Center for European Policy Analysis April 2, 2013 Report No. 35: Visegrád Defense Cooperation: From Mutual Support to Strengthening NATO and the EU. A Polish Perspective By Robert Kupiecki I n June 2012, Poland took over the rotational annual presidency of the Visegrád Group (V4).1 The V4 is the cooperation platform of four Central European states: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Since its creation at the beginning of the 1990s, the Group has grown from the position of a systemic transformation and transatlantic integration engine for its member states to a promoter of practical and multidimensional regional cooperation. It is currently deeply anchored in mechanisms, projects and priority objectives of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). In terms of V4 defense cooperation, increasing synergies between member states’ capabilities build-up is perhaps the key focal issue of the Group. coordination. With a few small exceptions, there are no formal governing bodies within the Group. Its operational capacity is based on clear lines of communication among member states and the trust the rotational presidency is endowed with. The high-level meetings’ conclusions, supported by dedicated thematic working groups provide political guidance and proper implementation mechanisms. Thus, the four countries’ ownership is guaranteed during all stages of the process. On the Way to NATO and the EU: The Security and Defense Dimension The identity of the Visegrád Group in the area of security and defense was forged in the parallel processes of the V4 member states’ accession to NATO and the EU. This was a fundamental goal of our four states in the 1990s. The underlying process, as a part of a profound transformation of state structures, policies and procedures, also required the modernization of the entire defense systems of our countries. It included mainly the introduction of civilian control of the military, as well as a comprehensive organizational and technological transformation of the armed forces. The process was supported by the preparatory mechanisms developed by NATO, including the “Partnership for Peace” program. Equally important were regional consultations and the sharing of good The day-to-day activities of the V4 follow a process-based philosophy and avoid temptation to over-institutionalize its strategic orientation and The Visegrád Group was formally established by a Declaration signed on February 15th, 1991 by the Presidents of Poland, Hungary and then Czechoslovakia: Lech Wałęsa, Josef Antall and Vaclav Havel. The Declaration reaffirmed the will for enhancing regional political, economic, defense and social cooperation and its coordination with the European institutions. Following the break-down of Czechoslovakia into two sovereign states on January 1, 1993, the Czech Republic and Slovakia became V4 members. 1 Dr. Robert Kupiecki is Deputy Minister of Defense at the Polish Ministry of Defense, and former Ambassador of Poland to the United States. 1 Center for European Policy Analysis practices, organized within the Visegrád Group. The Group’s informal profile facilitated an efficient exchange of experience on all aspects of our reform process, and served to build trust among its members. soft-power potential. They highly value the indispensable bond between Europe and the United States. Security considerations play a major part in this shared perspective. Among others, the Visegrád countries highlighted this prior to the 2012 NATO Chicago Summit in the joint Declaration of the Ministers of Defense and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs “Responsibility for a Strong NATO” (April 6th, 2012), in the Litomerice Declaration of the Ministers of Defense (May 4th, 2012), as well as in the Joint Statement of March 6th, 2013, by the V4 Ministers of Defense and their French and German colleagues. The Visegrád countries share a very similar perspective on Euro-Atlantic security. The V4 also played a key role in supporting Slovakia’s NATO accession, as the country was not included in the first wave of NATO enlargement in 1999 — it was a goal of the Polish-Czech-Slovak brigade formed in 2001-2005. All V4 states agree that whenever NATO accepts new responsibilities, it must remain capable of delivering on its fundamental mission as set out in Article 5 of the Washington Treaty. This position is clearly reflected in the newest NATO Strategic Concept adopted by the Heads of State and Government in Lisbon in 2010. The Visegrád Group believes that it is crucial to match these political declarations with NATO’s military credibility. Thus, NATO defense planning needs to retain highest quality, and be reflected in existing military capabilities. This is of particular importance today, when economic austerity has forced many allies to cut their defense budgets. We expect collective defense to be properly reflected not only in resources and capabilities, but also in the allies’ policies for the interoperability of NATO forces, so vividly demonstrated in many operations throughout the last two decades. Even more so, given that in 2014 NATO plans to wind-up its International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) operation in Afghanistan, which has been the vehicle for interoperability build-up and its ultimate test for over a decade. And last, but not least, what binds capabilities, training and interoperability is proper NATO infrastructure, wisely reflecting the geographical diversity of the allies, and ready to V4 Contributions to Euro-Atlantic Security The year 2004 — marked by Slovakia’s accession to NATO and the subsequent membership of all four countries in the EU — changed the orientation of the Group, as the Visegrád countries’ key objective of integration within the Euro-Atlantic structures had been achieved. Consequently, their main focus has shifted to making effective and creative contributions to strengthening NATO and the EU, as these two organizations became primary instruments for the security and defense policies of all V4 states. The Visegrád countries share a very similar perspective on Euro-Atlantic security. They want an effective NATO capable of defending its allies and projecting security wherever legal basis, political consent and the security interests of all allies permit. They are interested in a gradual development of the EU’s role in the field of defense and security corresponding to its growing 2 Center for European Policy Analysis receive augmentation forces and serve out-of-area deployments. There is no glass wall separating these two missions. operations in Iraq after 2003, most of them under Polish command and as a part of the Center-South Division. And as we display solidarity toward others we expect it from our allies as well. The Visegrád Group pursues close cooperation in matters of the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy The financial crisis in Europe and the United (CSDP) as well. We are certain that States poses one of the key challenges it can strengthen the global position to our security today. of the EU in a cost and policy-wise way, while avoiding unnecessary duplication of NATO programs and initiatives. It is of key importance to adopt a more The V4 countries are also committed to the effective, combined military and civilian approach to promotion of further enlargement of NATO and crisis management, to improve operational planning the EU, and to both organizations’ partnership and execution mechanisms, and to develop policies. In the past, they have supported candidate capabilities through multinational projects. The V4 countries in both organizations, in particular the is also interested in enhancing the competitiveness Baltic States and the Balkan countries, and have of the European defense industry. The process shared their own transformation experience. And should benefit the entire sector, including small and they continue to support NATO’s and EU’s openmedium-sized enterprises, help in technological door policy today. With regard to the partnership progress on an EU-wide scale and provide access policy, the Group’s priority within NATO is to to new technologies. All these matters are develop relations with the Eastern European discussed and debated within the Visegrád Group countries, especially NATO’s special partners Russia, in preparation for the EU Summit this December, Ukraine and Georgia. From the V4 perspective, the where the Heads of State will take-up security and development of these relationships must aim at defense issues for the first time since 2008. building transparency and trust in defense (Russia) and at supporting the transition of the security and Active involvement of the V4 states in NATO and defense sectors (Ukraine and Georgia). Within the the EU includes their participation in multinational EU, V4 states are involved in the Eastern Partnership operations, including the most demanding one and in the cooperation effort with the Western in Afghanistan. During KFOR in Kosovo, the V4 Balkan countries.2 The Visegrád Group agrees that accounted for approximately seven percent of all continued enlargement of NATO and the EU, and forces; during the EU’s military operation Althea in the organizations’ cooperation with partners in Bosnia and Herzegovina — for close to 13 percent; the neighboring regions, are good investments in and for about 10 percent in Mali, Africa. Poland, the European and global security and stability. Czech Republic and Hungary take part in NATO’s Air Policing mission for the Baltic States, and Hungary 2 The Eastern Partnership Initiative is EU’s program for will support neighboring Slovenia as of 2013. All cooperation with Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, the V4 countries also took part in stabilization Azerbaijan and Armenia, set up in 2009 on the initiative of Poland and Sweden. 3 Center for European Policy Analysis Enhancing Defense Cooperation more than $40 billion on capabilities development, from short- and mid-range air and missile defense, through command and control systems, to other projects for all services. The magnitude of the Polish defense efforts not only invites open-minded cooperation with interested and technologically capable foreign partners, but prompts concrete actions to synergize and facilitate a cost-effective approach to our regional defense cooperation. The only limit to joint or coordinated V4 capability build-up is our ability to fully grasp the existing opportunity and translate it into common projects. The current financial crisis in Europe and the United States poses one of the key challenges to our security these days. Significant reductions of defense budgets have pushed NATO and the EU to seek multinational solutions in the development of defense capabilities and to take advantage of opportunities offered by regional cooperation. In 2010–2011, decisions were made to implement two initiatives: NATO’s “Smart Defense” and the EU’s “Pooling and Sharing.” They provide for the development of military capabilities, jointly funded by groups of member states and ensure mutually guaranteed access for other nations to commonly developed defense capabilities. The V4 nations have supported these initiatives from the beginning. They should, however, by no means be used as an excuse for further cuts in defense budgets or for eliminating military capabilities necessary for responding to large-scale traditional threats. Multinational cooperation in developing defense capabilities is never easy. It requires an ability to set common objectives, followed by negotiations and the implementation of changes in legislation, procedures and doctrines. It is exposed to a number of challenges: political (maintenance of sovereignty and protection of the national industry), legal (regulations which rule out cooperation), financial (scarce funds available and avoiding a free-rider effect) The only limit to joint V4 capability build-up is our and military (guaranteed access to defense ability to fully grasp the existing opportunity capabilities and security and translate it into common projects. of supplies). However, the ultimate wisdom of regional defense projects, is based The reduction of defense budgets has become a in a negative sense on preventing the erosion of trend in many European countries as well as in the underfunded national capabilities and in a positive United States. In Poland, however, legal provisions sense, on the assumption of a certain cost-benefit which allocate a certain percentage of Gross ratio and the positive impact regionally developed Domestic Product (GDP) to defense (1.95 percent), capabilities will have on NATO and the EU. combined with stable economic growth, have guaranteed regular increase of defense spending. V4 Multinational Projects This solution ensures predictability and stability of The V4 has performed in-depth reviews of national funding for our armed forces, including their midmilitary modernization plans. The most promising and long-term modernization. We are also steadily areas of cooperation include ammunition, transforming the structure of our budget by cutting countering improvised explosive devices, armored consumption costs and increasing modernization fighting vehicles, individual soldier equipment and funds. Within the next decade we plan to spend 4 Center for European Policy Analysis arms, and integrated command and support and battlefield imaging systems. We expect specific programs to be identified shortly. The main criterion in selecting such projects is their ability to fill gaps in the national capability development plans. Using this as a starting point, we will further identify projects likely to enhance cooperation in other areas, involving all phases of their development — from research, through manufacture to their operational stage. This approach will serve to bolster the interoperability of our armed forces, joint exercises, training and logistics. Polish Air Force Academy in Dęblin, with a view to complete the process and begin the instructor training in early 2014. The new cyber defense projects that will be launched as part of the Smart Defense initiative are also on our radar screen. This too is a job for a V4 task force, as we want to make sure that these efforts are complementary and provide for synergies of our national efforts. In addition, the existing threats to our operational engagement have raised our awareness of the need to identify solutions for protecting soldiers against IEDs. And finally, given the geographic proximity and joint participation in NATO and EU operations, the V4 will also seek opportunities for logistical cooperation. Smart Defense and Pooling and Sharing Projects An important portion of the Polish V4 Presidency has been focused on identifying ways and means for joint V4 participation in NATO Smart Defense and EU Pooling and Sharing projects. In different configurations, the V4 countries participate in nine ongoing Smart Defense projects and are working together to establish seven more. We see huge potential in the Multinational Chemical, Biological Radiological and Nuclear Defense Battalion (MN CBRN Bn), as well as in shared logistics, the development of a training network for forward air controllers, cyber defense, counter-IED technologies, air defense and helicopter training. Training and Exercises Joint training and exercises have been identified as another priority for V4 cooperation. As a result, the Visegrád countries will contribute to the development of the Connected Forces Initiative (CFI) approved at the 2012 NATO Summit in Chicago. The objective of the CFI is to intensify education, training and joint exercises in order to ensure that allies maintain their interoperability and ability to execute a broad range of operations after the end of the ISAF mission. Poland is the lead country in the MN CBRN Bn. In Fall 2012, the Group agreed on the scope of the project and confirmed the declared allocation of national elements to the battalion. The battalion is expected to reach military readiness in 2016, and it should be deployable in NATO and EU exercises and operations — among others as part of the NATO Response Force. In addition to the V4 countries, the project will include Romania, Italy and Slovenia. The V4 nations agree that the allies’ exercises should take many forms, including the LIVEX formula, which involves the participation of active troops. In particular, we endorse the proposal to organize the annual NATO Response Force (NRF) exercise in such a format. Joint exercises should also support the pursuit of so-called visible assurance, for instance by selecting different areas of the NATO territory, including some in Central Europe. In this regard, we are satisfied that our region will soon host two major exercises: “Steadfast Jazz” 2013 in Poland is also working to create a regional multinational training center for forward air controllers (JTAC) at the training center of the 5 Center for European Policy Analysis Poland and Latvia, NATO’s biggest training initiative so far, which will be key for forging the practical aspects of the CFI; and “Capable Logistician” 2013 in Slovakia, which will test the performance of NATO support units and their partners, including those from Russia. In the future, we will consider the participation of the Visegrád Battlegroup in regional, EU and NATO exercises, including CFI exercises. We are also considering a potential continuation of the Battlegroup after the 2016 rotation by ensuring its regular participation in EU Battlegroup rotations, possibly with a two-year cycle. Ultimately, it could give rise to joint military contingents deployable in future crisis response operations. The Visegrád Group is also considering how to better use and provide access to national training infrastructure, and to offer participation in national exercises to other allies. For instance, Poland is ready to invite other countries to take part in the biannual exercise of the combined forces “Anaconda” (with upcoming editions in 2014 and 2016), which have already involved units from, among others, the United States and Canada. The formation of the Battlegroup will certainly be a driving force for operational, logistical and training cooperation among our countries. The process should serve to reinforce the interoperability of our armed forces and to foster further cooperation. High-Level Political Commitment As part of the CFI, we will also strive to better use NATO’s military infrastructure and the Centers of Excellence located in our countries. In this context, Poland sees potential for enhancing the role of the Multinational Corps Northeast in Szczecin in the practical implementation of the CFI. As it groups all four Visegrád countries, the Corps could become a regional CFI center. The growing intensity of V4 defense cooperation is a result of the deliberate, strategic choice of V4 leaders. It is based on the assumption that increased defense cooperation will yield benefits well beyond our armed forces. It could contribute, inter alia, to the strengthening of industrial ties as well as to boosting cooperation in the areas of research and development. V4 Battlegroup In June 2012, when Poland took over the V4 Presidency from the Czech Republic, Polish President Bronisław Komorowski and Prime Minister Donald Tusk proposed that defense becomes one of the priority areas for V4 cooperation. This idea received strong political support from our partners and as a result V4 defense cooperation has been given high political prominence and visibility. The creation of an EU Battlegroup, to be operational in 2016, is a major regional project of the V4. The letter of intent was signed during the Polish V4 Presidency and Poland will be the lead country providing key capabilities (command and tactical such, among others). The Battlegroup will be composed of around three thousand soldiers, half of them from Poland. In operational terms, the Battlegroup is expected to be an independent tactical unit with intelligence and logistical capabilities ready for independent operations in a hostile environment and rapidly deployable. It will be implementing the EU Rapid Reaction Force concept. Most recently, on March 6th, 2013, the V4 Heads of State and Government met in Warsaw with the President of France and the Chancellor of Germany. Prior to that meeting, the Defense Ministers met to discuss defense cooperation and their findings were then presented to the Heads of State. The 6 Center for European Policy Analysis joint statement adopted by the ministers at these meetings confirms the willingness of the six countries to contribute to the development of European defense capabilities to strengthen NATO and the EU. In order to cope with the challenges of the global financial crisis, the states are ready to make better use of different mechanisms for regional cooperation, including the V4 and the Weimar Triangle. Smart Defense and Pooling and Sharing will also remain the main areas to look to for greater synergy in multinational defense cooperation. Smart Defense and Pooling and Sharing initiatives, we have identified projects for future synergies. Training and exercises will also be an important part of our cooperation, and to this aim, we will rely on the Szczecin Corps and the preparations for the EU Battlegroup in 2016. We are certain that a stronger Visegrád Group means a stronger NATO and EU. This is the overarching objective of all our efforts, and we want them to be congruent with the European capability development. This has been demonstrated among others by the presence of the leaders of France and Germany and their Defense Ministers at the March 2013 V4 Summit in Warsaw. Their debates frame security and defense within a larger vision for the future of Europe, which is also clearly reflected in the V4 Declaration “Cooperation in Developing Capabilities, and Solidarity in Sharing Responsibilities,” issued by the Visegrád countries’ Ministers of Defense. The Declaration sends a clear political signal of support for regional defense cooperation, strengthening the vision of Europe secure, whole and free. Conclusion Twenty two years since its creation, the Visegrád Group has proved useful both to our four countries and to the other NATO allies and EU member states. A stronger Visegrád Group means a stronger NATO and EU. The V4 facilitated the smooth integration of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary within NATO and the EU, and it passed a solidarity test when Slovakia was not included in the first wave of NATO enlargement in 1999. It has subsequently helped to promote stability and security in Europe’s Southern neighborhood and in the Baltic countries. It has also made an active contribution to the development of NATO and EU cooperation with partner countries, particularly in Eastern Europe. We have recently entered another stage of the Visegrád Group’s development, by taking measures to improve our defense and military contributions to NATO and the EU. This mainly concerns defense capabilities, whose development will increasingly have to rely on regional groups. As part of the 7 Center for European Policy Analysis Annex We wish our defence cooperation to help in achieving the goal of the “NATO Forces 2020” project adopted at the Chicago Summit. Maintaining the allied forces’ interoperability will be a major challenge in this respect, especially since we are all confronted by the termination of ISAF in 2014. NATO intends to meet this challenge through the Connected Forces Initiative, to which we are all committed. We are determined to enhance our cooperation in the realm of military training, education and exercises, as evidenced by our participation in this year’s major NATO exercises: Steadfast Jazz in Poland and Capable Logistician in Slovakia. We support the Alliance exercise policy that covers a wide spectrum of possible military operations. NATO Response Force should be a flagship in this endeavour. Cooperation in Developing Capabilities, Solidarity in Sharing Responsibilities Joint statement of the Ministers of Defense of the Czech Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the French Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland and the Slovak Republic after their meeting in Warsaw. March 6, 2013 While the consequences of the global financial crisis will keep on impacting our military budgets, strengthening multinational defence cooperation is an objective on which we should all focus. We remain committed to work actively on strengthening European defence capabilities that will contribute to the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and the strengthening of NATO. Our cooperation supports the efforts aimed at improving competitiveness of the European defence industry, making it more capable of delivering key military capabilities through technologically advanced projects. To this end, we support a more sustainable, innovative and competitive European Defence Technological and Industrial Base that values small and medium-sized enterprises. Developing capabilities and strengthening the European defence cooperation We are determined to develop military and defence cooperation between our countries and also through the use of regional cooperation mechanisms, including the Visegrad Group (V4) and the Weimar Triangle. The European Air Transport Command (EATC), as well as the Strategic Airlift Capability (SAC) are important examples of pooled resources in a restricted operational and budgetary environment. The “air-to-air refuelling” project led by the European Defence Agency is also a promising new initiative, as well as Multinational Aviation Training Centre (MATC) developed under the auspices of NATO’s “Smart Defence”. We are determined to turn NATO’s “Smart Defence” and the EU’s “Pooling and Sharing” initiative into effective and efficient responses to the decreasing defence spending, at the only condition that it does not become an excuse for any weakening of national defence commitments. Being operationally efficient through flexibility and responsiveness NATO and the EU should work closely together to ensure that their respective initiatives are complementary, mutually reinforcing and focused on delivering the required capabilities, while avoiding unnecessary duplications. We confirm, ten years after CSDP first deployment, our full support to EU military operations and 8 Center for European Policy Analysis civilian missions. They have proven the ability of the EU to act in the field, including on an autonomous basis, and demonstrated their importance within the implementation of a comprehensive approach to tackle complex crises. Mali shows that we live in a world where defending our interests and security will increasingly depend on the ability to launch military operations quickly and effectively. We are in favor of increasing the usability of the EU Battlegroups. The “Weimar Battlegroup”, currently on stand-by, is effective thanks to the military collaboration of Germany, Poland and France. The planned 2016 “Visegrad Battlegroup”, which will gather the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, demonstrates that our forces can be used in multiple yet complementary frameworks. This Report is a publication of the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), a Washington, DC-based research institute devoted to the study of Central and Eastern Europe. Material published in the Article is original, exclusive to CEPA and not reproduced from outside sources. We expect the December 2013 European Council to further guide the overall development of the CSDP including operations, capabilities and industrial areas, as described in the conclusions of the December 2012 European Council. The Foreign Affairs / Defence Council, which will take place on 23 April 2013, represents an important step to maintain the current political dynamic in this regard. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of CEPA. Center for European Policy Analysis 1225 19th Street NW, Suite 450 Washington, DC 20036 www.cepa.org © 2013 by the Center for European Policy Analysis, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. Decisive steps forward have to be made in asserting a common political will to act and to tackle the threats to our security. This should come together with the ability to act together. Our cooperation is a means to improve burden sharing both on a European and on a transatlantic level. 9
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