4.3 Masculinity in rugby.

RHODRI EVANS
ST09001629
DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (HONOURS)
SPORTS COACHING
UNIVERSITY OF WALES INSTITUTE, CARDIFF.
Cardiff Metropolitan University
Prifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd
Certificate of student
I certify that the whole of this work is the result of my individual effort, that all
quotations from books and journals have been acknowledged, and that the word
count given below is a true and accurate record of the words contained (omitting
contents pages, acknowledgements, indexes, figures, reference list and
appendices).
Word count:
11,823
Signed:
Rhodri Evans
Date:
Certificate of Dissertation Tutor responsible
I am satisfied that this work is the result of the student’s own effort.
I have received a dissertation verification file from this student
Signed:
Date:
Notes:
The University owns the right to reprint all or part of this document.
THE CULTURAL ISSUES THAT INFLUENCE
PLAYERS TO SWAP RUGBY CODES FROM UNION
TO LEAGUE IN A WELSH UNIVERSITY
Contents
Acknowledgments. ...................................................................................................... i
Abstract. ......................................................................................................................ii
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 0
CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................. 2
2.1 Masculinity. .......................................................................................................... 3
2.2 Habitus in Rugby. ................................................................................................. 6
2.3 Social space in setting structures. ........................................................................ 7
2.4 Space a field for the Practice of masculinity. ........................................................ 8
2.5 Social space in a sporting University. ................................................................... 9
2.6 Rugby Union in Wales a culture and an identity. ................................................ 11
2.7 Rugby League a Northern English Identity and Working Class culture. ............. 13
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................ 15
3.1 Methodology. ...................................................................................................... 16
3.2 Focus Groups. .................................................................................................... 16
3.3 Participants ........................................................................................................ 17
3.4 Instruments. ....................................................................................................... 18
3.5 Procedure. .......................................................................................................... 19
3.6 Method Analysis. ................................................................................................ 20
3.61 Questions raised throughout the study. ............................................................ 22
3.7 Limitations of the methods used. ........................................................................ 24
CHAPTER FOUR ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION .......................................... 24
4.1 Introduction. ....................................................................................................... 25
4.2 Welsh university rugby league converts. ............................................................ 25
4.3 Masculinity in rugby. ........................................................................................... 27
4.4 Social space in a sporting university. ................................................................. 30
CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION .............................................................................. 33
5.1 Reflections. ........................................................................................................ 34
CHAPTER SIX REFERENCES ................................................................................ 34
6.1 Reference List . .................................................................................................. 35
APPENDICIES ......................................................................................................... 34
Appendix A -............................................................................................................. 35
Appendix B - Focus Group Interview One. ............................................................... 38
Appendix C- Focus Group Interview Two. ................................................................ 52
Acknowledgments.
I would personally like take the time to thank Dr David Brown for his continuous help
and support throughout this study. I could not have completed the study without his
knowledge and guidance.
i
Abstract.
The fundamental purpose of this study was to discover the cultural processes that
influence rugby union players to swap playing codes to rugby league, and the
experiences they have in doing so. The study was carried out within a university
where Welsh rugby union is the dominant sport. A number of areas were explored
(masculinity, habitus, social space and space in a university setting) an attempt was
made to link these studies to both rugby league and rugby union. This was done to
try and clearly illustrate why these players swap codes. The data was gathered using
two focus group interviews with the participants being rugby league “converts” from
the university. The analysis revealed how these individuals came to swap codes
within the university; it highlighted a number of reoccurring themes in relation to the
subtopics mentioned above. The findings can help the reader to understand the
ways in which; masculinity, social space and the structures within can influence
people’s behaviours.
ii
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction.
The fundamental purpose of this study was to discover the cultural processes that
influence rugby union players to swap playing codes to rugby league, and the
experiences they have in doing so. The study was carried out within a university
where Welsh rugby union is the dominant sport. The participants in the study all play
rugby league for the university. It is deemed important at this point to state that a
number of these ‘converts’ played a high standard of rugby union before swapping
codes. This will be critically explored within the analysis and interpretation subtopic.
This question is of particular interest to me as I am from a Welsh rugby union
background and have swapped codes to play rugby league. There is no past
research available upon the cultural issues affecting player’s decisions to swap
codes.
Therefore an in-depth qualitative analysis was carried out upon a number of related
subtopics. The players swapping from rugby union to rugby league in a Welsh
university are seen as going against the social norm in this cultural context. I hope to
develop this notion and clearly illustrate this to the reader throughout the study. This
will be done by highlighting a number of examples past literature will also be
explored.
As stated above there is no past research on my chosen subject, therefore it is
deemed critical to analyse the areas that may coexist and directly influence the end
results obtained from my study. Firstly, it is deemed important at this point to note
that a specific attempt will be made to link these sub topics to; rugby, code swapping
in a welsh university. A number of past studies will be used to give examples and link
the above statement to relevant theory. In trying to clearly highlight the link between
these sub topics in relation my area of interest, the work of Pierre Bourdieu on
habitus will be analysed (see Bourdieu 2005 pp.43-52).Within this work Bourdieu
suggested habitus is an ‘indispensible tool’ in sport cultures ‘analysis’
(Bourdieu 2005 p.29). In conjunction with Bourdieus thoughts I hope to illustrate
how social practice and interaction influence a persons (rugby players habitus). I
hope to further develop this in conjunction with both rugby union and rugby league.
This will be done by showing how social practices interactions can affect the player’s
decision to swap codes. This raises the key conceptual question of; How does social
1
practice and interaction influence these players decisions? This central question will
be answered as the study unfolds.
In relation to the concept of habitus a number of Empirical studies will be drawn upon
to discuss and illustrate social space; the ways in which masculinity and identity co
exists within social space. Furthermore highlight their use in a social and sporting
(Rugby Union/ Rugby League) context. An attempt will be made to illustrate the
‘practical repetition’ of masculinity and the ‘use of social space’ (Brown 2006).
Moreover, Jock culture within a university setting will be analysed in some detail.
According to Sparkes, Brown and Partington (2010), University allows for forms of
masculinity to be practiced daily. Therefore, masculinity is deemed to be a
substantial topic in relation to this study, specific attempts will be made to connect
masculinity throughout each and every subtopic. This will be done using a
Bourdesian perspective linking a number of studies upon masculinity to the notion of
Habitus.
According to Bourdieu (2005) the term habitus can be used to help us study groups
and their interactions within society. Furthermore, Bourdieu (1984) claimed that the
habitus of a group or a person can be methodical, which he argues is due to ‘sharing
a social space’ and performing similar practices, (Bourdieu 2005). An attempt will be
made to answer the question: How does Habitus influence these players decisions?
Analysis will be carried out upon focus group members from within the university
rugby league team. This will be essential whilst looking at the main sub topics of
masculinity and Identity. According to Tuck (2003) habitus is directly linked to sport
and identity. This notion raises yet another question that I hope to answer as the
study progresses. How is Habitus linked to sport and identity?.
In using such past research as a conceptual backdrop, I hope to explore and
illustrate them thoroughly by developing key links to the data gathered in my own
study.
2
CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Masculinity.
Masculinity is deemed to be a substantial topic in relation to the sociocultural study
of sport study; therefore specific attempts will be made to connect Masculinity
throughout each and every subtopic. This will be done using a Bourdesian
perspective linking a number of studies (:Connell 1983, Connell 1995, Light 2007
and Light 2008) upon masculinity to the notion of habitus. As Bourdieu (2005)
suggested Habitus can be used as a ‘tool’ in social studies. This study will aim to use
Habitus as a tool to critically study and analyse the subtopics of (masculinity, social
space, jock culture, rugby union culture and rugby league culture), an attempt will be
made to show how each subtopic co-exist with one and other. This notion was drawn
upon at a later point in the study specifically within the analysis chapter.
This will provide a conceptually and empirically informed foundation for answering
the question; how can forms of masculinity influence the player’s decisions to swap
codes?
According to Messner (1992), sport is often seen as a field for the practice of
masculine imagery and masculinity. Furthermore Light (2007) suggested that a
number of past research identifies sport as a tool for the production and practice of
masculinity. Moreover Light (2007) suggested that masculinity can become practiced
so often that it can be practiced at a subconscious level. Light (2007) also claimed
that such violent sports as Rugby are fundamental in this style of practice; he
suggests that the masculine practices within such sports are practised
subconsciously. According to Light (2008), a number of past empirical studies on
masculinity suggest that masculinities reproduction is learnt through social
interaction. This literature is useful in identifying that masculinity can be part of
everyday sporting life. However it does not account for people (players) making
decisions for themselves. It suggests that forms of masculinity are practiced within
rugby regardless of individual’s thoughts or feelings. Conversely Connell (1995)
suggested that a number of masculinities are practiced through fields and peoples
experiences. Moreover and in accordance to Connell (1995) masculinity can be
influenced and practiced through different cultures. This work will be returned to at a
later stage. An effort will be made to show how these different forms of masculinity
are inherent within the related sub topics; Habitus, Social structures and social
3
space. In addition, an effort will be made to clearly identify the different types of
masculinity practiced through different class settings. This will be done by
highlighting the relationship of masculinity within, Identity and the differing class and
culture of; Welsh Rugby Union and English (Northern Rugby League).
As has been suggested previously there are a variety of different forms of
masculinity and these are dependent on a range of interactions and structures. An
effort will now be made to highlight how the differing forms of masculinity are
practiced and how they are inherently different, but can each coexist within
Bourdieu’s thoughts upon habitus.
As Connell (1995) suggested there are a number of differing masculinities that are
practiced. The types of masculinity that are practiced can be dependent upon: sport
and position (: Connell 1995, Light 2007, 2008) Furthermore it was proposed earlier
that there is not one simple form of masculinity that is coherent through all sporting
structures (Light 2007). It was also suggested that masculinity is not simply practiced
at a sub conscious level (Light 2007). Light (2008) claimed that, forms of masculinity
are based around social experiences and are highly complex. Light (2008) adds
further reference to Connells (1995) views when she suggested that there are a
number of differing masculinities practiced within ‘different cultures and classes’,
Light (2008) added further reference to this by stating that to understand masculinity,
the culture and social space it is practiced in needs to be analysed. This work will be
drawn upon at a later point whilst analysing; habitus and social space. In addition
according to Light (2008), the thought of space as a social field can act as a tool in
illustrating the areas in which masculinities are practiced. The ways in which rugby
can produce differing practices of masculinity will know be explored.
Light (2008) suggested that this is dependent on the player’s positions, he
maintained that each player experiences different feelings. Light (2007) also
suggested that the ‘tactics used by a team can influence the masculinity that players
develop’. According to Light (2008) this can be viewed as a team playing a forwards
game or Backs game. A forwards game can be viewed as keeping the ball with the
forwards. A backs game can be seen as allowing the backs to have more of the ball.
In addition Light (2008) claimed that the forwards are commonly more aggressive
and this can lead to a split of groups within the team. This literature illustrates the
ways in which masculinities are developed in rugby and how these different
4
masculinities can create a divide within a team. It shows that the masculinities are
developed through experiences and that forwards and backs experience different
feelings within a game. Conversely this divide in forms of masculinity can be seen
throughout sport (Connell 1983). Within rugby forwards engage in very different
routine kinds of practices and they require a differently prepared body. As proposed
previously forwards are commonly seen as more aggressive, within rugby the
forwards have a lot more physical work to do. As a consequence of this they have to
train differently to the backs. . Furthermore Brown (2006 p. 171) stated, “…imposes
certain regimes of practice upon the body until it adapts and conforms”. Brown was
suggesting a framework for the opposing sexes and gender order; I have borrowed
from this work to illustrate that certain practices can force people to evolve to match
the situation or position. For example a back moving into the forwards and being
moulded to a new position. This specific situation will be drawn upon within the
analysis to create an image of a player being moulded through their practices. This is
deemed relevant as it accounts for a number of the theories mentioned earlier, it can
help the reader to see the ways in which a person’s habitus can influence the way
they behave and the decisions they make.
This can also be seen throughout the opposing codes of rugby. As stated previously
player’s experiences create forms of masculinity (Light 2008). As rugby allows
players to practice these forms of masculinity (Light 2007). Furthermore Light (2008)
suggested that these experiences would be inherently different in rugby league.
Moreover Light (2008) claimed that in rugby league muscle and vigour are
fundamental, whereas within rugby union it depends upon the team’s particular
tactics. This was mentioned earlier in conjunction with a team using a more forwards
or backs orientated game. Light (2008) suggested that the application of muscle is
similar throughout both codes of rugby, however the tactics are wholly different. This
literature could help to illustrate the similar masculinities that both forms of rugby
help to produce. Conversely it also helps to identify the differences in masculinities,
the literature suggests that these forms of masculinity are created and reproduced
through individuals experiences (Light 2007). Furthermore light (2008, p.163)
suggested, ‘that the style of game adopted influenced this’.
5
2.2 Habitus in Rugby.
According to Elias (1991) habitus is a fundamental tool in studying social relations,
he suggested that the notion of habitus can help us understand the complexities of
individual or group actions in a social setting. In addition habitus can be seen as a
group of people that occur in a similar social setting (Bourdieu 2005). Sewell (1992)
added further reference to this notion when he suggested that, structures influence
people’s practices. Moreover Pred (1990) suggested that by people performing these
practices in a social space, they are (typically) unknowingly helping to form these
rules and structures. Past literature such as this suggested that our interactions are
practiced on a subconscious level and are formed by the structures that we find
ourselves within (Bourdieu 2005). The literature suggests the question; How are
these players influenced by the set structures they are invested in? This question will
be further drawn upon in the analysis stage within the study. The structures
discussed can be directly linked to a rugby club within either code of the game. The
club will have a set of routine structures that the players must consciously and
subconsciously conform to. The training times and socials are set by the club, every
time a player turns up to these they are conforming to this set structure and by
conforming to them players thereby recreate the structures in the sense indicated
above by (Sewell 1992). These perspectives help to account for a player conforming
to these social practices and interactions. It is also useful in helping to identify and
illustrate the structures that are in place which will be useful in approaching the
question of how such players are influenced by their habitus. It is important however,
not to imply that people (in this study rugby players) do not think for themselves and
that decisions are made for the players and they simply comply. The literature below
illustrates that these processes are not so “black and white”. It connotes that people
also make decisions for themselves. This can help to form a number of questions
such as; How do these players make the decision to swap codes?
Conversely, Bourdieu (2005, p. 29.) stated that, “Human nature is not monolithic, it is
very open, it is very diverse, but within limits […] it is systematically loose and this
suits the human nature”. Furthermore, see Bourdieu (2005, p.29) suggested that
habitus is a by product of ‘experience’ and social ‘environments’ and that habitus is
not endless but rather is constantly ‘shaped’ by new practices and interactions. The
6
notion that habitus can be formed by new practices and interactions can be helpful. It
can be used as a tool to help show players wanting to swap codes and form a new
habitus. According to Bourdieu (2005), such practices and interactions are formed in
‘social spacing settings’. This can be related to a new code of rugby where the
practices and interactions would be different to the opposing code.
Therefore it is deemed important to explore the concept of social space, in doing so
clearly work towards answering and raising a number of questions, based around the
theory that social space can influence a players code swapping.
2.3 Social space in setting structures.
Every single social ‘interaction’ and practice occurs within a ‘social setting’, it is
unconceivable to think about social occurrences outside of a ‘spatial context’,
(Shilling 1991). Space allows for people to act out there social practices and
interactions, (Sparkes et al 2010). According to Shilling (1991), social space often
allows people to socially interact as it provides a form of ‘structure’. According to
Sparkes et al (2010 p.336)
…social space requires forms of embodied difference to become and remain
social spaces, then interspaces can also be seen as the sociospatial regions
existing between more strongly demarcated and defended spaces and this
space might be considered a “no-man’s land”. These are important because
they are spaces that people come to occupy, albeit for the most part
temporarily, while their body-identities are being reconfigured, socially
validated, and positioned. If difference provides the stimulus for demarcation
of social spaces and thus their construction into encultured places, then it is
also important to appreciate how these encultured places come to be
connected and interwoven into the micro-, meso-, and macrolevels of social
organization.
The above literature can help the reader to understand the concept of social space.
It can be used as a framework for the reader in defining social space it shows the
ways in which social practices and interactions can and do occur within social space.
Therefore it is deemed important to note to the reader that social space is to be
7
explored as it can help the reader to understand social interactions and practices.
This can help the reader to understand the way that social space can coexist with
habitus and how habitus can coexist within social space. It can help the reader to
identify with the structures that have been discussed. Furthermore, according to
Giddens (1984) structures can enable people to carry out everyday tasks.
Conversely, Sparkes et al (2010) suggested that these structures can provide people
with ‘expectations’ as to how they should behave in social contexts. This could raise
a number of questions such as ; How do these unwritten rules influence players
behaviour in their rugby club ?. This could be seen as following a code of conducts
for a rugby club. The players may or may not agree with these expectations.
Consequently influence their decision to swap codes. This will be discussed at
greater detail later on in the study.
The literature above suggests that social space can influence peoples perspectives
on how they should behave in social situations (Sparkes et al, 2010). This can also
be seen as a person acting a certain way within a group of people, as it is seen as
their role. They may do this subconsciously. As mentioned previously this can have a
direct consequence upon a players decision to swap codes. The player could have a
number of issues with the structure of a club and not want to adhere to the hierarchy.
This will be further discussed within the analysis chapter. The ways in which such
potential issues are practiced upon a daily basis will be discussed below in which
attempt will be made to show space as a field for the social practice of masculinity. In
doing so I highlight conceptually the processes that might affect a players decision to
swap rugby codes in a welsh university.
2.4 Space a field for the Practice of masculinity.
According to Bourdieu (1993) social space can also be defined a field of dynamic
interactions and practices within a ‘structured system’. Bourdieu (1998) suggested
that by calling social space a field, one can further understand the intrinsic processes
that occur in these structures and settings. In addition, according to Sparkes et al
(2010) by using Bourdieu’s (1998) definition of a social space as a field, one can
further understand how these spaces ‘shape individuals’ and how ‘ individuals shape’
the spaces that they interact in. As previously mentioned this could be useful in
8
looking at a player in a rugby club setting. It suggests that these spaces shape the
person, this could mean that they feel that they need to act a certain way within
trainings. It can also suggest that a club may have certain structures such as training
times, but if a player does not adhere to these then the structure would not work. As
the study is based upon code swapping within a sporting University setting it is
deemed relevant and significant to analyse past research on social space within a
sporting University. An effort will be made to link this past research to the processes
that affect a University players decision to swap codes.
2.5 Social space in a sporting University.
According to Sparkes et al (2010), sports people in further education are often
referred to as being ‘members of Jock culture’. Moreover Sparkes et al (2010)
suggest that this spatial setting is directly linked to the ‘production and practice of
masculinity’. Sparkes et al (2010) proposed that this culture develops and ‘embraces’
competitiveness and ‘male dominance’, through a number of everyday ‘practices and
structures’. In accordance to Bourdieu (2001) male dominance is a ‘practical’ part of
everyday life. Moreover Brown (2006) suggested that male dominance is part of life
and is ‘practised’ through ‘bodies’. In addition Brown (2006) argued that male
dominance is practised through a number of traits such as; gendered posture and
the use of social space. This is also enhanced by ‘physical artifacts’ such as ‘clothes’
and ‘language systems’ Brown (2006). A practical example of this type of practice
will now be given below.
This gendered differentiation can be seen within twins of opposing sexes, at a young
age they may wear the same clothes. As the girl gets older she commonly moves
towards more feminine coloured clothes. According to Brown (2006) this type of
separation is regularly practised in a sporting context. Brown (2006) uses examples
of males playing sports such as rugby, with the women opposing them as
‘cheerleaders’. This practical use of space to practice masculinity links directly with
the work suggested earlier in that structures within a person or a groups habitus
shape their everyday lives. The jock culture (sport students habitus) can
unconsciously control a person’s use of social space. In accordance to Sparkes et al
(2010, p.335)
9
…social spaces… have been structured in such a way that they facilitate the
continuation of the very structures that constructed them initially. For example,
the type, location, and spatial organization of facilities, and the habitus of early
community members.
As the study develops an attempt will be made to clearly identify how this use of
social space can affect people. In doing so relate it to a topic questions such as; How
does or can jock culture control a persons use of space ?.
Sparkes et al (2010, p. 334) stated that, the ways that Jock habitus was
transmitted over time had consequences for how the individual’s body and the
body of others were positioned in social space on the Greenfields campus.
The above literature can help us to understand the affects that this University culture
can have upon a person. The quotation links directly with a plethora of past
research; ( Giddens, 1984, Sewell 1992, Shilling 1991) that suggests that a social
space or structure can shape the way a person interacts. Furthermore Sparkes et al
(2010) suggested, the training’s of the sports clubs develop this habitus. According
to Sparkes et al (2010), the practice of these clubs helps to define social space upon
‘campus’. This can help the reader understand the structures within a sporting
university that influence a person’s everyday decisions.
Furthermore Sparkes et al (2010) suggested that it is important that a person play
the right sport in University, they suggested that ‘some sports’ attain superior ‘status’.
This is directly linked to the study as UWIC (University of Wales Institute Cardiff) is
commonly viewed as a rugby union university. Therefore the players that swap
codes from Rugby Union to league are seen as going against their collective habitus,
as union is afforded greater status than rugby league. This is something that the
study shall expand upon as it unfolds.
Bourdieu (2005, p.49) stated that, His actions, words,
feelings, deeds, works, and so on, stem from the confrontation between
dispositions and positions, which are more often than not mutually adjusted,
but may be at odds, discrepant, divergent, even in some sense contradictory.
In such10
cases, as one can observe in history, innovations may appear, when people
en porte-á-faux, misfits, who are put into question by the structures (operating
through the positions) are able to challenge the structure....
According to Shilling and Cousins (1990) this movement can be defined as
‘colonization’. Shilling and Cousins (1990, p.414) stated that, “the imposition by
particular groups of students of cultural values and forms of behaviour which run
counter to the norms”. Furthermore Bourdieu (2005) suggested that people may
change fields, he suggests that people do this when there are struggles within their
own field.
The above literature can help to illustrate people going against the social norm that
their habitus has created for them. It shows that people can and may fight against
the structures that are set for them. As was mentioned at an earlier point rugby union
carries a greater status within UWIC. This is of direct relevance to the study of rugby
players swapping codes from the social norm (rugby union) to play rugby league,
within this structure. Hopefully such comments shall be drawn upon at a later stage.
This will be done in conjunction with the player’s personal thoughts and firsthand
experiences.
An attempt will now be made to highlight the rugby union culture of Wales, in doing
so illustrate the players moving against the social norm.
2.6 Rugby Union in Wales a culture and an identity.
As stated throughout this study, the main objective of this work was to discover the
cultural processes that influence Rugby Union players to swap playing codes to
Rugby League. The study was carried out within a Welsh Rugby Union University.
Therefore an analysis of the Welsh Rugby Union culture is deemed essential. In
analysing the Rugby Culture in Wales clearly connote the ‘colonization’ that the
players swapping codes to Rugby League are practicing. Shillings and Cousins
(1990) stated that ,‘colonization’ is when groups of students go against the social
norm.
It is deemed important at this stage to note that this work will be drawn upon whilst
analysing the Welsh players decision to swap codes. An interesting question that
11
was developed is, Why do the Welsh rugby union players swap codes to play rugby
league? This question was used within the analysis chapter of the study.
In addition Boyle and Haynes (2000) suggested that sport is commonly seen as an
‘indicator for national identity. Therefore, studying the Welsh rugby culture and the
identity it creates could be of added benefit. In understanding how Rugby can create
identity. Further reference to this point will be made throughout this section and the
rugby league culture section.
A brief history of the rise of Rugby Union in Wales will now be given below.
According to Andrews (1996), Industrialization in Wales within the nineteenth century
created the need for a Welsh Identity. Furthermore Andrews (1996) proposed that
the Welsh masculinity added to the long needed image of national identity. In
addition see (Andrews, 1996, p.50-67) suggested that, Rugby union grew at an
incredible rate in Wales, due to the growing relationship between Rugby and national
identity. Andrews (1996) claimed that from this period onwards Rugby became
embroiled within Welsh society. This is further backed up by Holt (1989) when he
suggested, rugby union gave Wales an outlet to portray its identity. According to Holt
(1989),Wales took the English game and made it their own. Conversely, Harris
(2007) suggested that, rugby not only offers a sense of Identity to welsh people, the
structure of the Rugby club gives a sense of place.
The paragraph above can help to illustrate the place that rugby union has within the
Welsh community. It is seen as part of the culture and is interwoven into society
(Andrews 1996). Moreover Andrews (1996) suggested that, Rugby union is a game
in Wales that knows no class, he suggests that anybody can play. This is an
important factor within Welsh rugby union as everybody from accountants to
fishmongers can play on the same pitch (Andrews 1996). A comparison with class in
Rugby league will be made at a later stage.
Rugby union is often portrayed as Welshness (Harris 2007). Furthermore Harris
(2007) claimed, rugby union is often seen as representing Wales as its national
12
identity and can be seen in many images. Points such as that can help the reader to
understand the level of pride and identity associated with Rugby Union in Wales.
Therefore it is interesting to research, the cultural processes that influence rugby
union players to swap to rugby league whilst in a Welsh rugby union University.
Rugby league and its associated culture and class will now be analysed. A number
of comparisons will be drawn upon, the ability of both codes to create a sense of
identity. An effort will also be made to show the differences within the codes.
2.7 Rugby League a Northern English Identity and Working Class culture.
According to Spracklen,Timmins, and Long (2010), Rugby League is primarily
located within Northern England as its ‘hegemonically masculine’ culture is suited for
it., Collins (2006) concurs suggesting that, Rugby league is suited to the working
class culture of Northern England. In addition, Spracklen et al (2010) suggested that,
Rugby league goes hand in hand with the ‘terraced houses and pubs’ of this
masculine culture. Elsewhere, Ehland (2007) suggested that this masculine culture
and its associated ‘values’ can be described as ‘Northernness’. In relation to this
Collins (2006) claimed, Rugby League is commonly seen as a ‘white lower class
masculine game’. This is in direct contrast to the research provided upon Welsh
rugby union which in England at least is firmly associated with the middle and upper
classes. In relation to this Nauright and Chandler (1999) proposed that the structure
of rugby union is often seen as an upper class setting. Moreover Nauright and
Chandler (1999) suggested that this structure has been set in places such as
universities. According to Andrews (1996) rugby in Wales is seen as a no class
game, he suggested that everybody could play.
The term Northernness is associated with the working class culture of Northern
England (Ehland 2007). This masculine culture is seen as being suited for the
practice of rugby league (Spracklen et al 2010). Rugby union within Wales is in direct
contrast to this as Rugby is often associated with Welshness, as it can help to create
a sense of identity (Harris 2007). Whereas the term Northernness accounts for very
few people within a section of the country, the term Welshness is associated with the
whole country.
13
The contrasting cultures do have a similar effect upon the formation of identity. As,
Spracklen et al (2010) suggested that many fans in Northern England create an
image of the white lower class man, and replicate an imaginary community of
evocative Northernness. Moreover Anderson (1983), suggested that the ‘community
of rugby league’ is a created image that was ‘made up in the north’. Such an image
reflects the same sort of pride and identity to that of Welsh rugby union. In both
situations an image is produced by the sport that gives the people an identity. In
addition, this raises the question; Why do these University rugby players in Wales
play a Northern Game?. Whilst exploring the inherent contrasts between the
northerness of rugby league and the Welshness of rugby union. Where everybody
can and should play rugby union in Wales and only a small sector of people play
rugby league, it is deemed important to analyse why rugby league is seen as this
lower class game. In doing so help the reader to understand the literature suggesting
that rugby league is suited to its northern roots; (Anderson 1983,Collins 2006,
Ehland 2007 and Spracklen et al 2010). In relation to such imagery Spracklen et al
(2010 p.398-399) stated
This refraction still exists in rugby league, for instance the big Cumbrian
forwards, big because bred in the steel works of Workington and Whitehaven,
hardened in the rain lashing that coast … exotic others to the normal
northerners of Yorkshire or Lancashire. The men of the north (imagined in
rugby league) come from particular elements of the working class: small, oneindustry towns; or particular one-industry districts in the bigger cities.
This can create an image for the reader to identify with in relation to Northerness and
rugby league. Thoughts such as this above account for the apparent glocalization of
rugby league. It is seen as a game for the small towns in the north (Spracklen et al
2010). Glocalization will be defined below.
“Glocalize has primarily been derived from the Japanese word dochakuka,
meaning ‘global localization’, or, more accurately, ‘indigenization”, (Robertson,
1992: 173; 1995, cited in Giulianotti and Robertson, 2006, p.172).
14
Moreover “The concept of glocalization is used to analyse the ways in which social
Actors construct meanings, identities and institutional forms within the
sociological Context of globalization, conceived in multidimensional
terms”,(Giulianotti and Robertson, 2006, p.171).
Glocalization has been defined for the reader so the reader can create an image of
rugby league being traditionally played in northern England but is now being played
throughout the world. This is deemed relevant as rugby league is not commonly
seen as being a welsh sport but it is know played throughout Wales. In the case of
this study a major rugby union sporting university.
15
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY
3.1 Methodology.
This study use a qualitative methodology because this approach is best suited to
better understanding the cultural processes that influence Rugby Union players to
swap playing codes to Rugby League, the experiences they have in doing so. A
further reason for the qualitative approach is that the study is an explorative study as
there is no past research on code swapping in rugby. In defining qualitative research
Bradley and Thomas (1999, p.33-34) stated “methods for the collection, analysis and
interpretation of data on phenomena that are not easily reduced to numbers or that
might be destroyed by any attempt to do so.” Before a researcher gets to the
analysis and interpretation chapter of their work they need to analyse the data. “Data
analysis is a dynamic process weaving together recognition of emerging themes,
identification of key ideas or units of meaning, and material acquired from the
literature.” (Hammell, Carpenter, and Dyck, 2000, p.28). This is a fundamental
process to the study and will be further discussed within the method analysis
chapter. The methodology chapter is broken into a number of subtopics. These are:
focus groups, sampling and participants, instruments, procedure and method
analysis.
3.2 Focus Groups.
According to Rabiee (2004) ‘Focus group interviews are very popular. They can aid
the researcher in analysing the way people feel (Rabiee 2004). This is deemed
relevant as this study is based upon the feelings that the rugby players experience
whilst swapping codes. Moreover Rabiee (2004) suggested that focus groups can
help us to understand the reasons as to ‘why people behave in certain ways’.
Moreover Thomas, MacMillan , McColl,Hale and Bond (1995) suggested that focus
groups are fundamental to the study of cultures that affect individuals behaviours.
This theoretical underpinning forms a direct link to the work suggested earlier, when
the notion of Habitus theory influencing the player’s actions was discussed. There
are a number of benefits to using focus group interviews these benefits are
illustrated by many researchers. Some examples of these positives will be illustrated
below.
16
Thomas et al (1995) suggested that focus group interview can gather more data than
singular interviews. This is through the exchanges of the group (Thomas et al 1995).
Further reference to this point is made by Krueger and Casey (2000), when they
proposed that focus groups can obtain information quickly. This information can then
be used within studies, as direct quotes from the participants can be linked into the
work (Krueger and Casey 2000).
3.3 Participants
The participants used in this study are all UWIC Rugby League players. They are
between the ages of twenty to twenty two and are placed in this group in direct
relation to their relative characteristics. The participants are to be selected with the
main aim of developing a further insight into the changing of codes. The study is to
be carried out on this group of UWIC Rugby League players, as the sole intention of
this study is to analyse and explore as to why these players choose to participate
within Rugby League. In doing so go against the Universities main sport Rugby
Union, a number of the players used have played a high standard of Rugby Union. It
is deemed important at this stage to note to the reader that this will be discussed in
detail at a later point.
According to Hopkins (2007), there is a need to consider the numerous issues and
‘possible influences’ on a group before working out the number of participants.
Therefore Rapley (2007) recommended, spending a great deal of time in selecting
the participants for the group.
Moreover Rapley (2007) suggested that all aspects of group selection need to be
addressed to ensure group interaction. According to Rabiee (2004) group members
must have a number of relative characteristics. Furthermore Rabiee (2004)
suggested that group members need to feel at ease with the interviewer and the
other participants. According to Krueger (1994) the best data comes from focus
groups that are at ease within the discussion. Furthermore Rabiee (2004) suggested
group members feel at ease in a group of people that they know. According to
17
Krueger (1994) participants should be from similar; age groups and be of the same
sex. The players that were selected are of a similar age (ranging from twenty to
twenty two). These players were selected to participate within the study based upon
the theoretical underpinning suggested above. The players all knew each other as
they play together for UWIC rugby league and have numerous social and physical
similarities. Therefore I felt that the players would feel more at ease during the focus
group interviews and openly discuss the topic. I felt that this would increase my
chances of understanding the cultural processes that influenced their decisions to
swap playing codes.
The two focus groups consisted of three players per group. This decision was made
based on past empirical studies upon focus groups. Examples of this past research
will be illustrated below to further connote my reasoning to the reader.
According to Hopkins (2007), using focus groups with young males, the groups with
fewer participants generally ran smoother. Furthermore Morgan (1997) suggested
that with larger groups certain participants will remain quiet or unheard. As stated
previously the focus groups were audio recorded via the use of a dictaphone, this will
be further discussed at a later point. According to Hopkins (2007) with larger groups
of young males recordings become difficult to understand, as many of the young
men are competing to talk at once. Furthermore Holbrook and Jackson (1996)
proposed that young men all talk at once due to them not wanting to feel left out.
This was something that I wanted to stay away from; I wanted to ensure that each
participant had a chance to openly discuss their feelings. Furthermore I felt that
fewer players within each group would be easier to organise and keep on topic. The
instrument used within these interviews will know be discussed below. This will be
illustrated in conjunction with past empirical research.
3.4 Instruments.
A dictaphone will be used to record the focus groups sessions. According to Ore
(1995), audio recordings benefit the researcher by giving ‘insight’ into the variety of
verbal behaviour. Moreover Rapley (2007) proposed audio recordings can free up
the interviewer so that he or she can concentrate on the participants. Moreover
18
Rapley (2007) suggested that the use of audio recording allows for ‘greater
interaction between the participants and the interviewer’. According to Rapley
(2007) audio recordings are easy to set up and this allows for more time spent on the
discussion. Furthermore, this is seen as advantageous as the interviewer can
conduct the interview and watch the participants (Rapley 2007). In addition Rapley
(2007) suggests that by setting up the equipment and leaving it to record it ensures
the groups attention is where it needs to be. A dictaphone was used to record the
session. According to Seale (2004), a dictaphone (digital or hard disk recorder) has
superior quality of recording than a cassette recorder and will record for longer.
According to Rapley (2007 p.36) “these have high quality internal microphones”.
Moreover Rapley (2007) suggested that these allow for good recordings. In addition
Rapley (2007 p.36) proposed that these “devices are produced to link to peoples
computers and upload audio files”. This will enable the audio to be played back and
transcribed at a later stage. Therefore this could lead to a more reliable study as the
researcher would be able to go over the session as many times as needed. The
researcher can pick up on occurrences he may have missed during the session
(Holbrook and Jackson 1996). In relation to these recording devices the only
negative is the cost (Rapley 2007). The literature above can help to further the
readers understanding of the dictaphone (digital recorder) and the benefits gained
from using one.
3.5 Procedure.
Before the sessions began an explanation of the purpose of the research was given
to the participants. They were required to fill in consent forms. The participants were
also told that they could choose to opt out of the group if they felt the need to. This
was done to ensure the participants felt at ease and were relaxed within the session.
Moreover according to Seale (2004), an opening statement should be made at the
start of the session running through any rules. This is where further explanation of
the research was given to the participants and the reassurance of confidentiality.
This was done by asking the players they’re age and then asking them how long
they have been playing rugby. The data was collected using a variety of techniques.
19
As stated in the instruments section the information was gathered via a recording
using a dictaphone. The audio of these sessions was then transcribed, within the
discussion section of the study Pseudonyms were used to protect participant
confidentiality. The transcriptions can be seen within the appendices section. They
are labelled focus group interview one and focus group interview two. These
transcripts were analysed and key themes were identified and coded. This can also
be seen within the transcripts in the appendices.
The focus group interviews were carried out using a semi structured approach. As
Rapley (2007) suggests this allows the interviewer to interact with the participants.
As was mentioned earlier the interviewer can then make the participants feel at
ease. It also improves the chances of the interview flowing as the interviewer can
focus upon the group (Rapley 2007). According to Bajramovic ,J, Emmerton, L and
Tett, S (2004) semi-structured interviews can ‘encourage a thoughtful and relaxed
interview’. The interviewer can concentrate on the group and can ask open and
searching questions (Bajramovic et al 2004). According to Rapley (2007) asking
open questions is fundamental to the success of focus group interviews. This gives
the participants something to build upon and can only be done if they feel at ease
(Bajramovic et al 2004). The above literature can help the reader to see the benefits
of following a semi structured interview whilst following a focus group interview. A
number of key questions were written before the focus group took place. These
questions were used within the interviews and can be seen in the appendices under
the title interview questions.
3.6 Method Analysis.
The fundamental purpose of this study was to discover the cultural processes that
influence Rugby Union players to swap playing codes to Rugby League, the
experiences they have in doing so. As was mentioned previously there is little to no
past research upon code swapping from rugby union to rugby league. Therefore it
was deemed important to analyse a number of theoretical concepts that could be
linked to the main aim of this study. As has been mentioned throughout the study a
number of questions have been produced. These questions were raised during the
introduction to the study and throughout the literature review. They were raised upon
20
the exploration of the related subtopics that were thought to be beneficial to this
study. These questions can be seen below. On the right hand side of the questions
bold letters can be seen. These letters were used whilst coding key themes within
the transcripts. ‘Coding is a procedure for organising the texts of the transcripts, and
discovering patterns within that organisational structure.’ (Auerbach and Silverstein
2003, p33). These transcripts are the verbatim accounts of the focus group
interviews. The transcripts that can be seen are deemed the results, these results
were used throughout the analysis section via quotations (comments) showing the
players personal experiences. An effort will be made to link these to the literature
review.
For more information upon this see the appendices under the title (Questions raised
throughout the study).
21
3.61 Questions raised throughout the study.
How does social practice and interaction influence these player’s decisions?
A
How can forms of Masculinity influence the player’s decisions to swap codes?
B
How does Habitus influence these player’s decisions?
B
How is Habitus linked to sport and identity?
D
How are these players influenced by the set structures?
C
How do these unwritten rules influence players behaviour in their rugby club?
C
How does or can jock culture control a person’s use of space?
A
Why do the Welsh rugby union players swap codes to play Rugby League?
A
Why do these University rugby players in Wales play a Northern Game?
A
Furthermore the point that a number of these players played a high standard of
rugby union has been illustrated within the study. This will be connoted within the
transcripts with the bold letter E.
To see exactly where the quotations from the transcripts came from ,the reader
should follow the numbers on the left hand side until they reach number one hundred
and fifty one. The letter to the right of the paragraph connotes which question or
questions they are related to. The in text citation looks like this (Graeme151, A) and
has been illustrated within the text. As has been illustrated previously pseudonyms
22
were used in place of the participants names. This has been done so that the reader
can clearly see where the characters quotes came from. As stated previously
pseudonyms were used in place of the participant’s names. Focus group one
consisted of: Neil, Sion and Andrew. Focus group two consisted of: Darren, Robert
and Steve. This has been noted so that the reader can clearly see where the quotes
have come from. The analysis of the data collected during this study was carried out
using a number of approaches. According to Green and Thorgood(2004) this is the
approach that the majority of qualitative researchers follow. This was done in
accordance to Krueger (1994), when he proposed that focus groups analysis should
be carried out using a broad range of analysis techniques. The data collated was
analysed in the style of a framework, where each section could coexist with each
other. According to Ritchie and Spencer (1994) framework analysis accounts for a
number of coexisting stages that are in a state of flux with each other. According to
Ritchie and Spencer (1994), these stages begin whilst the interview begins and end
when the interpretation has finished. This type of framework was followed whilst
compiling the data for this study. I ran the focus groups; transcribed them and then
coded the interviews for key themes. According to Ritchie and Spencer (1994) the
work became familiarized, then it was developed upon. The work was then further
analysed with reoccurring themes selected and grouped for the purpose of the
analysis and interpretation chapter of the study. The findings and key themes were
then placed into the study to show the personal experiences of the players. This is
seen as the last stage of the processes and it can help the reader to feel what the
players are. This can further the readers experience upon the topic being discussed.
23
3.7 Limitations of the methods used.
There are two key limitations within the methodology of the study carried out. It is
deemed important to note at this point that one of the focus group members is also
carrying out the same study. However his study is different in set up, this may make
his answers biased. The second limitation is related to the number of participants.
Past academic research shows that there are contrasting views upon group numbers
within focus groups. The correct number of participants in a focus group is six to ten
(Morgan 1998). According to Fern (1982) up to twelve people should be used within
a focus group. Moreover Fern (1982) suggested that more people will result in more
data to use. Within my study I used two three people focus groups as I did not feel I
could control the discussion with more people. The literature above suggests that
less data will be collected from this. Conversely Morgan (1998) proposed that larger
numbers in focus groups are hard to control.
24
CHAPTER FOUR ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
4.1 Introduction.
Within this chapter a specific attempt will be made to illustrate key themes and
findings from the focus group interviews. This will be shown through comments from
the participants showing firsthand and personal experiences. It is deemed important
to mention again that the names the reader sees for the participant’s experiences
are in fact pseudonyms. These were used in every comment showing the
participants experiences to protect the participant’s confidentiality. The experiences
are hand selected from the transcripts to clearly illustrate the reoccurring themes and
link them to past literature. Specifically, this will be done to try and place the reader
in the “player’s shoes”, hopefully by doing this the reader will then gain a great deal
of insight as to why these players choose to swap codes. In doing so go against their
‘collective habitus’. The point was raised earlier that the ‘collective habitus’ of this
group of rugby players was to play rugby union. As rugby union is afforded fart
greater status within the university. This will be further addressed below.
4.2 Welsh university rugby league converts.
Within the introduction to the study an interesting point was illustrated. It was noted
that a number of the players within the study had played a high level of rugby union
before swapping codes. This point became very clear throughout both focus group
interviews. As a number of the players mentioned that they were involved with
professional to semi professional structures of rugby union.
up until i came to university i played rugby union... i went to rugby college
which i represent Exeter chiefs as well(Neil, 14, E)
i played for Hartpury a sort of an academy for rugby sort of kids from all over
the country came to play rugby union there and then as i came to university i
went into rugby league(Sion, 15, E)
The above quotations clearly illustrate that two of the focus group members from the
first focus group attended a rugby college. This of particular interest as these
colleges are seen as ‘rugby academies where players come from all over the country
25
to play (Sion, 15, E) When probed asked what these rugby academies entailed the
players created the picture of a professional training structure.
we um trained everyday and during pre-season we were, there were 12 of us
selected from my year group who were put on a ace program... it was almost
as if being thrown into a professional atmosphere at a young age(Neil, 28,29,
E)
it was the same acer league again so that the acer scheme... so its literally
rugby 24/7 so learning about rugby playing rugby twice a week(Sion, 36,38,
E)
This shows the professional style of training within a rugby union context. It
illustrates to the reader that the players were training regularly. Sion added a more
detailed image of this style of training whilst discussing this topic.
training everyday always sort of getting better pushing you harder um you
always had to push to get harder they had again the Acer scheme so they had
training things in the morning you were pushed to get bigger, stronger, faster
all the time(Sion, 41, E)
It is deemed important to note to the reader that this quote will be further used at a
later point whilst analysing the different forms of masculinity. This will be done whilst
discussing the differing forms of masculinity between rugby league and rugby union.
The notion of players within the focus groups will now be further addressed. Sion
also suggested that they also played a number of professional rugby union
academies before switching codes at university. This can be seen within the
appendices under focus group one.
Within the second focus group one of the players also painted the picture of him
coming from a very high level of rugby union before playing rugby league.
i represented Cardiff Blues under 16s and 18s...i was training literally
everyday and playing at least twice a week(Darren, 60,62, E)
Moreover within the appendices in the transcripts for each focus group it is clear that
all of the players bar one have played representative rugby union. These sections
are coded with the bold capital letter (E) upon the right hand side of them. It was
26
deemed of particular interest that the majority of the participants played a high
standard of rugby union. As was stated earlier the university is commonly perceived
as a rugby union university. This was mentioned by one of the participants within the
first focus group. He mentioned that rugby union boys said that rugby league was a
lesser sport than union see paragraph (90).
This was further questioned see paragraph(91), as to whether rugby union is seen
as the main sport at the university. “rugby union has always been perceived that
way”(Sion, 92, A). A critical reflection will be made upon the status the differing
codes of rugby hold at the university at a later stage. This will be done whilst
analysing social space in a sporting university and the associated theories that
coexist within it. An exploration will know be given into the differing forms of
masculinity that influence the players decisions to swap codes.
4.3 Masculinity in rugby.
As previously stated masculinity is seen as a substantial topic in relation to the study
of code swapping in a Welsh University. A specific attempt will know be made to
illustrate this thinking to the reader. This was done using theoretical underpinning
and the firsthand experiences of the players from each focus group.
As Connell (1995) suggested there are a number of differing forms of masculinity
that are practiced. Furthermore it was stated within the literature review that there is
not one simple form of masculinity that is coherent through all sporting structures
(Light 2007). Moreover Light (2008) claimed that, forms of masculinity are based
around social experiences and are highly complex. The ways in which rugby can
produce differing practices of masculinity will know be explored.
According to Light (2008), rugby can create many different types of masculinities.
Moreover Light (2008) suggested that this was related to the ‘players positions’, he
stated that each player ‘experiences different feelings.
27
as a back you don’t really tend to get as much of the ball.. being...part of the
forward makes you a bigger player... you have to take more tackles as well as
to make a lot more tackles(Robert,157,B)
Within the literature review it was also noted that if a player moved from the backs to
the forwards then he or she would have to adapt to their new habitus. It was also
suggested that the practice would be different through bodily experiences within
training. The above comments from Robert can help the reader to envision this, it
illustrates how he feels being part of the forwards. He came from playing in the
backs in rugby union where he suggested that he didn’t receive much of the ball to
playing in the forwards in rugby league.
i just love the game rugby league even though i started off as a winger and
now playing as a forward theres not much difference(Robert, 143, B)
In contrast to the points that were raised about not receiving much of the ball whilst
on the wing in rugby union, the comment above clearly shows Robert saying that he
does not think that there is much difference between playing in the forwards or backs
in rugby union. This is deemed fascinating and relevant to the study as it could
account for players wanting to swap to rugby league. Players may feel as if they
want to have more ownership or receive more ball during the game. Therefore they
could view rugby league as a more attractive game. At the top level many of the
players are of similar characteristics. Whereas rugby union roles are very
specialised, you do not see much swapping of positions in rugby union.
In addition Light (2008) claimed that the forwards are commonly more aggressive
and this can lead to split groups within the team. This literature illustrates the ways in
which masculinities are developed in rugby and how these different masculinities can
create a divide within a team. It shows that the masculinities are ‘developed through
experiences and that forwards and backs experience different feelings within a
game’. Conversely this divide in forms of masculinity can be seen throughout sport
(Connell 1983).
28
This can also be seen throughout the opposing codes of rugby. As stated previously
player’s experiences create forms of masculinity (Light 2008).
in union you have got to go on the legs normally with league its more of a firm
upper body hard hitting stuff because we are league(Darren, 149,B)
As rugby allows players to practice these forms of masculinity (Light 2007).
Furthermore Light (2008) suggested that these experiences would be inherently
‘different in rugby league’. Moreover Light (2008) claimed that in ‘rugby league
muscle and vigour are fundamental’.
masculinity is within... rugby league because there’s amount of chances you
need to make are a big tackle on someone.. there are less rules within rugby
league so you can make certain tackles that you would not be able to in
union(Robert,155,B)
Light (2008) suggested that the application of ‘strength’ is similar throughout both
codes of rugby, however the tactics are wholly different. This is backed up by one of
the players whilst he was discussing tackling in rugby league.
more physical like at least two players in a tackle um they give you a run up
basically in defence so it just gets you more motivated and gives you more of
an option to hit them(Steve,151,B)
The above literature and experiences can help the reader to see the ways that the
different forms of rugby can create different masculinities for the players. A number
of the players within both focus group interviews proposed that rugby league was
more masculine. They suggested that they felt more masculine whilst playing league,
this was illustrated through the players saying that they felt rugby league was more
physical. The players perceived this physicality to be more masculine. Social space
in a sporting university setting will now be explored.
29
4.4 Social space in a sporting university.
Throughout the literature review social space was examined thoroughly. Links were
made to show how social space existed within a number of the subtopics and how it
is directly linked to the notion of habitus. Social space is deemed an important topic
within this study. Every single social ‘interaction’ and practice occurs within a ‘social
setting’; it is unconceivable to think about social occurrences outside of a ‘spatial
context’, (Shilling, p23, 1991). The notion that social space is fundamental in setting
structures was illustrated within the literature review, this will be addressed at a later
stage. Social space within a sporting university is to be thoroughly explored at this
point, through theoretical underpinning and the players own experiences. To fully
analyse social space in a sporting university work such as jock culture will be
illustrated.
According to Sparkes et al (2010), sports people in further education are often
referred to as being ‘members of Jock culture’. Moreover Sparkes et al (2010)
suggest that this spatial setting is directly linked to the ‘production and practice of
masculinity’. According to Sparkes et al (2010) this culture develops and ‘embraces’
competitiveness and ‘male dominance’, through a number of everyday ‘practices and
structures’. In addition Brown (2006) argued that male dominance is practised
through a number of traits such as; ‘gendered posture’ and the use of ‘social space’.
This practical use of space to practice masculinity links directly with the work
suggested earlier in that structures within a person or a groups habitus shape their
everyday lives. The jock culture (sport students habitus) can unconsciously control a
person’s use of social space.
Sparkes et al (2010, p. 334) stated that, the ways that Jock habitus was
transmitted over time had consequences for how the individual’s body and the
body of others were positioned in social space on the Greenfields campus.
Furthermore Sparkes et al (2010) suggested, the training’s of the sports clubs
develop this habitus. According to Sparkes et al (2010), the practice of these clubs
helps to define social space upon campuses.
30
i heard about the rugby union culture at UWIC and how it had a bit of a bad
reputation for boys trying to be bigger than they actually are so it kind of made
me want to change..(Robert, 74, A)
This can help the reader understand the ways that structures within a sporting
university can influence a person’s everyday decisions. This can be related to
players wanting to change codes.
Furthermore Sparkes et al (2010) suggested that it is important that a person play
the right sport in University, they suggested that some sports attain superior status.
Moreover Pringle and Markula (2005) proposed that uniforms can carry status.
well i was at the freshers fayre at UWIC and i saw all these what i thought
were bran new heads if you want to call them, bran new union
kit..(Darren,71,A)
The above quote shows one of the players experience with seeing the rugby union
team in their kit at the freshers fayre. This is deemed relevant as at the university the
other teams do not order their kit until later on in the term. The rugby union team also
has different kit manufacturers to the other teams. All the other teams have blue kit
whereas the rugby union team have burgundy kit. This could be suggested as the
union structure separating themselves from the other clubs and structures within the
university. This could be seen as showing their superiority and individuality from the
other teams.
boys were saying.. rugby league was like the next level down from union they
thought and they were seeing it as they were the top boys(Sion,90,A).
This was further questioned see paragraph(91), as to whether rugby union is seen
as the main sport at the university. “rugby union has always been perceived that
way”(Sion, 92, A).
Therefore the players that swap codes from Rugby Union to league are seen as
going against their habitus, as union is afforded greater status than rugby league.
According to Shilling and Cousins (1990) this movement can be defined as
colonization. Shilling and Cousins (1990, p.414) stated that, “the imposition by
particular groups of students of cultural values and forms of behaviour which run
31
counter to the norms”. Furthermore Bourdieu (2005, p29) suggested that people may
change fields, he suggests that people do this when there is competition and
struggles within their own field.
i went to the freshers thing and there was 120 in the squad... that really put
me off so i wouldn’t be playing every week...
there would be five or six
players in the same position as you(Darren,87,89,A)
The above quotations corresponds with the theory suggesting that people may swap
fields when they face adversity within their own field (Bourdieu 2005).It shows that
one of the players felt uncomfortable at the freshers rugby union as there was so
many players there. It could be proposed that this adversity made him fight against
the structure and swap codes to play rugby league. As suggested within the
literature review these structures can influence the decisions people make and the
way that they behave. Sparkes et al (2010) proposed that these structures within
jock culture can influence peoples behaviours. Sparkes et al (2010) suggested that
these structures can provide people with feelings as to how they should behave in
social contexts. Furthermore Sparkes et al (2010) maintained that within the jock
culture structure there are a set of unwritten rules. These rules can be called
commandments (Sparkes et al 2010). According to Sparkes et al (2010) the drinking
culture is a commandment. This suggests that a player would be frowned upon if
they were not part of this drinking culture. This is part of the social scene related to
the structure of the club. As was suggested throughout the literature review social
interaction and practice occur in social space. If a person does not agree with the
interactions and practice they can be ostracised (Sparkes et al 2010).
socials was about the lads drinking out and i didn’t drink a the time.. i was sort
of pushed into it people were saying come on drink drink so i was never sort
of one of the lads i wasn’t one of the kids with them sort of thing( Sion, 70, A)
Sion creates the image that he was ostracised as he didn’t drink. This coincides with
Sparkes et al (2010) work on jock culture which suggests, sports scholars must
follow the unwritten rules to be part of the group. Players not conforming to such
practices as drinking upon socials can be frowned upon and players can be made to
feel unwelcome.
32
no no, i didn’t feel accepted at all i felt like i was outside the group
constantly)Sion, 74, A)
This is not just on a social level. It does not just account for what players are doing
on the socials but it can also affect their playing time. As if the players are not seen
as part of the team then it can have a negative affect.
….i mean there was games that i was supposed to be in but i wasn’t told
about in rugby union because i wasn’t in the right click of boys so i wasn’t told
i was in match 15(Sion, 139, A).
The comments above help to create an image of this structure and the unwritten set
of rules that the players associated with these structures conform to. He says that he
was not told that he was meant to be playing and missed the game. He felt that this
was because he was not in the ‘click of boys’. This is deemed interesting as the
player obviously has the physical skill to be selected for the team. The player in
question also came from a high level rugby union college, therefore is seen as a very
good player. When a player that is good enough to play but is not getting picked due
to social reasons this can effect the individual negatively.
very little game time and i got frustrated… they really pushed me to think
about what was i going to do next… i was even questioning whether or not to
quit rugby(Sion 74,66,68, C)
This could be seen as useful to the reader in understanding why some of these
players may want to switch playing codes to rugby league from rugby union.
Furthermore this can help to create an image for the reader upon the set structures
within these settings. It was suggested earlier that the players that conform to such
practices help to make sure that these structures run.
33
CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION
5.1 Reflections.
Within this study I have attempted to portray how a number of related subtopics
(masculinity, habitus, social space and space in a university setting) can influence a
player’s decision to swap codes. In swapping codes go against the social norm of
the university. It was argued that the players that swap codes to play rugby league
instead of rugby union are going against their collective habitus. A number of past
studies were used within each subtopic, they were drawn upon and an attempt was
made to link these to rugby. In doing so guide the reader throughout the study, into
the analysis and interpretation chapter of the study. As mentioned previously there is
no past research upon code swapping in rugby, specifically code swapping within a
rugby union university. Therefore the exploration of the subtopics was deemed a
necessity for the researcher and for the reader. The background literature collated
linked well with the study and this was made apparent within the analysis and
interpretation chapter. This was illustrated to the reader with personal experiences of
the players being provided. The analysis and interpretation chapter provided the
reader with insightful examples to certain areas that specifically influenced the
player’s decisions to swap codes. An effort was made to illustrate the Welsh rugby
union players swapping codes. This was done to add emphasis to code swapping it
was also deemed interesting as to why these players swapped to play rugby league.
The transcripts clearly show that these players come from rugby union backgrounds,
have each played a high level of rugby union and had done so for many years before
transferring to play league. As the analysis and interpretation chapters clearly show
these players swapped codes for a number of reasons. They were influenced by the
structures at the university and stated that they did not want to be part of that rugby
union group. A number of the focus groups said that they swapped as they wanted to
experience a new challenge, they liked the associated masculinity and physicality of
rugby league so gave it a go. These structures within the university were also
analysed and developed in conjunction with jock culture. Social space within a
university setting was used to identify the challenges the players faced. This could
be on a social level to the collective habitus of a group through their associated
status. Examples were given for each of these to create an image for the reader to
identify with. The study showed that there are numerous protagonists for players
swapping codes, there was no definitive answer it showed that the topics explored
within the literature review overlapped and coexist with each other.
34
CHAPTER SIX REFERENCES
6.1 Reference List .
Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined communities. London: Verso.
Andrews, D (1996) “Sport and the Masculine Hegemony of the Modern Nation:
Welsh Rugby, Culture and Society, 1890-1914” In Nauright, J and Chandler,J.L.T
(eds) (1996) Makinng Men: Rugby and Maculine Identity. Frank Cass.
Bajramovic ,J, Emmerton, L and Tett, S (2004).” Perceptions Around Concordance Focus Groups and Semi-Structured Interviews Conducted With Consumers”,
Pharmacists and General Practitioners Health Expectations, 7, pp.221-234.
Bourdieu P. (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique Of the Judgement of Time. Harvard
University Press: Cambridge.
Bourdieu, P. (1993) Sociology in Question. Sage: London.
Bourdieu, P. (1998). Practical reason: On the theory of action. Stanford, CA:
Stanford.
Bourdieu, P. (2001) Masculine domination. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press.
35
Bourdieu, P. (2005) Habitus. In J. Hillier & E. Rooksby (Eds.), Habitus: A sense of
place (2nd ed) pp. 43-52. Aldershot UK: Ashgate.
Boyle, R. and Haynes, R. (2000) Power Play: Sport, the Media and Popular Culture.
Harlow: Pearson Education.
Bradley C, Thomas C (1997). Research methods in primary care. Oxford: Radcliffe
Medical Press Ltd. 31-37.
Brown, D. (2006) Pierre Bourdieu’s “Masculine Domination” Thesis and the
Gendered Body in Sport and Physical Culture. Sociology of Sport Journal, 23
pp.162-188.
Collins, T. (2006) Rugby League in Twentieth Century Britain. London: Routledge.
Connell, R. W. (1983) Which way is up? Essays on sex, class and culture.Sydney,
Australia; Allen &Unwin.
Connell, R. W. (1995) Masculinities ,Sydney, Australia;Allen & Unwin.
Connell, R.W. (2002). Masculinities and globalisation. In H. Worth, A. Paris, & L.
Allen(Eds.), The life of Brian: Masculinities, sexualities and health in New Zealand
(pp.27-42). Dunedin, NZ: University of Otago Press.
36
Elias, N. (1991) The Society of Individuals. Oxford: Basil Blackwell
Ehland, C. (2007). Thinking northern: Textures of identity in the north of England.
Amsterdam: Rodopi.
Fem, E. F. (1982). “The Use of Focus Groups for Idea Generation: The Effects of
Group Size, Acquaintanceship, and Moderator on Response Quantity and Quality”.
Joumal of Marketing Research, 19 pp. 1-13.
Giddens, A. (1984) The Constitution of Society. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Giulianotti, R and Robertson, R. (2006) ‘”Glocalization, Globalization and
Migration, The Case of Scottish Football Supporters in North America”.
International Sociology, 21 (2), pp. 171-198, London: Sage.
Green J & Thorogood N (2004) Qualitative Methods in Health Research. London:
Sage Publications.
Hammell, K.W, Carpenter, C and Dyck, I. (2000). Using qualitative research: a
practical introduction for occupational and physical therapist. United Kingdom:
Elsevier Health Sciences,
37
Harris, J (2007). “Cool Cymru, rugby union and an imagined community”,
International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 27 No (3/4); pp. 151-162.
Holbrook, B and Jackson, P (1996) ‘Shopping Around’; Focus Group Research in
North London Area, 28 pp. 136-152
Holt, R. (1989), Sport and the British, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Hopkins , P.E (2007) ‘ Thinking Critically and Creatively About Focus Groups’,
School of Geography, Politics and Sociology, Newcastle University, 39.4 PP. 528535.
Krueger RA (1994) Focus Groups: A Practical Guide for Applied Research.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Krueger RA & Casey MA (2000) Focus Groups: A Practical Guide for Applied
Research, (3rd ed). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
38
Light, R (2007), “Re-examining Hegemonic Masculinity in High School Rugby: The
Body,Compliance and Resistance”, National Association For Kinseology and
Physical Education in Higher Education; 59 pp. 323-338
Light, R (2008) “Learning masculinities in a Japanese high school rugby club”,Sport,
Education and Society 13(2), pp. 163 -179.
Messner, M. (1992). Power at play: Sports and the problem of masculinity. Boston:
Beacon Press.
Morgan, D (1997), Focus Groups As Qualitative Research.2nd edn. London; Sage.
Morgan, D. L. (1998). Planning Focus Groups.Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
publications.
Nauright, J. and Chandler, T.J.L. (1999) ‘Conclusion: A Rugby World or Worlds of
Rugby?’, in T.J.L. Chandler and J. Nauright (eds) The Rugby World: Race, Gender,
Commerce and Rugby Union. London: Frank Cass.
Ore, E (1995) “Analysis and Modification of Verbal Coaching Behaviour; The Utility
of A Data Driven Intervention Strategy”, International Institute for Sport and Human
Performance, University of Oregon.
39
Pred, A. (1990) “Context and Bodies in Flux: Some Comments on Space and Time”
in the Writings of Anthony Giddens, in: J. Clarke et al. (eds) Anthony Giddens:
Consensusa And Controversy. Lewes: Falmer Press.
Pringle, R and Markula, P (2005) “No Pain Is Sane After All: A Foucauldian Analysis
of Masculinities and Men’s Experiences in Rugby”, Sociology of Sport Journal; 22,
pp.472-497.
Rabiee, F(2004) “Focus-group interview and data analysis”, Proceedings of the
Nutrition Society 63, pp.655–660.
Rapley , T(2007) Doing Conversation, Discourse and Document Analysis. London;
Sage publications
Ritchie J & Spencer L (1994) Qualitative data analysis for applied policy research. In
Analysing Qualitative Data, pp. 173–194 [A Bryman and RG Burgess, editors].
London: Routledge.
Seale, C (2004), Researching Society and Culture. 2nd edn. London; Sage
publications.
Sewell, William F. (1992) “A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and
Transformation”. The American Journal of Sociology, 9 (1) pp. 1-29.
40
Shilling, C., & Cousins, F. (1990). “Social use of the school library: The colonisation
and regulation of educational space”. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 11,
411-430.
Shilling, C. (1991) “Social Space, Gender Inequalities and Educational
Differentiation”. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 12 (1) pp. 23-41.
Spracklen, K, Timmins, S, Long, J. (2010) ‘Ethnographies of the imagined, the
imaginary and the critically real: blackness, whiteness, the north of England and
rugby league’. Leisure Studies.
Sparkes, A. Brown, D and Partington, E.( 2010) ‘The “Jock Body and the Social
Construction of Space: The performance and positioning of Cultural Idenitity’, Space
and Culture, 13 (3) pp. 333-347.
Thomas L, MacMillan J, McColl E, Hale C & Bond S (1995) “Comparison of focus
group and individual interview methodology in examining patient satisfaction with
nursing care”. Social Sciences in Health 1, pp, 206–219.
Tuck, J. (2003). ‘ The Men in White; Reflections on Rugby Union, the Media and
Englishness’,International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 38 (2) pp.177-199.
41
APPENDICIES
Appendix A As stated previously in the study the transcripts of the two focus groups can be seen here.
Within the transcripts there are no names, this was down to protect the participants
confidentiality. In the discussion section of the study Pseudonyms were used to protect
participant confidentiality. Pseudonyms were also used to help the reader identify and create
an image of the participants. The questions that were written before the focus group
interviews will know be illustrated below. As was mentioned previously these questions were
a framework they were not set in stone. These questions were made based around obtaining
information regarding the subtopics that were explored within the literature review. These
questions helped to get the groups talking. The majority of the questions were made up upon
the answers that the groups gave me.
Focus group questions.
Introductory questions to get the players talking and put them at ease. Then get them into
the main theme of these interviews.
How old are you?
How and when did you start playing rugby?
How long have you been playing rugby?
Have you always played rugby league?
These questions were then developed from the participants answers. However I did have a
number of other questions prepared to ensure that the themes explored in the essay were
discussed. These questions can be seen below.
Growing up was there much chance to play rugby league?
What level of rugby union have you played?
Was there a defining moment when you decided to play rugby league?
How have people reacted to you switching to rugby league?
Did the rugby union clubs structure influence your decision to swap to rugby league?
Are you happy with your decision to swap codes?
Do you feel comfortable within the structure of the rugby league club?
Within both transcripts the paragraphs are numbered on the left hand side. The letters that
can be seen in bold to the right of the sentences and paragraphs, are the sections of text
that were referred to directly and indirectly within the discussion. This was done so that the
reader could clearly identify with the transcripts and the discussion and see the links. The
text that was used was illustrated in bold text. The letters that are to the right of the
transcripts group reoccurring themes. For example the in text citation looks like this (151, A).
The reader should then follow the numbers on the left hand side until they reach number one
hundred and fifty one. The groupings of the letters will also be illustrated to the reader so
that the meaning is made clear. These groupings were created in conjunction with the
questions that have been raised throughout the study. These questions and their groupings
can be seen below. It is deemed important to note to the reader that these questions were
not strictly relied upon within the analysis and interpretation sections of the study. They were
seen as and used as a guideline to base these sections on. They were used like a
framework, in that the relevant information could be drawn from them. This was done to try
and help the reader to identify with the links that co-exist within the theory. As can be seen
below a number of the questions are deemed to be directly linked and therefore have the
same grouping letter. It is also thought to be important to note to the reader that each and
every one of these questions can co exist with each other. A link can be found within each
theory to link them.
Questions raised throughout introduction and literature review.
How does social practice and interaction influence these player’s decisions?
A
How can forms of Masculinity influence the player’s decisions to swap codes?
B
How does Habitus influence these player’s decisions?
B
How is Habitus linked to sport and identity?
D
How are these players influenced by the set structures?
C
How do these unwritten rules influence players behaviour in their rugby club?
C
How does or can jock culture control a person’s use of space?
A
Why do the Welsh rugby union players swap codes to play Rugby League?
A
Why do these University rugby players in Wales play a Northern Game?
A
Furthermore the point that a number of these players played a high standard of rugby union
has been illustrated within the study. This will be connoted within the transcripts with the bold
letter E.
The verbatim transcripts of the focus groups can be seen below with the coding system that
was suggested above. It is deemed important at this point to note to the reader that only the
sections that were directly used within the study are in bold. A number of paragraphs will
have more than one code letter in bold next to them. Therefore the in text citation will clearly
state what code this is linked to. As Stated previously many of the answers (paragraphs)
from the boys are related to the boys playing rugby league in university. This is because the
study is based on this. Therefore not every paragraph has the capital bold letter (A) next to
it. Furthermore it is deemed important to note to the reader that habitus is seen as existing
within many of the sections. This is due to the theories suggested in the literature review. As
a consequence of this the letter (B) was only used next to the sections that were used within
the study. As also stated previously not all of the paragraphs are coded in this way only
specific points that are deemed relevant in illustrating the key themes within the focus group
interviews. The sections that are highlighted in bold are the sections that were used directly
within the study.
Appendix B - Focus Group Interview One.
1. So we’re just going to go from left to right, so how old are you:?
2. I’m 22
3. 21 [.] 22
4. Good stuff lads, so how and when did you start playing rugby?
5. um i initially started when i was five years old, um played for my local team i got
introduced by my like my two older brothers um because i came from like a rugby
family and i kinda just got pushed into it and haven’t looked back since really
6. Okay, cool
7. um i started quite late, i started about 15 um sort of just got into school secondary
school and then just got pushed into it from there, enjoyed it as i got more and more
into it
8. um similar story i started at 14 enjoyed it in p.e. tried out for the school team enjoyed
that ended up played for a local club thats about it
9. so how long have you been playing rugby now?
10. um 15 years now
11. 7 years 6 years, yeah
12. 7/8 years
13. cool, so its always rugby union you’ve all played?
14. up until i came to university i played rugby union um i played all the way through
school and then i went to rugby college which i represent exeter chiefs as well
E
15. i played rugby literary all the way up until university, same i played for Hartpury a
sort of an academy for rugby sort of kids from all over the country came to
play rugby union there and then as i came to university i went into rugby
league
16. i always played rugby union until my second year of uni but i just played for my local
college
17. good stuff, so where your from would you say theres a culture of rugby union?
18. where i’m from in the south west [.] its heavily like rugby union there isn’t any local
rugby league teams not within 50 miles i would have said its so heavily rugby union
dominated and always has been
19. yeah
20. again the same slightly further up north but same with the south theres only two
teams that i know of and i’ve only found that out since i started played rugby league
theres all rugby union in gloucstershire
21. same in Devon i didn’t know of any rugby league sides until they started one up
maybe a year or two ago in the town where i’m from
22. so you wouldn’t say the rugby union is advertised much where your all from you only
really known about since you’ve come into rugby league so its not readily accessible
you wouldn’t say?
23. no no its pretty much been advertised to me just because of uni
24. yeah yeah
25. same
26. yeah, pretty much the same –
E
27. so i noticed two of the boys you said you went to rugby union colleges could you just
tell me what that entailed?
28. yeah, when i was at secondary school [.] we were made aware that rugby union was
quite big at truro college after my pe teacher selected three of us he took us up to the
college in our final year at school and introduced us to the coaches where they
outlined what, what they [.] what the training and stuff involved um how we would fit
into it [.] and after that they invited us up to do training session with the current group
of college students they had there and we began pre-season and in the june of when
we finished of secondary school we were training, general training monday
wednesday and friday during pre-season from 9 until 3 in the afternoon and it didn’t
change much throughout the year when we went into our [.] college we um trained
everyday and during pre-season we were, there were 12 of us selected from my
year group who were put on a ace program which involved us training um [.] more
than all the rest it was individual training sessions with our mentors
29. it was almost as if being thrown into a professional atmosphere at a young age
E
30. so before you came to rugby league you’ve played at near enough what we would
call semi-professional level of rugby union where as you were training everyday?
31. yeah we were well depending on what day it was like monday we would be in at 6 o
clock in the morning doing a two hour weight session before college even started
32. we’d then have our morning lectures until 12 then have 2, a 2 hour session from 12
until 2 and then have our afternoon lectures after that and then sometimes if we had
injuries or something we’d have to go to the physio after college for another 2 hours
so
33. excellent so very much professional in all structure?
34. yeah
35. can you give anything towards that?
36. um, yeah hartrpury was similar to truro it was the same acer league again so that
the acer scheme but yeah for five years going up to training in rugby before college i
got into county in the south west and i was told that the next step from there was to
E
go to one of the big colleges so hartpury was sort of renowned in the country for you
know, um rugby qualifications
E
37. yeah, yeah
38. so i went there and took a rugby and excellence course [.] so its literally rugby 24/7
so learning about rugby playing rugby twice a week
E
39. so is that like a BTEC?
40. yeah yeah
41. BTEC dimploa - training everyday always sort of getting better pushing you
harder um you always had to push to get harder they had again the acer
scheme so they had training things in the morning you were pushed to get
bigger, stronger, faster all the time
42. Very similar about what i said about truro
43. Cool, so you’ve both had that semi-professional structure of rugby union, pushing you
to become better all the time?
44. yeah we would play against people like wasps academy and london irish academy
E
45. so your actually playing professional clubs?
46. yeah yeah so we’d play against professional academies and stuff
47. oh thats interesting and with that how many times do you reckon would you play once
every week or would you play more than that sometimes if there was a cup or?
48. definitely one game a week
49. so you would definitely be playing a union game every week?
50. i was playing three times a week
51. so you were playing union 3 times a week before you decided to play rugby league?
E
52. yeah
53. cool excellent moving on - was there a defining moment when you decided to play
rugby league, if so could you tell me about it?
54. yeah, there was when i was [.] moved into my halls at university it was obviously
heavily promoted by UWIC, the rugby union and trials were on straight away but they
were on first thing in the morning, the day after we got there. i did intent to go but i
then met a few of the lads that was in my halls and they also said that they were first
years, rugby students and they had been training all summer which kinda put me off
seens as i it almost like, seemed like they had selected a team before you were even
there and you weren’t going to get a shot at it and the fact that they hadn’t um even
bothered to get in contact considering we’d come from a rugby college in south west
which we’d won the daily mail cup in our year as well you would have thought they
would have invited a few of us who had applied to UWIC
A
55. yeah
56. um, from college
57. moving on
58. i had the same sort of experience except i went into rugby union in freshers year a lot
more i had it sort of all planned out i wanted you know i wanted over the three years
to get into the first team and you know get up there but i went to a few training
sessions, it was good they were pushing you. The first session was the 7 o clock
session the day after the big night out where everyone went out on the first night so
obviously they were pushing us until we were sick and they didn’t seem to care too
much or how hard they were pushing us but yeah kept on playing, was getting very
little game time for the amount of effort i was putting in, just sort of like 3 or 4 days a
week training
59. yeah
60. i mean, in total in the first year i got half an hour game time and i must have trained
for about 3 months solid so after that i just really heard about rugby league, i heard
A
about how much more laid back it was people tend to tell me it was a lot easier to get
higher up so they would judge you on your talent and not your size
B,A
61. yeah
62. so i really wanted to go and do that, so i gave that a try
63. so um, how did you feel when you were training, like you say 3 times a week and you
weren’t being selected, coming from a rugby college/academy before hand you
played regular, like you said 3 times a week how did you feel that you weren’t being
selected?
64. I felt terrible i didn’t know what i was doing wrong i thought you know coming from
that background i would be in the second team first team pushing and yeah even in
the thirds team wasn’t even pushing through regular games only got one game
A
65. Would you say this made you feel like you lost your sense of identity as a rugby
player seens as you wasn’t playing?
66. yeah definitely i was even questioning whether or not to quit rugby
A,C
67. really?
68. i've loved rugby ever since i started playing but i never really hated it before but they
really pushed me to think about what was i going to do next
A,C
69. Did you feel the structure of the rugby union club, the ethos of rugby union within the
university influenced your decision to swap codes and the way you were feeling with
that loss of sense of identity?
70. um, yeah mostly because of the hard training in the first place but the socials was
about the lads drinking out and i didn’t drink a the time i still don’t drink but i was
sort of pushed into it people were saying come on drink drink so i was never
sort of one of the lads i wasn’t one of the kids with them sort of thing
71. so you didn’t think your face fit, that sort of thing?
A,C
72. no no, i didn’t feel accepted at all i felt like i was outside the group constantly
A,C
73. cool, looking back would you say there was a defining moment that made you swap
codes?
74. yeah, the start of the second year i had a similar experience to josh in i tried out for
the freshers team in my first year but i started one game and played in two other but
that was the whole time and the whole year which was very little game time and i
got frustrated so i decided to join the rugby league side
A
75. how did you feel when you weren’t playing, like you said were you training all the time
as well 3 times a week?
76. yeah, i went to all the training sessions it was frustrating like i mean the team wasn’t
doing very well they were losing, losing quite heavily week in week out and they
weren’t making any changes which i didn’t feel was fair and not giving anyone a shot
it was the same team almost from the start playing even when they weren’t doing
well
77. similar you would say that the structure of the club was sort of face fit and if you
didn’t seem to be one of the ‘lads’ then as josh said then you wouldn’t be picked
78. um, very much so yeah
79. not being selected did that make you feel more less than a man when you weren’t
playing or no?
80. um, i wouldn’t say less than a man but it was an identity problem as i said with josh
just fed up i was considering not playing sport throughout my time at uni as well
81. cool, so um, how did people react firstly when you said you were going to swap
codes playing rugby league from rugby union?
82. um, like coming from a rugby union background my family all play rugby union at
home, they were all a bit shocked that i decided not to play rugby union at UWIC but
when i explained my reasons they agreed with why i was going to swap codes
because again i picked up a vibe a lot of the union players from around campus like if
A
your face didn’t fit then you weren’t really going to get any game time and um, again
coming from a semi-professional background i found it hard because training, from
training from 5 days a week to maybe only training twice a week which is all down to
me i kind of, you know felt distant so then, after the freshers fair one of the guys from
the rugby league club came up to me and said whats why am i looking to change
codes i just explained that you know as much as i want to play rugby union i want to
try my hand out a different field and see if i can take to that because i didn’t want to
give up playing rugby union completely, well rugby in general really completely and
when they offered me i thought well why not seens as you know i’ve played quite a
high level of rugby union why can’t i you know go into the first team
C
E, A
83. and to see where you go with rugby league?
84. yeah, basically yeah and i haven’t looked back since
85. cool,
86. yeah the same i also found it clicky with the rugby union boys and never really made
it anywhere there and then the captain from the rugby league boys was really
accepting, you know he came over talked to me straight away didn’t even need to be
introduced anyone just came over to talk to me for a good deal of time explained how
it would go um, within no time got some sort of game time that i thought i was a bit
frowned upon like some of the people i knew talked saying your playing rugby league
not union your not good enough for union that sort of thing
C,A
87. yeah
88. but yeah the more and more i got into it i had a really good first year broke into the
first team squad and got like a little bit of game time at the sort of Welsh universities
regionals and i really enjoyed it
A
89. With you say sort of ‘frowned upon’ people saying oh your playing rugby league
instead of rugby union do you mean within the university?
90. um, yeah yeah a lot of the boys were saying basically you would be shifted down to
rugby league was like the next level down from union they thought and they
were seeing it as they were the top boys
C,A
91. so you are saying that rugby union at UWIC carried more stature sort of seen as the
main sport you said thats the way they are promoting their status?
92. rugby union has always been perceived that way
A,C
93. yeah yeah
94. yeah
95. how have people reacted to you switching codes to rugby league?
96. um, i don;t know, um when i told people some people were a little surprised since i’d
never played it before, played the sport before but then i explained reasons i wasn’t
getting any game time i didn’t feel like involved in it or accepted there was very clicky
for rugby union side then it just made sense to switch over
C,A
97. did you have any similar situation where people were saying did you play rugby
league because your not good enough for rugby union?
98. um, yeah, yeah definitely
99. cool, right moving on are you happy with your decision to swap codes?
100.
um, i suppose like the only one regret is leaving never gave myself a chance,
never really pushed myself to even try and get to the, get into the rugby union culture
at uni but overall no i’m not disappointed i’m my choice um i don.t regret it at all and i
feel that i’ve grown as a player i’m added more to to my bow and dominantly i play
with a lot more confidence than i ever have done um i’ve always found a defensive
game is my weakest part ever since playing rugby league i enjoy the contact more
than anything and when i do go home to play rugby union in back at home for the
local team um, i’m always at the for-front of the defense and looking more involved, i
play with a lot more confidence because i feel like i’ve managed to you know play at
a higher level than i might have done than if i wasn’t getting game time
B, A
101.
so do you feel that by playing rugby league that you have improved overall as
a rugby player and that has transferred when you go back into rugby union?
102.
yeah, yeah i completely agree with that
103.
and you still look to play rugby union you still enjoy playing rugby union?
104.
yeah, yeah, i do love rugby union um and you know by having a chance to
play both codes have really opened up to how i view and play rugby union as well
um, i've managed to take what i’ve learnt from rugby league and incorporate it into
how i play rugby union
105.
excellent yeah - moving on are you happy with your decision to swap codes
106.
um, yes and no i absolutely loved playing rugby union it was always my first
game and i always wanted to you know keep on playing that as long as i could at
higher possible level as i could but i think the opportunities that rugby league has
given me has you know helped me as a player yeah um both rugby union and rugby
league and i can’t really turn down the opportunity that has been given to me i mean
i’ve got to play at a nice high level within bucs um, been given lots of opportunities
outside of that as well and club opportunities so i though it has been really good um, i
wouldn’t go back on that decision and yeah it’s a lot better than as a rugby union
player
A
B, C,
107.
and um, so you say that its made you better as a rugby union player as well?
108.
yeah
109.
so your still playing rugby union as well?
110.
yeah, um i’m playing rugby union on the weekends currently er i’ve been
playing down as rhymney at a division 1 club so i’ve been trying to get in amongst
there and i feel that my game has been so much better since i’ve been playing rugby
league its all been, even opening up opportunities for me and for rugby union, sort of
something to put n your cv playing for that higher level
111.
yeah
112.
and the fact that your playing for a bucs team week in week out your sort of
more thought of when you go to them saturday clubs
113.
do you feel if you hadn’t swapped to rugby league and you had kept with the
rugby union training 3 times a week and may be not playing, would you have had the
chance with as you say rhymney division one which is a high standard or rugby union
in Wales
114.
um, no i don’t think i would of got any opportunities, i think i would have
started doubting myself, um, probably wouldn’t have put the effort in gym wise and
training wise i thought i would slowly just be playing rugby a a social level which isn’t
what i wanted to do
A
115.
so you are still looking to playing at that performance level?
116.
yeah, still trying to sort of push up to as high as i can
117.
yeah definitely - right moving on
118.
no i don’t regret the decision at all i mean it’s given me the chance to play
more rugby um which i wasn’t getting obviously in my first year and socially they
were much more excepting as a social scene than in the rugby union side i felt
people are more excepting and yeah, as well i feel made me a better player and has
given me more confidence playing...
119.
A,C
similar to the boys they are looking at it from a performance aspect where
they came from that high level rugby union where they’ve trained all the time you’ve
come from where you’ve just played college rugby so you play for the enjoyment of
playing rugby would you say?
120.
yeah, pretty much
121.
so you’d be viewed as more of a social player than these boys so obviously
that would effect that you weren’t getting this playing time in rugby union - um so with
rugby league your getting more chance to have playing time?
122.
um, yeah i mean i’d say i’m a social player i mean i want to play as highest as
possible but the fact that even if i can’t they’ve got a second team in the rugby
league side is there for social players even if your not great you get to play i think it is
a good thing because you don’t get anything like any set up then at UWIC
123.
C,A
yeah like you say you don’t think that clicky atmosphere is within the rugby
league structure at all?
124.
no, not at all
125.
moving on now - do you feel comfortable all within the structure of the rugby
league club - so with the players the way its run or, or not - however it may be?
126.
um, in my first year i really enjoyed it um, we had a good captain who liked
organising stuff he really went out of his way to make sure that everyone who came
into the squad, especially all the freshers who came in they made that extra effort to
welcome you to, you know to explain things, that extra time at the beginning of a
game espcially we were coming from rugby union we didn't;t have a clue how to play
rugby league
A,C
127.
yeah (laughing)
128.
they really made the effort in training to explain stuff and the difference is what
was expected from us both attacking and defending defensively but not from that
they also um, introduced us to all three years at university,made new mates that we
probably wouldn’t have even made being stuck in the freshers team at rugby union
um, however like in the second year with my university career in league it was a bit
unstructured we didn’t have a coach there week in week out and sometimes it was
like player run, which obviously is alright from a social side but from a coaching side
it just find of tough as they train as well and they are trying to make sessions and the
boys didn’t respond to him very well it was disruptive but um, in our last year now i’m
playing we’ve got a full time coach in he’s, he’s managed to be a bit more disciplined
to the team and now as well as playing at high level we are now getting the top level
coaching as well which, and he’s also pushing us to play for um, you know league
teams up here that are in the championships for higher, they have also set up links
for us with semi-professional teams which is also a big bonus for us
A,C
129.
so you feel more comfortable going back towards that performance
background where you’ve come from?
130.
yeah
131.
and you feel a lot more at ease than within this structure then is it?
132.
yeah, yeah definitely
133.
cool moving on
134.
yeah, i think rugby league just provided the best of both worlds for me i mean
it has provided me with the social um, environment which i have been accepted in
and i have been able to do what i want but um it has also provide me with lots of
opportunities like um, to play sort of higher level or to play for good clubs around, to
play with good university students and yeah i think i have really thrived upon that sort
of thing
135.
A,C
yeah, the social side of rugby league is um was a lot better than the rugby
union side ever was in my first year so um, yeah
136.
A,C
so you say you just feel a lot more comfortable, a lot more at place within the
rugby league set up than the rugby union is it?
137.
yeah, yeah definitely
138.
they make more of an effort to make you feel welcome and introduce you and
um, even if your not like the best player in the world they will let you come in train you
and explain to you the rules of the game and then they will invite you to the socials
and try and get you involved in that and having fun
139.
A,C
i think that is a big thing of rugby league that they sort of went out to you they
bring you in rather than constantly trying to find out when training was whether i was
playing or not, i mean there was games that i was supposed to be in but i wasn’t
told about in rugby union because i wasn’t in the right click of boys so i wasn’t
told i was in match 15 but i didn’t know i went home for the weekend
A,C
140.
cool - right thank you very much boys stop it there.
As was mentioned previously the transcripts have been coded to ensure the reader can
identify with the text used within the study. The same principles were used within the second
focus group interview. This can be seen below.
Appendix C- Focus Group Interview Two.
1. so we’re just going to go from left to right, so how old are you?
2. 20
3. 20
4. 21 boy
5. how and when did you start playing rugby?
6. when i was about 8, um back in South Wales in Camarthen
7. cool
8. i started playing rugby when i was about 7 at llandaff rugby club still playing for them
but also for UWIC university
9. i was playing when i was 10 at Haverford rugby club
10. cool so how long did you say you were playing rugby union?
11. err, for about 12 years now
12. cool
13. 13 years now
14. err, 18 years then i came to university and played rugby league
15. cool, good stuff how did you get into rugby union, was it through your family or
friends?
16. it was through school, as i mean playing through school back home and one of the
coaches had a link to the club and i went in through that way
17. so you learnt through the school structure?
18. a couple of my mates decided to join llandaff and i was in primary school and then
they asked me to come along so i thought i would give it ago and i...
19. just got in it through your friends
20. yeah,yeah
21. i got through in the school touch rugby competition and then and asked to play for the
rugby team
22. cool so um, prior playing rugby league in uni, you’ve always played rugby union
which is just rugby union yeah?
23. before...
24. yeah, before coming to uni
25. yeah just playing in uni before but yeah tend to leave it now because of university
26. yeah
27. same as me i played in union and then as soon as i came to uni i started playing
rugby league
28. same really, played union until all the way up to university and then came to UWIC
and decided that i fancied playing rugby league
29. yeah, why would you say you’ve always played rugby union?
30. just been, well it is really, its just been available down in South Wales the structures
of the union down there
31. yeah, excellent
32. same here like they wernt a team available for league i started watching the world
cup here years ago so i thought i would give it ago up in uni
33. yeah
34. er, same really the structure down in south wales only the beginning of last year did
they introduce an rugby league team down in west wales apart from that its always
been union
35. so of course you all say that where i come from is all rugby union culture there isn’t
much chance for league?
36. yeah,yeah
37. definitely
38. yeah, theres no league where i’m from at all
39. no
40. and its not that far away
41. what about you boys?
42. yeah, it started off as a couple of local teams that i thought i would join them to gain
more experience a bit more
43. yeah down west wales as i say theres only a rugby union set up, only a rugby league
team set up in Carmarthen but thats a fair drive away from where i’m from
44. yeah
45. its not very ideal, even though they are trying to make rugby league popular in wales,
they still need bigger stand up a bigger set up
46. so um, growing up in school you say there was, there was no chance for you to play
rugby league - no?
47. no, no like there was no teams available there was no clubs when i was younger it
was all union
48. cool, yeah
49. yeah, yeah definitely
50. yeah i only got introduced to rugby league when i came to university apart from
watching the odd game on television
51. yeah, so what level of rugby union have you played previous to playing rugby
league?
52. er, i got county and south west wales level
E
53. yeah, so that’s of semi-professional structure?
54. yeah, yeah
55. so with that how many times were you training?
56. er, probably around four times a week
57. so you were playing rugby union four times a week training more than before rugby
league?
58. yeah
59. excellent, thank you
60. i was at county level i represented Cardiff Blues under 16s and 18s so um that
was quite a high level
E
61. so you were involved in professional rugby union club before you came to rugby
league?
62. basically yeah i was training 3/4 times a week um, playing on the saturday or the
friday night and the friday nights were an experience, then going to llandaff as well i
was training literally everyday and playing at least twice a week so
E
63. so before playing rugby league it was just rugby union all the time, and that was it?
64. yeah,
65. i played district level rugby union as well and um, i played district level all the way
through the age groups club rugby and never had played rugby league just trained
say three times a week and then twice a week with school and for the club and then
we played then once every month for the district
E
66. excellent moving on, was it the final moment when you deciding that you were going
to play rugby league and if so can you tell me about it?
67. er, well when i first came to UWIC i didn’t really fancy playing again with the whole
‘clickiness’ of the university so i just sort of left it and realised that there was a league
team available anyway, and i saw on the website that there was a team available and
just went from there really
A,C
68. so it just took off from there?
69. yeah, yeah for a long time then just carried on going
70. cool, thank you, so come back to what we mentioned about club in a bit - was there a
defining moment when you decided to play rugby league if so can you tell me about
it?
71. well i was at the freshers fayre at UWIC and i saw all these what i thought were
bran new heads if you want to call them, bran new union kit i don’t want to be a
part of that i want to play a sport up here i don’t want to be a part of that
A,C
72. no
73. so i thought they’ve got a rugby league team i’m interested in rugby league it’s quite a
good sport to watch, it looks physical, powerful good fitness based so i thought i’d go
for it in uni then so just through the freshers fayre and the coaches seemed good at
the freshers fayre so
A,B,C
74. er yeah, well before even coming to UWIC i heard about the rugby union culture
at UWIC and how it had a bit of a bad reputation for boys trying to be bigger
than they actually are so it kind of made me want to change, you play rugby
union for so long you get a bit bored of it I fancied a new challenge so I knew rugby
league was the new way forward for me and since then i haven’t looked back
A,C
75. sure how would you say people have reacted to you switching codes to rugby
league?
76. um, yeah in the beginning it was a bit of a surprise because i’ve always played union
and also where i’m from theres no league so they have seen in on tv a few times but
nothing like this, my old man was a follower and i just said i enjoy it and it keeps me
fit theres no problems theres no hard feelings at all
A
77. cool, excellent
78. well my dad has taken to it very well, he knows that it’s fitnessed based and things
like that at the rugby club at the start i had a bit of banter with the llandaff boys but
um they were like “rugby league” or whatever stuff like that and i was like aw yeah
ok, i started talking about the trial and they were laughing so they were just growing
to it and also it is helping my union game for Llandaff
A
79. yeah, cool
80. At the start my dad was a bit weary about me going into league he quite fancied me
carrying on and pursuing rugby union but after coming to watch a couple of games
for the league team he warmed to the idea and he started watching it quite regularly
on the tv and is quite interested in it due to me playing it
81. cool, right going back to the comment you made earlier i noticed that some of you
made the point, you said the structure of the rugby union club at university had this
sort of ethos with new students, you say face fits, what was you mentioning earlier?
82. well you known as stated before before we came there was a big cccc at UWIC on
the union side they had all these like high class coaches and top level students that
were full of it really and it seemed like you had to be a certain level to get in there the
whole ethos wasn’t very friendly, once your in your in but to get in it was bitter i
A
suppose but it was just a face fit, got guys that have got big egos coming in and
didn’t want to be a part of it really thats why league its more relaxed, keep fit and to
enjoy yourself really
A,B,C
83. yeah yeah, so you still wanted to play for enjoyment but still play rugby with the
thought of you obviously didn’t necessary come from a big club you only lived in
Wales and your face might not fit was it, that whole structure of like you say ‘the lads
‘ or whatever was it
84. yeah well as i said like um, i didn’t come from a big academy or anything like that in a
way they wouldn’t look at you twice if you didn’t come from an academy or something
which i thought was a bit selfish bit egotistic really isn’t it
A
85. yeah, so
86. yeah i came along to league and they don’t really care where your from you’ve never
played league before and they still accept you, they take you in and train you up to
be a good player
C
87. I played for the blues 16s and 18s and the UWIC backs coach now is actually my
head coach back in the blues under 16s so he tried to cokes me and play for the
freshers bla bla bla but i went to the freshers thing and there was 120 in the
squad
E,A,C
88. yeah
89. and that really put me off so i wouldn’t be playing every week i would be playing
once every four weeks or something like that so there would be five or six players
in the same position as you and you wouldn’t have the same team every week so
90. so you would say, you came from a semi-professional background you played
regularly, you trained all the time for rugby union and you said there was 120 in the
squad and you didn’t think that you would be playing regularly did that influence your
decision to swap codes?
91. yes, definitely because
A,B
92. its all about playing is it?
93. yeah, i just want to play rugby week in week out comfortably but not in a team like
that so
94. how did you feel when you would be training but you wouldn’t be playing that often
how did that make you feel?
95. it was, it was just the confidence in playing rugby union at UWIC was just, just went
down the drain to be honest
C
96. just dipped completely?
97. yeah,
98. would you say with your confidence dipping with all these players here, would you
say that made you lose your sense of identity as a rugby player?
99. yeah, yeah definitely but
100.
obviously that then made you want to swap codes then
101.
yeah, it looked good, i went to watch the rugby league game up here before i
B
started playing and training for them and it looked really good and i want to be a part
of that, so i joined the league and i haven’t looked back since
102.
yeah thank you and would you say that the rugby union structure as the boys
have said it influenced your decision to play rugby league as you mentioned it earlier
103.
yeah, because even before coming to university i heard about the reports set
up about how the players are not getting a fair chance and um, just the whole
coaching set as well and i thought even before coming to university i thought i fancy
trying something different and i wanted to try something new so i thought by going to
university rugby league is a better option for me
104.
the points the boys made about if your face didn’t fit did you feel that had,
maybe your face didn’t fit was you worried about that?
A,C
105.
yeah
106.
you might not play regularly
107.
yeah definitely, because er, there would be so many other players in your
position that you wouldn’t get a fair opportunity obviously trying to get people to play
all the time you’d only have the odd game a year and i personally feel like i need to
be playing every week and with rugby league had that option for me
108.
yeah, so when your playing every week you feel more of a player is it?
109.
yeah i feel i have got more of an identity within the team like i feel like i’m part
A,C
of the
110.
good team set up feel more positive and you just love playing as part of that
team then good camaraderie between everyone
111.
C
cool excellent right moving on are you happy with your decision to swap
codes to rugby league?
112.
yeah, yeah like i said it’s much more relaxed you can have a bit of banter with
the boys and not feel like threatened by them sort of thing you can just enjoy yourself
its good fun, its a good fast pace playing game, faster than union more fitness
involved as well and you get to smash people that the boys smash in union you can
only smash arm and leg which is boring
113.
yeah
114.
so in a way i just enjoy it because its more fitness classed based isn’t it
115.
i just love the ethos within the group compared to union it’s just more laid back
A,B,C
B
a more chilled out group other than little groups in the union so, the training sessions
are good theres not many obviously but there are two or three training sessions
which is perfect for me so um, its great, great atmosphere playing rugby league
116.
are you happy about your decision to swap codes?
117.
yeah, definitely happier as soon as you turn up to the first training session
they get everyone involved, you get together then you go on a big team social then
A,C
everyone gets together nicknames are made and you just feel part of a good team
set up, obviously playing rugby league theres less rules which suits a lot of players
you get to feel more of a man as some people would say making all these big
tackles, obviously taking all these big tackles as well you feel as if you can take them
118.
A,B,C
excellent yeah I noticed that some of you have made points about more or a
man or you get to smash people like I’ll come back to that point
119.
firstly, would you feel comfortable within the structure of the rugby league club
with the way its run and the way you are treated?
120.
yeah, yeah definitely i mean theres clear run, coach run even more relaxed
again but you can go ahead and talk to the coaches and give your point of view
across you can meet up with them if you’ve got any troubles so yeah definitely feel
comfortable within there
121.
C
yeah, you just feel theres more friendly atmosphere in there but still can be
competitive?
122.
yeah, yeah definitely were in the South premier league aren’t we, in the firsts
competing there so definitely competing at a high standard with a more relaxed
culture
123.
C
so that still suits you playing at a high level but you like to have a laugh with
it?
124.
yeah definitely, yeah yeah
125.
cool
126.
I totally agree it s a great laugh with the rugby league boys but at the same
time we are competing week in week out for a high competition in bucs and its good
to know that we are competing highly and we are in the top three so...
127.
earlier on you were making the point, like you said you were playing for the
Cardiff Blues right up through the age groups
A,B,C
128.
yeah
129.
and with ruby league you were trialed with wales students was it?
130.
yeah
131.
can you tell me more about this, Is it a similar sort of level, trying to get that
high level game?
132.
um, with the Cardiff Blues i got a trail for 3 weeks which was, it was strenuous
but finally getting in there was a big achievement for me with student wales rugby
league we had this one trial and half of it got rained off so er, didn’t really have
chance to show the coaches what i’m really made of but i’m still looking to hear back
of the coach so, the moment i thought the union side was a better set up to high level
but if i go further in league i go further in league so...
133.
C,E
yeah but like you said the structure of the club with rugby league there are
chances to go to a higher level
134.
yeah definitely, by looking at the likes of Quiny he’s know been picked up by
south wales scorpians so um, its obviously going well like and anyone can get picked
up from university as well
135.
right, moving on do you feel comfortable within the structure of the rugby
league club?
136.
yeah definitely um like i said before the team morality is brilliant, coaching set
up as well we coach by each other player coach, everyone knows each other and
everyone gets involved and you don’t feel silly to ask for their opinions whereas it
seems in union some of the boys were pretty afraid to ask their coach what they
might be able to improve on just incase they got slated but um, got to say in league
its brilliant we play to a high standard obviously even though we are coached lead
think it was 8 players that were 4 nation students last year um, it just shows we are a
good team and we can perform to the highest level um, and the rugby league keeps
going from strength to strength every year
A,C
137.
so you’ve all said you are happy with your decision to swap codes to play
rugby league would you say that playing rugby league is improving your levels of
rugby union?
138.
i would really, definitely because as its a much faster game than before so like
your getting the ball quicker, your more aware on the ball so you transfer to union
and its a slow pace game you get even more time on the ball again so definitely
improving that way and also the tackling and the physical side because i mean the
tackling is much more one to one within league so theres definite improvement there
as well
A,B
139.
well done
140.
i like the pace with league it gives you more time and gives you more options
if you hold the ball in two hands like if you go one way or the other the other way then
they won’t know its the same with union but you are more crammed and because its
obviously more players things like that so um, but with the tacking structure in league
its completely different like with union you’ve got to start at 6 things like that but in
union its continuous continuous but it can be quite strenuous
141.
B
so um, the skills set you within different structures its rugby league so it’s
different rules different tactics compared to union its a different experience does that
set out experience within the rugby union game, does it help?
142.
with the fitness base it definitely helping me in union my handling skills are
improving as well, um, and obviously my pace is continuously improving with playing
league and union and union games
143.
B
um, yeah obviously with rugby league my tackling technique has really
improved although sometimes when you go back to play union i, when i go back
home i have been pinned up a few times because obviously there are different rules
between rugby league and rugby union and in general my fitness levels compared to
when i was playing rugby union on its on form have improved dramatically um, i just
love the game rugby league even though i started off as a winger and now
playing as a forward theres not much difference, i mean i may have gained a little
weight but still perform to a pretty good level
B
144.
so the point you were making earlier you say you get to smash people
145.
yeah
146.
you get to show your masculinity within rugby league, do you feel rugby
league is more of a mans game, would you say its tougher?
147.
yeah definitely i mean like i said the tackle is more based on wrapping the ball
up hitting upper body hard so you just feel much more masculine when you get in
there and get a good hit and a good sound of a hit
148.
yeah
149.
whereas in union you have got to go on the legs normally with league its
B
more of a firm upper body hard hitting stuff because we are league
150.
yeah good stuff do you feel anything similar to that or...
151.
yeah, yeah its very much more physical like at least two players in a
B
tackle um they give you a run up basically in defense so it just gets you more
motivated and gives you more of an option to hit them
152.
yeah
153.
hit them hard hit them low whatever, but definitely yeah, i think theres more
masculinity
154.
excellent
155.
yeah, obviously masculinity is within the player of rugby league because
B
theres amount of chances you need to make are a big tackle on someone which
has increased as you get more opportunity to go on the pitch and tackle obviously
there are less rules within rugby league so you can make certain tackles that
you would not be able to in union which would get you pinned up and um, thats
about it really
B
156.
so um, i noticed you say you used to play winger, the backs within rugby
union, sometimes you play in the forwards in rugby league and you said thats similar
but within rugby league you play anywhere as you say would you have different
forms of masculinity i know you say its gives you more masculinity do you enjoy
playing in the forwards you used to play in the backs as you said
157.
obviously as a back you don’t really tend to get as much of the ball and
being as part of the forward makes you a bigger player as well and being a
forward in rugby league you have to take more tackles as well as to make a lot
more tackles which i enjoy myself my ability to take a tackle now has improved by
playing with rugby league you have to deal with tackles and ones that are made on
you and yeah in general your masculinity does improve just by playing rugby league I
believe
158.
B
excellent thank you very much boys, stop there.