SAARC I Sub-period 2 Pre-SAARC II Sub-period 3 Sub-period 4 Sub-period 5 SAARC I or SAARC II or SAARC I+II Regressors Pre-SAPTA Post-SAPTA (1971-1979) (1980-1984) (1985-1995) (1996-2005) (1985-2005) 2.23*** 1.83*** 1.84*** 1.74*** ln(GDPjt) 2.51*** (24.48) (25.10) (11.86) (29.28) (4.68) 1.542*** 1.77*** 2.37*** 1.43*** ln(POPNit) 2.91*** (11.99) (15.53) (8.84) (15.06) (4.57) 1.19*** 0.45 0.65 1.47*** ln(DREXijt) 1.99*** (2.30) (0.21) (1.00) (3.50) (3.04) -4.52*** -3.65*** -2.63*** -3.42*** ln(DISTij) 1.59* (-10.89) (-9.21) (-2.73) (-11.07) (1.85) 0.37*** 0.28* 0.61 0.41*** BORDij 0.77 (2.11) (1.71) (1.52) (3.15) (1.37) -1.45 -2.13 -2.17* -1.55* LANGij 1.65 (-1.24) (-1.57) (-1.72) (-1.85) (1.57) 2.40*** 2.99*** 2.02*** CURRijt 2.14*** (6.89) (4.40) (8.61) (8.99) 0.14 -0.99*** 0.59*** -0.39*** TRAGijt 0.57*** (0.73) (-2.01) (5.11) (-3.31) (3.86) -0.75** -0.61*** -0.67** -0.86*** -0.61** CONFijt (-2.10) (-6.09) (-2.45) (-4.02) (-1.99) -1.19*** -0.88*** -0.84*** 0.03 -0.81*** MEMBijt (-7.05) (-2.05) (-5.71) (0.04) (-3.98) -0.30 -3.01*** -0.38 0.62 -1.06*** LLOCKij (-0.86) (-3.72) (-1.29) (0.72) (-2.64) 0.04 0.71 -0.05 0.46 0.14 ILAND ij (0.14) (1.05) (-0.20) (0.57) (0.50) 3.10*** -1.88*** 2.61*** 2.02*** PORTij (14.49) (-3.76) (14.56) (8.59) -20.55*** -24.27*** -18.59*** -59.19*** -20.57*** Constant (-14.31) (-5.56) (-14.91) (-4.80) (-12.90) 462 210 882 180 420 Observations 0.81 0.67 0.77 0.50 0.80 R2 Notes: The regressand, ln(Xijt) is the log real exports. Numbers in parenthesis are t-statistics. *, ** and *** indicate significance level at 10 percent, 5 percent and 1 percent, respectively. White Heteroskedasticity-Consistent Standard Errors & Covariance used. In contrast to our expectations, the coefficient for DIST is counterintuitive and statistically significant at 10 percent level of significance in the sub-period 1. One principal reason for this can be attributed to the fact that the closest neighbors, namely, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh were hostile to each other during the period on account of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War (Mukti Juddho) or what is commonly known as the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971. Hence, trade plummeted sharply for these countries during the period. The only two countries that were engaged in formal trade were Nepal and Sri Lanka, which are the most distant countries in the region. Therefore, in this case, the result cannot be interpreted in a causal fashion. ― 12 ― The coefficients for LLOCK and PORT are also more or less consistent to expectations. However, the negative coefficient for PORT in the sub-period 2 could appear as result of repercussions of the war amongst three major countries in the earlier sub-period 1, as noted above. One result that attracts attention is the negative and statistically significant coefficient for language (LANG) for the sub-period 2 through 5, while our conventional wisdom tells us that it should have a positive coefficient. The reason goes back to none other than the abovementioned interpretation, wherein most of the trading partners in the region with similar languages have been exhibiting animosity against each other due to history of war and contentions, thereby resulting in less trade and nullifying the expected positive impact. Another parameter of interest is the coefficient for CONF, which is negatively associated with exports at 1 percent significance level against a two-sided alternative across all periods. In sub-period 1, the coefficient for CONF is -0.86, suggesting that the presence of conflict between two trading partners decreases exports by about 58 percent ( e −0.86 ).6 Similarly, in sub-period 2, sub-period 3, sub-period 4 and sub-period 5, the negative impact of CONF is reflected by the decrease in exports between the trading partners by about 46 percent, 53 percent, 46 percent and 49 percent, respectively. Given the scenario of hostility and incessant discord amongst SAARC members as already discussed above, this result is not surprising. Of special interest in this regression result is the coefficient for TRAG, which is negative and statistically significant at 1 percent level of significance for the sub-period 1 and sub-period 2, insignificant in the sub-period 3, and then positive and highly significant again in the subperiod 4 and sub-period 5. It is quite evident that before SAARC came into existence, intraregional trade was much lower amongst the South Asian nations. Even after the inception of SAARC in 1985, the impact is not significant during the sub-period 3. However, the impact of TRAG can be clearly observed in the sub-period 4 and sub-period 5, i.e., after the SAPTA came into operation in 1995. For instance, in the case of sub-period 2, which is the period just before SAARC came into force, the coefficient of TRAG is -0.99, and the coefficient in sub-period 4, i.e., the period after SAPTA came into operation is 0.57. This implies that even those countries that did have trade agreements had about 63 percent less exports in the sub-period 2. However, in the sub-period 4, exports increased by about 77 percent. There is a further increase in exports in the sub-period 5 by about 80 percent. These results indicate that the impact of trade agreements is time-dependent or period-specific, which is largely consistent with the findings by Baier and Bergstrand (2005). Moreover, this strongly supports our hypothesis and the case for deeper regional trade integration in South Asia. ― 13 ― 5.2 Robustness Checks Thus far, we have observed strong positive impact of trade agreements on exports, but are the findings robust? To check the robustness of the benchmark results, some sensitivity analyses are performed using country and time dummies, first differencing, IV technique, and fixed as well as random effects models.7 5.2.1 Country Dummy Effects With the introduction of country dummies, both GDP and POPN are still strongly associated with exports. The impact of DREX is found to be largely insignificant. This may be because almost all SAARC countries follow a fixed exchange rate system and so the depreciation rates amongst these countries are negligible. Following analogous trend in Table 3, the coefficient for DIST is found to be positive in the sub-period 1, but negative and significant for the most part, which is typically as expected. The coefficient for BORD turns out to be insignificant and even negative in the sub-period 1 with the inclusion of country dummies. The estranged relationship between two major countries in the region, India and Pakistan, could yet again explain this phenomenon. Besides, although Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal also share a common border, the gravity effect of these smaller countries have so little impact relative to huge economies of India and Pakistan. The coefficients for LANG, CURR, TRAG and CONF show very similar pattern as in the benchmark results. The interpretations for this are not so different from what has been deliberated earlier. Nevertheless, a careful scrutiny demonstrates that the positive impact of TRAG has slightly weakened in the sub-periods 4 and 5. On the other hand, CONF has a further negative impact on exports, as the exports during the sub-period 4 and sub-period 5 decreased by almost 59 percent and 51 percent, respectively. Except for the sub-period 2, PORT has a significant impact on exports in the sub-period 3, sub-period 4 and sub-period 5. Interestingly, economically larger countries, especially India and Pakistan did not fare well in sub-period 1, displaying clearly the backlash of the war during the period. Nevertheless, beginning from the sub-period 3, i.e., soon after SAARC came into being, trade volume of these three countries picked up momentum with positive and significant impacts on the regressand. As characteristic to gravity effects, small economies like Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal are losers in the game, but it is interesting to note that during the sub-period 1 when all major players were at conflict, only Nepal and Sri Lanka fared well as they continued to have better terms of trade. During the same period, DIST though positive, is not statistically different from zero, which further justifies this observation. ― 14 ― 5.2.2 Time Dummy Effects Adding time dummies has little material effect on the estimated results. However, a few points worth mentioning are the insignificant impacts of DREX and BORD, and the inclusion of lag for TRAG has a stronger positive impact especially in the sub-period 5. Inclusion of one lag for TRAG has an increased impact on coefficient from 0.47 to 0.49. With two lags, the coefficient value leaped to 0.50. 8 With regard to coefficients of the CONF variable, the trend is very similar with significantly negative impacts on exports for all sub-periods. 5.2.3 Country and Time Dummy Effects There is not much variation in the results even after controlling for both country and time dummy effects. In general, we observe that the TRAG and CONF effects retain similar trend. However, the intensity of TRAG weakens in comparison to the earlier results. 5.2.4 First Differencing First differencing is particularly useful when the unobserved factors that change over time are serially correlated. If ε ijt follows a random walk, meaning that there is very substantial positive serial correlation, then the difference Δε ijt is serially uncorrelated, and therefore, first differencing is a good alternative to solve this problem. 9 Focusing again on the TRAG and CONF variables, the coefficients retain the expected signs as before. TRAG has a highly significant positive impact on exports in the post-SAARC periods, i.e., in the sub-period 4 and sub-period 5. The estimates suggest that TRAG increases partner countries’ exports by about 127 percent in the sub-period 4 and about 132 percent in the sub-period 5. CONF, on the other hand, has a negative impact in all periods, and the coefficients are statistically significant from the sub-period 3 through sub-period 6, but the impacts are lesser as compared to the earlier OLS estimates. 5.2.5 IV and 2SLS Estimation A set of three z variables are used as IV that is likely to influence the formation of FTA and less likely to be correlated to the error term, ε ijt . The method of IV can be used to solve the problem of endogeneity of one or more explanatory variables. This method applies two staged least squares (2SLS or TSLS), which is second in popularity next to OLS for estimating linear equations in applied econometrics. Six different scenarios were tested using IV technique and 2SLS (see Table 4). ― 15 ― Table 4. Gravity Equation Estimates using IV Specification (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) With no With With Time With With First With First Country Country Dummies Country and Differencing Differencing Regressors and Time Dummies Time and Time and no Time Dummies Dummies Dummies Dummies 2.37*** 2.28*** 1.89*** 2.37*** 1.90*** ln(GDPjt) 2.23*** (23.49) (23.62) (6.10) (23.55) (6.17) (24.48) -10.25*** 1.64*** -0.34 -8.77*** -0.32 ln(POPNit) 1.54*** (-2.04) (11.73) (-0.51) (-3.55) (-0.47) (11.99) 0.27 -1.64 6.10*** -0.07 5.78*** ln(DREXijt) 7.19*** (0.06) (-0.41) (2.64) (-0.017 (2.46) (2.30) -4.79*** -4.59*** -4.67*** -4.79*** -4.70*** ln(DISTij) -4.52*** (-11.65) (-11.20) (-2.93) (-11.67) (-2.95) (-10.89) -0.06 0.24 1.56*** -0.07 1.55*** 0.37*** BORDij (-0.20) (0.81) (2.23) (-0.21) (2.21) (2.11) -1.44*** -1.59*** -1.33*** -1.61*** -1.45*** LANGij -1.33*** (-5.65) (-2.44) (-5.25) (-2.46) (-5.24) (-5.25) 2.26*** 0.51 2.23*** 0.51 2.14*** 2.22*** CURRijt (5.21) (0.54) (5.04) (0.54) (8.99) (5.03) 0.50*** 0.81* 0.34* 0.81* 0.57*** 0.34* TRAGijt (2.73) (1.76) (1.78) (1.80) (3.86) (1.79) -0.83*** -0.68*** -0.90*** -0.69*** -0.81*** -0.90*** CONFijt (-7.67) (-3.06) (-8.24) (-3.08) (-10.66) (-8.23) -0.82*** 1.81 -1.32*** 1.78 -0.811*** -1.37*** MEMBijt (-3.86) (1.37) (-4.92) (1.34) (-3.98) (-4.45) -0.94 -3.409*** -8.99*** -3.43*** -1.06*** -10.10*** LLOCKij (-1.64) (-3.16) (-4.52) (-3.23) (-2.64) (-2.63) 0.27 -4.06*** -27.46*** -4.04*** 0.14 -31.40*** ILAND ij (0.85) (-2.53) (-4.11) (-2.53) (0.50) (-2.33) 2.06*** 1.88 1.84*** 1.86 2.02*** 1.84*** PORTij (4.16) (1.46) (3.57) (1.46) (8.59) (3.56) 19.08*** 0.01 63.22*** -23.89 -20.57*** 36.39 Constant (3.40) (0.22) (3.13) (-0.63) (-12.90) (0.44) 420 420 420 420 420 420 Observations 0.81 0.54 0.81 0.54 0.80 0.81 2SLS R2 Notes: The regressand, ln(Xijt) is the log real exports. Numbers in parenthesis are t-statistics. *, ** and *** indicate significance level at 10 percent, 5 percent and 1 percent, respectively. White Heteroskedasticity-Consistent Standard Errors & Covariance used. Instrument variables used are (i) Voice and Accountability, (ii) Rule of Law, and (iii) Control of Corruption. The results obtained by using z variables do not deviate much from the earlier results. The impact of TRAG is still positive and statistically significant, while the impact of CONF is negative and statistically significant. Nevertheless, in specifications 5 and 6, with the first differencing TRAG has a significant impact on exports yielding an increase in exports by about 125 percent each, respectively. Hausman Test is applied to compare the OLS and 2SLS estimates and to determine whether the differences are statistically significant. This procedure tests the null hypothesis (H0) that the error term ε ijt of the OLS and the error term of the 2SLS (say, v2 ) are not correlated. The test fails to reject the H0 concluding the exogeneity of z variables because ε ijt and v2 are not correlated. In addition, the testing of overidentifying ― 16 ― restrictions used in the 2SLS suggests that the model is just identified. Thus, the impact of TRAG in the last two specifications is consistent and reliable. Similar results from the first differencing method further justify the robustness of the estimates. 5.2.6 Fixed and Random Effects Models F Test was conducted to test whether or not the fixed effects coefficients are equal by comparing the sum of squared residuals (SSR) from the fixed effects model and the random effects model. The computed p-value of zero soundly rejects the H0 of equal intercepts. In addition, p-values of the Hausman Test are essentially zero for almost all periods, and so the H0 of the random effects model in favor of the fixed effects model is rejected. As in the pooled OLS model, one can also observe that almost all the coefficients of GDP and POPN for both the fixed effects model and random effects model are statistically significant and positive, while the coefficient for the DIST is statistically significant with a conventional negative coefficient. The coefficient for DREX is largely insignificant in the case of both fixed and random effects. 5.3 Effect of SAPTA Researchers more often than not have raised debates that SAPTA has not been the main vehicle for enhancing intra-SAARC trade. This contentious argument necessitates further empirical testing. As we have seen in the earlier tests that the impact of TRAG is mostly seen in the subperiod 4 and sub-period 5, i.e., the period after SAPTA came into operation. This gives a high possibility for us to conclude that the major impact on exports could have arisen because of the SAPTA, and at the same time, undermine the role of TRAG as such. In order to unravel this paradox, three more tests were carried out using SAPTA as one of the dummy regressors (see Table 5). Interestingly, the coefficient for SAPTA, despite being positive does not show significant impact at conventional significance levels even in the post-SAARC periods, and as we move backwards in time, SAPTA is rather negatively associated with exports especially for those countries that do not have bilateral trade agreements. On the other hand, it is fascinating to observe that TRAG has a significant impact during the later two periods from 1985-2005 and from 1980-2005. Although the impact of TRAG also diminishes as we move backwards towards the earlier period, the impact is not statistically significant. This could simply mean that the impact of TRAG increased over time during the later sub-periods not specifically because of the inception of the SAPTA. Stated otherwise, SAPTA has not been the main vehicle for increasing the impact of TRAG on exports in the later periods. Therefore, the increased intra-regional exports in the post-SAARC periods could have apparently stemmed from the delayed impact of ― 17 ― the existing bilateral trade agreements amongst SAARC countries, besides the catalytic effect of SAPTA to some extent. This observation is further elaborated in the subsequent section. Table 5. Effects of SAPTA and TRAG Impact of SAPTA Impact of TRAG Countries with Trade Agreements (1985-2005) Countries without Trade Agreements (1985-2005) Countries with and without Agreements (1985-2005) Not significant, positive coefficient. Significant at 1% significance −0.84 Not Significant, negative coefficient. (1980-2005) −0.79 (1980-2005) Not Significant, but negative coefficient. (1971-2005) Significant at 1% significance (1971-2005) (1980-2005) Not significant, positive coefficient. (1971-2005) Significant at 1% significance −0.35 level, e = -56.83%. (1980-2005) Significant at 1% significance level, e = -54.62%. (1971-2005) Significant at 1% significance −0.95 Countries with Trade Agreements (1985-2005) Countries without Trade Agreements (1985-2005) Countries with and without Agreements (1985-2005) Significant at 1% significance 0.56 (1980-2005) level, e = 75.07%. (1980-2005) Significant at 1% significance 0.41 level, e = 50.68%. (1971-2005) (1971-2005) Significant at 1% significance −0.25 −0.56 level, e = level, e = level, e = level, e = -29.53%. -61.33%. -22.12%. -42.88%. Notes: Intercepts and coefficients for all standard covariates not reported for brevity and ease of presentation. TRAG/SAPTA variable for specific periods are omitted to avoid collinearity. 5.4 Lagged Effects of TRAG Table 6 shows the comparative lagged effects of TRAG. Adjusting for unobserved heterogeneity using country and time dummy effects provide impressive results. Table 6. Comparative Lagged Effects of TRAG Specification (1) (2) (3) With no Country With Country With Time and Time Dummies Dummies Dummies (1985-2005) (1985-2005) (1985-2005) % No. of % No. of % No. of Year Increase Times Increase Times Increase Times Increase Increase Increase 1986 4.73 1.05 6.19 1.06 6.79 1.07 1987 6.07 1.06 9.46 1.09 10.00 1.10 1990 15.75 1.16 22.86 1.23 27.27 1.27 1995 40.99 1.41 55.39 1.55 65.54 1.66 2000 36.67 1.37 57.66 1.58 52.45 1.52 2004 81.85 1.82 118.72 2.19 121.37 2.21 Note: The percentage increase is measured from the base year 1985. (4) With Country and Time Dummies (1985-2005) % No. of Increase Times Increase 6.21 1.80 9.51 1.10 23.68 1.24 57.10 1.57 58.59 1.59 127.84 2.28 For instance, in specification (1), the impact of TRAG after 15 years (i.e., in 2000) from the inception of SAARC in 1985 is about 37 percent increase, an increase by 1.37 times. During the same year, the impact of TRAG is nearly 58 percent, 52 percent and 59 percent in ― 18 ― specification (2), (3) and (4), respectively. However, in 2004 (after 19 years), there is a dramatic increase in the TRAG effects from about 82 percent in specification (1) to almost 119 percent in specification (2), 121 percent in specification (3) and 128 percent in specification (4). That is, the impact of TRAG is more than twofold using country and time dummy effects. These results are evocative and consistent with the findings of Baier and Bergstrand (2005), whose estimates suggest that an FTA on average doubles two member countries’ bilateral trade after 10 years.10 It may be noted that the overall percentage increase of exports after 19 years from the base year 1985 to 2004 is 885 percent (see Table 7). If we consider the cumulative average impact of TRAG during this time period in specifications (1), (2), (3) and (4) in 2004 as 113 percent, then the independent role of the TRAG amongst different variables in enhancing intra-regional exports works out to be approximately 13 percent. Understandably, it took nearly two decades for TRAG to show reasonably clear impacts, which illustrates the sluggish nature of SAARC’s progress in trade integration. Table 7. Intra-SAARC Exports (1985-2004) Year US$ Million Elapsed no. of Years 0 600.83 1985 1 553.61 1986 2 614.76 1987 3 786.67 1988 4 862.25 1989 5 862.96 1990 6 1013.15 1991 7 1238.75 1992 8 1191.47 1993 9 1433.54 1994 10 2023.65 1995 11 2144.45 1996 12 2173.94 1997 13 2466.26 1998 14 2180.00 1999 15 2593.37 2000 16 2826.68 2001 17 2997.97 2002 18 4773.32 2003 19 5919.36 2004 Note: The percentage increase is measured from the base year 1985. Source: Author’s calculation using data from the UNCTAD Handbook of Statistics 2005. 6. % Increase 0.0 -7.86 2.32 30.93 43.51 43.63 68.63 106.17 98.31 138.59 236.81 256.92 261.82 310.48 262.83 331.63 370.47 398.97 694.46 885.20 Summary of Findings Part I of this study has estimated a generalized form of Gravity Model to determine the impact of trade agreements on exports in the SAARC region. The model performed well empirically yielding reasonably precise and good estimates, which are largely consistent with results of the earlier studies employing a gravity model and pooled trade data. ― 19 ― The fundamental question that arose from the results was whether trade agreements have had a significant positive impact on the volume of intra-regional exports of SAARC countries. The answer is yes, but one should interpret with caution. This is because the empirical tests have found scarce evidence of the impact of trade agreements on exports in pre-SAARC I (subperiod 1 from 1971 to 1979), pre-SAARC II (sub-period 2 from 1980 to 1984), and SAARC I (sub-period 3 from 1985 to 1995). However, a significant positive impact of trade agreements on exports is observed in SAARC II or post-SAPTA period (sub-period 4 from 1996 to 2005) and for SAARC I+II (sub-period 5 from 1985 to 2005), even amidst sustained significant negative impact of conflict in all sub-periods. The phenomenon is observable irrespective of the estimation techniques applied. Thus, the results soundly support our hypothesis indicating positive benefits of having trade agreements amongst SAARC countries. The next important question was to ascertain whether the signing of the SAPTA has stimulated intra-SAARC trade in the region. Empirical tests find little evidence of the impact of SAPTA signaling very modest role played by SAPTA in inducing trade creation within the region. This is because the test results show that the positive impact appears to have emanated not exclusively from the SAPTA per se, but as a coalesced effect arising from the delayed impact of the existing trade agreements amongst SAARC countries. Based on the results obtained from this model, the next pertinent question that follows is: What would be the economic impact or welfare implications for SAARC countries consequent to ratification of SAFTA, and also by extending the notion of FTAs for inter-regional trade with other interested observer countries? However, the Gravity Model cannot efficaciously estimate the welfare effects of FTAs, or more expressly, the trade creation and trade diversion effects. In order to tackle the latter set of three research questions posed in this study, the most appropriate tool is found to be the global AGE/CGE model, such as the GTAP Model. In view of this, we employ the GTAP Model in Part II to address the welfare implications of SAFTA as well as trade integration with five observer countries to explore the relevance and economic potential for pan-Asian-European economic cooperation. This is also done with a view to throwing light on any possibilities for SAARC nations in having FTAs with the observers and thereby extending and/or expounding new perspectives for future memberships. ― 20 ― PART II ASSESSING THE ECONOMIC IMPACTS AND WELFARE IMPLICATIONS OF SAFTA AND SAFTA+5: THE SOUTH ASIAN EXPERIENCE 1. Introduction Free trade and regional economic integration is increasingly becoming a pervasive trend in the current era of globalization and multilateral trading system. Emulating the regional trade blocs in Europe and the Americas, the movement towards bilateralism and regionalism has been gaining momentum in South Asia and East Asia during the last decade with the unfolding of numerous trade agreements signed one after another based upon reciprocity (ADB 2006; Harrigan et al. 2006). This is perhaps the reason why Asami (2005: 7) reckons that regional integration is “inevitable as globalization becomes the order of the day.” In fact, the headlong rush for bilateralism, regionalism, and free trade during the last decade has ushered a new era in the global trading system. Regional trading agreements (RTAs), for all intents and purposes, have become one of the major international developments in recent times, which commonly take the form of bilateral trade agreements (BTAs), preferential trading arrangements (PTAs), free trade agreements (FTAs), customs unions, common market, economic union, or such agreements leading to one or the other. BTAs, PTAs and FTAs in particular are assuming a prominent role in economic integration in the developing region of South Asia. South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established in 1985 when the seven nations of South Asia comprising Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka teamed up for a common purpose of reducing poverty, strengthening regional cooperation and accelerating economic growth in the region. A first step towards fulfilling this aspiration transpired when South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) became operational in 1995. Subsequently, on July 1, 2006, South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) became operational creating a framework for establishment of a free trade area covering almost 1.5 billion people. Under the Agreement, member states of the SAARC bloc have concurred to bring their tariffs down to 0-5 percent by 2016. Furthermore, five observer countries, particularly China, Japan, South Korea, the United States, and the European Union (EU) have lately been showing keen interest in associating with this region.11 Japan and the EU have already started negotiations for bilateral FTA with India, while China is in the queue. These developing issues provide incentive for us to ask some fundamental questions such as: (1) What are the economic effects of SAFTA on trade flows as a result of the reduction in ― 21 ― tariffs given the present economic structures of SAARC countries and varied levels of development? (2) What will be the welfare implications of FTA amongst the SAFTA members and the five observers that integrate the North and the South? and (3) Which of the contracting parties are likely to have potential welfare benefits and most feasible FTAs? The motivation for this study emerges from the fact that free trade and regional integration is one of the most important building blocks for economic growth in the region. The main objective of this paper is therefore to evaluate the economic impacts and welfare implications of SAFTA amongst the member states as well as FTAs of SAARC nations with three East Asian giants, i.e., China, Japan and South Korea, and the two big players of the West, the United States and the EU (hereinafter referred to as “+5”). The first hypothesis we test is whether the compensation by means of preferential tariff concessions from the winners to losers will ensure all countries to gain from FTAs. In other words, selective combinations of tariff rates are expected to result in welfare gains of both the contracting parties. The second hypothesis to be tested is whether or not SAFTA and FTAs with the aforementioned +5 countries will be welfare improving to SAARC member countries because the positive effects from trade creation are expected to be larger than the negative effects from trade diversion. In order to do so, we employ the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Model – a multiregion, multisector applied general equilibrium (AGE) 12 model based on perfect competition and constant returns to scale. The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: Section 2 provides the theoretical considerations on free trade encompassing different forms of trade integration tools, and the momentum for broader economic agenda in South Asia. The model calibration, aggregation strategy and the data are discussed in Section 3. Section 4 presents the simulation scenarios and welfare experimentation design, while Section 5 evaluates the results from several bilateral and plurilateral FTA options for SAARC countries with +5 countries. Section 6 details the summary of important findings. 2. Some Issues on Free Trade and Welfare 2.1 Bilateralism or Plurilateralism? Bilateralism comprises the political, economic and cultural relations between two states, while regionalism constitutes more than two states that express a particular identity and shape collective action within a geographical region. Plurilateralism, on the other hand is in “between bilateralism and multilateralism, and indicates a policy of three or more countries concluding a regional economic agreement, and promoting trade liberalization” (Oyane 2001: 9). Plurilateral agreements are the contractual agreements that are made in between the states and/or blocs of diverse geographic regions. Plurilateralism provides the possibility of enabling relatively simple ― 22 ― negotiations between multiple countries with common interests, and expanding in a domino effect the resultant liberalization (U.S. Council of Economic Advisers 1995). Amongst the many trade agreements in the world, plurilateral agreements are one of the most important developments witnessing some of the historical moments in international trade. Without restricting to any particular region of the world, plurilateral agreements have made their mark all over the world. Two of the major agreements comprise Middle East Free Trade Area (USMEFTA) and Euro-Mediterranean free trade area (EU-MEFTA). Multilateralism, on the other hand, is a term in international relations that refers to a large number of countries working in concert on a given issue. Good examples are the United Nations (UN) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). The fad for free trade and economic integration is in effect questioning the virtues of bilateral versus multilateral trading system. Proponents have their own set of arguments for favoring their respective positions. Raihan and Razzaque (2007: 17) argue that bilateralism is trade-creating because countries can “lock-in” reforms via bilateral FTAs or RTAs,13 which is often politically not executable under multilateralism. Moreover, while multilateral trade talks are much more complex, trade liberalization can take place more easily through bilateral talks, as bilateral agreements have greater flexibility and ease that is lacking in most compromisedependent multilateral systems. On the flip side, Raihan and Razzaque (2007) as well point out that bilateral FTAs undermine the spirit of multilateralism. They affirm that there is a possibility of discrimination against the excluded countries, and too much involvement in bilateral negotiations may distract attention from multilateral liberalization, and as such, the world might be divided into a few protectionist blocs, further strengthening the opposition to multilateral liberalization. Khor (2006) argues that multilateralism tends to have a systematic bias toward rich countries and multinational corporations, harming smaller countries which have less negotiating power. Furthermore, the “spaghetti bowl” phenomenon, as propounded by Bhagwati (2005: 28), can emerge because of the traversing of simultaneous bilateral trade negotiations. Nonetheless, Burfisher and Zahniser (2003) maintain that a country need not necessarily follow a stringent single policy towards liberalization in a fundamentally globalized world. Dual trade reforms involving bilateral and plurilateral trading arrangements form the best possible options for taking full advanatage of liberalized economies. Multilateralism is clearly beneficial in that it engages virtually every country in the world in a mutual process of trade reform. In contrast, while the bilateral and plurilateral are exclusive and discriminatory, they are ― 23 ― capable of much deeper trade reforms since their adherents are fewer, more like-minded and committed, and often linked geographically and historically. 2.2 Free Trade and National Welfare Hudgins (1996: 231) contends that all forms of trade liberalization are “valid means” to opening world markets. Each of the channels has a specific role for free trade and they should not be discarded without a good reason. Low (2004: 2) asserts that “free trade remains the first best trade policy.” Indeed, everyone stands to gain from free trade, either through the mechanics involving economies of scale, or the offering of more opportunities for learning and innovation (Caves et al. 2007; Krugman and Obstfeld 2003). Even critics concede, in general, that freer trade through bilateral or regional trade liberalization improves the welfare of countries by promoting wealth creation. However, some conditions, opening markets with only selected trading partners could become a conduit for trade diversion (Weintraub 1996). Brown et al. (2003) point to the fact that separate bilateral FTAs have positive, but generally small welfare effects on the partner countries, and potentially disruptive sectoral employment shifts in some countries. They argue that regional agreements such as APEC, ASEAN+3, and a Western Hemisphere FTA would increase global and member country welfare, but much less so than the multilateral trading organizations, such as the WTO. While they also detect evidence of trade diversion and detrimental welfare effects on some nonmember countries in the case of PTAs, the welfare gains from multilateral trade liberalization are found to be considerably greater and uniformly positive for all countries. A global scale multilateral trade framework may have an advantage in terms of resource allocation, economic welfare and economic prosperity in theory; however, the next best framework has always been the bilateral, or plurilateral agreements, which enables lowering of trade barriers amongst members without having to lower barriers for the non-members. Bilateral FTAs and plurilateral RTAs also prevail over multilateral framework like the WTO in terms of dealing with difficult trade problems, as the WTO normally must cater to the lowest common policy denominator (Hudgins 1996). All in all, there is a general consensus amongst trade analysts on the existence of a similar relationship between these arrangements. In so far as bilateral, plurilateral and multilateral trade liberalizations are concerned, they are all a complementary means to opening world markets, which in turn contributes to ultimately achieving the goal of greater national welfare and economic liberty (Doshi 2008). 2.3 SAFTA and Broader Economic Agenda The worldwide proliferation of PTAs and successful implementation of India’s bilateral FTA with Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka was somehow the precursor that led to the signing of the ― 24 ― SAFTA on January 6, 2004 (see Baysan et al. 2006; Mohanty 2003), which eventually became operational since July 1, 2006. The SAFTA framework covers tariff reductions, rules of origin (ROO), safeguards, institutional structures, and dispute settlement. It also calls for the adoption of various trade facilitation measures, such as harmonization of standards and mutual recognition of test results, harmonization of customs procedures, and cooperation in improving transport infrastructure. These measures are expected to help significantly reduce the cost of international trade, especially regional trade. The SAFTA trade liberalization process will take 10 years to complete. However, this extended timeline of the SAFTA Agreement is viewed by some analysts to weaken SAFTA’s impact if other trading arrangements supersede it (Batra 2005). The tariff reduction by non-LDCs (India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka) to LDCs (Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, and Maldives) would be completed in two phases: In Phase I (1/1/2006 – 31/12/2007), the existing tariff rates above 20 percent are to be reduced to 20 percent within two years, and tariff below 20 percent is to be reduced on a margin of preference basis of 10 percent on actual tariff rates for each of the two years. Phase II (1/1/2008 – 31/12/2012) requires tariffs to be reduced to 0-5 percent within 5 years (Sri Lanka is given six years). The tariff reduction by LDCs would also be completed in two phases as well. In Phase I (1/1/2006 – 31/12/2007), the existing tariff rates above 30 percent will be reduced to 30 percent within two years and tariff below 30 percent to be reduced on margin of preference basis of 5 percent for each of the two years. In Phase II (1/1/2008 – 31/12/2015), tariffs will be reduced to 0-5 percent in equal installments, but not less than 10 percent annually (see SAFTA 2004). Very few studies have hitherto attempted to examine the welfare effects of SAFTA. These studies have demonstrated mixed results. For instance, Baysan et al. (2006) surmise the economic case for SAFTA to be rather weak on account of small economic size of SAARC countries vis-à-vis rest of the world, prevalence of high levels of tariff and para-tariff protections, sectoral exclusions and stringent ROO. In contrast, Rodríguez-Delgado (2007) shows that SAFTA can provide the highest increase for SAARC countries in terms of trade flows they could expect from any RTAs. Others like Raihan and Razzaque (2007) conclude that a full implementation of SAFTA will lead to welfare gains for all South Asian countries, with the exception of Bangladesh. Such conflicting arguments call for the need to re-examine the economic impacts of the SAFTA. Intent on their quest for a greater liberalization, proponents of regionalism are proposing a broader Asian Economic Community (AEC), encompassing ASEAN+3, ASEAN+4, ASEAN+6, and/or East Asian Summit (EAS) countries (see Kumar 2005; Mohanty and Pohit 2007). This ― 25 ― provides further impetus for an exploration of an additional agenda, i.e., the impact of a significantly broader integration of South Asia with +5 countries – linking South Asia to the Far East and the West. SAFTA+5 is, therefore, expected to have an integration potential much more across-the-board with membership open to some of the most influential economies in the world, and more so by way of economic mass and geographical coverage. 3. Methodology and Data 3.1 The GTAP Model and the AGE Framework Several researchers in the area of international trade and development are ever more becoming ardent users of the GTAP Model today because the database accompanying the GTAP Model is well suited to analyze the consequences of a free trade area (see Gehlhar 1997; Young and Huff 1997). In fact, a multiregion AGE approach has a number of advantages over partial equilibrium in that the model not only allows for endogenous movements of regional prices and quantities in response of technological change, but also provides a consistent framework that “avoid pitfalls of under- or overcounting welfare effects in a multimarket setting” amongst others (Frisvold 1997: 324). According to Raihan (2008: 16), the GTAP Model “is the best possible way for the ex ante analysis of economic and trade consequences of comprehensive multilateral or bilateral trade agreements.” The GTAP Model employed in this paper covers 57 industrial sectors including agriculture, manufactures and services in 87 countries/regions. It handles the bilateral trade via Armington assumption (see GTAP 2005). The basic innovations of this model include the treatment of private household preferences using the non-homothetic Constant Difference of Elasticities (CDE) functional form, explicit international trade and transport margins, and a global banking sector that links global savings and investment. It also allows users a wide range of closure options, including a selection of partial equilibrium closures that facilitate comparison of results to studies based on partial equilibrium assumptions (see Hertel 1997; Hertel and Tsigas 1997). The model integrates and incorporates a macro framework of the multiregion open economy model using a wide set of variables, parameters, and equations (see Swaminathan 1997). In contrast to the closed economy, the multiregion model includes separate conditional demand equations for domestic and imported intermediate inputs. The savings and investment are computed on a global basis, so that all savers in the model face a common price for this savings commodity. This implies that if all markets in the multiregional model are in equilibrium, all firms earn zero profits, and all households are on their budget constraint, then global investment must equal global savings to satisfy the Walras’ Law (Brockmeier 2001). ― 26 ― As in the Michigan Model applied by Brown et al. (2003) that incorporates some aspects of the New Trade Theory including increasing returns to scale, monopolistic competition, and product variety, the GTAP Model operates in much the similar way and the database is formulated and solved using the General Equilibrium Modeling Package (GEMPACK) software as initially illustrated in Harrison and Pearson (1996). Besides, capital and labor are assumed to be mobile across economic sectors with the assumption of full employment. The labor component is divided into skilled and unskilled labor, which is combined in a Constant Elasticity of Substitution (CES) function to form a composite labor input, and sectoral output is a CES function of capital and composite labor. The GTAP world model allows for greater regional and sectoral disaggregation and more detailed treatment of taxes and subsidies. 3.2 Model Calibration and Aggregation Strategy To estimate and simulate the effects of FTA, we develop two scenarios: a base scenario with unaltered trade policies, and a free trade scenario amongst SAARC countries (SAFTA effects) as well as FTAs with the observer countries (SAFTA+5 effects). SAFTA, in this context, stands for those SAARC countries who are signatories to SAFTA Agreement. As aforementioned, the descriptor code “+5” is assigned for China, Japan, South Korea, the United States and the EU. The model evaluates the effects of both bilateral and plurilateral FTAs so as to precisely compare and contrast the extent of these effects quantitatively. The model takes into account the cross-sectional data from a single base period, and imposes a detailed theoretical structure on the interactions amongst different data elements. The model is exploited by changing the shocks and observing how the remaining variables adjust. This is a comparative-static model that can be effectivley used to analyze the reactions of the economy at a point in time. The results exhibit the difference between two alternative future states, with and without the policy shock. From 87 regions and 57 sectors, the GTAP dataset for this model is aggregated down to 10 regions and 20 sectors, respectively (see Table 8). Individual country/region is separated to the extent possible so as to distinguish the welfare and trade effects of policy changes by country/region and sectors based on similarities in factor shares and characteristics. The regional analysis largely focuses on the SAARC countries. The five primary factors include land, unskilled labor, skilled labor, capital, and natural resources. The aggregations are set up with a view to test five major effects under a number of different scenarios/experiments: (i) Effects of bilateral FTAs amongst SAARC countries, (ii) Effects of plurilateral FTA amongst SAARC countries, (iii) Effects of bilateral FTAs of SAARC members as a single entity with +5, ― 27 ― (iv) Effects of bilateral FTAs of individual SAARC countries with +5, and (v) Effects of plurilateral FTAs of SAARC members as a single entity with +5. Table 8. Regional and Sectoral Aggregation Sector Code Description Food and agriculture products 1 Crops Farm animals and products 2 Livestock Dairy and meat products 3 Dairy Forestry and logging 4 Forestry Fishing and related activities 5 Fishing Mining and extraction 6 Mining Beverages and tobacco products 7 Beverages Manufactures and recycling 8 Manufactures Textiles and clothing 9 Textiles Leather tanning and products 10 Leather Chemical and mineral products 11 Chemical Automobiles and spares 12 Automobile Metals and metal products 13 Metals Office equipment and apparatus 14 Electronics Machinery and equipment 15 Machinery Basic utilities 16 Utility Retail and wholesale trade 17 Trade Transport and communication 18 Transport Construction works 19 Construction Other services 20 Services Note: Rest of South Asia (RSA) includes Afghanistan, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, and Pakistan. Source: GTAP6 database. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Region Code BGD IND LKA RSA CHN JPN KOR USA EU ROW Description Bangladesh India Sri Lanka Rest of South Asia China Japan South Korea United Sates of America European Union 27 Rest of the World 3.3 Import Tariff and Export Subsidy The analyses in this paper lay special focus on the reduction of import tariffs and export subsidies mainly because these are the two most important protection measures available in quantifiable terms that influence trade in South Asia to a large extent.14 Table 9. Import Tariffs by Source (mean % ad valorem rate) S/N Code Country/Region 1 BGD Bangladesh 2 IND India 3 LKA Sri Lanka 4 RSA Rest of South Asia 5 CHN China 6 JPN Japan 7 KOR South Korea 8 USA United Sates of America 9 EU European Union 27 10 ROW Rest of the World Source: Author’s calculation based on GTAP6 database. Import Tariffs 19.4 31.9 14.5 20.9 16.5 8.7 14.7 2.8 4.4 9.2 Table 9 provides an overview of the average import tariffs levied by SAARC, +5 and rest of the world (ROW) by source. The average import tax imposed amongst the SAARC countries is 21.7 percent. Japan, the United States, the EU and ROW impose well below 10 percent. As regards the export subsidies, the United States and the EU provide fairly significant amount of ― 28 ― subsidies to the agriculture sector, viz., crops, dairy and livestock. As such, subsidies have also a bearing in our simulations. 3.4 The Data The GTAP6 Aggregate Package (GTAPAgg6) is the main source of the data for simulations. The full GTAPAgg6 covers 87 countries or regions, 57 commodities or sectors, and five primary sectors. The database corresponds to the world economy based on 2001 benchmark. The GTAPAgg6 helps prepare an aggregation scheme and then uses the scheme to prepare an aggregated database for the GTAP economic model. The RunGTAP software program, version 3.40 is used to run the general equilibrium simulations, which is designed to work with version 6.2 of the GTAP Model and the GTAP6 database. The RunGTAP is a visual interface to the GTAP Model. It supports various versions of GTAP which are distinguished chiefly by level of aggregation. It incorporates a detailed treatment of international trade margins and other enhancements (see GTAP 2005). 4. Simulation Scenarios and Experimental Design Experiments are based on 10 regions and 20 sectors model using a full multiregion general equilibrium closure. Simulations are designed in such a way so as to capture the effects of SAFTA as well as FTAs with +5 both in terms of intra-regional and inter-regional dimensions. Policy experiments are carried out exhaustively and encompass several major integration options. The experiments are novel in two respects. First, for each set of simulation scenarios, experiments are performed in three stages by applying fixed, equal, and varying tariff combinations. Second, each group of experiments is meticulously arranged with the aim of creating FTA negotiation scenarios as close to reality as possible. The tariff rates are ultimately lowered down to 0-5 percent in equal annual installments in keeping with the objective of the SAFTA tariff reduction schedule, setting the highest tariffs at 30 percent for LDCs and 20 percent for non-LDCs. For example, under the plurilateral FTA, the first stage experiments start from 10 percent, 5 percent, and then 0 percent for fixed tariffs on all traded commodities by all contracting parties. The second stage experiments comprise tariff combinations of 10 percent, 5 percent, 0 percent as well, but they are levied equally by both the contracting parties for a maximum of three most protected sectors. The third stage experiments consider removal of protections in varied combinations (e.g., 30 percent - 20 percent, 10 percent - 5 percent, and 5 percent - 0 percent), selecting up to three sectors with the highest tariff rates. Where the tariff rates of LDCs are already below 30 percent, it starts from 20 percent; and where the nonLDCs/developed countries’ tariff rates are already below 20 percent, the next level starts from ― 29 ― 10 percent or below, depending upon each case. The benefit of such a manipulation is that the technique partly reflects an actual negotiation process, and in addition, we can find out whether the preferential treatment, i.e., compensation by way of tariff concessions offered by nonLDCs/developed countries to LDCs/developing countries can indeed be welfare enhancing to the contracting parties. In other words, we test whether the lowering or the complete removal of tariffs from the most protected sectors will be welfare improving to the parties involved. Thus, tariff combinations are designed on a case-by-case basis depending upon the results of previous experiments. The final objective is to find the best possible tariff combinations for most viable FTAs. 5. Simulation Results 5.1 Effects of SAFTA In this section, we discuss the results that estimate the welfare effects of the SAFTA as given by the Equivalent Variation (EV).15 The EV is the amount or percentage of additional income that consumers require to achieve the post-simulation level of utility given pre-simulation price level. A positive value indicates welfare improvement and a negative value denotes welfare deterioration.16 The results of the simulations for bilateral as well as plurilateral FTAs amongst SAARC countries are as follows: 5.1.1 Welfare Gains and Losses Figure 1 depicts the case of the most feasible bilateral FTA effects. Clearly, the welfare of Figure 1. SAFTA Welfare Gains and Losses (Bilateral: amongst SAARC) SAARC countries increases by nearly US$339 million. It appears that both +5 and ROW incurs a net 339.15 Region SAARC welfare loss of about US$140 and US$54 million, respectively. This +5 -140.07 means that combinations feasible amongst tariff SAARC -54.42 ROW -200 the countries would manifestly help -100 0 100 200 300 400 Million US$ increase trade flows within the bloc. The welfare loss for +5 and ROW can be explained by the fact that SAARC’s imports from +5 and ROW are diverted, as SAARC members increase trade within the bloc. Applying a fixed tariff in the case of plurilateral FTA amongst SAARC countries show that Bangladesh is the biggest loser, whereas India and RSA are the largest gainers. All other countries including ROW face a welfare loss. As regards the bilateral FTA amongst SAARC ― 30 ― countries, India gains considerably through BDG-IND FTA. Further reduction of tariffs increases welfare for India and vice-versa for others. BDG-LKA FTA brings gains only to Sri Lanka, while BDG-RSA FTA brings exclusive gains to RSA. IND-LKA FTA generates welfare gains to both the countries. In terms of IND-RSA FTA, both India and RSA gain significantly at tariff rates of 10 percent and 5 percent, but India faces a welfare loss at 0 percent. Except for China, all others lose. Finally, the LKA-RSA FTA shows that both Sri Lanka and RSA gain as tariff is further reduced. In the second stage simulations with equal tariff combinations, Bangladesh is again the biggest loser, but the losses are not so significant. India, despite being the winner, does not gain as much as in the first stage. RSA reigns as the biggest winner though. Amongst +5, most of them lose with the exception of China. As regards the bilateral FTAs, welfare improves for India, Sri Lanka and RSA, while it declines for Bangladesh. Concurrently, the welfare of China, Japan, the United States and the EU also improves. In order to find the best possible combinations for Bangladesh to be better off, a third set of experiments with varying tariff combinations was performed. This time, the LDCs (Bangladesh and RSA) impose a fixed tariff rate of 30 percent to non-LDCs (India and Sri Lanka), while the LDCs impose tariff at a descending rates of 20 percent, 5 percent and 0 percent. Interestingly, the experiment with 30 percent - 20 percent tariff combination results in gains for all SAARC countries except for Sri Lanka; while all non-members become worse off except for China. When the tax rate is lowered down to 10 percent - 5 percent combination, Bangladesh becomes worse off than Sri Lanka. All non-members as well become worse off. Lowering it further to 5 percent - 0 percent is not an optimal combination as only India and RSA gains. From the above experiments, it is deduced that with the right combination of tariffs, FTA improves welfare of both the contracting parties. A good example is the case of LKA-RSA FTA. Overall, this provides a good support for our first hypothesis. 5.1.2 Trade Creation and Trade Diversion Effects Next, we discuss the changes in export sales in 20 sectors of Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, RSA, China, Japan, South Korea, the United States, the EU, and ROW under the plurilateral SAFTA.17 First, we take a look at India’s import changes in the crops sector. India increases its import of crops by US$182.69 million from Bangladesh, US$114.98 million from Sri Lanka, and US$209.06 from RSA. The total increase in imports of crops accounts for US$506.73 million. On the contrary, India decreases its import of crops by US$2.51 million from China, US$11 million from Japan, US$2.79 million from South Korea, US$16.04 million from USA, ― 31 ― US$19.91 million from the EU, and US$43.20 million from ROW, which sums up to US$95.45 million. The difference between the increase in trade volume of crops (U$506.73) and a decrease in trade volume of crops (US$95.45) is the trade creation effect as a result of the SAFTA, which is equal to US$ 411.28 million. Similarly, RSA also increases its total trade volume with Bangladesh accounting for US$413.13 million, with India accounting for US$2,005.39 million, and with Sri Lanka accounting for US$40.08 million. At the same time, RSA decreases its trade with other RSA members accounting for US$23.47 million, with China : US$82.90 million, Japan : US$58.80 million, South Korea : US$49.09 million, the United States : US$482.46 million, the EU : US$485.35 million, and ROW : US$547.45 million. The net trade creation effect is US$729.08 million (2,458.60–1,729.52). This indicates that there is a significant trade creation effect particularly amongst the SAARC members under the SAFTA scenario. As for non-members, China decreases its trade with SAARC members and increases its trade with the outside world. For instance, China decreases its trade with Bangladesh by US$219.42, with India by US$27.50, with Sri Lanka by US$10.26, and with RSA by US$15.88. Therefore, the total decrease in trade volume of China’s trade with the SAARC members adds up to US$273.06 million. This decrease represents the trade that is diverted away from the SAARC region as a result of the SAFTA, and so it is termed as the trade diversion effect. 5.1.3 Changes in Industry Output, Private Household Demand, Aggregate Exports and Aggregate Imports The launching of SAFTA has major impacts on industry’s output, household demand and exports and imports of seven SAARC countries. The industry output of SAARC countries shifts significantly under the SAFTA scenario. Bangladesh’s agriculture and service industries shrink, while the manufacturing sector expands. Both India and Sri Lanka’s manufacturing and service sector expands, but their agriculture sector declines. The case of RSA is just the reverse: the agriculture sector expands while the manufacturing and service sectors decline. As expected, little impact is observed as far as the non-members are concerned. Considering the resource endowments of each of the countries, the changes in the pattern of production are not surprising. Bangladesh, India, and Sri Lanka are continuously moving away from the traditional agriculture to more broad-based growth in the manufacturing sector. For example, the SAFTA scenario expands Bangladesh’s textile sector by US$498 million. Likewise, India emerges as the major supplier of chemical (US$346.7 million), automobile (425.6 million) and machinery (381.5 million). Agriculture still stands as a dominant sector for the RSA. ― 32 ― To the extent that private household demand is concerned, the demand for both agriculture and manufactured products in all SAARC countries increases. There is a rise in demand for services especially in India, Sri Lanka and RSA with the exception of Bangladesh, but there is a decline in demand in the case of all non-members. Aggregate exports and imports in agriculture and manufacturing sectors increase in all SAARC countries, while the reverse is true for the non-members. 5.1.4 Changes in Terms of Trade, GDP Indices, and Allocative Efficiency Table 10 illustrates the changes in terms of trade, GDP indices, and allocative efficiency. The results show that SAFTA has positive effects on the terms of trade and GDP price indices of India, Sri Lanka and RSA, while it has negative effects on Bangladesh and the non-members. The results with regard to Bangladesh is consistent with the study by Raihan and Razzaque (2007), who find that Bangladesh incurs a net welfare loss because the positive trade creation effect is not large enough to offset the negative trade diversion effect. India receives the largest gains in terms of GDP as well as allocative efficiency followed by RSA. This supports the argument that an FTA is beneficial to member countries, but detrimental to non-member countries. Non-members are at a disadvantage as a result of the trade diversion effect. Table 10. Changes in Terms of Trade, GDP Indices, and Allocative Efficiency under SAFTA Scenario Change in GDP Allocative Change in Terms Change GDP Quantity Index Efficiency Countries of Trade (%) Price Index (%) (US$ million) (Regional EV) BDG -1.22 -0.86 -112.69 -112.47 IND 0.28 0.34 166.41 166.41 LKA 0.92 1.12 21.23 21.24 RSA 2.47 2.99 72.66 72.69 CHN -0.01 -0.02 6.38 6.37 JPN -0.01 -0.03 -6.25 -6.29 KOR -0.02 -0.04 -10.78 -10.80 USA -0.01 -0.02 -14.00 -13.53 EU 0.00 -0.02 -14.00 -14.24 ROW -0.01 -0.02 -59.50 -59.27 Note: The change in terms of trade (2nd column) and GDP price index (3rd column) are compared to the base scenario fixed at 1 vis-à-vis the value of the post simulation under the FTA scenario. Table 11 shows the changes in trade balance and allocative efficiency in three major sectors of agriculture, manufacturing and services. There are major fluctuations in trade balances with respect to India and RSA as a result of major shuffling in their industrial output patterns. However, the allocative efficiencies of both the economies increase in all three sectors. As for the non-members, there is not much impact except for a growth in the trade balances of the EU and ROW in the services sector. ― 33 ― Table 11. Changes in Trade Balance and Allocative Efficiency Effect under SAFTA Scenario Sector Agriculture Manufacturing Services Sector Agriculture Manufacturing Services BDG -91.18 -62.05 5.84 BDG -7.02 -105.72 0.26 Change in Trade Balance (US$ million) IND LKA RSA CHN JPN KOR USA EU ROW 10.46 -36.92 34.08 5.09 162.77 118.40 36.16 -96.04 283.98 -15.32 -87.65 285.56 Allocative Efficiency Effect: Commodity Summary IND LKA RSA CHN JPN KOR USA EU ROW 0.12 -13.66 0.02 -0.56 5.41 -14.86 -8.77 -48.49 -1.65 -483.19 420.69 -254.15 101.63 57.72 7.07 -57.20 14.34 -54.76 7.75 10.72 2.77 434.07 -442.14 -295.83 42.06 27.85 2.80 15.91 -25.96 24.09 1.11 4.92 0.36 26.34 40.67 84.02 -0.16 -0.26 -5.79 -4.68 -6.15 0.04 5.1.5 Viable FTAs amongst SAARC Countries Table 12 displays the most viable FTAs amongst SAARC members. Table 12. Viable FTAs under SAFTA Scenario* Bilateral FTA Tariffs % combination Contracting Countries Fixed Equal Varying IND-LKA 0-0 1 IND-RSA 10-10 2 IND-RSA 5-5 3 10-10 IND-RSA 4 5-5 IND-RSA 5 0-0 IND-RSA 6 10-10 LKA-RSA 7 30-20 BDG-IND 8 20-15 BDG-RSA 9 10-15 IND-LKA 10 20-30 IND-RSA 11 5-10 IND-RSA 12 0-5 IND-RSA 13 10-5 LKA-RSA 14 5-0 LKA-RSA 15 Notes: *Viable FTA refers to FTA scenario that provides welfare gains to both/all the contracting parties at the tariff level as stipulated under the SAFTA Agreement. Fixed: tariffs are fixed for all traded sectors; Equal: tariffs are fixed equally for three highly protected sectors; and Varying: tariffs vary for three protected sectors based on SAFTA tariff reduction schedule and on individual country’s development and trade characteristics. S/N While IND-LKA FTA is the most viable within the framework of fixed as well varying tariff rates, IND-RSA FTA is the most flexible of all, since this FTA would be possible in the case of fixed, equal and varying tariff combinations. There is a good prospect for BDG-IND FTA, but only at the varying tariff rates of 30 percent - 20 percent. This may be explained by the fact that Bangladesh’s export base is still narrow vis-à-vis India, and more so being strongly dominated by India’s diversified trade pattern in the region. This also implies that further reduction of tariffs from this level would likely undercut the protected industries in Bangladesh, such as textiles and leather by Indian producers with similar line of products. Sri Lanka and RSA could have a successful FTA at varying rates within the range of 0-10 percent. Overall, our hypothesis is further underpinned by the fact that there are maximum possible combinations ― 34 ― available for successful FTAs at varying tariff combinations.18 5.2 Effects of SAFTA+5 5.2.1 Welfare Gains and Losses The results for SAFTA+5 scenario in the case of bilateral and plurilateral FTAs are as follows: Figure 2. SAFTA+5 Welfare Gains and Losses (Bilateral: SAARC as Single Entity) Figure 2 depicts the results of the bilateral SAFTA+5 effects when SAARC behaves as a single entity. Region SAARC gains to the sum of 696.75 SAARC US$696.75 million; however, the 178.75 +5 gains to +5 are not so significant because of the trade diversion from -1,518.41 ROW +5 by SAARC members into the -2000 -1500 -1000 -500 0 500 1000 Million US$ intra-regional bloc. Figure 3 shows the results of Figure 3. SAFTA+5 Welfare Gains and Losses (Bilateral: SAARC as Individual Countries) when bilateral SAFTA+5 SAARC countries effects have individual FTA with +5. In this BDG IND Country/Region the case, the total gains for SAARC LKA RSA countries reduce to US$404.73 CHN JPN million, while the welfare of +5 KOR USA improves quite substantially with EU ROW -800 -600 -400 -200 0 200 400 the exception of South Korea and 600 Million US$ ROW EU Welfare -752.50 319.58 USA KOR JPN CHN RSA LKA IND BDG -85.01 -87.39 510.35 306.24 241.20 50.17 94.81 18.55 the United States. This sends a clear signal for why +5 in general will benefit by integrating with the South Asian countries. ROW is yet again a loser for the same reason as stated earlier. Under the plurilateral FTA for SAARC taken as single entity, the results show that except for South Korea and ROW, all others lose. The tariff combination at fixed 10 percent for all traded commodities is certainly not a feasible proposition, and therefore, it will not be acceptable to the losers. Subsequent experiments show significant gains to +5, but SAARC loses. Under the bilateral FTA between SAARC and CHN, SAARC loses. Similarly, SAARCJPN FTA and SAARC-KOR FTA provide significant welfare gains to Japan and South Korea, but the opposite is true for SAARC. In the case of SAARC-USA FTA both the parties gain. However, in the case of SAARC-EU FTA, only the EU gains significantly, while SAARC loses. ― 35 ― It may be noted that the difference in welfare losses to the United States and the EU as a result of removal of its subsidies is rather insignificant. The results show that SAARC countries will definitely reap benefits from the FTAs with +5 on fixed tariff combinations, but only on a caseby-case basis. Therefore, it is in the best interest of SAARC countries to enter into FTA on a selective basis and liberalize only those sectors that ensure definite gains. The results also suggest the existence of comparative advantage of SAARC nations over some of its partners. A careful observation evinces that SAARC members face welfare losses through FTAs with China and the EU particularly because the sectors they deal with are homogenous and highly competitive, while the opposite is true for Japan, South Korea and the United States, wherein the sectors are much differentiated. It is fascinating to note in the last three experiments, in which the tariff protections are levied at varying rates (30 percent - 20 percent, 10 percent - 5 percent, and 5 percent - 0 Table 13. Welfare Gains and Losses percent), in addition to removal of agricultural Region/Countries subsidies by the United States and the EU, the gains Welfare (US$ ml) SAARC CHN JPN KOR USA EU ROW 1,203.20 7,571.00 1,754.00 6,200.00 6,130.70 95.80 -6,951.00 for SAARC countries increase considerably. In the final experiment, where the tariff protections on SAARC by +5 are only 5 percent and 0 percent, the gains for SAARC accounts for nearly US$1.2 billion. At the same time China, South Korea, and the United States also gain significantly accounting for about US$7.6 billion, US$6.2 billion, and US$6.1 billion, respectively (see Table 13). All things considered, SAARC as a single entity should have no compunction to opt for an FTA arrangement with +5. Experiments clearly indicate that the welfare of SAARC as well of all the contracting members improve to a large extent. In other words, the highest gain comes to the SAARC bloc if the Figure 4. SAFTA+5 Welfare Gains and Losses (Plurilateral: SAARC as Single Entity) tariffs are lowered by SAARC and +5 down to 5 percent and 0 percent, respectively. This is an interesting 1,203.20 SAARC Region result because the plurilateral FTA 21,751.50 +5 with maximum liberalization is the most rewarding of all FTAs to the ROW entire -6,951.00 -10,000 -5,000 0 5,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000 bloc, inclusive of both SAARC and +5 countries. Figure 4 depicts the results of Million US$ ― 36 ― the plurilateral SAFTA+5 effects as discussed above. While SAARC gains US$1.2 billion, which is almost the double as compared with that of the bilateral effects, but +5 receives the largest share of welfare gains under this scenario, amounting to 21.8 billion. This is not surprising considering the fact that +5 is dominated by some of the world’s largest and strongest economies. The results also suggest that those countries lacking comparative advantage in terms of resource endowments, technology and the like, will be worse off in a free trade. In order for all countries to enjoy the benefits of free trade in a plurilateral FTA scenario, any country that loses will need to be compensated by winners. Therefore, the results once again render support to our hypothesis that compensating the losers by winners by way of tariff concessions results in welfare gains for all concerned. 5.2.2 Trade Creation and Trade Diversion Effects As a case in point, China increases its import of crops by US$1.35 million from SAARC, US$2,011.45 million from Japan, US$4,458.15 from South Korea, US$5.35 million from the United States, and US$ 2,441.09 million from the EU under the plurilateral SAFTA+5 scenario. The sum of these increases is US$8,917.39 million. On the other hand, China decreases its import of crops from ROW by US$149.78 million. Thus, the trade creation is equivalent to US$ 8,767.61 million (US$8,917.39–US$149.78). Likewise, Japan increases its trade volume with SAARC by US$854.48 million, with China by US$3,057.56 million, and with South Korea by US$1,141.52 million. At the same time, Japan increases its imports from the United States, the EU and ROW accounting for US$4,852.68 million, US$2,965.18 million and US$5,939.75 million, respectively. This indicates that there is significant trade creation for Japan under the SAFTA+5 scenario. The most interesting example of trade creation is the case of the SAARC bloc per se. The total trade volume of SAARC under this scenario goes up by US$23.41 million from South Korea, and US$6,384.41 million from the United States, while it decreases its trade from within SAARC itself by US$157.41 million, from China by US$220.64 million, from Japan by US$309.54 million, from the EU by US$242.44 million, and from ROW by US$872.41 million. The net trade creation is US$4,605.38 million (US$6,407.82–US$1,802.44). Taking another example, the EU’s trade volume increases by US$ 20,255.24 million, while it decreases by US$12,715.13 million. The net trade creation of the EU alone under the SAFTA+5 scenario is US$7,540.11 million. Therefore, the overall trade creation effect is much higher if we take all the countries into account, evidently supporting our second hypothesis. Needless to say, the SAFTA+5 scenario has a much smaller trade diversion effect. ― 37 ― 5.2.3 Changes in Industry Output, Private Household Demand, Aggregate Exports and Aggregate Imports The SAFTA+5 scenario has some major effects on industry’s output, household demand, and exports and imports of all countries. The industry output of SAARC is quite the reverse of what we saw in the SAFTA scenario. There is evidently a swapping in the comparative advantage pattern based on trade complementarities and resource endowments: SAARC countries are forced to pull back to the agriculture sector, while the manufacturing and service sectors are dominated by Japan and South Korea that have a greater advantage over these sectors. SAARC and China specialize in similar industries mostly comprising agro-based and manufacturing sectors, clearly signaling their midway development phases. The United States and the EU are still the major producers of agriculture products, attributable to their well developed system of agricultural subsidies. SAARC, China and South Korea become the major exporters of textile goods, while Japan and the EU specialize in machinery and manufactures, respectively. Regarding the private household demand, there is a major increase in all the regions. SAARC’s household demand for machinery goods increases sharply by US$1,147.79 million. Interestingly, Japan’s agricultural imports expand by US$14,313 million. This shows that there is a major shuffling of demand for products amongst the regions. This may also mean that, as the regions specialize in specific products, the resource allocation efficiency improves for all countries, raising not only the demand but also the overall production of those specialized products. This trade pattern largely supports the Heckscher-Ohlin Theory 19 that the international trade is largely driven by differences in country’s resources. Aggregate exports for all countries increase significantly in agriculture and manufacturing sectors, except for the United States in the manufacturing sector. SAARC, China, South Korea and the United States experience a drop in exports of services. Aggregate imports also increase in all the countries with the exception of Japan in the manufacturing and service sectors. As expected, ROW’s imports decrease in all major sectors. 5.2.4 Changes in Terms of Trade, GDP Indices, and Allocative Efficiency Table 14 shows the changes in terms of trade, GDP indices, and allocative efficiency. The results establish that SAFTA+5 scenario has positive impacts on the terms of trade of all countries, except for Japan and ROW. There is a mixed effect on change in GDP price indices. However, the GDP quantity indices as well as the allocative efficiencies of SAARC, China, Japan, and South Korea increase significantly, while there is a decrease in the case of the United States, the EU and ROW. ― 38 ― Table 14. Changes in Terms of Trade, GDP Indices, and Allocative Efficiency under SAFTA+5 Scenario Change in GDP Allocative Change in Terms Change GDP Quantity Index Efficiency Countries of Trade (%) Price Index (%) (US$ million) (Regional EV) SAARC 0.15 -0.19 793.94 794.10 CHN 0.44 0.30 6,516.75 6,519.40 JPN -0.48 -1.00 4,046.25 4,044.53 KOR 0.55 -1.61 5,516.31 5,497.42 USA 0.57 0.32 -621.00 -621.55 -85.43 EU 0.02 -0.13 -85.50 -238.87 ROW -0.30 -0.58 -239.00 Note: The change in terms of trade (2nd column) and GDP price index (3rd column) are compared to the base scenario fixed at 1 vis-à-vis the value of the post simulation under the FTA scenario. Table 15 shows the changes in trade balance and allocative efficiency in the three major sectors of agriculture, manufacturing and services. The trade balance of SAARC is negative for the manufacturing sector and service sectors. However, there is a large fluctuation in the trade balances of the two largest economies, the United States and Japan. They exhibit contrasting changes especially with regard to agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The allocative efficiencies of SAARC, China, Japan and South Korea turn positive, but in the case of the US and the EU, it turns negative especially in the agriculture and service sectors. Table 15. Changes in Trade Balance and Allocative Efficiency Effect under SAFTA+5 Scenario Sector Agriculture Manufacturing Services Sector Agriculture Manufacturing Services Change in Trade Balance (US$ million) SAARC CHN JPN KOR 63.50 -1097.94 -83.63 -1475.74 2279.62 -1001.16 -18802.07 17706.20 1979.93 -4803.47 3557.11 -970.82 USA EU ROW 35686.28 -34852.72 -4526.61 -731.94 1437.92 838.06 -12568.75 9414.65 7951.61 Allocative Efficiency Effect: Commodity Summary SAARC CHN JPN KOR USA 79.17 685.39 21.31 1864.72 4584.64 70.04 2903.42 1115.26 -48.37 4564.39 758.44 129.30 -672.93 290.52 -200.79 EU ROW -430.81 566.07 -164.57 -304.98 -255.57 83.25 In Table 16, we report the most viable FTAs that SAARC as a single entity could have with +5 on a plurilateral basis. SAFTA+5 FTA would be most viable within equal tariffs ranging from 0-5 percent, as well as varying tariff rates between 0 percent and 10 percent. However, this FTA is not feasible at fixed tariff rates. ― 39 ― Table 16. Viable FTAs under SAFTA+5 Scenario (Plurilateral: SAARC as Single Entity) Plurilateral Contracting Countries 1 SAFTA and +5 2 SAFTA and +5 3 SAFTA and +5 4 SAFTA and +5 Note: As in Table 12. S/N Fixed Tariffs % combination Equal 5-5 0-0 Varying 10-5 5-0 Table 17 shows the most feasible tariff structure for bilateral SAFTA+5 FTA. With regard to the SAFTA-USA FTA, fixed tariff rate of 0 percent - 0 percent combination is the most feasible. SAFTA-CHN FTA and SAFTA-EU FTA would be feasible under the varying tariff combinations, but lowering anything below 30 percent - 20 percent and 10 percent - 5 percent in the case of SAFTA-CHN FTA and SAFTA-EU FTA respectively, is not feasible. Table 17. Viable FTAs under SAFTA+5 Scenario (Bilateral: SAARC as Single Entity) Bilateral FTA Contracting Countries 1 SAFTA-USA 2 SAFTA-CHN 3 SAFTA-EU Note: As in Table 12. S/N Fixed 0-0 Tariffs % combination Equal Varying 30-20 10-5 With regard to the bilateral FTA of SAARC as individual countries (see Table 18), Bangladesh has viable FTAs at fixed and varying rates with China, Japan and South Korea but at higher tariffs in general. Sri Lanka has the maximum flexibility to the extent of being able to remove its tariffs completely. Sri Lanka’s FTA is feasible with China, Japan, South Korea, and the EU at fixed, equal and varying tariffs from a minimum of zero to a maximum of 15 percent. This is not a big surprise as Sri Lanka’s economy is the most liberalized of all amongst the SAARC members. RSA also has a good possibility of having viable FTAs, particularly with China and Japan at fixed, equal and varying tariff rates. As for India, it is quite evident that IND-EU FTA is the most feasible of all. IND-CHN FTA and IND-JPN FTA are viable, but at a much higher and varying tariff rates. This implies that the IND-CHN FTA and IND-JPN FTA are feasible on the condition that China and Japan grants preferential tariff concessions to India. ― 40 ― Table 18. Viable FTAs under SAFTA+5 Scenario (Bilateral: SAARC as Individual Countries) Bilateral FTA Contracting Countries BDG-CHN 1 LKA-CHN 2 LKA-CHN 3 LKA-JPN 4 LKA-KOR 5 LKA-EU 6 RSA-CHN 7 RSA-CHN 8 RSA-JPN 9 RSA-JPN 10 RSA-JPN 11 IND-EU 12 IND-EU 13 IND-EU 14 LKA-CHN 15 LKA-CHN 16 LKA-CHN 17 LKA-JPN 18 LKA-JPN 19 LKA-KOR 20 LKA-KOR 21 RSA-JPN 22 RSA-JPN 23 BDG-CHN 24 BDG-JPN 25 BDG-KOR 26 IND-CHN 27 IND-JPN 28 IND-EU 29 IND-EU 30 LKA-CHN 31 LKA-CHN 32 LKA-CHN 33 LKA-KOR 34 LKA-KOR 35 RSA-JPN 36 RSA-JPN 37 Notes: As in Table 12. RS=Removal of subsidies. S/N 6. Fixed 10-10 5-5 0-0 0-0 0-0 5-5 + RS 5-5 0-0 10-10 5-5 0-0 Tariffs % combination Equal Varying 10-10 + RS 5-5 + RS 0-0 + RS 10-10 5-5 0-0 5-5 0-0 5-5 0-0 5-5 0-0 30-20 20-5 20-5 20-10 20-10 20-5 + RS 5-0 + RS 15-10 10-5 5-0 10-5 5-0 30-5 10-0 Summary of Findings Part II of this study has evaluated the major effects and welfare implications of SAFTA and SAFTA+5. Exhaustive experiments were performed using the equivalent variation component to gauge the welfare gains and losses of different countries/regions. Additional analyses were carried out to investigate the trade creation and trade diversion effects, changes in industry output, private household demand, aggregate exports and imports, changes in terms of trade, GDP indices, and allocative efficiencies. Finally, some viable FTAs were identified amongst SAARC and +5 countries. ― 41 ― The findings of this study revealed that plurilateral FTAs with deeper liberalization is a win-win situation for all members concerned generating largest welfare gains as opposed to bilateral FTAs. The magnitude of gains varies from one FTA to another. The maximum possible FTAs emerge from varying combinations of preferential tariffs as compensation by the non-LDCs/developed countries to the LDCs. Our first hypothesis was strongly buttressed by the fact that selective combinations of tariff rates result in welfare gains of both the contracting parties generating a number of possible combinations for feasible FTAs amongst SAARC and +5 countries. There was also ample evidence suggesting that SAFTA and SAFTA+5 are indeed welfare enhancing, and result in not trade creation than trade diversion, corroborating our second hypothesis. All the same, trade liberalization under the SAFTA scenario created lesser gains vis-à-vis SAFTA+5 scenario. Trade liberalization also caused major fluctuations and large adjustments in the industry output and sectoral production in all countries; however, the household demand, aggregate exports and imports, terms of trade, GDP, and allocative efficiencies for SAARC as well as +5 increased considerably, particularly in the case of SAFTA+5 scenario. ― 42 ― PART III CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS The findings in Part I of this study definitely support the case for FTAs and further trade integration amongst SAARC member nations – clearly signalized by the positive impact of trade agreements seen in the post-SAARC periods. With the growing interest of observers around the world, SAARC will certainly find new opportunities, but one can only become more optimistic as SAFTA assuages SAPTA, and matures through further dismantling of both tariff and non-tariff barriers. The weakness of SAPTA can be compensated by shaping and sharpening the influence of SAFTA. Although there are undoubtedly good prospects to boost future exports, this would, however, entail concerted efforts of the member nations to mitigate conflicts, evolve new comparative advantages and complementarities, aggregate with other regional blocs, and eliminate the existing impediments to intra-regional trade with the right perspective and affirmative political will. In addition, SAARC should take a more holistic and forward-looking approach by including deeper forms of integration in other trade facilitation measures, such as services, energy, institutional and infrastructure development, monetary and investment cooperation. In sum, we can recapitulate that the future of SAARC countries depends, inter alia, not only on the level of economic integration, but it is also largely dictated by the political soundness in the region. Without easing political tensions, conflicts, and mistrust amongst the member nations, it is quite unlikely to hope for any substantive trade integration in the region. Thus, the growth of regional economic cooperation in South Asia calls for committed efforts and strong political will from all leaders to bring about peace, harmony, and social security in the region. In addition, comprehensive analyses in Part II of this study also point to some important policy implications. First, plurilateral FTA amongst SAARC countries will not be a feasible proposition, while the same for +5 countries will be the most rewarding of all FTAs. Secondly, SAARC as a single entity will invariably benefit by having FTAs with South Korea, the United States and the EU. Thirdly, the results suggest that possibilities exist for several viable FTAs. Some noteworthy ones are SAFTA - +5, SAFTA-USA, SAFTA-CHN, SAFTA-EU, IND-RSA, IND-LKA, IND-JPN, IND-EU, LKA-CHN, LKA-JPN, LKA-KOR, LKA-EU, RSA-CHN, and RSA-JPN. This implies that preferential tariff compensation improves the chances of widening the possibilities for more FTAs. However, while there will be a marked improvement in the welfare of the member states, the welfare of ROW could be considerably reduced due to ― 43 ― substantial trade diversion. Slashing import tariffs for all traded goods by a fixed proportion will not be in the best interest of all members. As a starter, the best set of tariff combination is to compensate the losers by way of tariff concessions by the winners. This means that nonLDCs should allow LDCs with a grace period to enable them to liberalize selected sectors over time. Nevertheless, the long-run implication is to aim for deeper liberalization under the SAFTA+5 scenario. Last but not least, the findings of this research sends clear signal that both SAARC as well as the five observers can reap positive benefits by way of greater free trade pact. In so doing, there is not only the manifestation of trade and economic benefits by taking advantage of each country/region’s own comparative advantages, but such integration can become a channel for SAARC countries for greater exposure to the multilateral trading system, as they can intensify and step up international understanding by associating and learning from the experiences of veteran leaders in trade, particularly Japan, the United States and the EU. Closer regional economic cooperation may also mean deeper social, cultural and political ties in the long run, and therefore, it can become a conduit for initiating a forward-looking approach for a better world.20 While this research is by no means the end of algorithm on the subject, few limitations may be set forth as follows. Notwithstanding the endeavor of this research, the Gravity Model in this paper was kept simple using widely accepted techniques and conventional empirical methodology. Future work could aim at customizing models with more contemporary techniques. In the GTAP Model, the importance of other trade barriers, such as para-tariffs and non-tariff barriers though well recognized could not be considered, as these components do not lend themselves readily to quantification within the purview of the GTAP analysis. Moreover, the GTAP6 data pertains to 2001 benchmark, hence future work could employ more recent data. Lastly, the use of dynamic analysis might be another alternative to deduce more conclusive findings. ― 44 ― Endnotes 1 Despite theoretical skepticism of RTAs and the like, “most empirical studies find that trade creation dominates trade diversion” (Rodríguez-Delgado 2007: 14). 2 Bangladesh declared independence from Pakistan on March 26, 1971 after the Bangladesh Liberation War. 3 See: http://www.southasianmedia.net/Magazine/Journal/safta_critique.htm (accessed August 20, 2007). 4 Afghanistan is excluded in this paper because it was formally admitted as the eighth member of the SAARC bloc in the 14th Summit held in New Delhi, India on April 3-4, 2007. 5 Eichengreen and Irwin (1996) and Baier and Bergstrand (2005) also scaled the data by GDP deflators to generate real exports and real GDPs. 6 Since [exp(-0.86)-1*100] = 57.68 percent. 7 For brevity, all tables of results are not shown. 8 See Section 5.4 for more discussion on lagged effects of TRAG. 9 First differencing of the panel data yields some potential advantages over fixed effects. See Wooldridge (2003: 467-468) for further details. 10 Using panel data, Rose (2004) estimated an FTA impact of 156 percent, while Tomz (2004) estimated at 114 percent. 11 During the 15th SAARC Summit held in Colombo, Sri Lanka from August 2-3, 2008, there were nine observer countries. Other observers besides the five considered in this study are Iran, Myanmar, Mauritius and Australia. This study takes into account only five observers because Iran, Myanmar, Mauritius are not treated individually in the GTAP6 database; while Australia is separated, it is but a recent phenomenon. However, the remaining four observers should certainly be a fruitful area for future research. 12 AGE models are a class of economic model that use actual economic data to estimate how an economy might react to changes in policy, technology, or other external factors. AGE models are also referred to as computable general equilibrium (CGE) models. They descend from the input-output models pioneered by Leontief (1986), but assign a more important role to prices. 13 Bilateral FTAs are often referred to as RTAs as they fall within the domain of regional blocs. 14 Other trade barriers such as para-tariffs and non-tariff barriers (e.g., administrative delays, customs clearance, restrictions on health safety, environmental, and religious reasons) are not taken into account as they are not quantifiable within the purview of the GTAP analysis. The same is left for future research. 15 Note that all tables of results are not reported for the sake of brevity and space considerations. They are available upon request from the author. 16 In economics, equivalent variation (EV) means “how much money would have to be taken away from the consumer before the price change to leave him as well off as he would be after the price change” (Varian 2003: 255). The value of the equivalent variation is given in terms of the expenditure function: EV = e(p0,u1) − e(p0,u0) = e(p0,u1) − w = e(p0,u1) − e(p1,u1), where w is the wealth level, p0 and p1 are the old and new prices respectively, and u0 and u1 are the old and new utility levels, respectively. 17 Table of results are not reported for brevity. 18 There are many more combinations where one of the contracting parties gains while the other loses. 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